text:
P. V. Sindhu ecstatic after winning China Open
"By all means, this win is a gentle reminder to all that I am equally focussed on my game after the Olympic silver medal. And, I hope this is just the beginning of a new chapter as I badly needed this win after Rio," P. V. Sindhu told Sportstar from Fuzhou (China).
V. V. Subrahmanyam
Hyderabad 20 November, 2016 19:37 IST
P. V. Sindhu also took pride in the fact that she is the second Indian to win China Open women's singles title after Saina Nehwal won it in 2014. - V. Ganesan
The newly-crowned China Open women's singles champion, P. V. Sindhu, said that it was a special feeling to win her maiden Super Series title and that too after winning the silver medal in the Rio Olympic Games this August.
"Yes, there were many who thought that after winning the Olympic medal, many aspects of my game will go down. But, I proved quite a few of them wrong with this win which is the result of lot of hard work," Sindhu told Sportstar from Fuzhou (China) on Sunday after > beating Sun Yu of China 21-11, 17-21, 21-11 in the women's singles final.
The ace shuttler from India said that winning the China Open also meant fulfilling one of her dreams of picking a Super Series title. "For long, many of my friends and fellow players were asking about when I am going to win this. Now, I have the answer. And, to breach the 'Chinese Wall' in their own backyard is a truly memorable feat," asserted Sindhu.
"Well, after the thrilling semifinal win against Korea's Sung Ji Hyun, after facing three match points, it was decisive when I look back at my performance. But again, I always felt confident even during that tense phase of the semifinal. I knew if I put the shuttle back in the court, which I have done successfully, I always had the chance to win," the 21-year-old said.
Reflecting on the final, Sindhu said she was very happy with her overall performance. "Yes, things went wrong in the second game, but more importantly I fought back in the decider. It was a reminder of my fitness and the ability to raise the bar under pressure," said an elated Sindhu.
"The China Open win is very important ahead of the Hong Kong Open. Right now, I am not sure what is that I have to do to qualify for the year-ending Dubai BWF Super Series. But, I will take it one at a time and not think too much," she said.
When asked whether the prestigious All England will be her next major target after being a two-time World Championship bronze medallist, Olympic medallist and winning the Super Series title, Sindhu said that it would be great if she could win the title early next year. "That would mean a complete list of achievements which is a dream for any badminton player."
Sindhu also took pride in the fact that she happened to be the second Indian to win the China Open women's singles title after Saina Nehwal won it in 2014. "Yes, that is what makes it so memorable. It is a great feeling," she added.
"By all means, this win is a gentle reminder to all that I am equally focussed on my game after the Olympic silver medal. And, I hope this is just the beginning of a new chapter as I badly needed this win after Rio," Sindhu concluded before joining her father P. V. Ramana for celebrations.
ISL 2020-21 news: SC East Bengal hands Bengaluru FC fourth straight defeat
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Warne, Symonds make derogatory remarks about Labuschagne on air, broadcaster apologises
AUS vs IND: India alleges racial abuse from members of the Sydney crowd
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India vs Australia, Sydney Test: Pujara scores slowest Test fifty
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Just call him Benedict Chocobatch.
A team of eight Brits crafted a life-sized chocolate version of "Sherlock" star Benedict Cumberbatch, after he was voted his country's "dishiest" dramatic actor.
The 6-foot-tall cocoa sculpture took the artisans a total of 250 hours to carve out a fitting tribute to the "Imitation Game" actor.
"You can't rush perfection," confection sculptor Tim Simpson said in a statement. "Benedict has such a distinctive look that it was a challenge but a pleasure, to recreate him in chocolate."
Cumberbatch's candy doppelganger is built from 500 bars of Belgian milk chocolate and weighs about 88 pounds.
British broadcaster UKTV commissioned the slightly creepy creation to mark the launch of a new TV channel on Wednesday. It will be on display at London's Westfield Stratford City shopping center on Friday – just in time for Easter.
The real Cumberbatch will next be seen in the Whitey Bulger biopic, "Black Mass," which hits theaters in December.


text:
Q: How to fetch data dynamically from xml file by tag and nested tag using python? I have an xml file details.xml and the xml file looks something like this,
<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<osm version="0.6" generator="Overpass API 0.7.55.7 8b86ff77">
<meta osm_base="2019-08-02T12:21:02Z"/>

<bounds minlat="19.0983000" minlon="72.8890000" maxlat="19.1184000" maxlon="72.9206000"/>

<node id="245670274" lat="19.1000660" lon="72.8961407" version="5" timestamp="2015-10-27T04:31:16Z" changeset="34895909" uid="3339404" user="Anushka&saroj">
<tag k="AND_a_nosr_p" v="10004762"/>
<tag k="name" v="Kulkarni Wadi"/>
<tag k="place" v="locality"/>
<tag k="source" v="AND"/>
</node>

<node id="245670576" lat="19.1030072" lon="72.8885419" version="4" timestamp="2017-11-22T06:20:01Z" changeset="53992152" uid="1306" user="PlaneMad">
<tag k="source" v="AND"/>
</node>

<node id="619199656" lat="19.1023916" lon="72.9200375" version="3" timestamp="2015-07-03T06:26:42Z" changeset="32379895" uid="2897305" user="Ashok09"/>

<way id="353138857" version="2" timestamp="2015-06-12T10:57:15Z" changeset="31917729" uid="2900596" user="harisha">
<nd ref="3589055782"/>
<nd ref="3589055908"/>
<nd ref="3589055924"/>
<nd ref="3589055914"/>
<nd ref="3589055921"/>
<nd ref="3589055916"/>
<nd ref="3589055922"/>
<nd ref="3589055909"/>
<nd ref="3589055913"/>
<nd ref="3589055904"/>
<nd ref="3589055782"/>
<tag k="building" v="yes"/>
</way>
</osm>

I want to fetch all the information inside the 'node' tag and ignore all other things,
for examples in the above xml we have 3 'node' tag and I want all nested(if available else what is available) information from each tag.
The result should look like, if I store those info in a list,
ids=['245670576','245670576','619199656']
lat=['19.1000660','19.1030072','19.1023916']
lon=['72.8961407','72.8885419','72.9200375']
k=[['AND_a_nosr_p','name','place','source'],['source'],[]]
v=[['10004762','Kulkarni Wadi','locality','AND'],['AND'],[]]

How to do it in most efficient way using python ?

A: Extended solution:
import pprint
from xml.etree.ElementTree import ElementTree as ET

tree = ET().parse(source='input.xml')
nodes_data = {}
for node in tree.findall('./node'):
    k = 'node_' + node.attrib['id']   # custom node key
    nodes_data[k] = node.attrib
    tag_attribs = list(zip(*[tag.attrib.items() for tag in list(node)]))
    if not tag_attribs:
        nodes_data[k].update({'k': [], 'v': []})
    else:
        k_items, v_items = zip(*[tag.attrib.items() for tag in list(node)])
        nodes_data[k].update({'k': [t[1] for t in k_items], 'v': [t[1] for t in v_items]})

pprint.pprint(nodes_data)

Actual output:
{'node_245670274': {'changeset': '34895909',
                    'id': '245670274',
                    'k': ['AND_a_nosr_p', 'name', 'place', 'source'],
                    'lat': '19.1000660',
                    'lon': '72.8961407',
                    'timestamp': '2015-10-27T04:31:16Z',
                    'uid': '3339404',
                    'user': 'Anushka&saroj',
                    'v': ['10004762', 'Kulkarni Wadi', 'locality', 'AND'],
                    'version': '5'},
 'node_245670576': {'changeset': '53992152',
                    'id': '245670576',
                    'k': ['source'],
                    'lat': '19.1030072',
                    'lon': '72.8885419',
                    'timestamp': '2017-11-22T06:20:01Z',
                    'uid': '1306',
                    'user': 'PlaneMad',
                    'v': ['AND'],
                    'version': '4'},
 'node_619199656': {'changeset': '32379895',
                    'id': '619199656',
                    'k': [],
                    'lat': '19.1023916',
                    'lon': '72.9200375',
                    'timestamp': '2015-07-03T06:26:42Z',
                    'uid': '2897305',
                    'user': 'Ashok09',
                    'v': [],
                    'version': '3'}}

A: You can use lxml for the job.
It has a findall() method which you can use.
Then you can iterate over it's attrib and parse them into list.

A: I would suggest using

xml.etree.ElementTree

*

*Reference:
https://docs.python.org/3.4/library/xml.etree.elementtree.html
I couldn't get to parsing your copy of xml code. I think this copy has a tag closing problems.
But in general I would use somthing like:
import xml.etree.ElementTree as et

tree = et.parse('PATH TO XML FILE')
root = tree.getroot()

ids = []
lat = []

for element in root.findall('node'):
    id = element.attrib['id']
    ids.append(id)
    lat = element.attrib['lat']
    ids.append(lat)

Mind you that this code was not tested. If there are mistakes in it I apologies.

A: Try this:
import lxml.html

xml  = [your xml above]

tree = lxml.html.fromstring(xml)

ids= tree.xpath('//node/@id')
lat = tree.xpath('//node/@lat')
lon = tree.xpath('//node/@lon')
k = tree.xpath('//node/tag/@k')
v = tree.xpath('//node/tag/@v')

print(ids)
print(lat)
print(lon)
print(k)
print(v)

Output:
['245670274', '245670576', '619199656']
['19.1000660', '19.1030072', '19.1023916']
['72.8961407', '72.8885419', '72.9200375']
['AND_a_nosr_p', 'name', 'place', 'source', 'source']
['10004762', 'Kulkarni Wadi', 'locality', 'AND', 'AND']

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text:
Cull, Baby, Cull – Modern Trends in Data Collection and Analysis
Despite all the attention that e-discovery has received over the last decade, it is still a relatively new part of the litigation process. For those lawyers who were never exposed to e-discovery in law school or their formative years of practice, the systems and products involving data collection and analysis can be overwhelming and complex....
Digital Detectives
Aaron Lawlor
Aaron Lawlor is a Senior Director and Consultant at UnitedLex Corporation. He has spent the past decade addressing his clients'...
Sharon D. Nelson
Sharon D. Nelson, Esq. is president of the digital forensics, managed information technology and cybersecurity firm Sensei Enterprises. Ms....
John W. Simek
John W. Simek is vice president of the digital forensics, managed information technology and cybersecurity firm Sensei Enterprises. He...
Despite all the attention that e-discovery has received over the last decade, it is still a relatively new part of the litigation process. For those lawyers who were never exposed to e-discovery in law school or their formative years of practice, the systems and products involving data collection and analysis can be overwhelming and complex. How much do lawyers need to know about information governance, data collection, data analysis, managed document review, and electronically stored information (ESI)? Alternately, for those practitioners who are already intricately involved in the culling and analysis, how is the technology and process changing?
In this episode of Digital Detectives, Sharon Nelson and John Simek interview e-discovery solutions expert Aaron Lawlor about what is involved with ESI and data collection, current trends in data analysis, and future advances in technology and process. Lawlor urges every litigator to become experienced with the state and federal rules involving e-discovery in order to better serve their clients. He explains the process of researching key players in the case and then collecting, analyzing, and refining their relevant data. In order to facilitate this process, lawyers and data collectors narrow the data set early by a process of visualizing connections and communication mapping. It is important, Lawlor says, for every lawyer to become familiar with e-discovery and data reduction strategies, since they are such significant drivers of litigation costs and outcomes.
Aaron Lawlor is the senior director of Global Legal Solutions at UnitedLex Corporation. He has spent the past decade addressing his clients' e-discovery needs, first as an attorney at an Am Law 100 firm, then as the cofounder of a boutique consulting and managed document review company. His company was acquired by UnitedLex in 2013 and, in his current role, he partners with in-house and outside counsel to implement value-driven e-discovery solutions.
Special thanks to our sponsor, Digital WarRoom.
Federal Rule of Evidence 502
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Podcast: Digital Detectives
Category: e-Discovery , Information Security , Intellectual Property , Legal Technology
Sharon D. Nelson and John W. Simek invite experts to discuss computer forensics as well as information security issues.
Clio's Legal Trends Report 2020: A Look Into the Future of Law
Clio COO George Psiharis talks through this year's trends and the sweeping transformative effect COVID-19 has had on the legal profession.
Ransomware Surges: What Law Firms Need to Know
Attorney and cybersecurity expert Ted Kobus addresses the rapid increase in ransomware incidents in 2020 and explains what law firms should do in the...
"Zooming" Into 2021 with Audio/Video Discovery
Doug Austin and Brett Burney give best practice tips for audio and video discovery.
The Perils of Biometric Information: Relevant Laws and Insurance Coverage for Biometric Lawsuits
Judy Selby gives a comprehensive overview of the many uses and risks associated with biometric information.
Penetration Tests and Cybersecurity Assessments: What Lawyers Need to Know
Cybersecurity expert Mike Maschke explains how penetration tests help lawyers protect themselves by identifying weak points in their security systems.
The Battle Against COVID-19: How eDiscovery Software is Playing a Role
Maura Grossman discusses how TAR is used by medical researchers to support their efforts to understand and treat COVID-19.

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text:
Pale Blue Dot: Climate policy must take science into account
By KYLIE HARRINGTON
June 12, 2018 in Opinion
Environmental activists have struggled with making politicians take climate change seriously for years. Because environmental protection is such a long-term and confusing issue, it is difficult for legislators to formulate policy on, and even more difficult to talk about on the campaign trail — saying that the planet isn't going to get worse than it already is isn't quite as exciting as talking about health care or infrastructure reform, which bring about direct, tangible benefits.
Art by Chan Ha Kim | Daily Trojan
But the one thing that has proven to convince politicians (other than locking them in a room and forcing them to watch "An Inconvenient Truth") is money. That's not an anti-politics quip — politicians and government agencies tend to base their decisions on the possible economic impact of climate change. Moreover, these economic impacts are calculated by environmental algorithms that are painfully in need of an update.
Policymakers rely on climate-economic models to estimate the monetary damage a change in global temperature would cause, and how much changes in environmental policy would cost.
Global climate models are essentially giant algorithms, like the ones used to predict weather, but on a much larger scale. They simulate the atmosphere, oceans, ice and land for the whole planet, and can run through various scenarios while also computing economic outputs. These models are typically run on tennis court-sized supercomputers and have enough code to fill 18,000 pages of printed text.
Yet, the models that governments tend to favor are flawed. Their projections of the economic impacts of climate change do not match up with the current state of physical science. For instance, physical scientists predict that a 6-degree Celsius rise in global temperature would cause the planet to be unlivable, causing forests to grow on the poles, deserts to form in Europe and ocean levels to wipe out coastal cities — not to mention kill off most species and launch the planet back into the Eocene age. In contrast, the Dynamic Integrated Climate-Economy model, a favored alternative, predicts that the same rise in temperature would only result in a 10 percent drop in global GDP.
It seems hard to believe that a change in climate that could cause mass migration, a global fight for resources and the obliteration of major cities would only dent the global economy by 10 percent. While that is an extreme example (if climate experts are successful, the world can corral its temperature rise around 3 degrees), it reveals the major pitfalls of using economic impact as a reliable metric for environmental policy.
If tools are solely being used for cost-benefit analysis of climate policy, we are unlikely to ever convince politicians to take firm action against climate change. Where we may see a tropical hellscape to rival Jurassic Park, they might only see a modest decline in economic outcomes.
These models may not be built to make projections so grand, but as they are currently being used, they allow policymakers to remain blissfully ignorant about the true costs of climate change. Furthermore, they give credence to "lukewarmers" — people who do not deny that human activity is causing climate change, but insist that climate change would not affect the planet that much.
A new paper by former Environmental Protection Agency staffer and current Smith College professor Alexander Barron lays out some specific changes that could be made to the small group of climate models that set expectations and policy in the United States. Folks at the EPA would be wise to read it, even though they are currently too busy buying mattresses and Greek yogurt for Scott Pruitt.
Barron advocates for an update of the technology cost data in the models, which does not account for the current success of renewable and electric energy sources due to the glacial pace of academic research. He also recommends adding factors for the global health costs of pollution and climate change, which are not currently included in any of the models. Even these two changes could close some of the blind spots in climate policy.
The faults of global climate models are prime examples of why policy change must come from all areas, including the very algorithms we use to evaluate climate change. Updating the tools that we use to estimate and prepare for climate change is a key step in convincing politicians that the earth as we know it is worth saving, even if it means sacrificing aspects of our current quality of life. Though policymakers should be convinced simply by the specter of global climate change, we live in a world that requires hard evidence in dollars and cents; therefore, we must also tackle the issue from that end through a reform of climate-economic models.
Kylie Harrington is a junior majoring in journalism. Her column,"Pale Blue Dot," runs Wednesdays.
OPINION: Judge Persky recall shows progression of #MeToo Former USC basketballer contributes to Warriors championship


text:
Joachim – prawosławny patriarcha Jerozolimy w latach 1431–1450.

Przypisy

Prawosławni patriarchowie Jerozolimy
Zmarli w XV wieku

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text:
775,622 Global HILL Family Members
HILL Family Room Next Event:
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HILL Family Room
Family spelling variants includes Hiles, Hillis, Hill, Hille, Hyll, Hills
Design your own HILL Family Crest
HILL Family History
This ancient surname, with over fifty entries in the Dictionary of National Biography, is derived from the Old English word 'hyll'. It has topographical origins as it initially meant simply 'a person who lived on or near a hill'. It would have become settled as a surname in England by 1400. It is a popular surname in the UK, as it is in Australia and New Zealand where it is ranked 31st and 41st most popular respectively. Over 460,000 individuals go by the Hill surname in the United States.
One of the earliest recorded references to the surname is found in Norfolk where a Gilbert del Hill was named on the Pipe Rolls for Norfolk in 1191. Another reference is also found in Worcestershire, where the manor of Hillend in Castlemorton was built on land owned by Odo de Monte (Hill in Norman French) in 1238-9. Members of the Castlemorton family included Richard Hill (living in 1383), John Hill (1408-09), and later John Hill who bequeathed a messuage to his son Thomas at the time of his death in around 1623.
Early references to the surname also appear in Scotland. The first being a William de la Hyll who held lands in Mydilham in 1271.
Michael Hill was an English politician and Member of Parliament for Saltash (1672-1699) and was appointed to the Privy Council of Ireland in 1694.
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text:
Illinois Symbols & Icons
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Illinois State Language
openenglishdictionary-3.jpg
English dictionary; photo by Simon Robertson on Flickr (noncommercial use permitted with attribution / share alike).
Official State Language of Illinois
Illinois designated English as the official state language in 1969 (one of the first states to make English the official language). All State Languages
Many states now recognize official state languages (usually English, but two states recognize American sign language as an official language, and both Hawaii and Alaska recognize Native languages as official languages of the state). Illinois originally stipulated "American" as the official language, but the law was amended in 1969 because Illinois residents continued to speak and teach "English."
1923 Declaration of "American" as the Official Language of Illinois
WHEREAS, Since the creation of the American Republic there have been certain Tory elements in our country who have never become reconciled to our republican institutions and have ever clung to the tradition of King and Empire; and
WHEREAS, America has been a haven of liberty and place of opportunity for the common people of all nations; and
WHEREAS, These strangers within our gates who seek economic betterment, political freedom, larger opportunities for their children and citizenship for themselves, come to think of our institutions as American and our language as the American language; and
WHEREAS, The name of the language of a country has a powerful psychological influence in stimulating and preserving the national ideal; and
WHEREAS, The languages of other countries bear the names of the countries to which they belong, ... now therefore
Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the People of the State of Illinois, represented in the General Assembly: The official language of the State of Illinois shall be known hereafter as the "American" language and not as the "English" language.
Source: H.L. Mencken, The American Language, 4th ed., abridged, New York: Knopf, 1985, pp. 92-93.
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text:
Goldplat Overview
Directors & Management
BEE Partners
gold recovery
Goldplat Recovery (Pty) Limited SA - South Africa
Gold Recovery Ghana Limited – Ghana
mining & development
Kilimapesa Gold - Kenya ( core and maintenance )
Anumso Gold Project - Ghana
Director Appointment
Goldplat plc, the AIM quoted gold producer, is pleased to announce that it has appointed Dr Robert Pitts Smith to its Board as an Executive Director with immediate effect.This appointment is in line with the Company's strategy of strengthening the Board to support and build on its solid portfolio of gold assets in Africa, and will allow the Company's CEO, Demetri Manolis, to concentrate his efforts on Goldplat's newly opened mine in Kenya and brownfield gold development projects in Ghana and Burkina Faso which have near term resource upgrade and production potential.
Bob acts as the Managing Director of Goldplat's Gold Recovery division, comprising Goldplat Recovery (Pty) Limited in South Africa and Gold Recovery Ghana Limited in Ghana. He has worked with Demetri Manolis in the recovery of precious metals since 1984 and formally joined Goldplat Recovery in September 2003.He has a PhD inChemicalEngineering andaMSc inbusiness administration and was previously responsible for marketing and technical matters for the Goldplat Recovery division. Demetri Manolis will remain on hand as a consultant to both Goldplat Recovery (Pty) Limited in South Africa and Gold Recovery Ghana Limited in Ghana.
Goldplat CEO Demetri Manolis said, "I am pleased to welcome Bob to the Board and believe his experience and proven track record will be invaluable to Goldplat on both a corporate and operational level. He is ideally suited to drive both the efficiency and profitability of our gold recovery operations which generate important revenues for the Company.With the development of gold mining projects central to our growth strategy of becoming a gold mining producer, I will be focused on advancing our prospective Nyieme gold project in Burkina Faso, Banka Gold Project in Ghana and Kilimapesa gold mine in Kenya; building a targeted plus 1.5 million ounce resource base; as well as evaluating new opportunities from which to expand our already strong asset base in Africa."
In accordance with the AIM Rules, the following information required to be disclosed is set out below. Other than this information, there is no further information required to be disclosed under paragraph (g) of Schedule 2 of the AIM Rules.
Full Name and Age: Robert Pitts Smith (62) also known as Bob Smith.
Current Directorships:
Goldplat Recovery (Pty) Ltd
Goldplat Recovery Ghana Limited
Nyieme Gold Sarl
Wet Ink Design (Pty) Ltd
For further information visit www.goldplat.com or contact:
Demetri Manolis, CEO Goldplat plc Tel: +27 (0) 11 423 1203
James Joyce WH Ireland Limited Tel: +44 (0) 20 7220 1666
David Porter WH Ireland Limited Tel: +44 (0) 20 7220 1666
Bill Sharp Alexander David Securities Ltd Tel: +44 (0)20 7448 9820
David Scott Alexander David Securities Ltd Tel: +44 (0)20 7448 9820
Felicity Edwards St Brides Media & Finance Ltd Tel: +44 (0)20 7236 1177
Isabel Crossley St Brides Media & Finance Ltd Tel: +44 (0)20 7236 1177
Goldplat plc is an AIM-listed gold producer with operations in Africa . Its strategy is to consolidate its position as a gold producer in Africa and build itself into a mid-tier gold company .
The Company has two recovery businesses based in South Africa and Ghana, which, by safely disposing mining by-products, fulfil an important aspect of the mines' environmental management programmes. The South African plant is located near the centre of the East Rand Goldfield and raw material feedstocks are sourced from many of the major South African mining companies, including AngloGold Ashanti , Goldfields, Harmony, DRD Gold and other smaller producers. The Ghana plant, located in the free port of Tema, provides access to raw materials from mines in Mali , Guinea , Burkina Faso , Benin , Cote D'Ivore, Senegal , the DRC and Mauritania , as well as Ghana .
Goldplat's strategy is to build itself into a mid-tier gold producer, through the acquisition of known deposits with targets of between 200,000 and one million contained ounces. Kilimapesa Gold is a wholly owned subsidiary of Goldplat and is developing the potential of the 213 sq km Lolgorien licence area located in the historically producing Migori Archaean Greenstone Belt in western Kenya . Kilimapesa Gold commenced initial production in January 2009 and an aggressive exploration and development programme resulted in a maiden JORC compliant resource being reported in October 2009.
Goldplat also has an option over the 246 sq km Nyieme Gold Project located in Burkina Faso, which includes known high-grade quartz vein structures, with drill core results showing up to 17.83 g/t gold over one metre and 11.67 g/t over five metres. A maiden resource was announced in December 2010 of 685,000 tonnes at 2.61 g/t Au for 57,501oz Au at a cut-off grade of 1.0 g/t Au for all categories but the Company hopes to increase this through further exploration.
Additionally, the Company has acquired the Banka Mining Lease, a ten year renewable mining lease for gold and associated minerals covering an area of 29 sq km located in the Amansie East and Asante Akim South Districts of the Ashanti Region of the Republic of Ghana . The Company is now implementing a defined development plan with a view to proving a JORC compliant resource.
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Rage in the streets of central Athens (Greece)
Posted on November 22, 2015 by denverabc
Posted on 325:
November 12th rioting:
Riots broke out in the streets of central Athens on November 12th 2015, day of general strike. Before the morning demonstration, hooded protesters chased a team of uniformed cops who were patrolling on foot near the Archeological Museum, in Patission Street, and beat up at least one of the pigs. Just after Omonoia Square, a Bazaar supermarket chain store, which was open despite the general strike, was trashed until its managers lowered the roller shutters. A little further on, near the Old Parliament building, a minivan belonging to OTE telecommunications company was burned. Rioters smashed street furniture (bus stops, traffic lights, etc.) and spray-painted anarchist slogans on the walls along Stadiou Street. At Syntagma Square, anti-riot squads who were guarding the luxury hotel Grande Bretagne on Vasileos Georgiou Street were attacked with firebombs. At the lower side of Syntagma, the Ministry of Economy was also attacked with Molotov cocktails. At the upper side, in front of the Parliament, a giant Greek flag was removed; the patriots that tried to retrieve it were beaten (several times), and later their shitty rag was burned. A quick Molotov cocktail attack was also carried out against anti-riot squads next to the Monument of the Unknown Soldier. As the demonstration was nearing its end, the Bank of Greece building on Panepistimiou Street was attacked with fire, and clashes with cops took place near the Propylaea. These are only a few moments that we witnessed ourselves, together with other comrades. No arrests or injured protesters were reported.
Among other incendiary slogans, "Organising informally and insurrectionally, Black December in the whole wide Earth" was chanted (which is devoid of rhyme in its English translation, but shows that we are warming up over here).
Some individualities that joined clashes in downtown Athens that day released a text, stating among others: "On November 12th, we also participated in the general strike with the clear objective of clashing; a clash that is not framed in the context of regaining our labour rights, or any sort of humanisation of the system. We clashed with the aim of highlighting the insurrectionary practice, with a view to sharpening and making it long-lasting, in the face of every authoritarian institution or relation. (…) We also call for a Black December, for the coordination and organisation of insurrectionary, polymorphous anarchy. Discourse without praxis is not more orphaned than praxis without discourse. (Signed:) A street group."
This year's November 17th marked the 30th anniversary of the murder of 15-year-old Michalis Kaltezas, shot dead by the cop Athanassios Melistas on the sidewalk of Stournari Street. On November 17th 1985, Michalis Kaltezas was killed by a police bullet in the back of his head as he was running towards Exarchia Square along with other anarchists and rioters who had firebombed a police bus of the MAT anti-riot squads.
On November 17th 2015, after the annual commemoration of the 1973 Athens Polytechnic uprising against the regime of the colonels, and once the peaceful demonstration in Athens was finished, several hundred hooded rioters took to the streets of Exarchia and clashed with police forces, from about 8pm until the small hours of November 18th. Rioters used all available materials – stones, sticks, Molotov cocktails, flares, etc. – to attack anti-riot squads and teams of plainclothes cops. Also, a car was set on fire in Stournari Street. That night, amid flaming barricades and clouds of tear gas, rioters stormed a Bazaar supermarket at Soultani Street en masse, completely looting and vandalising the store.
At least six people were arrested downtown, before the commemoration demo and during late-night clashes.
Some of the slogans that were shouted during the street clashes in Exarchia:
"That's right, that's right, that's right, bursts of Kalashnikov to make it stick in your mind"
"One does not kneel before Democracy – Conspiracy of Cells of Fire"
"Scumbags Snitches Journalists"
"Cops Pigs Murderers"
"One – three, Christos Tsoutsouvis" (In memory of acratist urban guerrilla Christos Tsoutsouvis, who executed three cops on May 15th 1985 in Athens, during a shootout in the neighbourhood of Gyzi, before he fell by police bullets.)
footage by "ALFA TV" comrades
via Contra Info
Filed under: Uncategorized | Tagged: Athens, black december, Christos Tsoutsouvis, Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, Exarchia, General Strike, Greece, Michalis Kaltezas, riots |	Leave a comment »
Athens: Indictment for the CCF escape plan
From Contrainfo:
On November 16th 2015, it became known that a total of 27 people are being indicted for the case of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire planned escape from Koridallos prisons. Persons belonging to the immediate family nucleus of captive anarchists are included among the accused; that is, Athena Tsakalou (mother of the CCF members Christos and Gerasimos Tsakalos) and Evi Statiri (wife of Gerasimos Tsakalos) will also stand trial.
Meanwhile, Evi Statiri had filed a motion for the lifting of one of the restrictive conditions imposed on her after her release from prison. She had requested the lifting of the prohibition on communicating and meeting with her imprisoned partner Gerasimos Tsakalos, but her motion was rejected earlier this month (November 3rd).
Filed under: Uncategorized | Tagged: Athena Tsakalou, Athens, CCF, Christos Tsakalos, escape, Evi Statiri, Gerasimos Tsakalos, Greece, imprisoned members of the R.O. |	Leave a comment »
Athens, Greece: Incendiary solidarity with Evi Statiri and Athena Tsakalou
From Insurrection News:
At dawn on September 2, 2015 we torched:
– 2 National Bank ATMs in the neighborhood of Galatsi
– 1 ATM of Alpha Bank in Patisia district
– 1 Piraeus Bank ATM in the suburb of Peristeria
– as well as smashing a Piraeus Bank ATM in the district of Galatsi
Our only motivation was our desire to attack. Attacking a prison-society that tries to mold, discriminate and classify our needs, desires and relationships and adapt them to serve it's objectives: the perpetuation of a system of repression and the strategic manipulation of subjectivity and diversity.
The commitment we have to succeed as anarchists is the following one: ensuring that we impose the flow of our world that runs on the rhythms that determine our anarchistic wills away from the lights of the machines of Power; against the social reality of economic, scientific and ideological domination, the morality of commerce and of a world that is classified and commodified to produce questions with ready-made answers.
Against this framework of domination we choose to continue insurrectionist action in the here and now. It is clear that the apparatus of power will do all that it can to repress anything that is opposed to the economizing of life. This has the consequence of it being socially acceptable for power to be applied to the greatest extent in prisons. In the dungeons of democracy there are those who choose to act on the basis of their desires for freedom instead of accepting servitude and nonexistence. The anarchist prisoners are our comrades in the war against the existent and we are not going to abandon them to their fates between the jaws of the judicial complex of shit. We must not forget our imprisoned comrades but we do not have to idolize them. We would like to make it clear that we do not fear the consequences of our actions nor any questions or doubts about their value.
The prisoner's positions have remained consistent and unaltered despite the conditions of their confinement. This is why the authorities uses the dirtiest methods to try and break them. The organs of Power with their characteristic vendetta do not hesitate to criminalize solidarity as well as family and personal relationships making it's vindictive mania even more obvious – as in the case of Athena Tsakalou, mother of Gerasimos and Christos Tsakalos and of the life partner of Gerasimos, Evi Statiri.
This first wave of attacks is a response to the vindictive blows of the State, as well as a signal of solidarity with anarchist prisoners worldwide.
FREEDOM FOR THOSE WHO ARE IN THE CELLS
IMMEDIATE RELEASE OF EVI STATIRI
LIFT THE RESTRICTIVE MEASURES AGAINST ATHENA TSAKALOU
– Burning Horizons
(via Contra Info, translated into English by Insurrection News)
Filed under: Announcement, International Anarchist Prisoners, News, Uprising | Tagged: Anarchist prisoners, Arson, Athena Tsaklou, Athens, Burning Horizons, Christos Tsakalos, direct action, Evi Statiri, Gerasimos Tsakalos, Greece, Incendiary Attack, Prison struggle |	Leave a comment »
"Beyond right and wrong" by the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire – FAI/IRF (Greece)
From 325:
Inter Arma received and translated:
I don't believe in the right. Life, which is all a manifestation of incoherent forces, unknown and unknowable, rejects the human artificiality of the right. Right was born when life was taken away from us. Indeed, originally, humanity had no right. It lived and that was everything. Today, instead, there are thousands of rights; one could accurately say that everything which we have lost we call right. I know that I live and that I desire to live. It is most difficult to put this desire into action. I am surrounded by a humanity that wants what everyone else wants. My isolated affirmation is a most serious crime. Laws and morals, in competition, intimidate and persuade me. The "blonde rabbi" [I.e., Christ or Christian values.-translator] has triumphed. One prays, one implores, one curses, but one does not dare. Cowardice, caressed by Christianity, creates morality, and this justifies baseness and begets renunciation. […] "Society, on the other hand, modest and clean in appearance, but horribly infected with gangrene throughout its body, makes me vomit, fills me with horror and loathing, kills me." How I envy the great Bonnot! "Il me faut vivre ma vie!" ("It is necessary that I live my life" — from the known "defense" of the French illegalist Jules Bonnot)
Bruno Filippi
(Italian anarcho-nihilist who was charged with several armed attacks and was killed by a bomb he carried, on September 7th, 1919, when trying to place it to the "Nobles Club", headquarters of the wealthiest Italian businessmen)
Beyond the right and the wrong…
For Anarchy
The most important and nicest things are spoken in the simplest way. Today, though, the reality of our lives is far from simple. So, we often note that the most complicated (and boring, at the same time) words the political delivery "specialists" and the "revolutionary" rhetoric alchemists use, the most uninvited their oversimplifications are. The theorists "rebels" construe the world through the tyranny of their "obvious truths". Their whole rhetorical calcification and their wooden words, that lulls to sleep through their undeviating dogmatism, comes to transfer "social revolution" to a oversimplified version of the eternal fight between the "good" people and the "bad" state, between the "right" and the "wrong" fairytale.
But if things were that simple, why hasn't this fairytale, for centuries, come to an end, with the triumph of the "good" and for all of us to "live happily ever after"?
Especially today, when power is not centralist and abstracted to the king's throne, however, it is spread inside the transparent social factory, both our anarchist words and our actions ought to deepen more and tear the "religious" missals and the aphorisms of the "good" and "bad" and "right" and "wrong" lack of depth.
Power is not just unfair, bad and malicious, that the most we denounce, even violently, will draw back for the rebels' right to come off.
Power is a social relation, a social hierarchical organization model, a way of life management.
In addition to its directorates and its officials, it owes its own preachers, its mentors, its advisers, its jesters, its armed defendants of course, its loyal followers, even its inside objectors – usurpers…
It's not just a bad oligarchic elite∙ it is an intricate system of relations that defines our everyday lives.
We know, of course, that if you cut the snake's head, the rest of the body, after a few convulsions, stops… Power, however, has proven to be more like Hydra.
This is why, while our armed targeting gathers its firepower on the heads of the managers of power and their uniformed mercenaries, our words seeks to blow up the social relations that give rise to power. Let's keep in mind that the phrase "no one is indispensable" goes for the power, as well. If we don't hit both the heart of the beast (armed attacks against the officials of the power) and the veins of the social machine (criticism and rejection of the submission mindset), then, maybe, soon, after every attack of ours, we will hear "the king is dead, long live the new king". Because unless slaves, even when they revolt, deeply renounce the mindset of submission, they will soon wish to crown their new king, next to the corpse of the former.
This is why the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, FAI/IRF and the "political" groups in affinity, that form the stripe of black anarchy, both in the proclamations following our attacks, and in our texts, use heretic – provocative words, that do not comply with the traditions of the revolutionary automatism of the dipole "good – bad", "fair – unfair"… We always have the sledgehammer of rudeness available, in order to shatter the window of the good and innocent society and highlight its guilty silence and frustrating passivity.
Of course, through our criticism we do not aim to build the crystal tower of the "revolutionary" self-admiration. This is why we detest the conceit and the arrogance that we sometimes find in our circles, by people who are alternative artists of nothing, not anarchists of praxis.
Our aim is to disassemble the stereotypes and the prevailing morality that poison our lives, through the small and the large informal power representations (family, school, work, relationships).
Our way is challenge and not a political politeness that caresses the ears of the repressed ones audience, most of whom don't even bother to read a proclamation. An inconvenient truth is more inelegant but it is also more liberating than a pleasant lie…
So, it's not enough to talk about the "right" of the repressed ones, the proletarians, the people's…
First of all, the "fair" and the "unfair" is a moral subjectivity of the reality impression. There's no such thing as an objectivity scale that defines what's right and what's wrong.
Power and the capitalistic management of it, along with the armed enforcement of their truth, they have their own think tanks, their own arguments, their own culture, their own civilization, their own suggestion of a way of life. Power does not dominate only supported by the power of its arms' barrels, but also (supported) by its persuasion and its propaganda.
This is why anyone who makes the mistake to talk about the "right" of the many, will have to be careful because the interpretation of the "right" as a quantitative measurement unit, will not… prove them right. The right of the many is often the right of the viewers, the consumers, the voters'… The anarchist struggle is not about counting participation, nor does it have to do with the majority's right. It is something much bigger than the conflict between the "right" and the "wrong"… It is a constant war between different values, a war that bisects society in two parts. The one part is the world of anarchy and the other part is the world of power and organized tedium. In this conflict, several people, who are excluded from the privileges of power, poor and oppressed, stands shoulder to shoulder with their elite rulers' interests. The mass is usually fond of the mediocre, the immobility of habit, the rigidity of prudence and afraid of the new, the radical, the unknown of insurrection.
The bureaucratic tense inside the official anarchism and its communist components use the rhetoric of the "common good" and the "just of the oppressed ones", thinking there is a conscious proletarian class, which will turn into the basic ingredient of "social revolution", as long as it has its ears caressed.
We, on our part, want to set the conditions for the creation of a confrontational anarchist affinity between groups, cells and individuals, which are will transfer the experience of rupture with the existent immediately, here and now.
This way, a dangerous enemy in the heart of the beast can be formed, aiming to the diffusion of anarchy.
For this to happen, we have to make the conflict with authority permanent, to create a short circuit in the neurons of the system, to exploit and expand the contradictions of society, to provoke social peace, to qualitatively deepen anarchist thought and aggressively upgrade anarchist action, to challenge law and order. to overcome the moral denunciation of the injustices of authority and to prepare the war against it by promoting the new anarchist urban guerrilla.
Here follows the strategic matter between the moral impeachment of system and the continuous attack. The biggest part of the anarchist milieu in Greece is usually navigating through the maelstrom of events resulting from short circuits of authority. Occasional demonstrations and sometimes conflicts in an anti-war demonstration, student marches, strikes. The recent three-year "drought" of social mobilizations caused the "drought" of violent clashes in the streets of the metropolis.
The people didn't take the streets and anarchists were insufficient in creating their own autonomous collective violent actions. This is the result of a conscious and subconscious (because of a habit) strategy, which presents anarchists as the violent reflex of "the sense of justice" of the masses. There is, namely, a certain timidity for the anarchist attack to be organized and expressed autonomously without moral coverage from the masses. In fact, of course, there is no moral cover in large social protests either, as the mass of protesters is a diverse crowd, from which, some believe in peaceful protest, others are professional walkers and members of unions and parties, others are angry and want to clash, others operate as internal repression, others are not members of some group… The issue is that the strategy of social counter-violence as a moral justification – response of the oppressed, is not defined by us at a time when authority can set alternative questions and the answers of the masses can come, not as a rupture, but as consent to them.
So, by waiting for the next social explosion, the next rally, the next big march, we abandon our ideas and actions in luck. But even when the social tension takes place, in order for us to get lost in the riots, we look like stowaways who jump in the last car of the train, a train that others drive on different tracks from ours. Even if we derail the train it will soon return on its rails.
Obviously, in no case do we advocate our absence from the field of metropolitan riots whose context we do not define (student rallies, anti-war mobilizations, large marches), in the name of a supposed anarchist purity. Within these mobilizations we can organize attacks against cops, burn banks, destroy cameras, expropriate shops, break the peace in the metropolis.
All these are intense and pleasant moments that, however, when not accompanied by a wider anarchist plan, end up staying isolated moments and beautiful memories, that just wait for the next march to be repeated. They lose the overall perspective and the potential to sharpen the attack and to make the tension in our lives permanent. This is the result of not only the lack of operational planning, but mainly of overall perception.
The notion of moral vindication of social counter-violence solely in response to systemic anomalies (violence of cops, racist attitudes, employers' "arbitrariness", harsh laws) incorporates the denouncement of system (even with violent form) and prevents the passage from the defensive counter-violence, to the aggressive continuous challenge of anarchist urban guerrilla.
We, on our part, want to articulate and organize a proposal of continuous attack, a complete anarchist plan, an insurrection that does not stop when the masses withdraw from their protests, but continues to feed from its fires,to grow big and to be diffused …
We feel like the hands of our clock have stopped in the moment of attack. We do not now need neither a cause, nor the moral justification. We know that the ugliness of this world is only repealed when one acts.
Our proposal is to create an informal network of anarchist cells that will promote the continuous attack against authority and society.
Many anarchists fear the word "organization" in the way Christians fear the devil.
Others misunderstand and confuse the meaning of organization with bureaucratic fossils of Marxist centralized organizations, central committees, hierarchies, simple members, constipated rules, obligatory moral guidelines, statutes and enlightened vanguardism… Others prefer the alternative ways, sureness, adventurism and safety of an anarchist lifestyle, rather than an organized anarchy and a dangerous internal enemy that attacks without looking for pretexts as the causes are more than enough …
Some will hastily become indignant, saying that organization kills spontaneity, individuality and desires…
Let's say, however, what we mean by "anarchist organization"… Anarchist organization is the living mental and physical coordination of a group of comrades, in order to carry out a certain plan. The more complete that plan is, the more comprehensive is the relationship of group's comrades while the commitment and consistency have as a measure, the power of desires to achieve the plan and not the discipline of a military duty. Each comrade is unique and independent within the group and through the collective life and action of the cell, discovers and releases more of himself. There is no membership card, but only the individual desire to take part in something genuinely collective.
Of course, organization is not an end in itself, it is the means to get where we want. This means that an anarchist organization, an anarchist cell, must keep its procedure under constant review, to develop its relations, to upgrade its actions, to sharpen its theory, so that it comes closer to the purpose of its formation.
It is only logic that within an anarchist group come up tensions, contradictions, anger and even potential departures. This is because every human relationship is confrontational, sometimes at the level of evolution and sometimes at the level of rupture.
The sure thing is that the existence of informal anarchist organizations and direct action cells fuel anarchist violence against authority.
Every anarchist group is a living war outbreak against the system. Through discussion, friction and composition within a group of comrades, anarchist action evolves, the threat of an organized internal enemy becomes permanent, the means of attack are upgraded, thought gets sharpened and the plan of the destruction of authority and the social machine is promoted.
We know no team can develop those associations of strength in order to decapitate the beast of authority and its products by itself. Nevertheless, even so, the comrades of the group, through their action, free themselves from the conventions of a world that wants us to be spectators of our lives. But if we want to maximize our action, satisfying more and more our desires, we can try to create informal coordination of individuals, groups and affinity cells which promote the anarchist urban guerrilla. The creation of such coordination is not subject, in any case, of the crucible of the quantitative centralism, which crushes the autonomy of each one of us. We are not interested in creating a central super-structure which will cause the creation of central committees and informal hierarchies. We are simply talking about coordinating groups and people looking towards the same direction. We are talking about the coordination of desires that become more dangerous when they are communicated and shared by accomplices.
The basic agreement within such an organization is the desire not to be a moment of truce with the enemy. Without, therefore, waiting for a favorable wind of social change to act, we decide to arm ourselves and turn our lives into a confrontational reality now. So we do not limit ourselves to the anniversary symbolism (this does not mean that we are absent from the days of wrath and vengeance in memory of our dead), we do not expect fixed appointments, waiting the state to get out of line causing the people to demonstrate, nor are we satisfied by opportunistic street fights with cops, in order to pretend that we've executed our "duty" to the struggle.
This does not make us arrogant to devalue everything from the balcony of an ideological purity. On the contrary, it makes us more prepared to throw ourselves in those battles that we will choose, even in intermediate social struggles, which we think are of interest (i.e. student occupations) without being disoriented by the circumstances.
The compass of organized expression points steadily towards the the intensification of the attack and the diffusion of our theory. The words "anarcho-nihilism", "black anarchy", "anarchist terrorism" are truly dangerous, when tested in the heat of battle.
The constant challenging of the enemy through autonomous guerrilla strikes (using the fan of the diversity of means, but with the constant desire of upgrading to armed guerrilla) and organized aggressive intervention to intermediate social struggles are part of the anarchist war. We say again, that the effectiveness of the strategy will not be measured by the figures of participation.
We want to create the possibilities of acting with people who feel stifled in the social cages imposed on them by authority and want to rebel… Our joy is great in any such new meeting with new comrades who bear the sign of complicity. No matter their numbers … What is important is that the effort is worth it…
"I am not led by the will of the masses. Nor do I mourn for the sorrows of the people. I never accepted the fate of the slave that was prepared for me, I didn't speak their language, nor imitated their look. I refused to be with the many. My demons never sleep… I always long for the unsatisfied. And when they set fire to the foundations of society, they don't daydream on the ashes. They are seeking wildly for the next scarecrow of authority to surrender it to the stake. They do not get comfortable, nor do they rest, they want war with everything that haunts our lives.
They say that whoever loves debris, also loves and statues. My demons live in the debris because nobody can hide there. The material of which each of us is made, is revealed there. You will find me among them, where the battle is raging"…
Conspiracy of Cell of Fire – FAI/IRF
Filed under: Analysis, Opinion, Uprising | Tagged: Athens, "Beyond right and wrong", Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, Conspiracy of Cells of Fire : Imprisoned Members Cell, FAI/FRI, Greece, Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI), insurrection, International Revolutionary Front |	Leave a comment »


text:
by Stephen Ucembe - 8 Jun 2022
Staff at the learning visit to Rwanda, including former staff from Rwanda, David and Otto and visiting Senior government officers from Kenya led by Mr Noah M.O Sanganyi, HSC. Former Director of Children Services.
A return to family and community-based care for Kenyan Children.
The global coronavirus pandemic has had devastating effects for Kenya's vulnerable families and children. It has resulted in an unprecedented rise in levels of violence against women and children. Much like the virus itself, the pandemic has exacerbated underlying weaknesses in our health, care and support systems.
Conversely however, the pandemic has also exposed the lie that the majority of children in institutions are orphans. Before the start of the pandemic in March 2020, it was estimated that 45,000 children in Kenya were living in orphanages (also known as Charitable Children's Homes). After the government pronouncement that children should be returned to their families as a measure to control the spread of COVID-19, about half this number were, at a stroke, taken out of orphanages and sent back to their families and communities.
In the years since independence, thousands of children have passed through these orphanages. This system of 'care' has unnecessarily separated children from their families, depriving them of family ties and the bonds of community. As a consequence, these children are denied a central part of their development, socialization, identity and belonging. They are denied their right to freely participate in the cultural and traditional life of their communities.
Many children's homes that purport to provide the basics of food, shelter, health and education, also fall short of doing so adequately. Some studies have shown that children in such environments are six times more susceptible to abuse than their peers living in family environments. Young people who have survived this system are disadvantaged; many have challenges forming healthy relationships, live with mental health issues, suffer stigma and discrimination in communities, and have poor social and life skills amongst other issues. But this hasn't always been how things are done in Kenya. This practice has been normalised over many years; the past inactions of the government have legitimised family separation and orphanisation.
But it is never too late to start over. A towering figure of freedom and democracy, Nelson Mandela, once said, "One can measure the greatness of a nation and its moral progress by the way it treats its children" and today, we see a new dawn.
We now know as a country that the practices that have failed us, bringing us to this grim state of affairs with the child care and protection system, can't be the ones to take us forward. This is evidenced by Kenya's newly launched care reform strategy, which describes a path forward.
It acknowledges our failures, identifies gaps in laws and policies, and guides us on how to escape the rut of orphanages. It lays out a blueprint for how to build a new system that prioritises the prevention of child separation, through support to vulnerable and poor families and communities, who are more at risk of placing their children in institutions.
Together with other actors, Hope and Homes for Children has supported the government of Kenya in envisaging and designing this strategy, aimed at a better future for its children. Prior to the strategy, in 2018, we helped the government see what was possible, by facilitating a benchmarking trip to Rwanda – a country that was rife with orphanages after the genocide, but is now on the verge of eradicating them completely through a care reform process started in 2012, supported by Hope and Homes for Children. We have continued conversations, facilitation and training aimed at improving care and protection; enhancing laws and policies and developing tools and guidelines to make care reform a reality across the region.
We're delighted about the new dawn and the journey that has brought us to this moment. We hope to continue supporting the government and other stakeholders in their ongoing care reform efforts, whilst acknowledging this is just the beginning. The hardest part is still to come; making a family a reality for all children. We can, and we must, stop the establishment of orphanages, focus our efforts on addressing the root causes of separation, neglect and abandonment and above all, invest in communities and families.
Stephen Ucembe is Regional Advocacy Manager for Hope and Homes for Children in East and Southern Africa. An experienced social worker, he supports our partners in the region to prevent children being confined to institutions and advocates for a model of care that allows children to grow up in families.
Africa covid global advocacy Insight Kenya
Breaking a vicious circle: missing children and institutionalisation
Irina Papancheva, Head of EU Advocacy, reflects on the recent Missing Children Europe's Under the Radar conference.
Rwanda – Kenya Learning exchange
Stephen Ucembe, Regional Advocacy Manager shares his reflections on the Rwanda – Kenya Learning exchange hosted by Hope and Homes for Children Rwanda
The urgent need for global care reform
We hosted key European Union stakeholders at the Brussels launch of our publication, 'Families. Not Institutions'.


text:
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Africa > Niger > North America > United States
Picturing Queer Africans In The Diaspora
Richard Ammon | May 12, 2017 | Niger, United States | GlobalGayz
In 1624, as Portuguese colonists were making their way through the east coast of Africa, a woman named Nzinga ascended to the throne of Ndongo (now Angola). She spent decades fighting off invaders, both from Portugal and neighboring African kingdoms, and became a legend among her people and around the world.
Nzinga is one of the first people that Mikael Owunna, a Pittsburgh-born Nigerian-American photographer, thinks of when people tell him that queerness is un-African. "The thing about Nzinga is her title was Ngola, and Ngola means king," Owunna said. "Nzinga ruled dressed in full male clothing as a king, and she had a harem of young men dressed as women who were her wives. So in the 1600s, you basically had a butch queen with a bunch of drag queens for wives leading a fight against European colonization."
Finding historical representations of queerness in Africa is important to Owunna because growing up he was flooded with messages that his sexuality and cultural heritage were at odds. "When I read that history, I understood really kind of fundamentally that Africans, we have been here. We've been at the forefront. And even when you read about the way gender and sexuality are talked about, it's not just one way. Every different community has a different way to understand gender and sexuality."
When Owunna was unwillingly outed to his family at 15, the solution to what some family members perceived as a problem was to send him from his hometown of Pittsburgh to his parents' native Nigeria to reconnect with his roots. "Because the idea was if I get re-exposed to my culture, there's no way that I would be this way," Owunna said. "This is an American thing. This is because I grew up in America." For several years, Owunna traveled to his family's hometown in Nigeria twice a year. But when he was eighteen, he said through laughter, "They found out that I was still gay."
The winter after he started college, Owunna was sent to Nigeria again. This time, he was put through what he described as a series of exorcisms to try and change his sexuality. A healer poured hot oil all over his body in an attempt to drive out whatever was making Owunna gay. "In that context, I felt like I couldn't be Nigerian and queer, because I was put through so much trauma and abuse," Owunna said. "I ran away from everything Nigerian, everything African for years."
But eventually, Owunna started to question the idea that he couldn't be both queer and African. His current project, Limit(less), pushes back against the belief that being queer is at odds with being African by interviewing and photographing people who embody both identities. Most of his subjects so far live in the United States and Canada, with origins from Somalia to Morocco to Cameroon.
Owunna said that working on this project has been a way to link his experience to a larger community. Almost everyone he has interviewed processed similar messages growing up. "They'd heard that [being queer] is un-African. That it is not of our culture. It's a Western thing, it's a disease from white people. All of these kind of really crazy things that have been taught to us through colonization over centuries."
The perception that queerness is un-African has been reinforced legally in some countries. According to the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association (ILGA), same-sex sexual acts are illegal in 33 African countries, and punishable by death in Sudan and parts of Nigeria. Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe has been quoted as saying that homosexuality could potentially "disturb the African moral fabric."
State-sponsored discrimination against LGBTQ individuals became widespread with British colonialism. A Washington Post investigation revealed:
"The idea that the so-called tolerance towards homosexuality somehow sprang from a western source doesn't hold…Looking at a variety of data on 185 countries, we found that former British colonies are much more likely to have laws that criminalize homosexual conduct than former colonies of other European powers, or than other states in general. For example, 57 percent of states with such a law have a British colonial origin. Almost 70 percent of states with a British colonial origin continue to criminalize homosexual conduct."
Working in the United States and Canada, Owunna and the people he photographs have had the ability to be fairly open about their sexuality and identities. In several of their countries-of-origin, the same wouldn't be true. Nigeria, for example, is one of seven African countries with a law on the books that "target[s] freedom of expression related to sexual orientation."
Owunna said during interviews with his subjects many described experiencing trauma, hurt or alienation. The lives of the people he works with are complicated, he said. But he has a different vision when he photographs them. "Despite all of these circumstances, we still are whole individuals and can live full and free lives," he said. "What I really specifically try to do with my work is envision what a free world for black, queer, and trans people can look like. So with every click of my camera, I'm trying to capture this sort of emancipatory vision."
His subjects style themselves, and he likes to shoot them in or near their homes. Some of the people Owunna shoots are comfortable in front of the camera. Others are shy. To help get a sense of who they are and what they want to convey, he often spends a full day with each person before taking a single shot.
After one memorable shoot, Owunna passed his camera to a woman he was profiling so she could take a look. She was silent for a long time, and then explained to Owunna what she saw in his work. "She'd been telling herself that her goal was to be a certain type of person in five or seven years," he said. "But looking at the photos, she could see that she was already that person that she was envisioning and dreaming to be. She was that person today. That's when I realized I was capturing something special and magical."
In June, Owunna will bring Limit(less) to Europe, where there are about four times as many African immigrants as in the United States. He wants to explore issues that LGBT African refugees are facing. And he wants to continue to push the boundaries of what it means, and what it looks like to be queer and African today.
"Because Africa has like a billion people," Owunna said. "It's ridiculous that we try to homogenize it. But it comes from colonialism, where the West, Europeans, saw the black body as this mass, this homogenous mass… And so we've internalized that to be like, 'Oh this is not African. This is not us.' Whereas being African has always been about abundance and about richness. It's been about possibility."
by Leah Donnella
Source – Code Switch
Tags: Niger gay rights, usa gay rights
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text:
#include "local.h"

// called by multiple places, including potentially as policy callback
enum MHD_Result http_access_policy( void *cls, const struct sockaddr *addr, socklen_t addrlen )
{
	IPLIST *srcs = (IPLIST *) cls;
	struct in_addr ina;
	IPNET *n = NULL;

	ina = ((struct sockaddr_in *) addr)->sin_addr;

	if( iplist_test_ip( srcs, ina.s_addr, &n ) == IPLIST_NEGATIVE )
		return MHD_NO;

	return MHD_YES;
}

int http_check_json( HTREQ *req )
{
	const char *ct;

	req->is_json = 0;

	// no content type?  We're not going to guess
	if( ( ct = MHD_lookup_connection_value( req->conn, MHD_HEADER_KIND, MHD_HTTP_HEADER_CONTENT_TYPE ) )
	 && !strncasecmp( ct, JSON_CONTENT_TYPE, JSON_CONTENT_TYPE_LEN ) )
	{
		//info( "Request is json." );
		req->is_json = 1;
		return 1;
	}

	//info( "Request was not json: %s", ct );

	return 0;
}

enum MHD_Result http_send_response( HTREQ *req )
{
	enum MHD_Result ret = MHD_YES;
	HTTP_RESP *resp;

	if( req->sent )
	{
		notice( "http_send_response called twice." );
		return ret;
	}

	if( req->text->len > 0 )
	{
		resp = MHD_create_response_from_buffer( req->text->len, (void *) req->text->buf, MHD_RESPMEM_MUST_COPY );
		strbuf_empty( req->text );
	}
	else
	{
		resp = MHD_create_response_from_buffer( 0, "", MHD_RESPMEM_MUST_COPY );

		// change 200's to 204's when we have no output
		if( req->code == 200 )
			req->code = 204;
	}

	// is it a json method?
	if( req->path && ( req->path->flags & HTTP_FLAGS_JSON ) && req->text->len )
		MHD_add_response_header( resp, MHD_HTTP_HEADER_CONTENT_TYPE, "application/json; charset=utf-8" );

	ret = MHD_queue_response( req->conn, req->code, resp );
	MHD_destroy_response( resp );

	req->sent = 1;

	return ret;
}

void http_request_complete( void *cls, HTTP_CONN *conn,
	void **arg, HTTP_CODE toe )
{
	int64_t nsec, bytes;
	HTREQ *req;

	if( !( req = (HTREQ *) *arg ) )
		return;

	//debug( "Complete with req arg value as %p.", req );

	bytes = ( req->text ) ? req->text->len : 0;

	// does this return anything?
	if( req->path->flags & HTTP_FLAGS_NO_OUT )
	{
		req->text->len = 0;
		req->code = MHD_HTTP_NO_CONTENT;
	}

	if( req->sent == 0 )
		http_send_response( req );

	if( req->post )
	{
		req->post->state = HTTP_POST_END;

		// json has it's own finisher
		if( !req->is_json )
			(req->path->cb)( req );

		// free anything on the post object
		if( req->post->objFree )
		{
			free( req->post->objFree );
			req->post->objFree = NULL;
		}
	}

	// call a reporter function if we have one
	if( _http->rpt_fp && !( req->path->flags & HTTP_FLAGS_NO_REPORT ) )
	{
		nsec = get_time64( ) - req->start;
		(_http->rpt_fp)( req->path, _http->rpt_arg, nsec, bytes );
	}

	mem_free_request( &req );
	*arg = NULL;
}

int http_request_access_check( IPLIST *src, HTREQ *req, struct sockaddr *sa )
{
	if( !src )
		return 1;

	if( http_access_policy( src, sa, 0 ) != MHD_YES )
	{
		req->text = strbuf_copy( req->text, "Access denied.", 0 );
		req->code = MHD_HTTP_FORBIDDEN;
		http_send_response( req );
		return 0;
	}

	return 1;
}

int http_request_get_param( HTREQ *req, char *key, char **val )
{
	HTPRM *p;
	int l;

	if( !req || !key || !val )
		return 0;

	l = strlen( key );
	*val = NULL;

	for( p = req->params; p; p = p->next )
		if( l == p->klen && !memcmp( p->key, key, l ) )
		{
			// might be NULL or empty string
			if( p->has_val )
				*val = p->val;

			// found
			return 1;
		}

	// not found
	return 0;
}

enum MHD_Result http_get_url_param( void *cls, HTTP_VAL kind, const char *key, const char *value )
{
	HTREQ *r = (HTREQ *) cls;
	HTPRM *p;
	int l;

	if( !r )
	{
		herr( "No request passed to http_get_url_param!" );
		return MHD_NO;
	}

	if( kind != MHD_GET_ARGUMENT_KIND )
	{
		herr( "Unknown data passed to http_get_url_param!" );
		return MHD_NO;
	}

	p = mem_new_htprm( );
	l = strlen( key );
	if( l >= HTTP_PARAM_MAX_KEY )
	{
		hwarn( "Rejecting overlong (%d) key: %s", l, key );
		mem_free_htprm( &p );
		return MHD_YES;
	}
	p->klen = (int8_t) l;
	memcpy( p->key, key, l );
	p->key[l] = '\0';

	if( value )
	{
		p->has_val = 1;
		l = strlen( value );

		if( l >= HTTP_PARAM_MAX_VAL )
		{
			hwarn( "Rejecting overlong (%d) value: %s", l, value );
			mem_free_htprm( &p );
			return MHD_YES;
		}

		if( l )
		{
			p->vlen = l;
			memcpy( p->val, value, l );
			p->val[l] = '\0';
		}
	}

	// link it
	p->next = r->params;
	r->params = p;

	return MHD_YES;
}

HTREQ *http_request_creator( HTTP_CONN *conn, const char *url, const char *method )
{
	union MHD_ConnectionInfo *ci;
	HTHDLS *hd;
	HTREQ *req;
	int rlen;

	req = mem_new_request( );
	req->conn = conn;
	req->code = MHD_HTTP_OK;
	req->first = 1;
	req->start = get_time64( );

	rlen = strlen( url );

	// read out url param values
	MHD_get_connection_values( conn, MHD_GET_ARGUMENT_KIND, &http_get_url_param, req );

	if( !strcasecmp( method, MHD_HTTP_METHOD_GET ) )
	{
		req->meth = HTTP_METH_GET;
		hd = _http->get_h;
	}
	else if( !strcasecmp( method, MHD_HTTP_METHOD_POST ) )
	{
		req->meth = HTTP_METH_POST;
		hd = _http->post_h;
	}
	else
	{
		req->text = strbuf_copy( req->text, "Method not supported.", 0 );
		req->code = MHD_HTTP_METHOD_NOT_ALLOWED;
		http_send_response( req );
		return NULL;
	}

	// find the handler
	if( !( req->path = http_find_callback( url, rlen, hd ) ) )
	{
		req->text = strbuf_copy( req->text, "That url is not recognised.", 0 );
		req->code = MHD_HTTP_NOT_FOUND;
		http_send_response( req );
		return NULL;
	}

	// is this a control call?
	req->is_ctl = req->path->flags & HTTP_FLAGS_CONTROL;

	ci = (union MHD_ConnectionInfo *) MHD_get_connection_info( conn, MHD_CONNECTION_INFO_CLIENT_ADDRESS );
	req->sin = *((struct sockaddr_in *) (ci->client_addr));

	// do we have a separate ip list?
	// check it's not the generic one
	// see the commend below
	if( req->path->srcs != _http->web_ips
	 && http_request_access_check( req->path->srcs, req, ci->client_addr ) )
		return NULL;

	hit_counter( req->path->hits );

	if( req->meth == HTTP_METH_POST )
	{
		if( req->first )
		{
			// check this IP is allowed
			if( req->is_ctl )
			{
				// do we have a controls ip check list?
				// check it's not the generic one
				//
				// note, we've now done this twice, once checking
				// against the generic list, once against the
				// ctls list.  If a path passes the generic list
				// in, we've already checked at access policy time,
				// so we don't check again
				//
				// if the path passed the ctls list in, then we
				// already checked against the controls one on the
				// per-path check above - as that would not have
				// equalled the generic list (unless it's the same
				// list everywhere).
				if( req->path->srcs != _http->ctl_ips
				 && !http_request_access_check( _http->ctl_ips, req, ci->client_addr ) )
					return NULL;
			}

			// and create the post data object
			if( !req->post )
				req->post = (HTTP_POST *) allocz( sizeof( HTTP_POST ) );

			req->post->state = HTTP_POST_START;

			// json gets handled differently
			if( http_check_json( req ) )
				http_calls_json_init( req );
			else
				(req->path->cb)( req );
		}
	}

	return req;
}

enum MHD_Result http_request_handler( void *cls, HTTP_CONN *conn, const char *url,
	const char *method, const char *version, const char *upload_data,
	size_t *upload_data_size, void **con_cls )
{
	HTREQ *req = *((HTREQ **) con_cls);

	// quick sanity check on our request
	if( req && req->check != HTTP_CLS_CHECK )
	{
		info( "Flattening weird con_cls %p -> %p.", con_cls, req );
		*con_cls = NULL;
		req = NULL;
	}

	// do we have an object?
	if( !req )
	{
		req = http_request_creator( conn, url, method );

		if( req )
			*con_cls = req;
		else
			return MHD_YES;
	}

	switch( req->meth )
	{
		case HTTP_METH_GET:
			// gets are easy
			(req->path->cb)( req );
			http_send_response( req );
			return MHD_YES;

		case HTTP_METH_POST:
			// post arrive as
			// 1.    first call, no data
			// 2...  N data calls
			// 3.    last call, no data
			if( req->first )
			{
				req->first = 0;
				return MHD_YES;
			}
			req->post->data   = upload_data;
			req->post->bytes  = *upload_data_size;
			req->post->total += req->post->bytes;
			++(req->post->calls);

			// check upload against max size
			if( req->post->total > _http->post_max )
			{
				hwarn( "Closing down post that exceeds maximum size." );
				req->err = 1;

				if( req->is_json )
					http_calls_json_done( req );

				req->code = MHD_HTTP_PAYLOAD_TOO_LARGE;
				http_send_response( req );
				return MHD_NO;
			}

			if( req->post->bytes )
			{
				req->post->state = HTTP_POST_BODY;

				if( req->is_json )
				{
					if( http_calls_json_data( req ) )
						req->err = 1;
				}
				else
				{
					if( (req->path->cb)( req ) < 0 )
						req->err = 1;
				}
			}
			else
			{
				// json objects should only just have finished,
				// so we need to parse it and actually hit the calllback
				// first
				if( req->is_json )
					http_calls_json_done( req );

				http_send_response( req );
			}

			// say we have processed the data
			*upload_data_size = 0;

			return MHD_YES;
	}

	warn( "How did the request logic get here?" );
	return MHD_NO;
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
John Jalsevac
On the restoration of Christian culture
If people are confused and angry at the mixed messaging on Covid right now, don't be surprised
People were told to stay at home and miss funerals for loved ones or to delay medical treatments, but assembling for protests is not a problem.
Mon Jun 8, 2020 - 6:38 pm EST
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau takes a knee in a crowd at a protest in Ottawa. YouTube
By John Jalsevac
June 8, 2020 (LifeSiteNews) – Ontario, Canada is still officially in a state of emergency. In this province you are not allowed to gather in groups larger than five. If you violate this order, you risk a fine of hundreds, or even thousands of dollars. And yet, on Friday, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was photographed kneeling in the middle of a crowd of hundreds of protesters in Ottawa, a city located in Ontario.
You can think that what happened to George Floyd was demonically evil (and it was) and that the cause the protesters are protesting in favour of all around the world is crucially important (ending racism sure as heck is), and also wonder what the hell is going on with public officials' response to these protests with respect to the Covid-19 pandemic.
For months now we have been repeatedly told that if we don't follow self-isolation rules to the tee, we are putting lives at risk. It wasn't about us, we were told. Maybe we felt confident that we'd be ok if we got the virus. But that didn't matter. It was about the fact that we could become carriers of Covid, and transmit the virus to vulnerable people. This was literally a matter of life and death, possibly for millions of people.
Because of this, we were not allowed to be at the deathbeds of loved ones, could not mourn the lives of our deceased with funerals, could not be with our closest relations and friends at their weddings, and had to stomach the loss of jobs, businesses, and in many cases significant harm to our mental and physical health. We had no choice. If we didn't accept the costs and follow the rules, people would die. As Princeton Professor Robert George notes: "No exceptions, even to support and comfort the dying." Because we were all in this together.
And yet, yesterday, my prime minister stood in the middle of a huge crowd – violating the stay-at-home orders that he has repeatedly lambasted fellow Canadians for ignoring these past few months. "You all think you're invincible. You're not. Enough is enough," Trudeau lectured Canadians who were flouting the isolation rules in March. "Go home and stay home." Meanwhile, over 1,200 health care experts signed an open letter this week saying that the protests should not be shut down over coronavirus concerns, since the protests are "vital to the national public health."
Let me be clear: I'm not saying these protests shouldn't happen (the violence that has marred some of them is, of course, another matter). Heck, I've been vocally supporting loosening the lockdowns faster. And I would love nothing more than for racism to be wiped off the face of the planet. But I am saying that this response is a huge case in point for why people are increasingly distrustful of the health experts, public officials and the media. A couple weeks ago, protesters protesting the lockdowns were told they were murderously reckless. Individuals who participated in those protests were publicly shamed and berated universally by the health experts and the media. Now, crowds many, many times larger, are being encouraged to gather by the very same health experts and media because, in this case, it seems, the cause is worth the risk.
Maybe the cause is worth the risk. It's not the point I'm interested in arguing. What I am interested in pointing out is that this is a naked example of a double standard, and that it's confusing as hell for people who are trying to figure out what's going on, and who to believe. This is not "the science." This is an example of how scientists, the media and other experts and public officials allow political considerations to influence their allegedly objective scientific judgments, presenting their political viewpoints as "the science".
Many of those who attended anti-lockdown protests also argued that the cause they were championing was "vital to the national public health" – i.e. to mitigate the demonstrably serious collateral damage being caused by the lockdowns themselves, as evidenced by such things as skyrocketing calls to suicide hotlines, or the thousands of people who have missed cancer screenings, etc. You can disagree with them, if you like. But I think we can all agree that if something – i.e. a public protest – poses a grave threat to life in one case (anti-lockdown protests), then logically speaking the same thing – public protests – must pose a grave threat to life in another case (the BLM protests). In fact, given that in the latter case the protests have been far more widespread, and many times larger (as I write this, they are projecting as many as 100,000 protesters in a single city – D.C.) the threat to life is also, presumably, that much greater. And yet, this is precisely not what the health experts are currently saying. Instead, they are proactively downplaying the risks and arguing for exceptions in the one case while labeling the other as evil.
As a friend of mine wrote a few days ago, what people desperately need right now is "to know that this has been worth it." The months shut up in their apartments. The lost jobs. The conscientious observance of every dot and tittle of the health authorities' instructions. Life put on hold. We need the assurance that our health authorities were acting in good faith. That the fines leveled against people for taking their dog for a walk, for driving in a car with someone who wasn't from their household, or for wishing a friend happy birthday from a car – that these seemingly extreme and harsh penalties stemmed from a legitimate cause: the pressing need to halt transmission of a deadly virus; the need to ensure that nobody was cutting corners in our collective responsibility to protect the vulnerable. But instead, what we are seeing is health authorities and the media overnight tossing the whole bloody thing. No half measures here. One day, sunning yourself in a park is a high crime, the next day, a failure to enthusiastically support crowds of tens of thousands of protesters just might well show that you don't take racism seriously.
So, don't be surprised if people become confused and even angry if, on the one hand, they are being told that by no means can they be allowed an exception to go visit the deathbed of their grandmother, while on the other hand, the prime minister of a country still officially on lockdown, in a province that currently only allows a maximum of five people to gather, is publicly flouting his own lockdown orders and marching in the middle of a large crowd of people.
As I see it, there are two possible interpretations of Trudeau's presence at the protest: 1) The public experts have been telling us the truth about the risks posed by Covid these past few months, but Prime Minister Trudeau is willing to risk causing people to die by exposing himself to a crowd, and encouraging other people to do the same. 2) Despite what they've been telling us, and despite the burdens (sometimes crushingly heavy) we have all been expected to shoulder, Trudeau (and all those health experts who've been ordering us to stay home) don't actually think there's any very serious serious risk involved in being in a large group of people right now.
I'm not sure which interpretation is more troubling.
Professor Robert George writes on Facebook:
For weeks – now months – dying people have been made to draw their last breath entirely alone in hospitals and hospices, denied last rites or even the presence of a family member, because of public health requirements we were told simply could not be relaxed. No exceptions, even to support and comfort the dying. Now. Now. Now. Some of the very same public health professionals and public officials who insisted on that brutally rigorous policy are supporting mass demonstrations that by any reckoning pose a massively greater threat to public health and safety. Massively greater. I'm accustomed to hypocrisy and bad faith among our professional elites and public officials, but this one is nevertheless stunning to me. Just stunning.
Well, well, well, even a writer at Guardian – after a lot of throat-clearing – agrees. This took some guts. Quote:
Consider France, where I live. The country has only just begun reopening after two solid months of one of the world's severest national quarantines, and in the face of the world's fifth-highest coronavirus body count. As recently as 11 May, it was mandatory here to carry a fully executed state-administered permission slip on one's person in order to legally exercise or go shopping. The country has only just begun to flatten the curve of deaths – nearly 30,000 and counting – which have brought its economy to a standstill. Yet even here, in the time it takes to upload a black square to your Instagram profile, those of us who move in progressive circles now find ourselves under significant moral pressure to understand that social distancing is an issue of merely secondary importance.
This feels like gaslighting. Less than two weeks ago, the enlightened position in both Europe and America was to exercise nothing less than extreme caution. Many of us went much further, taking to social media to castigate others for insufficient social distancing or neglecting to wear masks or daring to believe they could maintain some semblance of a normal life during coronavirus. At the end of April, when the state of Georgia moved to end its lockdown, the Atlantic ran an article with the headline "Georgia's Experiment in Human Sacrifice". Two weeks ago we shamed people for being in the street; today we shame them for not being in the street.
Public health experts – as well as many mainstream commentators, plenty of whom in the beginning of the pandemic were already incoherent about the importance of face masks and stay-at-home orders – have hemorrhaged credibility and authority. This is not merely a short-term problem; it will constitute a crisis of trust going forward, when it may be all the more urgent to convince skeptical masses to submit to an unproven vaccine or to another round of crushing stay-at-home orders. Will anyone still listen?
covid-19, george floyd, justin trudeau, lockdowns, public health experts, racism, robert george, stay-at-home orders, the guardian
John Jalsevac is Web Strategy Director of LifeSiteNews.com. He has a bachelor's degree in philosophy with a minor in theology from Christendom College in Front Royal, Virginia. He has published hundreds of articles in publications including Crisis Magazine, Catholic Insight, The Wanderer, and of course, LifeSiteNews.
John's Recent Blogs
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East Pepperell é um lugar designado pelo censo localizado no condado de Middlesex no estado estadounidense de Massachusetts. No Censo de 2010 tinha uma população de 2.059 habitantes e uma densidade populacional de 547,13 pessoas por km².

Geografia
East Pepperell encontra-se localizado nas coordenadas . Segundo a Departamento do Censo dos Estados Unidos, East Pepperell tem uma superfície total de 3.76 km², da qual 3.67 km² correspondem a terra firme e (2.55%) 0.1 km² é água.

Demografia
Segundo o censo de 2010, tinha 2.059 pessoas residindo em East Pepperell. A densidade populacional era de 547,13 hab./km². Dos 2.059 habitantes, East Pepperell estava composto pelo 95.97% brancos, o 1.02% eram afroamericanos, o 0.19% eram amerindios, o 1.12% eram asiáticos, o 0% eram insulares do Pacífico, o 0.15% eram de outras raças e o 1.55% pertenciam a duas ou mais raças. Do total da população o 1.94% eram hispanos ou latinos de qualquer raça.

Regiões censitárias de Massachusetts
Localidades do condado de Middlesex (Massachusetts)