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Flexible CRT Displays
A new method of patterning nanotubes could lead to flexible, flat-screen displays with many of the advantages of bulky CRTs.
Kevin Bullisarchive page
The unique electronic properties of carbon nanotubes make them promising for a range of applications, including use as ultra-efficient "electron emitters" in bright, low-power displays. Now researchers have found a way to pattern carbon nanotubes in plastic sheets that could lead to flexible versions of these displays – and electronics that you could roll up and put in your pocket.
Several companies, such as Samsung and Motorola, are developing carbon nanotube-based displays that take advantage of the fact that nanotubes can emit electrons extremely efficiently. Like familiar bulky cathode ray tube (CRT) displays, these nanotube versions use electrons to excite phosphors on a screen to produce an image. But unlike standard CRTs, nanotubes displays can be flat, and they use much less energy than other flat-panel technologies.
The new method developed by researchers at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute (RPI), Northeastern University, and New Mexico State University, could lead to flexible, flat-screen CRTs. The process begins with a pre-patterned surface that controls where multi-walled nanotubes grow. Next, the researchers pour a liquid over the nanotubes and cook it until it forms a polymer. They then peel off the polymer along with the nanotubes. The polymer preserves the nanotube pattern down to the positions of individual nanotubes and keeps them aligned in one direction.
For display applications, where single nanotubes must be isolated from others to get the best efficiencies, the researchers strip off a layer of polymer to expose the tips of nanotubes, then burn off long or tangled nanotubes, leaving only isolated ones. This method has produced very efficient electron emission, the researchers say. "The results we've seen are some of the best that have been reported in the literature," says Swastik Kar, a postdoctoral research in materials science and engineering at RPI and lead author of the paper.
To be sure, the patterned nanotubes are just the first step toward a flexible nanotube display, which, in addition to the nanotube emitters, requires electronics for addressing individual pixels of the display, and a way of making a similarly flexible phosphor layer. The structure will also need to be sturdy enough to maintain a vacuum inside the device. In all, it will likely be at least a few years before a prototype display is ready, says Kar.
The nanotube-plastic composites may lead to other applications. The ability to carefully control patterns of nanotubes may lead to other kinds of flexible, nanotube-based electronics. Also, the plastic-nanotube films can detect small changes in pressure: as the plastic film is compressed, the nanotubes get rearranged, the researchers say, producing a detectable change in the conductivity of the material. This pressure sensitivity is something like the sense of touch, leading the researchers to call their invention "nano-skin."
The RPI researchers are also working with scientists who used nanotubes as adhesives, mimicking the structures that allow geckos to cling to walls. The extremely high surface area of the nanotubes creates enough friction to hold two surfaces together. One possibility that uses the flexible plastic is a souped-up version of Velcro.
The RPI work is part of a much larger research effort to combine nanotubes with polymers and other flexible materials. "Flexible nanotube-polymer films will find a large range of applications, not only for electronics, but also for sensing applications and even optical applications," says Liming Dai, professor of materials engineering and chemistry at the University of Dayton in Ohio, who recently developed a chemical sensor using nanotubes embedded in plastic. "It's an important area. Now is the time for people to push these things toward real applications."
Home page image courtesy of Yung Joon Jung, Northeastern University, Boston MA. Caption: A sample of the plastic with embedded half-millimeter-wide dots of nanotubes.
by Kevin Bullis


Fred Udell was one of the first pioneers of Stevenage.
The funeral of one of the first pioneers of Stevenage New Town will be held tomorrow.
Fred and Violet Udell on their wedding day in 1947. Courtesy of: Karen Harding.
Fred Udell, 93, moved to Stevenage in 1952 with his wife Violet and their daughter Helen and were among the first residents.
Fred and Violet, who had been married for 70 years when he died, lived first in Abbots Grove and later in Boxfield Green.
A Royal Navy veteran, Fred was just 17 when he took part in the Arctic Convoys of the Second World War as a leading aircraft mechanic aboard aircraft carrier HMS Campania. He went on five convoys altogether and was also involved in D-Day.
Fred, a bricklayer by trade, also served on North Herts District Council and helped set up the town twinning association between Stevenage and Ingelheim.
Violet and Fred Udell when they celebrated their diamond wedding anniversary in 2007. Picture: Helen Lindhurst.
He died at Garden House Hospice Care in Letchworth on September 8.
His funeral will be held at 2.45pm at Harwood Park Crematorium on Stevenage's Watton Road.


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Posts Tagged 'Paul Finkelman'
Constitution, constitutional law, Dred Scott, John Marshall, Joseph Story, Los Angeles Review of Books, Paul Finkelman, Roger B. Taney, Slavery, U.S. Constitution, United States Supreme Court
Review of Paul Finkelman's "Supreme Injustice"
In America, American History, Arts & Letters, Book Reviews, Books, Dred Scott, Historicism, History, Humanities, Jurisprudence, Justice, Law, Laws of Slavery, liberal arts, Nineteenth-Century America, Politics, Scholarship, Southern History, The South, Writing on August 8, 2018 at 6:45 am
This review originally appeared here in the Los Angeles Review of Books.
Paul Finkelman is an anomaly: a historian with no law degree who's held chairs or fellowships at numerous law schools, testified as an expert witness in high-profile cases, and filed amicus briefs with several courts. Federal appellate judges, including justices on the United States Supreme Court, have cited his work. Liberal arts professors anxious about the state and fate of their discipline might look to him to demonstrate the practical relevance of the humanities to everyday society.
Finkelman specializes in American legal history, slavery and the law, constitutional law, and race and the law. His new book, Supreme Injustice, tells the story of three United States Supreme Court Justices — John Marshall, Joseph Story, and Roger B. Taney — and their "slavery jurisprudence." Each of these men, Finkelman argues, differed in background and methodology but shared the belief that antislavery agitation undermined the legal and political structures instituted by the Constitution. Had they aligned their operative principles with the ideals of liberty, equality, and justice enshrined in the Declaration of Independence, liberty rather than racism and oppression might have defined antebellum America.
Finkelman insists that the legacy of Marshall, Story, and Taney had enormous implications for the state of the nation, strengthening the institutions of slavery and embedding in the law a systemic hostility to fundamental freedom and basic justice. These are strong allegations, attributed to only three individuals. Yet the evidence adds up.
Start with Marshall, a perennially celebrated figure who, unlike many of his generation, in particular his occasional nemesis Thomas Jefferson, has escaped scrutiny on matters of race and slavery. Finkelman submits that scholarship on Marshall is "universally admiring" — an overstatement perhaps, but one that underscores the prevalence of the mythology Finkelman hopes to dispel.
Finkelman emphasizes Marshall's "personal ties to slavery" and "considerable commitment to owning other human beings." He combs through numerous records and presents ample data to establish that Marshall, a life member of the American Colonization Society, "actively participated in slavery on a very personal level." Finkelman then turns to Marshall's votes and opinions in cases, several of which challenged state laws and rulings that freed slaves. In fact, Marshall would go so far as to overturn the verdicts of white Southern jurors and the judgments of white Southern judges who, in freedom suits, sided with slaves and against masters.
Marshall could be an ardent nationalist attempting to effectuate the supremacy of federal law. One is therefore tempted to attribute his rulings against state laws in cases about slavery to his longstanding desire to centralize federal power. But that is only part of the story. Finkelman brings to light exceptions, including when Marshall selectively deferred to state law if doing so meant that slaves remained the property of their masters. Finkelman highlights these decisions to show that Marshall was hypocritical, compromising his otherwise plenary nationalism to ensure that contractual and property arrangements regarding slaves were protected by law.
Story was also a nationalist, having evolved from Jeffersonianism to anti-Jeffersonianism and eventually becoming Marshall's jurisprudential adjunct. Unlike Marshall, however, Story could sound "like a full-blown abolitionist." His opinion in United States v. La Jeune Eugenie (1822) was "an antislavery tour de force," decrying slavery and the slave trade as "repugnant to the natural rights of man and the dictates of judges."
Yet he prioritized radical nationalism over the rights of humans in bondage. In Prigg v. Pennsylvania (1842), writing for the Court, he deemed unconstitutional a state ban on the extradition of blacks out of Pennsylvania for purposes of slavery. Story jumped at the chance to pronounce the primacy of federal law over state law even if it meant employing the Supremacy Clause to validate the Fugitive Slave Act of 1793. "A justice who had once thought slavery was deeply immoral," Finkelman bemoans,
rewrote history, misstated precedents, and made up new constitutional doctrine to nationalize southern slave law and impose it on the entire nation. The decision jeopardized the liberty of every black in the North, whether free or fugitive. The injustice of this opinion was profound.
Author of the notorious Dred Scott opinion, Taney is the most predictable of Finkelman's targets. By the end of the Civil War, he was vehemently denounced and widely despised. Progressives in the early 20th century, most notably Felix Frankfurter, rehabilitated his reputation in part because progressive economic policy during that era promoted Taney's approach to states' rights and political decentralization. The mood has changed; most historians now probably agree that Taney "aggressively protected slavery" and "made war on free blacks." Few law professors would recall Taney's "early ambivalence about slavery and his defense of the Reverend Jacob Gruber," who was arrested for sermonizing against slavery at a Methodist camp meeting and subsequently charged with inciting slave rebellion. Finkelman's chapter on Taney thus runs with the grain, not against it.
At times Finkelman exaggerates or wishfully portrays the role of judges. He asserts that, prior to the Civil War, courts rather than Congress or the executive had "room for protecting the liberty of free blacks, liberating some slaves, providing due process for alleged fugitive slaves, enforcing the federal suppression of the African slave trade, or preventing slavery from being established in federal territories." This claim may hold up in some of the cases Finkelman discusses (e.g., LaGrange v. Choteau [1830], in which Marshall declined the opportunity to enforce federal law that could have freed a slave who had traveled into free territory), but not in all of them. If a judge were faced with a problem of statutory construction, he (there were only male judges then) could have asked what the language of the statute meant, how it applied to the concrete facts and material rules before him, and whether it was constitutional, but anything more would have arguably exceeded the scope of his office.
The Constitution was silent about slavery until the Civil War Amendments, also known as the Reconstruction Amendments. Prior to them, any attempt to render slavery unconstitutional would have required appeals to natural law, natural rights, or other like doctrines that appear in the Constitution only in spirit, not in letter. The abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison believed the Constitution was affirmatively proslavery, calling it a "covenant with death" and "an agreement with Hell." If this is true, then when judges swear an oath to defend the Constitution (the basic framework of government with which all other laws in the United States must comport), they are also inadvertently vowing to defend the institution of slavery — unless the law is more than what statutes and the Constitution provide, in which case these judges could reach beyond the positive law to principles pre-political and universal.
Finkelman suggests another alternative: that certain constitutional provisions supplied a basis in positive law for antislavery strategies and stratagem. He cites, among other things, the congressional powers exercised in the reenactment of the Northwest Ordinance and the enactment of the Missouri Compromise and Oregon Territory; the admission of new free states into the United States; the due process guarantees of the Fifth Amendment; the rights of criminal defendants protected by the Sixth Amendment; the Privileges and Immunities Clause; and the guarantees of the First Amendment.
Each of these would have been problematic during the period Finkelman covers. There was not yet a 14th Amendment through which provisions of the Bill of Rights could have been incorporated to apply against the several states, although state constitutions contained protections of fundamental rights that federal judges recognized and affirmed. Moreover, the provisions Finkelman enumerates empowered Congress, not the courts, to pursue robust antislavery measures. Courts could have responded to and interpreted actions and directives of Congress, but they could not have initiated legislation or litigation. Had the Constitution enabled federal judges and the United States Supreme Court to strike down proslavery laws and regulations with ease, the Civil War Amendments might not have been necessary. But they were necessary to facilitate the demise of slavery.
Finkelman speculates about what the courts could have done to advance antislavery causes, but courts cannot do anything unless the right litigants bring the right cases with the right facts before the right tribunals while making the right arguments. Judges do not commence lawsuits but handle the ones brought before them. Finkelman could have examined some cases more closely to reveal how the facts, issues, reasoning, and holdings should have differed in rationale, not just in result. Too many cases receive only cursory treatment; lawsuits are more than picking winners and losers.
At one point, Finkelman accuses Marshall of reading a statute "in favor of slavery and not freedom," but the statute isn't quoted. Readers will have to look up the case to decide if Marshall's interpretation was reasonable or arbitrary — if, that is, his hermeneutics adequately reflected a common understanding of the statutory language or intolerably controverted congressional purpose and prerogative. Finkelman chides departures from precedent, but rarely analyzes the allegedly controlling cases to verify that they are, in fact, dispositive of the later controversy by analogy of received rules.
One is regularly left with the impression that the only issue in the cases Finkelman evaluates was whether a slave should be free or not. Many of the cases, however, involved procedural and jurisdictional complexities that had to be resolved before grand political holdings implicating the entire institution of slavery could be reached. We're still debating the ambiguities of federalism (e.g., how to square the Supremacy Clause with the Ninth and 10th Amendments) that complicate any exposition of the interplay between state and federal law, so it can seem anachronistic and quixotic to condemn Marshall, Story, or Taney for not untangling state and federal law in a manner that in retrospect would appear to have occasioned more freedom and less bondage.
Then again, it's hard to fault Finkelman for subjecting these giants of the law to such high standards. That men like Marshall and Story have not been investigated as their contemporaries have in light of the horrors and effects of slavery speaks volumes about the willful blindness of the legal profession and the deficiencies of legal scholarship. Finkelman remains an important voice in legal education and has pushed scholarly conversations about slavery in new directions. At 68, he's likely got more books left in him. Anxious readers await the next.
American History, American South, Appellate Courts, Ariela Gross, History, jurisprudence, Laura F. Edwards, law, Laws of Slavery, Local Law, Localism, Mark Tushnet, North Carolina, Paul Finkelman, Slavery, South Carolina, State Law, The People and Their Peace, Thomas D. Morris, University of North Carolina Press
BOOK REVIEW: Laura F. Edwards. The People and Their Peace: Legal Culture and the Transformation of Inequality in the Post-Revolutionary South (Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina Press, 2009).
In Advocacy, American History, Arts & Letters, Book Reviews, Civil Procedure, History, Humanities, Jurisprudence, Law, Laws of Slavery, Nineteenth-Century America, Politics, Rhetoric, Slavery, Southern History, The South on September 28, 2011 at 10:41 am
Since Mark Tushnet revived the study of slave laws in the American South, several historians, most notably Paul Finkelman, Thomas D. Morris, and Ariela Gross, have followed in his footsteps. Laura F. Edwards's The People and Their Peace is a book that extends this trend in scholarship. Focusing on North and South Carolina from roughly 1787 to 1840, and more specifically on three North Carolina counties and four South Carolina counties during that time, Edwards situates local law in contradistinction to state law, portraying the former as polycentric and heterogeneous and the latter as centralized and homogenous. Edwards suggests that state law was more aspirational than practical in the early nineteenth-century Carolinas because it failed to inform ordinary legal practice at the local level in the same way that resident culture or custom did.
Pitting "reformers" (elite individuals who sought to create a uniform and consolidated body of rules that appellate courts could enforce at the state level) against locals, Edwards demonstrates that the legal system was bottom-up and not top-down and that law on paper or in statutes was different from law in practice. On paper or in statutes, law subordinated lower courts to appellate courts and seemed, in keeping with the reformers' ideals, systematized into a unitary, integrated order that reflected the supposedly natural and inevitable unfolding of history. Reformers selectively compiled local laws and practices into lengthy works to forge the impression that law was a set of consistent, underlying principles. In practice, however, law was variable, contingent, and contextual. It emerged from the workaday and quotidian operations of individuals in towns and communities. Law was therefore as messy as it was unpredictable, and it cannot be understood today without a deep knowledge of interpersonal relationships and cultural conditions in locales where courts sat. Slave codes, for instance, did not reflect realities on the ground because they were handed down by state legislatures and could not account for the reputations and routines of people in local communities—people who cared less about consistency in the law or about fixed principles than about their personal stake in any given legal matter.
This book is a corrective to histories interested principally in local legal sources but neglectful of the particularities that brought about these local sources. It marshals evidence from legal documents—especially case decisions, including appellate opinions—while considering why and how those documents were produced. The development of state law became increasingly important during the antebellum years, but the rise in state law—which privileged narratives of individual rights, standardized legal principles, and enabled southern distinctiveness—does not make sense apart from local data. Local data reveals much about the processes (as opposed to philosophies) of law. Put differently, local law remained discretionary because it was fluid and not subject to abstract and purely notional mantras about rights. Read the rest of this entry »
Catharine Clinton and Michele Gillespie, David Brion Davis, Edmund S. Morgan, Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Eugene Genovese, Fogel and Engerman, Historiography, Interracial Sex, Ira Berlin, James Hugo Johnston, Laws of Slavery, Loving v. Virginia, Miscegenation Laws, Orlando Patterson, Paul Finkelman, Peter Kolchin, Slavery, Stanley Elkins, Virginia, Winthrop Jordan
The Place of Miscegenation Laws within Historical Scholarship about Slavery
In American History, Arts & Letters, Book Reviews, Communication, Economics, History, Law, Laws of Slavery, Legal Education & Pedagogy, Nineteenth-Century America, Politics, Slavery, The Literary Table, Thomas Jefferson, Western Civilization on May 17, 2011 at 8:28 am
The following post appeared at The Literary Table.
Miscegenation laws, also known as anti-miscegenation laws, increasingly have attracted the attention of scholars of slavery over the last half-century. Scholarship on slavery first achieved eminence with the publication of such texts as Eric Williams's Capitalism and Slavery (1944), Frank Tannenbaum's Slave and Citizen (1946), Kenneth Stampp's The Peculiar Institution (1956), Stanley Elkins's Slavery: A Problem in American Institutional and Intellectual Life (1959), and Leon F. Litwack's North of Slavery (1961). When Winthrop D. Jordan published his landmark study White Over Black in 1968, miscegenation statutes during the era of American slavery were just beginning to fall within historians' critical purview. The Loving v. Virginia case, initiated in 1959 and resolved by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1967, no doubt played an important role in activating scholarship on this issue, especially in light of the Civil Rights movement that called attention to various areas of understudied black history.
In Loving, the Supreme Court struck down Virginia's miscegenation statutes forbidding marriage between whites and non-whites and ruled that the racial classifications of the statutes restricted the freedom to marry and therefore violated the Equal Protection Clause and Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. In the wake of Loving, scholarship on miscegenation laws gained traction, although miscegenation laws during the era of American slavery have yet to receive extensive critical treatment. Several articles and essays have considered miscegenation laws and interracial sex during the era of American slavery, but only a few book-length analyses are devoted to these issues, and of these analyses, most deal with interracial sex and miscegenation laws in the nineteenth-century antebellum period, or from the period of Reconstruction up through the twentieth-century. This historiographical essay explores interracial sex and miscegenation laws in the corpus of historical writing about slavery. It does so by contextualizing interracial sex and miscegenation laws within broader trends in the study of slavery. Placing various historical texts in conversation with one another, this essay speculates about how and why, over time, historians treated interracial sex and miscegenation laws differently and with varying degrees of detail. By no means exhaustive, this essay merely seeks to point out one area of slavery studies that stands for notice, interrogation, and reconsideration. The colonies did not always have miscegenation laws; indeed, miscegenation laws did not spring up in America until the late seventeenth-century, and they remained in effect in various times and regions until just forty-four years ago. The longevity and severity of these laws make them worthy our continued attention, for to understand miscegenation laws is to understand more fully the logic and formal expression of racism. Read the rest of this entry »
American History, Ariela Gross, bibliographical essay, David Brion Davis, Historiography, History, Kenneth Stamp, law, Law professors, Legal Education, Legal Scholarship, Paul Finkelman, Slavery, Stanley Elkins, Winthrop Jordan
Law Professors and Laws of Slavery
In American History, Arts & Letters, Book Reviews, History, Nineteenth-Century America, Politics, Slavery, The Literary Table, Western Civilization on April 4, 2011 at 3:44 pm
This post was first published over at The Literary Table. I have reposted here because the content of the post relates to many recent posts on this site.
Kenneth Stamp published his landmark study The Peculiar Institution (New York: Alfred A. Knopf) in 1956, thus inaugurating the institutionalized and concerted efforts of scholars to examine the history of slavery in America with greater detail. Research and study of the history of slavery then gained momentum in the 1960s. One of the seminal texts from this period was David Brion Davis's The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (Cornell University Press, 1966), winner of the 1967 Pulitzer Prize for General Non-Fiction. An ambitious undertaking, this book seeks to demonstrate the continuity of slavery through various times and places in Western Civilization. A legitimizing narrative or logic always accompanies the institution of slavery, Davis suggests, but such narrative or logic—or narrative logic—is fraught with paradoxes threatening to undermine the institution altogether. How, for instance, does one reconcile the ideals of freedom and equality, so celebrated by American Revolutionaries, with the pervasive reality of human bondage? How does one make sense of a Christianity that both condemns and justifies slavery? How can slaves be humans—rational agents with free will—and chattel property at once? How does ending the slave trade worsen conditions for the enslaved? If enslaving infidels, and only infidels, is valid by law and church teaching, then how do European colonists validate the enslavement of converted Africans? How can colonists rely heavily upon an institution that they fear? How can one of the earliest American colonies to oppose slavery (Georgia) become a hotbed for slavery? If, according to law and church teaching, only pagans can be enslaved, why are not Natives enslaved as frequently or as much as Africans? For that matter, why do early objections to slavery focus on Natives, who are less likely to become slaves than blacks? Why do colonists insist on Christianizing slaves yet fear converted slaves? How does the antislavery movement develop out of the very ideology sustaining slavery? How do notions of sin both justify and subvert the institution of slavery? Why does the Age of Enlightenment, with its celebration of reason, humanism, and liberation, intensify rather than disparage slavery? And how can the New World, a putatively progressive landscape, rely on and perpetuate an ancient institution? These and other questions permeate Davis's provocative text. Davis does not try to resolve these apparent contradictions so much as he explores them through various persons, places, and patterns; in so doing, he describes how human bondage gets revised and extended from one age to the next, and how justifications for slavery in one era inaugurate justifications for slavery in later eras. Read the rest of this entry »

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Do you know any traditional British Food?
What is the most popular dish in Britain?
Is there a difference between British breakfast time and the Argentinian one?
Let's see how much you discover about British traditional meals and meal times. Have fun and enjoy your culinary trip!


The Democratic Party's Presidential aspirant for the United States in the 2016 election, Hillary Clinton, on Wednesday, August 15, said that statistical revelation shows that about 42% of eligible voters did not vote.
The former first lady who was reacting to the outcome of the 2016 election which saw her lost to the Republican candidate Donald Trump, stated this in her twitter page.
She believes that the outcome would have be better if the turnout was higher and call on members of the public to register or check if they are eligible to vote in the 2018 election.


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KentuckyPoliticsEconomy
GOP Governor Matt Bevin's Kentucky Becoming The "Seat of Advanced Manufacturing In America"
Working families are gaining access to new high-paying jobs as the state's economy continues to move toward unprecedented new heights.
The RGA reports:
GOP Governor Matt Bevin's bold conservative leadership continues to get results as he transforms Kentucky into a model for attracting investment and spurring job creation.
Kentucky-based Braidy Industries announced that global aluminum leader Rusal will invest $200 million in helping the company build "America's first low-carbon environmentally conscious aluminum mill." In their report, Forbesapplauded Governor Bevin's role in making the investment possible:
"Governor Matt Bevin, in partnership with entrepreneurs like Bouchard, is working to make Kentucky the seat of advanced manufacturing in America. He's made significant progress in a few short years bringing nearly $19.4 Billion in investments to the state and helping to create more than 51,412 jobs.
Bevin worked tirelessly to bring Braidy Industries to Kentucky and won unheard of and unanimous bi-partisan support for the State to make a strategic equity investment in Braidy Industries.
Unlike the now imploded New York City Amazon deal, where a corporation gets enormous incentives in the form of grants and gifts—with no exchange of shares or shareholder value—Kentucky will be a direct beneficiary in Braidy's success."
With Governor Bevin leading the way in Kentucky, working families are gaining access to new high-paying jobs as the state's economy continues to move toward unprecedented new heights.
1 day, 1 hour ago
GOP Governor Matt Bevin's Kentucky Becoming The "Seat of Advanced Manufacturing ...


Due to the approaching severe weather conditions associated with Hurricane Florence, there will be no school for students and faculty, Friday, September 14. Please adjust your personal calendars to reflect the first make-up day on May 30, 2019 (in your calendar they are noted as "calamity" days).
As is our policy, we will follow the public schools in determining when it is safe to reopen our doors. At this time it is our intention to open back up on Monday, September 17. You will receive a call through our Ren Web notification system Sunday evening, September 16 should there be a change.
School will remain in session today until 3:00 and our extended day program will remain open until 6:00 PM tonight.
Girls on the Run, Flag Football, Cross Country and all Volleyball games and practices are cancelled.
Football—Both the Varsity and the Junior Varsity teams will have their games tonight at Optimist Field in Daffin Park playing Savannah Christian. 5/6 grade will play at 5:30 and 7/8 will play at 7:00.
We have a change in menu for the Cafeteria for Monday, September 17: Fish Sticks, French Fries, Mixed Veg, Honeydew Melon and Cookie. The rest of the week will remain the same.
Please continue to keep the many families that will be significantly impacted by this hurricane in your prayers.


[S205] FreeBMD, (www.freebmd.org.uk;), birth registration of Gladys May Balls, Linton 3b 496, March quarter 1899 (Reliability: 3).
[S112] Civil Registration Death Indexes 1837-, General Register Office, death registration of Gladys May Roope, born 10 JA 1899, Newmarket 10 2872, December quarter 1980 (Reliability: 3).
[S113] Civil Registration Marriage Indexes, General Register Office, (1837-;), marriage of Sidney H. Roope and Gladys M. Balls, Linton 3b 1219, September quarter 1918 (Reliability: 2).


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After Charges of Insensitivity and Racism, Many Newsrooms Face Serious Questions
By Mekeisha Madden Toby
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Rapoport: Lexie Moreland/WWD/Shutterstock; Bennet: Larry Neumeister/AP/Shutterstock; Barberich: Michael Buckner/Variety/Shutterstock
The cultural upheaval caused by the death of George Floyd at the hands of the police made its way to a number of high-profile print and digital publications in recent weeks, resulting in disruption at The New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, Variety and several other organizations. Now, moves at those outlets have left many questioning what the changes mean for an industry in dire need of significant diversification.
The most notable departure occurred at The New York Times when editorial page editor James Bennet stepped down after the paper published an incendiary op-ed from Arkansas Sen. Tom Cotton in early June. In the piece, the Republican politician called for the deployment of military troops to subdue protesters, whom he called "lawbreakers." At the Philadelphia Inquirer, Stan Wischnowski resigned as the vice president and executive editor June 6 (a day before Bennet), after the paper ran the headline "Buildings Matter, Too" in response to the destruction of property during Floyd protests. Prior to Wischnowki's departure, staffers staged a sickout, and rancor over inclusion and pay inequity came to the fore.
"Some of these people, like Bennet, have been publicly asked to step down for years. But my main hesitation is that we don't know who is going to take over for the people who are out," says Doris Truong, the director of training and diversity at the Poynter Institute.
"Let's say that they put someone in there who is more dedicated to inclusiveness, such as Michael Days, the Inquirer's vice president of diversity. Even if Days works to be inclusive, will he be given the leeway to make the necessary changes?"
Christene Barberich, the editor-in-chief and co-founder of Refinery29, stepped down June 8 after complaints of racial discrimination at the website. The same day, Bon Appétit EIC Adam Rapoport resigned when a Halloween photo of him in brownface surfaced, dredging up workplace resentments regarding disparities in pay based on race. And Howard Mittman vacated his job as the CEO of Bleacher Report June 23 in the wake of the digital sports company's most notable on-air talent bringing attention to the lack of diversity at the site's C-suite level.
But not everyone has given up top-ranking posts. Los Angeles Times executive editor Norman Pearlstine has launched a defensive to address claims of white bias when covering police brutality protests in Los Angeles, pay inequities and a newsroom that fails to reflect the city's diverse racial makeup. The week of June 8, Pearlstine changed the paper's style so that Black people are described with a capital "B" and sent an internal memo in which he vowed to hire a senior editor to oversee diversity and fill metro desk vacancies with Black journalists.
At Variety, editor-in-chief Claudia Eller took a voluntary leave to allow her to "take a serious moment of reflection," as she wrote in a June 4 email to staff. Eller temporarily stepped aside after a terse social media exchange with freelance reporter Piya Sinha-Roy on newsroom diversity put an unflattering spotlight on Variety's mostly white newsroom.
Truong says the key question for Eller during this period is "What is she doing to become more mindfully inclusive?" She also stressed the importance of making sure that Eller's leave is not a symbolic "slap on the wrist."
A representative for Variety says Eller, who has headed editorial operations for the publication since 2013, is "working with a diversity specialist on racial sensitivity" while on leave.
Such moves are cosmetic until noticeable changes can be tracked, says Meredith Clark, an assistant professor in the University of Virginia's Department of Media Studies and a longtime member of the National Assn. of Black Journalists.
"The actions that are happening now are the beginning and not the end, because all of these offenders are in a position to get another similar, top-tier position somewhere else," Clark points out. "Resignations are very limited in their utility. What kind of structural changes are going to take place once this person is gone? A similar example is #OscarsSoWhite. We saw improvements for a couple of years, and then the Academy reverted back to the status quo. Real change is change that sticks, and as history has shown us, that takes time."


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BUSINESS CULTURE KNOWLEDGE
steel mills africa
Best Steel Stocks | US News Best StocksGerdau SA engages in the production and commercialization of steel products. It operates through the following segments: Brazil Operation, North America Operation, South Africa Operation, and ...Mittal Steel South Africa - WikipediaArcelorMittal South Africa is part of the steel company Arcelor-Mittal. The company was originally Iscor Ltd., a South African parastatal steel company. It was founded in 1928 and was first listed on the JSE Securities Exchange in 1989.SOUTH AFRICAN IRON AND STEEL INSTITUTEArcelorMittal's Newcastle and Vereeniging operations, are South Africa's premier long steel producers, servicing 52% of the local market. The Newcastle mill in the Kwa-Zulu Natal Province and the Vereeniging mill in the Gauteng Province, together account for total sales of 1.9 million tonnes yearly.ADA – Aceria de Angola – First steel mill in AngolaAn ambitious project that involves the construction of the most modern steel mills of the African continent. VIEW MORE. PRODUCTS HOT ROLLED. Hot rolled and weldable ribbed steel with a characteristic yield. VIEW MORE. WIRE ROD. Raw material for cold drawing and cold rolling. VIEW MORE. BILLET. Billet is the semi-product to produce steel long ...ADA – Aceria de Angola – First steel mill in AngolaAn ambitious project that involves the construction of the most modern steel mills of the African continent. VIEW MORE. PRODUCTS HOT ROLLED. Hot rolled and weldable ribbed steel with a characteristic yield. VIEW MORE. WIRE ROD. Raw material for cold drawing and cold rolling. VIEW MORE. BILLET. Billet is the semi-product to produce steel long ...
African Industries is one of the best company in Nigeria ...
African Industries is one of the best company in Nigeria which manufacturing steel, Iron Rods, Tiger TMT and AFL BS 4449 Rebars, Chemicals, Non ferrous and .Best 30 Steel Mills in New Castle, PA with Reviews - YPSteel Mills in New Castle on YP. See reviews, photos, directions, phone numbers and more for the best Steel Mills in New Castle, PA.Steel NewsFree CISA mills' daily steel output up 1.59% to new record high in late July amid strong demand 06 Aug. Free Southern GOK's iron ore concentrate output up 1.2% in January-July 06 Aug. Free Iron ore inventory at Chinese ports up 0.85 percent 05 Aug. Free US steel ...Steel Prices | Steel Price Index | HRC Price | Stainless ...View price reports, history, forecasts and upates on steel and stainless steel products from global commodity research group CRU, including latest HRC prices. Cookies on CRUgroup We use cookies to ensure that we give you the best experience on our website.
EAST AFRICA SPECIAL REPORT: Meet the market movers | Metal ...
However, AMS Steel Mills and the Dar Steel bar and sheet factories were closed in May this year because of missing certifications. Concern over the quality of locally produced steel has prompted Tanzania's Bureau of Standards (TBS) to conduct surprise checks at mills, particularly after the fatal collapse of a 13-floor building in central Dar ...Nucor to Build New Steel Mill in US, Adding 400 JobsJan 07, 2019· Nucor Corp. announced plans on Jan. 7 to build a $1.35 billion steel-plate mill in the United States that would create approximately 400 new jobs.. Nucor's CEO, John Ferriola, attributed the ...Estimated demand for steel worldwide by region 2019 | StatistaApr 06, 2020· Between 2019 and 2020, steel demand in Africa is tipped to grow by 3.2 percent to reach 37.2 million metric tons. China is the largest consumer of apparent steel.Real Steel - SA Metal GroupReal Steel, a division of SA Metal Group in the Western Cape, stocks a wide range of affordable prime steel, reusable steel and ancillary products. We cater to everyone from large engineering works to DIY customers. Deliveries can be arranged if required.Top 10 Steel Producing Countries In The World - WorldAtlasApr 25, 2017· In 2015, China produced 803.83 million metric tons of Crude Steel accounting for 50.3% of the world's total production. China is home to the largest steel producing companies which are mostly state-owned such as, Hebei Iron and Steel Group, Angang Steel Company, Baosteel, Wuhan Iron and Steel Corp, and Jiangsu Shagang Company.Best Steel Stocks | US News Best StocksThe Americas Mills segment manufactures finished long steel products including reinforcing bar, merchant bar, light structural and other special sections as well as semi-finished billets for re ...
Top 10 Largest Steel Producing Companies in the World
Headquarted in Pohang, South Korea, POSCO operates two world's largest mills located in Pohang and Gwangyang which jointly produces 33.7 million tons of steel per annum. Flat steel, long steel, plates and wires are its major products. 7. Jiangsu Shagang Jiangsu Shagang is one of the top five China's steel .SARCO | South African Roll CompanySARCO is to be recognized as the preferred global supplier to first-tier steel mills, through innovation, quality and service, and as an employer of choice. Vanderbijlpark, Gauteng, Republic of South Africa ... ArcelorMittal South Africa is the largest steel producer on the African continentContact Us – Veer SteelLet's talk business. Contact us with your requirements and we will get back to you with a free quote as soon as possible.Top 10 Largest Steel Producing Companies in the WorldHeadquarted in Pohang, South Korea, POSCO operates two world's largest mills located in Pohang and Gwangyang which jointly produces 33.7 million tons of steel per annum. Flat steel, long steel, plates and wires are its major products. 7. Jiangsu Shagang Jiangsu Shagang is one of the top five China's steel .Yogi Steels Ltd – Leading Manufacturer of All Steel ProductsLeading Manufacturer of All Steel Products Yogi Steels Ltd, established in 2012, has grown into one of the finest and most reliable steel manufacturing company in Uganda and East Africa, with an annual steel production capacity of over 51,000 metric tonnes per annum (mtpa).
China's Hebei Iron & Steel to Build Plant in South Africa ...
BEIJING—China's second-biggest steel producer, Hebei Iron & Steel Group Co., plans to build a steel mill in South Africa, a move that underscores how policy pressures are reshaping the world's...Devki Steel Mills LtdDevki Steel Mills Limited was the first major diversification and growth initiative of Devki Group. Beginning from a Single Tube Mill located in Athi River, Kenya, Devki Steel Mills Limited has diversified and grown over more than 2 decades into the largest multi-product steel manufacturer of Kenya commanding a market share of over 50%.Motisun Group Limited.Motisun Group has been acclaimed as one of the fastest growing business groups in Africa. Its presence spans from infrastructure, manufacturing to services. Its manufacturing is in Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Mozambique. Its products are exported to many more African countries.Saldanha Steel - WikipediaSaldanha Steel was a South African steel company originally formed as a partnership between Iscor Limited and the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC). Saldanha Steel is now part of ArcelorMittal South Africa, which in turn is part of global steel company ArcelorMittal.Steel Supplier & Steel Merchant In South Africa | BSi ...BSi Steel Pty Ltd is South Africa's leading steel merchant and steel supplier. BSi's corporate office is situated in Johannesburg in the Southern African province of Gauteng. BSi Steel's primary product range are different forms of mild steel.Steel industry in Nigeria - WikipediaThe iron and steel industry in Nigeria started by government intervention through the construction of various steel rolling mills. After iron ore deposits were discovered in old Kwara State in the 1950s, the Nigerian First Republic government began active planning and mapping of strategies for local production of iron rods and steel.Top Steel Companies in Kenya | Sponge Iron Plant ...The Abyssinia Group is renowned as one of the best premium steel producer in Kenya. Using mineral resources, the Abyssinia Group is the first Integrated Steel plant in East Africa.Cisco – Cape Town Iron and Steel WorksCisco - Cape Town Iron and Steel Works 1 Fabriek St Kuils River, 7580 Cape Town, South Africa Phone: +27 (0)21 900 4300 Email:[email protected]
Steel Mills In Johannesburg, Gauteng South Africa | Yellow ...
Steel mills are essential to the whole steel industry and other industries affected by it so they need to produce high quality goods all the time. Steel Mills There are various steps in the manufacturing process of steel which require highly specialised machinery and equipment to produce this popular material.SARCO | South African Roll CompanySARCO is to be recognized as the preferred global supplier to first-tier steel mills, through innovation, quality and service, and as an employer of choice. Vanderbijlpark, Gauteng, Republic of South Africa ... ArcelorMittal South Africa is the largest steel producer on the African continent
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