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All not well at Daily News
Ashanti gold production and profit down
The Opposition and Civil Society
By Brian Kagoro
The perception gap
Although there is no doubt that the legitimacy of Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe is now seriously disputed in many quarters, along with a whole host of his government's policies and actions — particularly those relating to fiscal and monetary matters, land and company invasions, food security and human rights — it remains an intransigent problem to establish an adequate explanation of how this state of affairs has come about.
What follows is an attempt to look at the conundrum of post-colonial Zimbabwe from the perspective of democratisation, especially with regard to the nature of the state, civil society and the opposition. This article first describes the national crisis, before locating the position of civil society and the opposition in this discussion.
Though there may be differences in identifying the causes and nature of the current situation, that the country is in a state of unprecedented crisis is indisputable. Zimbabwe's is a multilayered crisis, the resolution of which requires a multi-pronged approach. Zimbabwean opposition, civil society and the SADC region have been largely immobilised by the lack of consensus as to what should be done to extricate the country from this largely self-created quagmire.
Any solution to the Zimbabwe crisis will have to achieve a delicate balance that will include economic and political exigencies, on the one hand, and justice and reconciliation concerns on the other. The disparate forces at play are too evenly balanced for any single entity to achieve a unilateral solution, hence the suggestions in many quarters that, despite the acute tension, no all-out confrontation is likely to occur. None of us can claim to have the prophetic insight to say with certainty what will happen in Zimbabwe over the next year or so, though many commentators suggest that eventually there will have to be a negotiated settlement in Zimbabwe that will see Mugabe retire from the presidency.
The origins and nature of Zimbabwe's crisis
The essence of the Zimbabwean crisis has to be sought in a confluence of several colonial and post-independence experiences:
A violent and fraudulent process of colonisation and domination that dehumanised black people, characterised their past as barren of innovation and achievement, branded their intellect as infantile and denigrated African culture as atavistic.
A violent and hegemonic struggle for decolonisation that culminated in a largely symbolic independence devoid of material gain for the majority black population. This led to an acrimonious disjuncture between the interests of various classes among the black population.
The independence leadership failed to transform the repressive colonial state structure into a democratic institution. Related to this is the failure by liberation movements (ZAPU and ZANU-PF) to transform themselves into a democratic government and concomitantly the failure to deliver on the independence promise of freedom.
The dismal failure of IMF/World Bank structural adjustment policies, which had a very weak human development component, resulted in the mass impoverishment of Zimbabweans.
The state was captured by a corrupt, self-seeking and authoritarian political elite.
The contradictory nature of neo-liberal democracy prescribed the weakening of the state at precisely the moment that the human developmental deficits accumulated during the colonial and cold war eras required an interventionist state. This, in part, compounded the inability of the state to redistribute resources in a coherent and orderly manner, hence the crisis of legitimacy and politics of chaos referred to elsewhere in this article.
The failure of post-independence leadership gave rise to the crisis of "followership". Patronage systems based on region, tribe and political affiliation have led to the demise of meritocracy and competitive economics. These systems have turned mediocrity into a virtue and "ethics" into a rude word. Zimbabwe has become a nation of accomplices joined together by tribe, region, political affiliation and war credentials. Government, among its other vices, specialises in subterfuge and denial. It is for this reason that a justice system managed by kinship and party cadres is as evil as the Rhodesian system constructed along racial lines.
A culture of intolerance and impunity was inherited from the country's colonial past. This is not a Robert Mugabe invention, but rather a sad relic of the Rhodesian era. The Mugabe regime has used it as a fallback position when its fortunes have been severely compromised.
These broad factors have had their most dramatic manifestations in the following:
Endemic political violence and gross human rights violations have been perpetrated at the behest of the state or political elite, with access to justice denied to the politically unconnected.
Unbridled corruption has resulted in asset stripping and poor stewardship over national resources.
The levels of both de jure and de facto impunity for various types of criminals are terminal. The most evident symptoms of this are the disregard of the doctrine of separation of powers and the general breakdown in the rule of law. Para-state arms of terror have assumed a status above the law and have thus effectively become a parallel government, invading farms, companies, NGOs and arrogating to themselves the powers of state agencies.
Bad politics have produced declining economies, misery and despondency. This has led to capital flight and fatal levels of brain drain as young professionals seek less troubled waters in which to fish. At worst, these politics of chaos might result in civil strife.
There has been increased militarisation of the state and state institutions.
The voices of the peasantry have been expropriated through economic and physical coercion. Food has been used as a political weapon in manipulating starving communities. Related to this is the failure of the fast-track land reform programme to resolve the contradictions in the agrarian sector by effectively dealing with questions of access to credit and inputs, tenure, and traditional leaders' role in transformed agrarian relations.
The current crisis in Zimbabwe is therefore a confluence of four interlinking themes: land and food security; governance and citizenship; civil society and democratisation; and regional and international interventions. The discussion in this article is confined to the manner in which these themes affect civil society and the opposition in Zimbabwe. This can only be done effectively by first tracing the context and process of the emergence of the MDC out of the Zimbabwean civil society movement.
The emergency of opposition politics
Zimbabwe attained independence after a protracted war of liberation led by ZANU-PF and PF-ZAPU. These nationalist movements paid scant attention to issues of individual and civic rights in fashioning their vision of a liberated Zimbabwe. They were preoccupied with the transfer of power from white to black hands rather than with the conditions in which such power should be exercised. This approach developed precariously within the context of a brutal colonial state and the concurrent emergence of a middle-class nationalist leadership within both ZANU-PF and ZAPU, which advocated an implacable internal unity. This hegemonic approach gave rise to a legacy of repressive and monolithic state politics in the post-colony — politics that was suspicious and intolerant of notions of pluralism and independent associational life. Pluralism and dissent of any kind have often been characterised as anti-revolutionary and therefore divisive.
The militarism of the liberation struggle also created a unique use of coercion as an instrument of mobilisation. Thus in a very significant way, the liberation struggle emphasised a non-consensual means of legitimisation.
The war came to an abrupt end in 1979, when the belligerents met at Lancaster House to negotiate a cease-fire as well as a new constitution for an independent Zimbabwe. The cease-fire constitution agreed to was a compromise between transfer of political power to blacks and the entrenchment of the economic privileges of white settlers and international capital.
The focus of the new independence government in the early 1980s was on majoritarian issues and state-led developmental programmes. This approach mocked the advocacy of civil and political rights as a veiled attempt to subvert genuine efforts by the state to empower the newly liberated black populace. In practice, though, the discourse of human rights became not only a rallying cry for citizens who genuinely contested the arbitrariness manifest in governance, but also a shield for those anti-establishment and "uncivil" elements who sought a legal umbrella under which to preserve and reproduce their privileges. Talk of good governance, rule of law and human rights within this context seemed inherently contradictory, if not reactionary.
Thus it is fair to state that the seeds of Zimbabwe's destruction were contained within seemingly benign concerns for collective national development. These concerns are briefly explored later in this article.
State security and the culture of impunity
The public arena in Zimbabwe between 1980 and 1988 was dominated by state security concerns. At the time, Zimbabwe was faced with real threats to its constitutional order from the apartheid regime in South Africa, insurgency groups in the Matabeleland/Midlands and Renamo bandits along the eastern border with Mozambique. The exigencies of state security were used as a guise for liquidating all forms of dissent and keeping a tight reign on the emergence of independent associational life. Thus the contours of an authoritarian state were determined early on in the post-independence era. The excuses for doing so always seemed genuine and were rooted in arguments for national sovereignty.
The first few years of independence were characterised by aggressive state building as opposed to nation building. Repressive colonial legislation such as the Law and Order Maintenance Act (Chapter 11:07) were consistently employed to stifle the emergence or continuance of opposition voices. In a sense this resort to the oppressors' instruments of power subverted the genuine achievement of majority rule while unwittingly keeping the ghost of Rhodesia alive in the post-independence era.
Following the genocidal actions of state security agencies during the period of dissidence in Matabeleland/Midlands, ZANU-PF and PF-ZAPU signed a Unity Accord in December of 1987, which effectively ended the military occupation of Matabeleland. The Unity Accord was succeeded by a presidential amnesty, which pardoned all dissidents, and a Clemency Order, number 1 of 1990, pardoning all state security forces for atrocities committed by them in the "bona fide" execution of their mandate in Matabeleland/Midlands.
Soon after the Unity Accord, the enlarged ZANU-PF began pushing aggressively for a one-party state as the only vehicle through which comprehensive national unity and development could be achieved. This notion of unity at all costs dealt a further blow to the country's already poor human rights record.
The end of dissidence meant that government critics could no longer be characterised as dissident sympathisers or as the enemy within. This window of opportunity accidentally ushered in a period of press freedom and increased freedom of speech, although the Unity Accord became an excuse for the Mugabe regime to advocate a one-party state agenda. In 1987 the executive introduced the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment Act No 7. This introduced an executive presidency with an unlimited term of office, and Mugabe became the first incumbent with "omnipotent powers typically given to executive presidents in a oneparty state". This constitutional amendment shifted power significantly towards the executive, in the process marginalizing the legislature and the judiciary. The rationale behind this constitutional amendment was apparently to facilitate rather than limit the exercise of state power.
The amendment to the constitution also abolished the bicameral legislature and extended the remaining single chamber parliament from 120 representatives to 150 members. The additional 30 members were directly or indirectly appointed by the executive president as follows: 10 chiefs elected by the Chiefs' Council, 8 provincial governors and 12 special appointees. To bolster this, Mugabe created a Ministry of Political Affairs in which the Ministry of Women's Affairs was submerged. This new ministry could use public funds in activities that directly supported the ruling party's initiative towards a one-party state.
The emergence of the Zimbabwe Unity Movement
At the time when these events were unfolding, the then Secretary-General of ZANU-PF, Edgar Tekere, opined that "democracy was in the intensive care unit" in Zimbabwe. As is shown later on, much ground has been covered since then, sadly all in the wrong direction. Edgar Tekere thus became the first person within the ZANU-PF leadership to publicly oppose the one-party agenda. He had earlier publicly castigated his party colleagues for corruption and wanton violation of the leadership code of conduct. This set Tekere on a collision path with his peers and, as expected, he was expelled from the party in 1988.
Tekere later joined forces with disgruntled sections of the student movement and workers to form the Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) in April 1989. ZUM attracted a significant following in the urban areas, particularly among the youth. This was the earliest indication of a serious generational disjuncture between the nationalist leaders and the non-combatant generation of young Zimbabweans. The euphoric support that ZUM drew within urban centres exposed the extent of the growing popular discontent as well as the anti-democratic tendencies of ZANU-PF.
The state authoritarianism described above was accompanied by frightening levels of corruption in both the private and public sectors. Thus Zimbabwe progressively accelerated towards an official dictatorship and a de facto one-party state.
Legalising repression
A conspicuous feature of this era was the consistent use of the law as an instrument of coercion and repression. In 1992, for example, the government passed the Labour Relations Amendment Bill, having passed the University of Zimbabwe Amendment Act the previous year. These two pieces of legislation were intended to pre-empt mass protests by both labour and student movements at the imposition of the Economic Structural Adjustment Programmes (ESAP). Labour was particularly incensed with the attempts in the new legislation to weaken trade union powers. In response the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) organised a national demonstration on 13 June 1992. The police suppressed the demonstration using very crude force. "Law" thus achieved a sinister connotation in the vocabulary of oppressed Zimbabweans.
It was in this context of severely proscribed civic and political space that a blistering critique of the ruling party emerged in the late 1980s and the 1990s. The critique emanated initially from academics, the student union at the University of Zimbabwe and the labour movement. The latter two movements had just emerged from nearly a decade of state paternalism. An equally organised force during this period was the women's movement, which, since independence, had been engaged in very successful advocacy around inheritance laws and issues of women's human rights. The women's movement questioned the extensive exclusion of women from structures and processes of governance, and its unique contribution to the politics of nascent civil society in the post-colony was the notion of social exclusion as an expression of limited citizenship, mis-recognition and dehumanisation. The student/labour critique, on the other hand, focused mainly on corruption, welfare and political rights issues. Later on, intellectuals, minor opposition political parties, human rights groups, professional associations and NGOs brought into this critique questions of economic justice, governance and political liberalisation.
There were also calls for reform from within ZANU-PF itself as the party battled with its own internal dynamics, as revealed in the expulsion of its Secretary-General, Edgar Tekere, in 1988 and in the late 1990s in the revolt by war veterans demanding payment of gratuities and other benefits for their participation in the war of liberation.
Socialist rhetoric and capitalist lives
In 1990, the state responded to global events by abandoning its majoritarian, developmentalist rhetoric and adopting IMF and WB prescriptions for economic structural adjustment (ESAP). ESAP prescribed, amongst other things, the downsizing of the state, the removal of subsidies in social services, deregulation of financial services and privatisation of state-owned enterprises. Western aid during the ESAP years was tied to questions of governance and political liberalisation. Thus the emergence of post-1990 pro-democracy movements in Zimbabwe was, in part, linked to the contextual changes in the global political economy as well as to explicit donor interventions. Herein arose the curious alliance between the interests of international capital and those of the impoverished masses, despite the latter's objective critique of the global system.
On the one hand, ESAP authored the very conditions of impoverishment and social exclusion that have made governance a topical issue in Zimbabwe; and on the other, it brought in the political and economic liberalisation around which post-1989 civic struggles have been and continue to be waged. For instance, in the late 1990s civil society's critique of the economic conditions authored by ESAP was linked to calls for greater democratisation in the form of a discourse of constitutionalism.
The popularity of the constitutional discourse was demonstrated eventually by the emergence of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) in May 1997. This new discourse was for the most part conducted on the terrain of liberal human and civic rights. The NCA succeeded in forging a broad alliance to advocate a new, home-grown constitution for Zimbabwe. Notably, in the post-1989 dispensation of global governance, conditionality had become an integral part of donor funding. Arguments for alternative economic models were drowned by the triumph of neo-liberalism. Thus mobilisation for national democratisation offered new opportunities and a broader regional and international audience. Other developments within the African region encouraged this discourse: the liberation of South Africa; the fall of dictatorships in Zambia, Malawi, Zaire and later Ghana; and constitutionmaking efforts in Nigeria, Ghana, Uganda, Malawi, Namibia and South Africa.
The radicalisation of the ZCTU
The ZCTU held its extraordinary congress in 1988, where it severed all ties with the ruling ZANU PF party. At the time there was still a na‹ve belief within the ruling party circles that ZCTU had been effectively neutralised and had ceased to be a force to reckon with. It was this belief that had induced the ZANU PF regime to introduce ESAP — this despite the fact that ESAP was by nature designed to adversely affect the urban working population. In retrospect, it is clear that ESAP eroded a significant number of the gains that had been made by organised labour within the first decade of independence. The actual introduction of ESAP met with very little resistance from ZCTU and this seemed to vindicate ZANU-PF's belief that organised labour was now a spent force.
During this period of apparent weakness, however, ZCTU began to professionalise its functions, especially its secretariat, under the leadership of Morgan Tsvangirai. The focus of the newly elected ZCTU leadership was on strengthening internal democracy mechanisms as a means of increasing accountability to the membership and affiliates. This helped to increase the interaction between the representatives and the general membership, and had a significant impact on ZCTU's efforts to represent industrial labour. The organisation's earlier narrow mandate now was extended to include the representation of all working people in Zimbabwe. Thus ZCTU underwent a metamorphosis unhindered by the supervision and surveillance of the ruling party, which had already written it off as a political force.
The new-look ZCTU began to critique the political circumstances of labour relations while continuing with its traditional role of representing workers' interests at shop floor and national levels. The process by which ZCTU was weaned from state patronage comprised many experiences and opportunities, some planned and others seized. However, a key factor in this transformation of state-labour relations was the fast changing global political economy paradoxically associated with the triumph of neo-liberalism.
In 1988, John Nkomo was appointed as the new minister responsible for labour issues. His first act of office was to engage in a bitter war of words with the ZCTU leadership. ZANUPF seemed to be suffering from the problem of "overkill". This was evident, for instance, in its marginalisation of ZCTU in the introduction of ESAP in 1990 and its aggressive pursuit of the one-party state agenda. ZANU-PF seemed totally oblivious of both the national and global realities associated with political liberalisation and the collapse of the Berlin Wall.
The emergence of ZUM had dented the credibility of the ZANU-PF leadership and caused the party to refocus its attention on organised labour, particularly because, in the absence of a credible opposition, labour offered a potential organisational vehicle for anti-establishment forces. The government launched a sustained attack on the leadership of the ZCTU, alleging that they were subversive elements motivated by self-interest. In response, the ZCTU leadership strengthened the organisation's regional and district structures and built formal alliances and alliances of solidarity with other civil society groups such as civil servants and student organisations.
Mobilising for protest or transformation
ZCTU organised meetings in residential areas to discuss community needs regarding housing, transport, education and health services. Its critique of urban councils permitted the labour movement to serve as the voice of the unemployed, illiterate, homeless and sick within urban constituencies, whose needs were meant to have been catered for by the city councils. ZCTU also criticised the government's foreign direct investment drive as an "intention to entrench capitalism, which exploits the workers" and presented to government an alternative national development and economic policy document in which it called for a planned economy with state control of the financial sector, mining and industry as well as a radical and orderly land redistribution. It became clear from the ZCTU critique that the labour movement was mobilising its constituents to push for a transformation in the manner in which the country was being governed. This caused panic within the establishment as it threatened the power base of the existing political elite.
Morgan Tsvangirai openly accused the ZANU-PF leadership of being in an ideological crisis. As early as May 1988, John Nkomo asked the ZCTU, "How can ZCTU start saying that the government is insecure? Are they trying to form another government?" He accused the ZCTU of being run by selfish people who were blinded by "ambitions to take the shortest route to the House Chamber". Mugabe was reported in the Sunday Mail of 27 November 1988 as having said: "Trade unions are free to discuss political issues and refer their recommendations through the proper channels. We do not want to see a situation where the ZCTU becomes a political party."
The year 1989 saw several wildcat strikes by brewery workers, railway artisans and shunters, junior doctors and telecommunication technicians. These strikes all took place between June and September, and on 4 October students at the University of Zimbabwe went on strike to commemorate the anti-corruption demonstrations that had been held the previous year. The following day Morgan Tsvangirai issued a statement in solidarity with the striking students. The police responded swiftly, arresting student leaders Arthur Mutambara and Enoch Chikweche (now Munyaradizi Gwisai) together with Morgan Tsvangirai. The trio were detained under the emergency powers regulations. Tsvangirai was kept incommunicado for a week without access to his lawyers and accused, among other things, of "attempting to bring the downfall of Government through unconstitutional means".
The prosecutor strenuously argued that there was reasonable suspicion that Tsvangirai was "acting under external influence and that his conduct constituted a serious danger to the safety and security of the state." The High Court in Harare ruled, on 18 October 1989, that the state had failed to prove its case and ordered Tsvangirai's release. He was re-arrested immediately on the claim that he had been recruited by the South African Intelligence Service (NIS) in 1988 to create and spread discontent and turmoil in the Zimbabwe labour movement with the intention of achieving nationwide strikes and work stoppages. The state further alleged that Tsvangirai was under instruction from NIS to use his position in ZCTU to generate political discontent against the government and facilitate its overthrow by unconstitutional means. The state also made the broad allegation that Tsvangirai was actively involved in the South African strategy of destabilising Zimbabwe's economy and security. Once again, on 24 October 1989, the High Court ordered Tsvangirai's release.
Arguably, this attack raised Morgan Tsvangirai's profile in the public eye. His resilience earned him the respect that would later serve as political capital in his ascent in the broader civic movement and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The state thus unwittingly turned Morgan Tsvangirai into a national figure as well as its most avowed opponent.
Formation of the MDC
A number of developments between 1997 and 1999 contributed to the formation of the MDC. For most of the 1980s, organised labour had seen its role purely as that of collective bargaining for better wages for workers in the urban industrial setting. In the later 1980s and early 1990s, there was a deliberate shift to a broader agenda and a wider constituency base.
The relevance of the ZCTU and its new politics was aided by the heavy-handed manner in which the state responded to democratic expressions of dissatisfaction by the citizenry. The state reached unprecedented levels of arrogance and repression through the regular and unnecessary use of the army and police force. While this was carried out under the guise of maintaining law and order, disorder of a different kind (namely corruption) decimated the public service. Several top-ranking civil servants were investigated for corruption,32 and sadly, instead of attending to these vices, the Mugabe government attempted to shift the burden to the taxpayer.
In 1997, for instance, the government arbitrarily awarded gratuities amounting to $2.5 billion to war veterans who were protesting that they had been neglected by the government since independence. The amount awarded had not been budgeted for and almost caused the collapse of the country's financial system. In an attempt recoup these losses, the government attempted to introduce three taxes: a war veterans levy, an increase in service tax of 2,5% and a tax on pensions. The proposed taxes irked the entire working population, which had been highly critical of Mugabe's award to war veterans. In an effort to save the situation, ZCTU made strenuous attempts to engage the government in dialogue over this matter. When this seemed unfruitful, ZCTU, along with its allies in the NCA, called for a nationwide strike on 9 December 1997. The initial strike was followed by two other successful mass stayaways in March and October 1998. These repeated actions finally led the state to announce the scrapping of the tax proposals. An unsuccessful attempt was made in late March 1998 to ban the ZCTU as an organisation, using provisions of the Labour Relations Act (Chapter 28:01).
What these developments demonstrated was the triumph of strategic mass action against state repression and intransigence. This set the leadership of ZCTU and the political elite within ZANU-PF on a collision course. So deep was the resentment that the state daily paper, the Herald, habitually referred to labour leaders as "stooges of white imperial interests". The rift between the two seemed irreconcilable as, spurred on by the victories of 1998, workers throughout the country as well as sections of the intelligentsia began calling for the formation of a broad-based political party to oppose ZANU-PF. The inevitable leader of such a process seemed to be the ZCTU, given its numerous victories against the Mugabe government. Thus the leadership of the ZCTU was confronted with the unavoidable responsibility of leading this process.
The Raw Data Report
The ZCTU commissioned its advocacy officers to carry out a nationwide survey on various dimensions of the crises facing individuals and communities in Zimbabwe. The survey also sought to establish what the general populace perceived as possible solutions to their dilemma. The findings of this survey were summarised in a report known as the 'Raw Data Report", and a broad civic alliance led by the ZCTU and NCA leadership then convened a "Working People's Convention" in February 1999 to analyse this report and chart a way forward. Five experts were requested to make presentations to smaller working groups of participants, drawn from across urban and rural Zimbabwe, on the five broad areas covered by the Raw Data Report.
After extensive deliberations within the smaller working groups, the Convention went into plenary, where designated rapporteurs presented their groups' resolutions. While debating the way forward, the delegates unanimously agreed on the following:
That the government and ruling ZANU-PF party had failed to safeguard the interests of the majority of Zimbabweans in the broad areas covered by the Raw Data Report.
That there was a need for a more cohesive opposition party to contest the 2000 general election and the 2002 presidential election, implying, therefore, that such an opposition political party was not yet in existence.
That ZCTU, along with other civic groups, should facilitate the formation of such a broad-based, credible opposition.
Following this process several report back and consultative meetings were held at both the national and local levels to drum up support and promote understanding and popular ownership of the Convention resolutions. After these extensive consultations, the MDC was officially launched at Rufaro Stadium on 11 September 1999.
The first Congress
The launch was followed by a Congress at which a substantive leadership was elected. Morgan Tsvangirai became the first elected president and Gibson Sibanda his deputy. The election of Tsvangirai and several other labour and civic leaders to the first MDC executive raised several issues. On the one hand, the formation of the MDC answered the political dilemma of what to do with a new constitution should the government prove amenable to it. On the other hand it partly responded to the moral quandary of whether civic leaders should assume an overtly political role by holding elective office in political parties. It was clear to the majority of civic leaders that protests alone were insufficient comprehensively to address the governance crisis facing Zimbabwe. However, the risks of politicising civil society on a partisan basis seemed too huge, for a variety of reasons. The first was an appreciation that the state would use this to discredit the entire civic movement as politically biased and actuated by self-interest. The second was the simple realisation that depletion of the civic ranks in order to staff political parties would severely compromise this sector.
This multi-layered dilemma was complicated by the government's response to the defeat of its proposals in the constitutional referendum of 2000. In a sense the leadership of the NCA realised that civic initiatives without the prospect of political implementation were futile. Since May 1997, the NCA had been carrying out extensive consultations with Zimbabweans on the need for a new constitution and by 2000, had come up with a consensually evolved draft constitution, which the ZANU PF parliament and executive would not accept. This sparked an interesting discussion within the NCA and the broader civic movement. Many argued that not only did Zimbabwe deserve a new constitution, it also urgently deserved a "new leadership". But where would such leadership come from if not from civil society? This, as mentioned earlier, was a discomforting reality for many social theorists and activists. The risks of misinterpretation and subversion of the civic agenda seemed too real to be ignored.
In the end, a compromise was reached within both the NCA and the ZCTU to release those of the two groups' leadership who wanted to engage in party politics. As anticipated, the ramifications of this decision were both positive and negative. On the one hand, it facilitated the emergence of a new leadership in both the NCA and ZCTU, respectively. This in a sense nominally de-linked the two organisations from the direct politics of the MDC. On the other hand, the new leadership was saddled with the task of proving its autonomy from its predecessors. The government played on this linkage and lumped the NCA, ZCTU and MDC together.
The white commercial farmers and external responses
As demonstrated above, white commercial farmers did not found the MDC. The sudden influx of whites into the MDC occurred after the referendum following the "No Vote" victory. It was as if the whole nation got a sense of the possibility that ZANU-PF was not, after all, invincible. Thus the white commercial farmers, who for personal and other reasons (not least their grievances over the government's more aggressive stance over the land question), were dissatisfied with the way things were developing in the country, threw their weight behind the MDC. They assisted in forming support groups within the commercial farming areas and made donations of cash and kind.
The critical question within the MDC leadership was always whether to accept these gifts and the givers as strategic allies or to shun both. The latter option made no sense in the absence of other sources of funding, especially when fighting a party that often used public resources to gain a competitive advantage against its opponents. ZANU-PF seized on this opportunity to castigate the MDC as a front for white interests39. Given his dwindling fortunes, Mugabe employed propagandists who capitalised on the white element to alienate all oppositional voices from regional sympathies.
It did not help matters that the UK and EU took an active interest in the unfolding crisis in Zimbabwe. Their interest was so intense that it allowed Mugabe to allege that they were behind unconstitutional attempts to oust him. Herein was established Mugabe's theory of an axis of evil between civics, MDC and white imperial interests. Once the axis of evil propaganda was accepted, it was used as justification for committing the most heinous violations of human rights since the Matabeleland/Midlands genocide of the 1980s. Human rights organisations have to date recorded in excess of 550 000 cases of serious human rights violations ranging from murder, arson, abductions, rapes and severe assaults to death threats.
The SADC regional response has been to hear no evil and see no evil. At worst, South Africa has often appeared to be playing the role of Mugabe's international public relations manager. Indeed, even after its own observer group had been attacked, the official South African government position was that the 2000 Zimbabwean parliamentary election was legitimate, this notwithstanding that the election violated a significant portion of the SADC Parliamentary Forum's minimum conditions for free and fair elections.
The external response to the Zimbabwean crisis has been blurred by hopes that the chaos would end once the land reform process was completed. The concluding remarks of this article deal briefly with this matter.
Where is the MDC now?
The MDC is a creature of the circumstances outlined above. Its formation involved a process that may explain why it has so far survived such battering from the state: the MDC was formed in a very inclusive and extensively consultative manner. There are thus many constituencies that have an interest in preserving it as a vehicle for sustaining the politics of transition. These range from workers, peasants, students and young intellectuals to businesspersons and minority races.
ZANU-PF's policies have been a motley assortment of state capitalism and market-unfriendly individualism. Thus, apart from those who have been able to use their political affiliation to benefit from the current crisis, there are many businesspersons who are unhappy with the ad hoc and incoherent manner in which the economy has been managed. Equally, the declining economy has grossly eroded the capacity for leisure amongst young professionals and this has resulted in a massive brain drain, while ZANU-PF's policies have also not proved especially beneficial for the majority of women in Zimbabwe. Given ZANU-PF's widely articulated notions of selective citizenship, there seem to be limited choices for minority groups that feel excluded from the party's newly defined nation. These and many other constituencies have a stake in keeping the opposition alive. A convincing demonstration of this was the protest vote in the June 2000 parliamentary election as well as in the March 2002 presidential election. Urban citizens withstood long hours of hostile weather to cast their vote against ZANU PF and Mugabe. Mugabe lost in almost every single urban area, and the general feeling within urban Zimbabwe remains that Mugabe stole the presidential election and is therefore an illegitimate leader.
The human rights abuses referred to earlier and, indeed, those that continue to take place in Zimbabwe today, are a reflection of a regime whose sole source of consent is coercion. This was likened by one communal farmer to the situation of a man who deludes himself into believing that he is loved by his spouse but stays on for fear of physical and pecuniary harm. The last three years have seen repeated use of the militia and war veterans to contain oppositional forces in both urban and rural areas. Zimbabwe's High Court has ruled, in several of the election petitions filed by the MDC, that there was indeed widespread violence and intimidation that vitiated the freeness of the election process. The violence of the presidential election is common cause, as is the violence associated with several bye-elections. Both the MDC and civil society groups continue to note instances where food is repeatedly used as a political tool or where the MDC is impeded from accessing the rural areas.
The elections held over the past three years have been a farce. The violence and the unevenness of the electoral playing field have led to the failure of the electoral process in Zimbabwe. Unless the legal and institutional framework of elections changes radically, the chances of reviving electoral democracy are very slim.
MDC: a party under test
What the presidential election and the events prior and subsequent to it have done is to present new challenges and severe tests to the MDC. The first challenge is one of cohesion. When the MDC was created, the actors were bound together by the possibility of dislodging Mugabe through an electoral process. The thinking was that issues of ideology and participation would be negotiated once this was accomplished, although in fact much was done to avert clashes of interests between the doves and the hawks, the leftists and the conservatives, the young and the old, patriarchy and feminists: the list is endless.
The post-presidential election period requires the MDC to define a new set of values (inspirational and strategic) that will keep the bond intact. There are evident cracks, with some sectors calling for mass uprising whilst others prescribe negotiations and international intervention. Feminists within the party are beginning to demand more gender sensitive policies and workers are now more vocal about their interests. The lines of synergy are being increasingly blurred.
Tsvangirai, as leader of the opposition, is neither in parliament nor in government. In a sense many of the recognised activities of the MDC are taking place without his active involvement. The dilemma is that there are situations where a parliamentary caucus agenda may be different from the broader party's position. Thus there have been instances where sentiments attributed to various pockets of the MDC leadership are contradictory. Cases in point are Eddie Cross's views on privatisation and Munyaradzi Gwisai's position on the land issue.
The second challenge for the MDC is one of leadership. Many of its leaders came to be there because of the sense of urgency among the supporters to remove Mugabe at the polls. Their democratic credentials as well as their integrity and capacity were never interrogated. However, the post-presidential poll period requires greater clarity, immense integrity and commitment to the ideals of building a truly democratic Zimbabwe.
The third challenge is one of street credibility. There were expectations that if Mugabe stole the election there would be an uprising by the masses. The MDC leaders seem to have expected the masses to initiate this uprising, whereas the masses looked to the MDC leaders to do so. There is thus a crisis of leadership in the alternative movement. This is exacerbated by the fact that many of the MDC leaders are facing treason charges that may be deterring them from calling the much-awaited mass action. However, if the MDC leadership remains indecisive on this matter, it will lose street credibility as the crisis in Zimbabwe worsens. This ambivalence has been met with brutal attacks against MDC MPs by state security agents and the militia. There is a sense of frustration among MDC supporters that may fuel spontaneous, riotous conduct. This can only be averted if clear leadership is offered from the top. The MDC has also not been as effective in demonstrating its continuing relevance to the people's strongly felt needs in the present situation. In a sense, the MDC has missed many good opportunities to regain the upper hand in the political contest in Zimbabwe.
The fourth challenge the MDC faces is one of articulation. As indicated earlier, Mugabe has displaced the crisis from the national to the regional level as a pan-African struggle against imperial domination. The MDC has not been as successful in its regional diplomacy. There is thus a need for the MDC to rethink its regional strategy and refine its prescriptions for a post- Mugabe Zimbabwe. In particular, the MDC needs clearly to articulate its position on the contentious issues of race relations, north-south relations, resource redistribution and the broader pan-African agenda. The simple question after the presidential poll has been, "What is the MDC's agenda now?" That agenda must be well articulated, well publicised and owned by the membership.
The fifth and last challenge facing the MDC in Zimbabwe has to do with its resource base. The nominal assistance it obtained from the white commercial farmers (in cash or kind) can no longer be expected or counted on. State funding is grossly insufficient to sustain its activities and external funding is undesirable and, in any event, illegal. Thus the MDC membership will be compelled, in the post-presidential poll period, to find alternative sources of support for the party. The much-desired change will have to be paid for from within. Given the depressed economic environment, this is a very difficult proposition to make.
Despite these numerous challenges, the MDC seems unlikely to disintegrate. It represents too broad a movement and its objective of removing Mugabe is also too broadly shared to collapse either due to frustration or infiltration. There may, however, be some changes in the party's middle leadership. Some of the necessary changes include bold decisions that the current leadership must take in the inevitable restructuring exercise that faces them. However, the MDC's real survival lies in its ability to re-engage its civic partners in formulating an agenda for the post-presidential poll period.
Kagoro is Coordinator, Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition. This is taken from: Zimbabwe's turmoil: Problems and prospects a paper prepared by the Institute for Security Studies.


Doing all this requires a unique individual. You must be a self-starter, flexible thinker and outstanding communicator, as well as comfortable working cross-functionally and influencing different personalities and perspectives.
You will need those skills as you work not only across multiple functions but also across multiple geographies, living within Nike's matrixed organization. Success will depend on your ability to quickly form both professional and personal relationships with colleagues and drive to rigorous, well-communicated deliverables. You'll also develop high-impact presentations and tools to communicate strategic plans and visions across the organization and develop overall long-term business and financial models and assist leadership in developing and implementing strategic organizational alignment initiatives.


Richard Gibson, Alexis Badel and Wishful Thinker have done all they can to earn a ticket to Meydan for the World Cup meeting – now it's just up to the decision makers at the Dubai Racing Club to give them an invite.
The talented sprinter put in a Herculean performance to win the Class One Happy Valley Trophy (1,200m) on Wednesday night, coming from last and weaving between rivals in the straight to land the prize and keep the Dubai dream alive.
Gibson has had an assault on the Group One Al Quoz Sprint in mind for Wishful Thinker for a little while and put in place a path to try and get there.
The final step was winning this race – which he did with style – so now all the connections can do is wait.
"It was [a terrific win] because he had a torrid run and he missed the jump. It was a fantastic performance from the horse," Gibson said.
"It's great the club gives us guys like Alexis Badel – I thought he rode him with a lot of calm and executed the plan brilliantly. I thought he was the best horse going into the race.
Wishful Thinker made life harder for himself by missing the kick, but Badel was able to help him overcome that minor inconvenience.
"He's always moving a little bit in the gates, there is nothing you can do as a jockey, you just try to relax him because he is his own worst enemy," Badel said.
"[In the straight] I was waiting for a gap and looking for a clear run so I had to push him a little bit earlier compared to the first time I won here on him.
The Happy Valley Trophy also doubled as the final chance for Telecom Brothers to overhaul Country Star and win the Hong Kong Airlines Million Challenge, but Me Tsui Yu-sak's gelding faded to finish eighth, missing out on the HK$650,000 first prize.
The event allocates points to horses competing at the Valley in Class Three races or higher across the first half of the season, with John Size's duo of Country Star and Red Warrior (HK$250,000) finishing first and second respectively, with Telecom Brothers getting HK$100,000 for third.
Outside the feature, top trainer John Moore had a rare night out at the city track, collecting his first Happy Valley treble since May 12, 2010.
Happy Warrior and Happy Dragon saluted earlier in the night with Zac Purton aboard before Encouraging (Silvestre de Sousa) and the Peter Ho Leung-trained Magnificent (Dylan Mo Hin-tung) dead-heated the Class Three King Kwong Handicap (1,650m).
"I've really started to pay a lot of attention to getting the right horses coming here and tonight it paid off," Moore said.
"I came here thinking I could have three winners, we just needed an ounce of luck, and we got it. But from a stable point of view, it was always 'come on boss, run more horses at Happy Valley' but from a public point of view, it proves we can win races here. Don't overlook the Moore horses when they come to Happy Valley.
"We don't trial a lot here so it isn't like we gear them for here. Happy Dragon has run here a few times now and is used to it, Encouraging came here for the first time not long ago at Douglas Whyte's advice, he has won twice now.
From a jockey perspective, Purton took the honours with a treble, also saluting on E Master for Caspar Fownes, while Karis Teetan brought up his 50th winner of the season after landing a double for Tony Cruz with Wah May Princess and Circuit Glory.


Their fruity tea is juicy and delicious, guys. And the pinup artwork to go with it is so very saucy.
I first tried The Flirt, which is, to the best of my knowledge, some sort of apricot/fruit infused black tea. If it were a lady, it would be a 1950s winky-face kinda gal with magenta lipstick. The kind of woman whom one might call a "dame" or a "skirt." It's a flavor-pow, a sock-it-to-ya wham-bam kind of flavor.
I followed it up this morning with "Something Blue," a gentler green-and-blueberry infusion. This is the wedding day of the Flirt. She's still very flavorful and cool, but she's mellowed somewhat. She found the greaser-boy of her dreams and they're going to settle in to a pre-fab house with a pink kitchen and a poodle dyed blue. She's going to run a custom-sewn fancy-dress shop. Every dress will have a fluffy tulle under-skirt. Every one of their vacations will be a road trip to somewhere schlocky, and they will fill their fridge with Polaroids of themselves in front of roadside attractions.
We need to petition Pin Tea to come back. . . .
Etsy etsy tea shop Flavored Black Tea Flavored Tea flirt Loose Leaf loose leaf ea pin tea pintea shopLeave a Comment on COME BACK, PIN TEA!


Band announces Philadelphia concert will be November 3rd.
Next time you're on a road trip, crank up the volume and jam out to your favorite country artists, like Florida Georgia Line. Presented by Ford. Stream the 54th Academy of Country Music Awards, hosted..
Connected K from 96.3 KSCS asks FGL questions from the Box of Awkward Questions.
Country music superstar Luke Combs just extended his current Beer Never Broke My Heart tour and added a stop in Sacramento this fall. Matt Yurus reports.


LABORATORIOS INIBSA is a pharmaceutical contract manufacturing company. We have more than 60 years' experience and belong to the INIBSA GROUP. INIBISA supplies products and services to Biotools, Inibsa Dental and Inibsa Hospital, as well as other pharmaceutical companies through our contract manufacturing division. From our facilities in Lliçà de Vall, 20km from Barcelona LABORATORIOS INIBSA currently supplies more than 50 countries worldwide.
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A highly qualified team of personnel and the most demanding certifications and calibrations mean we can offer to our clients the chance to carry out physical-chemical and microbiological studies, analysis of raw materials, semi-produced products and finished products following Good Laboratory Practice (GLP) and pharmacopoeia (USP, EP).
Risk management, operational excellence and scientific knowledge are the pillars of our quality system.
In Inibsa, we face challenges and regulatory requirements through the application of best practices and the latest standards of quality management in the healthcare sector (EU GMP, ICH Q8, Q9, Q10, GAMP 5, Lean) to ensure a secure and robust to avoid any risk to the patient, our largest customer.
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LABORATORIOS INIBSA is a pharmaceutical company with over 60 years of experience. We belong to the Group Inibsa. We provide products and services to group companies, such as Biotools, Keramat, Inibsa Portugal, Dental and Hospital, as well as other pharmaceutical companies through our contract manufacturing division.


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text:
Alliance High School may refer to:

In Iran
 Alliance School, Hamadan
 Alliance School, Kermanshah
 Alliance School, Tehran

In Kenya
 Alliance High School (Kenya), Kikuyu
 Alliance Girls High School, Kikuyu

In the United States
 Alliance High School (Ohio), Ohio
 Alliance High School (Oregon), Oregon
 The Alliance School, Milwaukee

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
The 2014–15 Boston College Eagles men's ice hockey team represented Boston College in the 2014–15 NCAA Division I men's ice hockey season. The team was coached by Jerry York, '67, his twenty-first season behind the bench at Boston College. The Eagles played their home games at Kelley Rink on the campus of Boston College, competing in Hockey East.

The Eagles competed in two tournaments during the 2014–15 season. On January 2–3, the Eagles earned a trophy at the Ledyard Bank Classic, also known as the Dartmouth Showcase Tournament, hosted by Dartmouth College. Because the tournament was not bracketed (i.e. the winners of the first games did not face each other in a championship match), the Eagles won by virtue of points earned; they won both of their games, as Denver and Brown both won one and tied the other, and as host Dartmouth lost both of their games. On February 3 and 23, the Eagles played in the 63rd Annual Beanpot Tournament at the TD Garden in Boston, Massachusetts, losing to Northeastern by a score of 3–2 in the first round and winning the consolation game over Harvard 3–2 in OT, the first time since 2008 that the Eagles did not win the Beanpot tournament.

The Eagles finished 21–14–3, and 12–7–3 in conference play, good for the 3rd seed and a first-round bye entering the 2015 Hockey East tournament. However, they would lose to the Vermont Catamounts during the best-of-three quarterfinals in three games at home, marking the second year in a row in which the Eagles did not advance to at least the semifinals. The Eagles qualified for the 2015 NCAA tournament and were placed in the east regional at Providence. They lost to Denver 5–2 in the first round.

Previous season recap

The Eagles entered the 2014–15 season following a Frozen Four loss to Union College in the NCAA tournament, and a quarterfinals loss to Notre Dame in the Hockey East Tournament. The Eagles did capture three trophies during the 2013–14 season, finishing with a strong 28–8–4 record and 16–2–2 in conference play, good for the Hockey East regular season title, as well as their fifth consecutive Beanpot championship in a 4–1 win over Northeastern. Junior Johnny Gaudreau won numerous accolades including the 2014 Hobey Baker Award after a fantastic league-leading 36 goal, 44 assist, 80 point season. He chose to forgo his senior year of eligibility to enter the NHL with the Calgary Flames.

Offseason

Four Senior Eagles graduated in May: Captain Patrick Brown – F, Assistant Captain Bill Arnold – F, Assistant Captain Isaac MacLeod – D, and Kevin Hayes – F.

Junior forward Johnny Gaudreau decided to forgo his senior year of eligibility to enter the NHL, signing with his drafted team, the Calgary Flames.

Junior defensemen Mike Matheson was named Captain, with seniors Quinn Smith and Michael Sit named Assistant Captains for the 2014–15 season.

On June 4, sophomore forward Evan Richardson transferred to UConn after receiving limited playing time in his freshman year, joining former BC Assistant Coach, Mike Cavanaugh, head coach of the Huskies.

On June 28, goalie Thatcher Demko was drafted 36th overall by the Vancouver Canucks in the 2014 NHL Entry Draft.

On August 12, graduated defenseman Isaac MacLeod signed a contract with the Elmira Jackals of the ECHL.

On August 16, York announced that incoming-freshman Sonny Milano decided to forgo an NCAA career at Boston College, opting to sign directly with his drafted team, the Columbus Blue Jackets.

On August 20, graduated forward Kevin Hayes signed an entry level deal with the New York Rangers. Having chosen not to sign with his drafted team, the Chicago Black Hawks will receive a compensatory 2nd round draft pick in the 2015 NHL Entry Draft.

Recruiting
Boston College added three freshmen for the 2014–15 season: two forwards, and one defensemen.
Noah Hanifin, D – Along with being the youngest player in the history of BC's hockey program, Hanifin is also one of the most highly touted recruits in college hockey. He is a point-producing defensemen, scoring 45 points in 59 games with the US National Development Team, splitting time between the U-17 team and the U-18 team. He has the potential to be a top 5 pick in the 2015 NHL Entry Draft, when he becomes eligible.
Zachary Sanford, F – Sanford played for the Waterloo Blackhawks of the USHL, scoring 35 points in 52 games. He was taken 61st overall in the 2nd round of the 2013 NHL Entry Draft by the Washington Capitals.
Alex Tuch, F – Known as a "big power winger", Tuch is another player out of the US National Development Team, where he scored 64 points in 61 games. He was selected 18th overall in the 1st round of the 2014 NHL Entry Draft by the Minnesota Wild.
Hanifin and Tuch were on the United States team that won a gold medal at the IIHF World U18 Championship, or otherwise known as the U-18 World Juniors.

2014–2015 roster

Departures from 2013–14 team
Kevin Hayes, F – Graduation - Signed an entry-level contract with the New York Rangers.
Isaac MacLeod, D – Graduation – Signed with the Elmira Jackals of the ECHL.
Bill Arnold, F – Graduation – Signed an entry-level contract with his draft team, the Calgary Flames.
Patrick Brown, F – Graduation - Signed a tryout contract with the Carolina Hurricanes.
Johnny Gaudreau, F – Chose to forgo his senior year of eligibility to enter the NHL with his drafted team the Calgary Flames.
Evan Richardson, F – Transferred to the University of Connecticut.

2014–15 Eagles

As of March 16, 2015.

Coaching staff

Standings

Schedule

Regular season

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!colspan=12 style=""| Exhibition

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!colspan=12 style=""| Regular season

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!colspan=12 style=""| Hockey East Tournament

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!colspan=12 style=""| NCAA Tournament

On October 28, it was announced that Steven Santini needed to undergo wrist surgery and would miss the remainder of the first half of the season; he would return after the New Year's break.
On October 31, Jerry York gained his 500th victory as head coach of the Eagles in a 2–1 victory over Denver.
On November 11, it was announced that senior goaltender Brian Billet had taken a leave of absence from the program. Sophomore Alex Joyce was added to the roster to fill the third goaltender spot. Billett did return as an active player, but did not see any time on the ice during the season.
On November 14, York earned his 501st victory as coach of the Eagles in a 3-2 match over Michigan State, tying legendary coach John "Snooks" Kelley for most wins at Boston College. He took sole possession of the record with his 502nd win on November 21, a 5–3 victory over UMass.
On January 2, Eagles players Thatcher Demo, Ian McCoshen, Noah Hannifin, and Alex Tuch were away, representing the United States at the 2015 World Juniors in Montreal, Quebec and Toronto, Ontario, Canada. The US lost to Russia in the quarterfinal. Steven Santini and Scott Savage were also invited to try out for the national squad, but did not make the final cut.
On January 3, the Eagles won the Ledyard Bank Classic Championship with a 3–2 win over host Dartmouth.
On February 3, the Eagles lost to Northeastern 3–2 in the first round of the Beanpot tournament, ending their bid for 6 straight championships. It was their first loss in the tournament since 2008. They beat Harvard 3–2 in overtime of the consolation game on February 23.
On February 27, the Eagles secured a 1st-round bye in the Hockey East playoffs, and will host a quarterfinals matchup at Conte Forum.
On March 15, the Eagles were defeated by the Vermont Catamounts in the quarterfinals of the Hockey East tournament, losing the best of three series in three games. the Eagles took game 1 by a score of 4-2, but lost games 2 and 3 by scores of 3-1 and 1-0, respectively. This marks the second year in a row that the Eagles did not reach at least the Semi-finals of the Hockey East tournament.
On March 19, Hockey East announced the season's Awards recipients and the All-Conference teams. Noah Hanifin was named to the All-second team, with Thatcher Demko, Ian McCoshen, and Alex Tuch making honorable mentions. Hanifin and Tuch were also All-Rookie recipients. Additionally, Michael Sit was awarded the Len Ceglarski Award for sportsmanship.
On March 22, the NCAA tournament Selection Committee placed BC as the 3-seed in the east regional at Providence, losing to 2-seed Denver by a score of 5–2 in the first round.
On March 30, BC announced the captains for the following season: Rising-senior Teddy Doherty was named captain, with rising-juniors Ian McCoshen, Steven Santini, and Chris Calnan named assistant captains. It is the first time since the 04–05 season in where there were three assistant captains.
On April 2, the Florida Panthers announced they had signed Mike Matheson to an entry-level contract, who chose to forgo his senior season at Boston College. Matheson joined the San Antonio Rampage, Florida's AHL affiliate.
On June 26, Noah Hanifin was drafted 5th overall by the Carolina Hurricanes in the 2015 NHL Entry Draft.
On July 11, Hanifin signed an entry-level contract with the Hurricanes, forgoing the rest of his NCAA eligibility.

Rankings

Statistics

Skaters

Goaltenders

Awards and honors

Hockey East All-Stars
Noah Hanifin, D – All-Second Team , All-Rookie Team
Alex Tuch, F – Honorable Mention , All-Rookie Team
Ian McCoshen, D – Honorable Mention
Thatcher Demko, G – Honorable Mention

Hockey East Awards
Michael Sit, F – Len Ceglarski Sportsmanship Award

Hockey East Player of the Week
Adam Gilmour, F – Week of October 27, 2014

Hockey East Rookie of the Week
Alex Tuch, F – Week of February 16, 2015

Hockey East Defensive Player of the Week
Teddy Doherty, D – Week of October 20, 2014

References

External links
BC Men's Hockey Home Page
BC Men's Hockey Page on USCHO

Boston College Eagles men's ice hockey seasons
Boston College Eagles
Boston College Eagles
Boston College Eagles men's ice hockey season
Boston College Eagles men's ice hockey season
Boston College Eagles men's ice hockey season
Boston College Eagles men's ice hockey season


CHICO — This spring's Chico Home and Garden Show features tiny homes, fire specialists and fire-safe items along with the flower show and gifts usually found at the annual event.
For the first time in the Home and Garden Show's 32-year run, several tiny home companies will display housing for limited space. The release says the tiny homes can be used during rebuilding or as additional housing on an existing home site.
The tiny homes will be open to walk through and explore.
Several companies that specialize in quick home rebuilding — with some that even deliver material direct to build sites — and specialists who have helped rebuild in fire damaged areas will also be at the show. Companies offering fire-safe roofing and attic vents as well as temporary power sources will also be at the show.
This year's show will be the largest in California ever held north of Sacramento with around 220 exhibitors with items for the home, garden and yard plus home services, contractors, mattresses and hot tubs.
The Chico Horticultural Society's flower show and sale is the "crown jewel" of the show.
Where: Silver Dollar Fairgrounds, 2357 Fair St.
Tickets: Admission is $7 for adults, $6 for seniors. Coupons for $2 off admission are available at www.ChicoHomeShow.com/chicospringhome. Children under 16 admitted free with paying adult.


Ok, maybe its not quite remodeling. But I had my power tools out and was making some changes to our house while we had some down time in Manatee Hammock. There are several small and trivial things that we have to do on moving day….twice (once when we pack up and once when we unpack). But several small and trivial things add up to a bigger thing. So we tried to see if there were some quick solutions. Quick being the operative word. This trip is too short to spend too much time on home improvement.
Our 5 days in Manatee Hammock were mostly spent at the campground but we did take one day to go check out Cocoa beach. Our neighbors, Mike and Pat, recommended the Lori Wilson beach and suggested the southernmost parking lot as it had good parking spaces for big trucks. Their directions were spot on and the beach was really nice. I needed to get some work done and I scored a phenomenal office site in the shade with a table!
We were unable to line up a campground in Georgia so we moved back down to Manatee Hammock for several days after leaving St. Augustine. It really does seem like moving day is getting easier. We've all got our jobs and the boys especially are getting so they don't need supervision for theirs. Having a full hookup site helps as I can dump tanks in parallel with other travel preparations going on.
When we took the garbage to the dumpster before we left the Pepper Tree "resort" I noticed a whole big pile of couches, chairs and carpet rolls piled by the dumpsters. We had a piece of carpet (free carpet remnant) we used on the vinyl floor at the beginning of the trip to help keep our feet warm in the cold temps. But for more than a month it has just been taking up room in the basement. I inquired if we could leave it with the other stuff and permission was granted….wooohooo, got rid of some stuff!
When we first got to Manatee Hammock we had one of the worst spots there. We were in the back corner by some junky schoolbusses and the dumpster. I had a lot of fun at KSC but I was glad when we moved to another much nicer spot surrounded by grass and trees and saw palmetto bushes. It was a little sad when we left but onward and upward as some people say. Little did I know we would be back in five days. When we got back we set up and immediately went to the pool. Let me tell you something. That pool is COLD! The last time we got in I could've sworn they'd dumped ice in it because it was colder than the middle of the arctic! Okay, more like the middle of the Pacific. I didn't love that pool at all. Another thing we liked to do was hang out in our back/side yard and a field that was a walk away. At one point we got a rondo or passing circle with some other people. I should clarify that we were playing soccer. We also had bratwurst a couple nights. The coolest part was easily the spacex Falcon 9 rocketlaunch. When it first blasted off I couldn't hear it at all and it just looked like an Estes rocket trailing fire. Then about when it also started trailing smoke I heard the sound. It was a quiet rumble like distant thunder. I felt the vibrations like a far off earthquake. Woah! I'm going all philosophery on myself! Yikes! Yikes yikes yikes! When it got out of view we tried giving lemonade away but only gave away five to other people. This was the first place where we didn't visit any places or anything. We just got to relax. I guess we did go to Cocoa beach but that was also relaxing I think. We played in superhot sand and bodysurfed in the waves. At one point mom had to drag us out because we were shivering so bad. I liked Manatee Hammock and hanging at the pool and our "yard" and the field. When we left it was sad :'-(. Manatee Hammock is definitely one of my favorite campgrounds we stayed at. Really the only campgrounds I didn't like were the first place we stayed and that Ross's place in the keys. Sonora was nice except we didn't have water, otherwise I liked it.
Since the ferry was not running when we were at Matanzas a couple days ago we decided to go back to see the fort…and to get the kids' Jr Ranger badges. When we left the trailer I noticed water on the ground and I decided to stay back to find the cause and fix it. So Steph and the kids went on to the fort without me. They got their ferry ride and were able to visit the fort.
On our Florida trip 12 years ago we visited St. Augustine and the Castillo de San Marcos. I remember being really impressed with the castillo and so I was excited to share this with our kids. We had a short drive day from Manatee Hammock up to the Pepper Tree Resort just south of St Augustine. Despite the name, I didn't really think there was anything that warranted being called a resort other than the price. It wasn't even an RV park but a mobile home park with a few transient sites. It was a tight turn to get Ava situated on the pad but after a few attempts we got set up. AND we still had time to explore a little bit. So we headed to Fort Matanzas just a ways south of where we were staying.
We learned about hardwood hammocks back in the Everglades and we were now staying at the Manatee Hammock campground in Titusville FL.


have experienced the live version of Perfect Freq.
Now you can replicate this experience in your own home!
Perfect Freq heralds the return of the listening experience.
and a personal dive into memory, dream and soundscape.
"One of the inspirations for the creation of the music in Perfect Freq, was an attempt to alleviate some of the long term anxiety, stress, suffering and illness caused by the depletion of adrenaline from so many affected by the shock and after-shocks of the 2011/12 earthquakes in Christchurch. I grew up in Christchurch and have witnessed the effects of this disruption among family, friends and community. These challenges stimulated a personal journey into internal and emotional 'breakdown and rebuild' as the earthquakes paralleled a time I was grieving a broken relationship. Since following my dreams, my life has transformed in many beautiful ways. Music has been a primary influence for this healing.
NOTE: Try playing this music in your house when your family or housemates are stressed out or moody.
They will think it's 'normal' music, but will likely be unexpectedly positively effected. A great gift for teenagers!
WHAT IS SO UNIQUE ABOUT PERFECT FREQ?
Elsewhere you will pay up to $150 for inferior sound healing downloads that use not much more than very dated (1980's) soft synth pads, mixed with sound effects of 'rain forest' or 'ocean'. These overpriced creations deliver you the frequencies, but not much else. Perfect Freq uses real sounds, real musicians, real voices, real songwriting craft & production skill and real intention. And in the studio, all musicians were requested to play or sing in the space of 'LOVE'. Research shows that the intention while recording anything, also gets embedded in the recording - and in turn - delivered to the listener, something a sound effects CD and a computer generated synthesizer cannot create or replicate.
This Perfect Freq album was primarily composed, recorded and mixed in Ubud, Bali, Indonesia - a major vortex for spirituality and healing. You will hear the voices and instruments of world musicians spanning eight countries to include New Zealand, Indonesia, Australia, India and Bangladesh, as well as, Jody's voice and lyrics expressing his 20+ year experience as an award winning rapper, poet and songwriter.
WHO WAS INVOLVED IN THE MUSIC?
Shervin Boolorian (Iran), I Gede Agus Suparta (Indonesia), Dr Didge Dolphin Arpana (Australia), Arron Artikai (England), Musarrat Jabeen Rahman (Bangladesh), Samir Obaid (Bangladesh), Seth Rees (Australia/NZ), Sreyashi Ghosh (India), Krista Martynes (USA), Bronwen Robertson (NZ/UK), The Andy Gibson Project (New Zealand), Julian Marchant (New Zealand), James Wilkinson (New Zealand), Jocelyn Gordon (USA) & Anita Clark (New Zealand).


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Home home walls Strati Climbing: Utilitarian Masterpieces
Strati Climbing: Utilitarian Masterpieces
Formerly Futurist Climbing Flooring and Mats, Ernest Colleta and the Strati Climbing crew have installed state-of-the-art flooring in climbing gyms around the country. (All photos courtesy of Strati Climbing)
Ernest Coletta and the Strati Climbing crew have installed state-of-the-art flooring in gyms around the country, including for bouldering walls like those of Triangle Rock Club Durham. (All photos courtesy of Strati Climbing)
[Branded Content]
If you ask Ernest Coletta what he wants to be, he will say "a ditch digger."
If you ask him what he reads at night to relax, he'll show you a copy of Human Survivability of Extreme Impacts (1963).
And if you join him for breakfast, expect it might be interrupted about 7:45.
And what does any of this have to do with Strati Climbing? Everything.
Hard work. Curiosity. Relationships.
Strati Climbing is the newest incarnation of Futurist Climbing Flooring and Mats, founded in 2010. Strati provides bouldering, roped and home wall flooring. Ernest purchased the company from his business partner in July 2020 and changed the company name.
It was a big decision for a man who would be happy being a ditch digger. Yet it makes perfect sense.
Strati is the expression of a lifelong habit of hard work. Ernest's valued work crew will tell you he hangs in for the work all the way to the end. If it is 10pm on the jobsite and seams still need to be attached, he will choose staying to finish over doing it the next day. It's that ditch digger in him. The drive to take a job and do it well until it's done. No half-dug ditch will do.
His team members share his work ethic and an equally intense drive for quality. After a long day on the job, it's completely usual to find them, over takeout dinner, talking through the endless details of how to rework an aspect of the day's work. "The seam near the front desk" will be talked about from all angles, each team member giving input, until they come up with a satisfactory solution. And while you may or may not want to join them for the minutia and length of that conversation, you definitely want that crew on your job.
Ernest Coletta, owner of Strati Climbing, hard at work on a seam. Instead of being a ditch digger, Ernest chose to apply the same work ethic to climbing flooring.
And that article on Extreme Impacts? It's about an obsession with flooring materials.
"Strati," meaning "layers" in Italian, are the layers between the climber and the concrete. Those small pieces of epherma that make all the difference in a critical situation. Foam, vinyl, velcro, carpet. Ernest has a true fascination with these materials and with how they interact with falling. Materials occupy his mind, the sticky notes on his desk, his leisure reading, and his meals (foam talking anyone?).
As for the foam part of the strati, there are less than a handful of companies that make raw foam in the U.S. It is an expensive raw material and in 2020 the price went up several times. Part of what Strati works to do is cushion the client from the rise in foam prices―by increasing efficiency in other areas of design, production or installation―while actually increasing quality (back to materials).
And yet loving the ingredients, as fascinating as they are, isn't enough to build a company. The final drive comes from a commitment to all the layers of the Strati community: colleagues, staff and clients/friends.
From laser guided cutting to following European standards, Strati Climbing is setting a high bar for gym flooring. (Pictured: The Spot Denver)
Many days at Strati start with a 7:45am call from the manufacturer. When the phone rings at Ernest's house, usually in the kitchen during a busy breakfast time, everyone knows who it is. "It's your twin," someone will call out. These two men are cut from the same sturdy cloth of decency and integrity―one in Albuquerque and one in America's heartland.
Strati floors are made in an industrial building full of enormous technicolor spools of vinyl and mountains of foam. Here family members work alongside long-time employees and expert sewers who have decades of experience. Their reservoir of knowledge and skill is what really makes it possible to turn raw materials into quality floors. This is the perfect team to work, and rework, design innovations to perfection.
One of their significant innovations was to move from hand cutting the flooring to installing state-of-the-art laser guided cutting. There was nothing wrong with the hand cutting, in fact it was done brilliantly by dedicated workers. Still, the manufacturing team trusted Ernest to add the laser, at a significant price. It paid off. This innovation―along with a scanning laser that Ernest uses during the design phase―increased precision and sped up manufacturing time, which led to a reduction in cost and increased quality for the customer.
After the floors are cut to precision, they are loaded into contract trucks. The team works all angles to organize trucking that meets installation deadlines and saves money. That's no small task when trucks are in high demand or when a blizzard is looming on a major trucking route.
Installing new flooring is a team effort, from manufacturing to transportation and installation. Dedication from the entire Strati crew makes it happen fast.
When the truck arrives at the worksite, Strati installers get working. These men and women―Scott, Sam, Abel, Steve, Skinny, Shane, Nate, Josef, Livia and two Taylors―work with a deep respect for each other and each individual project. They know exactly what to do. They work hard and fast. They approach each job with an artist's love of craft.
The flooring arrives at the worksite like a well-organized puzzle, ready to be assembled by the crew. All of the attention that has been paid to materials, design and production pay off. Clients often comment how Strati teams spend less days on the job than other flooring companies. For gyms this means less days of shuttered doors and lost revenues and a faster opening time for new facilities.
From a 100-degree work site in Kentucky to a 40-degree one in NYC, this team perfects flexibility. Good coffee, humor and a love for the customer make it happen. At the end of the job, the staff stand back―hands hurting, backs sore―and feel a marrow level pride in the work. Most of the staff are climbers, so they get it. Their work matters.
Their dedication matters to the customers. Building a gym is a very costly proposition. Strati respects that. Ernest's relationship with his customer often starts up to a year before the actual installation. He takes as many calls from his customers as they want to make. If the call goes long, he leaves his dark office in the garage and goes and sits in the NM sunshine. These conversations span over months and cover big terrain: flooring colors (green, pink, purple), severely uneven concrete at the job site, construction delays, walkways, wear patterns, human flow in the facility, ADA and fire code compliance, cleaning and maintenance, and ensuring space for lift access. The conversation might end with an "oops, gotta go" when a client 's kids get off Zoom school, but it will pick up the next week.
Other common topics are how to avoid costly flooring mistakes, such as paying for too much flooring or not designing enough coverage to protect climbers (Strati follows European standards)―things no customer wants to find out about during the installation phase, especially during a pandemic.
In addition to installs for roped and bouldering walls at a plethora of high traffic gyms, Strati has also been improving flooring of home walls.
The Strati team has installed floors in some of the highest traffic gyms in the country. Many of these floors keep performing for the gym owners and climbers, while other gyms have had to replace several floors over the same period of time. This means Strati sells less floors but has happy customers.
Thousands of climbers have touched these floors, never knowing what went into them. You could say that a floor is just a floor and a company is just a company. Unless it is not. Unless it is vinyl and foam carved into a utilitarian masterpiece. Unless it's a ditch dug to perfection.
For more information about Strati Climbing:
Ernest Coletta, Owner
Strati Climbing
www.StratiClimbing.com
hello@straticlimbing.com
This story was paid for by the sponsor and does not necessarily represent the views of the Climbing Business Journal editorial team.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Qatar's Emir to inaugurate Hamad Port after Eid
PoliticsBusiness
Hamad Port for illustrative purposes only. Credit: Mwani
Qatar's new Hamad Port will officially launch in the first week of September, the country's transport ministry has announced.
The Emir will inaugurate the facility, which has been crucial in helping Qatar circumvent the ongoing Gulf blockade this summer.
Since June, the port has been expanding shipping routes to India, Oman, Turkey and Pakistan to help Qatar bring in more food, construction materials and other items.
Under the auspices of HH the Emir, #HamadPort is scheduled to be officially inaugurated in this September pic.twitter.com/AP1teuxPHy
— وزارة المواصلات والاتصالات (@MOTC_QA) August 26, 2017
One of the largest ports in the region, the QR27 billion Hamad Port became fully operational some 10 months ago.
It is already in the process of expanding, and is slated to have three terminals with enough capacity to handle 7.5 million containers a year by 2020.
Hamad Port rendering. Credit: New Doha Port Project
That's nearly quadruple its current capacity of 2 million containers.
Last month, Hamad Port handled nearly 49,000 containers, some 80,000 tons of general cargo, almost 5,000 vehicles and machinery, 74,000 heads of livestock and some 8,000 tons of building materials, the Ministry of Transport and Communications said.
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← Day 71, July 20, Part One: Petropavlovsk, Russia to Anadyr, Russia (920 NM)————————- Part Two: Anadyr, Russia to Anchorage, Alaska (900 NM) ———-HAPPY TO ARRIVE IN USA!
We are tickled to know you have been sharing our adventure, Bergie and MaryPat.
Thank you for you comments and kind words. We are still absorbing the meaning of this feat—soon we will schedule a dinner to share one yours and our updates. Be well, enjoy life's daily thrills!!


An optional whip or hose attachment for the Magic Flight Launch Box vaporizer.
Get the most from your MFLB by choosing from our range of extra attachments and adapters.
Made from top quality silicone and finished with tough acrylic tips, the MFLB whip attachment is ideal for solo or party vaping session. Get a faster, cooler hit and inhale more vapour in a single hit with the hose attachments.
The Magic Flight Launch Box whips are available in your choice of 3 different lengths: one, two or three feet in length - please see the dropdown menu to choose the correct length.


All Crescent City homes currently listed for sale in Crescent City as of 04/18/2019 are shown below. You can change the search criteria at any time by pressing the 'Change Search' button below.
"Nice curb appeal, cute inside, and bigger than it looks! Original hardwood floors throughout. Woodburning fireplace in livingroom. All kitchen appliances will stay. 3 bedrooms, 1.5 baths. Basement has storage room, laundry room, and family room/kids playroom. Backyard is privacy fenced. Extra-deep 1.5 car attached garage and additional 1.5 car det garage. Replacement windows. Very nice home and move-in ready."
"Located in charming Crescent City, just 8 miles from I57 (Gilman exit) and 5miles from Watseka this completely upgraded, 3 bedroom, 1 bath ranch with walk in closets is finally available! Features include spacious laundry room, pantry, mud room, over sized yard, privacy fence, 24x26 garage, 9x12 storage shed, grape vines, ADOREABLE play house with swing set, and so much more all on a corner lot! Call today for a tour!"
"2 bed 1 bath home being sold AS-IS. New Roof, Windows, flooring and HWH in 2014. BIG backyard with large deck, shed and basketball court. Great value with small town charm. Call today!"
"Enjoy this two story large home with HUGE detached garage, nice corner lot. 3 Bedroom 1.5 Bath floor plan. Built in shelving, front foyer. Full basement, large rooms, character & charm throughout! Waiting for your personal updates and finishing touches. All info is approx and estimated."


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WE Energies Wisconsin biomass plant nearly complete
By Anna Simet | October 30, 2013
WE Energies' 50-megawatt biomass cogeneration plant in Rothschild, Wis., is nearly complete. The plant has been in development for the last four years and is located at the site of Domtar's century-old paper mill, which it will supply steam to.
According to CEO Gale Klappa, the power facility is now 97 percent finished and is on schedule for commercial operation before the end of the year.
Klappa said several significant milestones have recently been achieved, including a first-fire using natural gas on Sept. 17. "A week later, we synchronized the steam turbine generator for the first time," he said. "Oct. 3 was the first-fire using biomass, and we're continuing to test and fine various systems on the unit in preparation for commercial operation."
He added that the overall investment is expected to total about $269 million, excluding allowance for funds used during construction.
The power facility will use around 500,000 tons per year of woody biomass material, which will come ready-to-burn from Domtar's fuel yard, or will be shredded or chipped off site by suppliers.
Vendors for the project include Metso, which supplied the circulating fluidized bed boiler, and General Electric, which supplied the steam turbine and generator. Boldt Construction of Appleton, Wis., is the project manager.
Read more about the project here.
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Clean Fuels Alliance America welcomes new members
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It's the Weather, Silly


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Thomas Cully Park
A landfill in northeast Portland, Oregon, has been transformed into an active community park thanks to a remarkable partnership among neighborhood activists, a nonprofit developer, and the City of Portland.
2018 Oregon Brownfields Award, Oregon Department of Environmental Quality and Business Oregon
2018 Honor Award, American Society of Landscape Architects, Oregon Chapter
2018 People's Choice Award, American Society of Landscape Architects, Oregon Chapter
Why does this project matter?
The Cully neighborhood, a diverse low-income community, had long been underserved with parks and recreation opportunities. This project fulfilled the neighborhood's need for a park while also mitigating and making better ecological use of a capped landfill site.
What is ESA doing to help?
ESA assisted Portland Parks & Recreation (PP&R) and nonprofit advocacy group Verde with a master plan and Phase 1 design and construction services for a 25-acre community park in northeast Portland.
As the prime consultant, ESA coordinated the services of numerous project subconsultants and successfully guided the project through complex issues of needs assessment, access, safety, design, and management for the site, which formerly housed a quarry and landfill. The resulting park program included soccer, softball, and baseball fields; a sport court; a plaza and concession area; picnic facilities; restrooms; hard- and soft-surface trails; a community garden; a Native American inter-tribal gathering area; native prairie vegetation; and an off-leash dog area.
The development of construction documents required significant coordination among the Oregon Department of Environmental Quality, Metro regional government, PP&R, and numerous City of Portland Bureau staff to address the challenging infrastructure issues associated with the landfill site. After successfully navigating the permitting process, ESA completed Phase 1 construction and the park opened in June 2018.
Maureen Raad, PLA
Meet Maureen
Office: Portland
(503) 274-2010 | email
On Former Landfill, a Portland Park Takes Shape with Inclusive Vision and Unique Public–Nonprofit Partnership
It has taken a decade, but thanks to a remarkable partnership between neighborhood activists, a nonprofit developer, and the City of Portland, a landfill in northeast Portland has been transformed into a park.
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