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P.J. Whelihan Restaurant Opening in Lancaster, PA
P.J.W. Restaurant Opening in Lancaster, PA
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Philadelphia, PA - P.J.W. Restaurant Group is thrilled to announce the planned opening of their 22nd restaurant, P.J. Whelihan's in Lancaster, PA in late spring 2018. The new P.J. Whelihan's is the 17th of its kind and joins the group's family of successful restaurant concepts including The Pour House (Westmont, NJ, North Wales, PA and Exton, PA), Treno (Westmont, NJ) and The ChopHouse (Gibbsboro, NJ).
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The Lancaster opening marks the group's most westward location, a position last occupied by the P.J. Whelihan's in Reading. The latest addition at the Shoppes at Belmont on Fruitville Pike, the new restaurant will bring 80full and part time jobs to the area. The opening is highly anticipated as the 365,000-square-foot shopping center located on 95 acres, just opened in January 2018 and is already home to several popular retail anchors like Target, Whole Foods, and Nordstrom Rack. The approximately 6,000-square foot P.J. Whelihan's restaurant and pub will include a 10-foot by 10-foot video wall, delivering on P.J.'s reputation as an iconic sport fan destination. The videowall can be used in its entirety to project larger than life games, matches or movies, or sectioned off into multiple smaller screens for the ultimate 'picture in picture'.
Designed by Stokes Architecture Design, the interiors will reflect the more recent incarnations of the restaurant concept featuring warm wood tones contrasted by sleek industrial greys, exposed ductwork and decorative beams to evoke a modern and comfortable sensibility. The new P.J.'s will be consistent with the P.J. Whelihan's concept - geared to serve families, sports fans, happy hour patrons and those seeking night and weekend entertainment. The menu will mirror the classic P.J. Whelihan's offerings including P.J.'s famous wings, fries, tater tots, burgers and more. P.J.W. Copper Lager, brewed exclusively for P.J. Whelihan's by Victory Brewing Company, will be available alongside a full-bodied list of 36beers on tap, canned and bottled beer, wine and an extensive cocktail program. Additional seating will be available in warmer months on the outdoor patio.Fast on the heels of the opening of P.J. Whelihan's in Newtown Square in early 2018, the P.J.W. Restaurant Group has several more openings in the works for 2018 and 2019.
"We've been looking to come to Lancaster for a long time now and the Shoppes at Belmont opening this year created the perfect opportunity," said Bob Platzer, President and CEO, P.J.W. Restaurant Group. "We're greatly looking forward to becoming a part of this community and opening our doors in Lancaster."
Opening	Suburbs	Re-Opening	gastropub	Philly Suburbs	Lancaster


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Tailor-made Laos Tours
The Mysterious Beauty of Laos
Plan Your Holiday
LAOS TOURS
Embark on an unforgettable adventure to Laos on a tailor-made Laos tour
Laos - surrounded by the clutter of Thailand, Vietnam and Cambodia - counts its tourist arrivals in the tens of thousands, unlike the others which count in the tens of millions. Vientiane, the country's provincial capital, is home to a tick over 200,000 souls whereas Bangkok is touching ten million. It's landlocked. It doesn't offer a highlight to the degree of an Angkor Wat or Ha Long Bay. It's overlooked. It's a piece of space and solitude and serenity.
But these are the reasons why Laos is worth exploring – the country is highlight rated among expats living in Southeast Asia. Lazy days wandering Luang Prabang's UNESCO streets, where monks in gilded robes collect morning alms, or visiting Kuang Si Waterfall, where pools the colour of a clear sky beckon. Exploring, most likely alone, a vast plain littered with thousands of ancient jars. Kayaking amongst the limestone cliffs on the Nam Song River. Or just watching the Mekong life drift by in Vientiane.
Buffalo Tours invites travellers to look past their prejudices, and visit Laos.
Let's discuss your travel plan with us!
Find your tour
All tours are tailor-made according to your preferred travel period, specific touring needs and budget
All Active Beyond the Classics Highlights of Asia Cruises of Asia Nature & Wildlife Family Local Life River Cruises Day Trips Solo Group Tour Culinary
Cycle The Grand Loop
Laos from North to South
Adventure in Northern Laos
Hidden Northern Laos
Highlights of Laos
Snapshot of Laos
Seuang River Homestay
Southern Laos Cruise
Homestay in Northern Laos
Luang Prabang Outdoor Adventure
Active Escape in Northern Laos
Classics of Luang Prabang
Kuang Si Waterfall and Buffalo Dairy Experience
Kuang Si Waterfall
Luang Prabang Cultural Exploration
Workshops in the Land of Worship
Textile Experience at Living Crafts Centre
Bamboo Experience
A Day in the Life of a Local Rice Farmer
Sunset Cruise on the Mekong River
Mekong Cruise to Pak Ou Caves
Luang Prabang Cooking Class
LAOS TRAVEL GUIDE
All essential information about Laos that you'd need to know prior to your Laos tour
LAOS AT A GLANCE
Population : 6.5 million
Capital City : Vientiane (750,000)
People : Over 48 ethnic minorities
Language : Lao
Currency : Kip (KIP)
Time Zone : GMT +7 Hours
International Dialing Code : +856
Passport and visa
Passports should be valid for six months from the date of entry into Laos. We recommend you make a photocopy of your passport and keep it somewhere separate, or scan it and keep it in an accessible email account.
A 30 day visa on arrival is available for many nationalities at the various international airports and land borders with China, Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam. A passport sized photo is required to complete the visa. Visa extensions can be made in Vientiane for 30 extra days, a maximum of 2 times.
For a list of nationalities that do require a visa, please check here.
Phones and Internet Service
Postal services are available in Laos. The best way to receive any mail is to have it sent to a post office or collect it yourself. Telephone connections to the rest of the world are widely available, however they aren't cheap. Internet access is available in most major tourist places such as hotels, restaurants and cafes.
People, History & Culture
As one of the most sparsely-populated countries in Asia, Laos has a serene and uncharted allure distinct from many of its neighbouring nations. Of the former French Indochinese nations, Laos is also the least developed, which lends the country an untainted, enigmatic charm that's nothing short of magical for most visitors. Dominated by majestic mountains, verdant valleys and broad snaking rivers, Laos is a spectacular destination for nature lovers. Beyond its vast and untamed wilderness, Laos is also home to a handful of culture-rich towns and cities brimming with spiritual intrigue. For the culturally-curious, these fascinating places are the perfect gateway to discovering the heritage of this awe-inspiring nation.
Thanks to its mountainous, often little-developed communities, much of Laos' locals are farmers or fishermen who live off of the land. A significant portion of Laos' population are also ethnic minorities, too, which lends a noticeable distinctiveness to each community you're likely to stumble upon. It's not hard to explore a sleepy H'mong village just a stone's throw from the country's capital city, or cross over the river from Luang Prabang to arrive in a rustic Khmu village. Laos' ethnic minorities are also the reason why the country is rich with traditional handicrafts and expert local artisans, who create beautiful silver jewellery and intricate Batik painting the same way they have for centuries.
The most significant cultural element of Laos is its spiritual and religious influences. Morning chanting is often heard ringing from Buddhist temples, and saffron-robed monks collecting morning alms is a common sight in Laos' cities and towns. A large portion of locals here are practicing Buddhists, and this has a deep influence on lifestyles and culture. The best place to soak in Laos' spiritual allure is in the historic, UNESCO World Heritage site of Luang Prabang, home to three dozen Buddhist temples - some dating back hundreds of years. Regardless of whether the magnificent scenery of enchanting towns are the focus of a journey in Laos, the magic of its local culture is sure to stand out as truly inspiring.
The transportation infrastructure in Laos is less developed than many of its neighbouring countries. While this lends a certain excitement to travelling here, it also means that getting around takes more time and creativity than other destinations in Asia.
When travelling between cities in Laos, land travel is often preferred to air travel, since many destinations in Laos are not easily reached by plane. While slower, this allows you time to appreciate the scenic beauty of this stunning country - which is part of the excitement of travelling through Laos. Many of Buffalo Tours' itineraries include travel by riverboat, which is one of the most relaxing and in-depth ways to explore the country. In Laos' cities, taxis and tuk-tuks are certainly the easiest way to get around, and negotiating prices with a taxi driver is part of the experience. Many travellers often opt to rent motorbikes to get around, but motorbikes anywhere in Southeast Asia are risky. Motorbike travel isn't recommended by Buffalo Tours.
Like many of its neighbouring nations, Laos has a tropical monsoon climate with two distinct seasons: a rainy season and a dry season. Rainy season usually occurs between May and October, while dry season is most commonly between November and April.
Most of Laos is hottest in March and April, when temperatures can reach as high as 38C. During the "coldest" time, usually around December, temperatures can dip to a brisk 15C. Average temperatures throughout Laos are usually between 25C and 30C. Mountainous areas or places with higher elevation tend to have lower temperatures.
However, the weather can be unpredictable, so it may be a good idea to carry an umbrella or raincoat with you. You can purchase these from most supermarkets and general stores.
Festivals and National Holidays
Since Laos is predominantly Buddhist, many of its national holidays revolve around the Buddhist calendar. The most significant of these celebrations is Laos' New Year, also known as Laos Pee Mai, which is similar to Thailand's Songkran in its connection to water and cleansing. Celebrated from the 14th to 16th of April, water is used more for sprinkling over Buddha images in temples than for dousing other people.
Another of Laos' most important Buddhist holidays occurs in mid-July during a holiday called Boun Khao Phansa, or Buddhist Lent. During this period of three months, monks throughout the country are required to stay within their wats for meditation and dharma studies. Since much of Laos is Buddhist, this is a significant time for pious believers.
In certain parts of Laos, the Boun Bang Fai Festival, also called the Rocket Festival, is a popular and decidedly more extravagant celebration in mid-May. Originally held as a festival honouring fertility and rain, the celebration is held just before the onset of the rainy season and includes enormous homemade rocket launches along with music, dancing and processions to bring luck for the upcoming rice-growing season.
Other major holidays in Laos include:
Lao National Day - December 2
H'mong New Year - Late November to Early December
Boun Song Hua (Dragon Boat Races) - Mid-October
That Luang Festival - Full moon in early November in Vientiane
A kaleidoscope of culture, religion and natural beauty, Luang Prabang is one of Indochina's most alluring towns. A palpable heir of serenity and spirituality eminates from over three-dozen Buddhist temples and extends well into the streets and alleys of surrounding neighborhoods, making it an incredibly rewarding place for leisurely strolls by foot. Since the city's recognition as a UNESCO World Heritage site in 1995, Luang Prabang's wats and temples have undergone a series of renovations making it a truly world-class tourism destination. Make time to explore its most famous sites, including Wat Xieng Thong and the Royal Palace Museum before heading down the river to see the fascinating Pak Ou Caves and unforgettable Kuang Si Waterfall.
In what in possibly Asia's most laid-back capital city, it's hard not to be enchanted by Vientiane's beautiful French colonial architecture and glittering Buddhist temples. Wide, tree-lined boulevards perfect for leisurely strolls and uncommonly friendly locals in sleepy street-side cafes are highlights of Vientiane. Beyond its charming aura, Vientiane is also home to ornate yet rustic architecture, a tasty blend of French flavour infused in its local cuisine and the wonderfully bizarre Buddha Park just outside of the city centre. While Vientiane's beauty and allure is less readily apparent than other historic cities in Indochina, Vientiane has a few enchanting secrets up its sleeve that are well-worth exploring.
Si Phan Don (4000 Islands)
Si Phan Don is a remarkable archipelago consisting of dozens of islands nestled on a roiling stretch of the mighty Mekong River. Seemingly frozen in time, life on the islands is governed by the great river's ebb and flow. In combination with the incredibly unique physical setting of Si Phan Don, the serenity of the local culture and the boundless natural beauty of the surroundings makes a visit to these islands truly magical. Its proximity to remote mountains make it a perfect launching point for incredible trekking experiences as well. Si Phan Don is also a great place to spot some of the Mekong's most famous wildlife - including Irrawaddy dolphins!
Plain of Jars
No one is entirely certain of the story behind the mysterious jar-like stone structures scattered across hundreds of kilometres in north-eastern Laos. Archaeologists estimate that the jars were created some time during the Iron Age of Southeast Asia. Many locals believe they were left by giants who once roamed the area. Though only about 90 remain accessible, this bizarre and fascinating archaeological site is a favourite experience for history buffs visiting Laos, and should be near the top of any first-timers list.
Though especially famous among backpackers' for the fantastic and historically raucous river tubing experiences to be had there, Vang Vieng is a top-tier destination for adventurous travellers looking for a rustic destination in the heart of Laos' famously untamed wilderness. Boasting a stunning backdrop of cliffs and vivid emerald rice paddies,Vang Vieng is a stunning location for kayaking and caving novices and veterans alike. Even if adventure isn't in the cards on a visit to Vang Vieng, a lounge on the banks of the Song River or a stroll through the sleepy nearby town is a charming respite from reality.
Meet Locals
There's nothing more eye-opening than visiting a village in rural Laos. The lifestyle and culture changes dramatically just outside of urban centres. There are a host of intriguing rituals, practices and traditions which shine an entirely different light on the country. Learn to cook in a local Lao home or visit a village school at Seuang River, a little-known place that is part of our responsible and sustainable tourism projects. Alternatively, spend the night in a village headman's house or go fishing with one of the locals in Nong Khiaw, a rustic town on the banks of the Ou River in north-central Laos. If you would like to experience the working life, learn how traditional textiles are made in Ban Phanom or Ban Saphai, two villages known for their weaving. You can even try silk dyeing and weaving yourself in Luang Prabang.
Trek in the Jungle
Over 60% of Laos is made up of forests, with plenty more land occupied by mountains, rivers and farmland. The country is rich in natural beauty as well as colourful vegetation, which makes it a rewarding and refreshing place for trekking. There are also many elevated areas to climb, from towering mountains to rolling hills, many of which offer impressive views of surrounding wild countryside. Located between the Annamite Mountain Range, Bolaven Plateau is a scenic area full of waterfalls, rivers and hills. Near the eastern border of Vietnam, the area is a short drive from Pakse, and can be visited on thrilling zipline tours. If you'd like something with a great view from the top without the need to put on a harness, try a hike up Pha Poak. This hill in Vang Vieng takes about 30 minutes from the base to the summit, and offers panoramic views of the surrounding countryside. Whatever adventure you choose, be sure to hire a guide or go on a tour, as there are still hidden mines and unexploded bombs in the countryside leftover from the Secret War.
Explore Ancient Ruins
Laos is full of rich history, from its past under Thai and French rule to its tales of war, including the tragic fate of being the most heavily bombed country in the world. Much of this intriguing history is proudly shared by the Lao people throughout many landmarks and UNESCO World Heritage Sites.The Plain of Jars is one of the most unusual landmarks in the world. Thousands of large stone jars are scattered across Xiangkhoang Plateau, their origins still unknown. Some believe they were used for prehistoric burial whereas others think they were used to brew alcohol by giants! Another intriguing site is Vat Phou where the ruins of a 11th Century Hindu temple can be found. At the time, the area was part of the Khmer Empire and the architecture exhibits the traditional Khmer temple style.

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All posts in category Middle East
The Politics of the Refugee Crisis in Latin America
By Luciano Melo*
Syrian refugees arriving in Uruguay. Photo Credit: International Organization for Migration / Flickr / Creative Commons
Several Latin American governments have pledged to accept Syrian refugees – part of one of the largest refugee movements in history – but support for robust resettlement programs appears likely to fall short. According to the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR), some 6 million Syrians have been displaced within their country and 4 million more have fled abroad, mostly to Turkey, Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, and Egypt. One million have entered Europe, putting a heavy burden on the EU, and the United States has agreed to settle 10 thousand (although the refusal by 31 U.S. governors to accept them raises questions about follow-up). Public support for receiving migrants dropped in the aftermath of the Paris attacks in November, but France has announced that it will admit 30,000 new refugees in the next two years, a measure that President Hollande characterized as the country's "humanitarian duty."
Several Latin American governments also have agreed to absorb refugees.
Brazil, with ties to Syrian immigrants since the 19th century and one of the largest communities outside Syria, has promised to accept 20,000 refugees from the current conflict. More than 8,000 have already settled in Brazil.
Venezuela also set a goal with the UNHCR of receiving 20,000 Syrians, but President Nicolás Maduro's defense of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad as "the only leader with authority in Syria" suggests low enthusiasm for implementation.
Chile and Argentina have had modest programs to settle Syrian refugees since the beginning of the war. Chilean President Bachelet has agreed to settle 100 Syrian families, whereas Argentina's "Syria Program" agreed to offer permanent residence to 300 Syrians after three years.
Uruguay, which resettled Syrian families from Jordanian camps in 2004, recently suffered a setback when refugees in September protested in front of a government building complaining about the cost of living and lack of jobs. Observers estimate that almost 100 Syrians will actually leave the country.
The cost of settling families and individual refugees can be high, and each country will face challenges in meeting their commitments. Brazil is in a deep crisis – with negative GDP growth expected next year, impeachment processes initiating against President Dilma, and gigantic corruption scandals rocking the political system. The Venezuelan economy is in shambles, with skyrocketing inflation, and the country appears to be in permanent political crisis. Chile has experienced an economic slowdown since the price of copper fell, and Argentina has been trying to recover from recession and double-digit inflation rates in the first months of the newly elected President Macri. Even Uruguay expects lower growth – down to 2 percent from the previously estimated 2.5 percent – and a fiscal deficit of 3.6 percent of GDP. The good news is that accepting refugees does not necessarily affect the economy negatively. Turkey and Lebanon, which have resettled 2.2 million and 1.8 million since the war started, are expected to have 4 percent and 3 percent growth in the coming year, confirming that the issue is mostly political rather than economic. In Latin America, in contrast with the U.S., the crisis has not been used by leaders to polarize public opinion. In fact, the topic is barely on the radar of common citizens, and the media rarely cover it. The Syrian war and ISIS terrorism are remote concerns, and more pressing local matters – recessions, corruption scandals, and impeachments – take precedence.
* Luciano Melo is a PhD candidate at American University's School of Public Affairs specializing in comparative politics.
by clalsstaff on January 4, 2016 • Permalink
Posted in Middle East, South America
Tagged Migration
Posted by clalsstaff on January 4, 2016
https://aulablog.net/2016/01/04/the-politics-of-the-refugee-crisis-in-latin-america/
Argentina: Who killed Alberto Nisman?
By Fulton Armstrong
March for Nisman on January 19, 2015, Buenos Aires, Argentain. Photo Credit: jmalievi / flickr / Creative Commons
Conspiracy theories, accusations, and counteraccusations – usually driven by personal prejudices and political agendas – are not uncommon in Argentina, but the death of special prosecutor Alberto Nisman on January 18 has brought them to a crescendo. Each theory probably contains a grain or more of truth, but none adequately explains how this respected man, who had spent 10 years investigating the bombing of a Jewish community center in Buenos Aires 20 years ago that killed 85 and injured hundreds, wound up dead on his bathroom floor with a bullet in his head just hours before he was to testify before Congress. Three main scenarios have emerged.
Scenario A: Nisman was a national hero whose assiduous investigation of the AMIA attack, aided by Argentina's intelligence agency (SIDE), had conclusively demonstrated an Iranian role in planning and funding Hezbollah's execution of the bombing. He was about to request the arrest of President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (CFK) and Foreign Minister Héctor Timerman on charges of colluding with Tehran to cover up Iran's role – and they or unidentified loyalists ordered his murder to stop him. Under this scenario, a stealth team working on behalf of the President suborned or sneaked by the 10 body guards placed around Nisman's apartment to enter and – using a 22-caliber pistol that he'd borrowed from an aide – killed him.
Scenario B: Nisman was a zealot manipulated by disgruntled SIDE officials and got in over his head in a plot to bring down the President and her government. Nisman had charged Presidents with coverups before – accusing President Carlos Menem in 2006 of taking a $10 million bribe from Iran to keep investigations from leading to its operatives – and his distaste for CFK was well known. In December, she fired long-time SIDE chief, Antonio Stiusso, who (according to this theory) sought revenge by helping Nisman make his case. (Officials close to President made the unsubstantiated and dubious claim that the man who lent Nisman the gun, Diego Lagomarsino, was also an intelligence agent.) Under this scenario, accepted by very few Argentines, Nisman took his own life.
Scenario C: In the house of mirrors that is Argentine intelligence, power plays are shrouded in intrigue and hard to divine. Under this scenario, persistent rumors suggest a struggle between pro- and anti-Stiusso factions in which Prosecutor Nisman was collateral damage, perhaps because of his eagerness to do the dismissed SIDE director's bidding. Precious little information is available to label the factions – pro- or anti-CFK, or pro- or anti-Israel, or even pro- or anti-Iran – but there's a consensus that something was rotten in SIDE. Eight days after Nisman's death, CFK announced an effort to dissolve it and set up a replacement agency, and the Congress has already begun to take action.
However much partisans of one perspective or another want to believe these scenarios and their variants, information is too weak or contradictory to give much credibility to any. CFK and Timerman's advocacy of trade with Iran – primarily swapping Argentine grain for Iranian oil – and their negotiation on a joint investigation of the bombing weren't secret. The exchanges were the subject of numerous public statements since 2013, and a number of Argentine officials, including Stiusso and other senior SIDE officers, were involved in both initiatives. Interpol officials, moreover, deny that either CFK or Timerman had ever requested suspension of arrest warrants for any of the Iranian suspects. But the President's attacks on Nisman before and after his death have been strident and personal – clearly crossing the line for a chief executive talking about a prosecutor – and her public statements, including flip-flopping on whether the death was a suicide, do have a certain odor that create the impression that, as Shakespeare's Queen Gertrude in Hamlet might say, "the lady doth protest too much, methinks." The poisonous political climate in Buenos Aires over el caso Nisman appears likely to drag on – yet another crisis the country can ill afford.
Posted in Argentina, Middle East
Tagged Accountability & Corruption, Crime & Violence
https://aulablog.net/2015/02/09/argentina-who-killed-alberto-nisman/
Latin America United Against Violence in Gaza
By Aaron T. Bell
Sergio / Flickr / Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 2.0 Generic (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)
Israel's assault on Gaza this summer provoked sharp criticism from Latin American governments. Condemnation came not only from Cuba, a long-time critic of Israel, and from Bolivia, Venezuela, and Nicaragua, which have been without diplomatic ties to Israel since cutting them after previous conflicts in Gaza in 2009 and 2010. This summer's UN-estimated 1,500 civilian deaths also provoked outrage from center-left governments, as Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, El Salvador, and Peru all withdrew their ambassadors. At the Mercosur summit at the end of July, Brazil, Venezuela, Uruguay, and Argentina issued a joint statement in which they criticized Israel's "disproportionate use of force…which has almost exclusively affected civilians." And one of the largest popular demonstrations worldwide against the Israeli action took place in Chile, home to hundreds of thousands of Palestinian descendants.
Latin American interest in Israeli-Palestinian affairs is deeply rooted in the past. Waves of immigration beginning a century ago have made the region home to the largest Palestinian diaspora outside the Arab world. Latin American governments provided crucial support for the 1947 UN Partition Plan for Palestine that led to the creation of the state of Israel, but they roundly condemned the occupation of the Gaza Strip 20 years later. In the Cold War era, Israel provided military hardware to rightwing military regimes in the region while the Palestine Liberation Organization, more leftist than Islamic in its revolutionary views, lent political and economic support to the Sandinista government in Nicaragua. Contemporary Latin American governments have taken a balanced approach in their relations with Israel and the Palestinians. All but Colombia, Mexico, and Panama have recognized a Palestinian state based on national borders prior to the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, and trade with Israel has flourished. Brazil is the top destination for Israeli exports, totaling over $1 billion per year. In addition, Israel signed free trade agreements with Mercosur in 2007 and 2010; became an official observer to the Pacific Alliance (Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru) in 2013; and in May 2014 approved a four-year, $14 million plan to boost trade with the PA nations and Costa Rica. Israel's recent efforts to further trade in Latin America ironically developed out of a desire to shrug off some of its dependency on Europe, where criticism of Israeli policy has become widespread and boycotts of Israeli goods are being organized by advocates of the Palestinian cause.
This summer's fighting in Gaza chilled diplomatic relations between Latin American governments and Israel. The Israeli Foreign Ministry described the withdrawal of Latin America ambassadors as a "hasty" decision that would only encourage Hamas radicalism, and it struck a nerve in Brazil when dismissing its "moral relativism" as an example of "why Brazil, an economic and cultural giant, remains a diplomatic dwarf." But both Israel and Latin America stand to gain from stronger economic ties, and with the exception of Chile's suspension of trade talks, there are no pending signs that economic relations will suffer further now that this round of fighting in Gaza has come to an end. The significance of this summer's events lies instead in the autonomous decision by Latin American governments of all political stripes to act in favor of peaceful conflict resolution and the protection of civilians enveloped by the violence of war. The Assad regime's massacre of its own citizens in Syria in recent years provoked a more reticent condemnation from Latin America's center-left governments and regional blocs, which backed a negotiated solution to the conflict while strongly opposing the possibility of foreign military intervention. Without the specter of a wider conflict looming over this summer's Gaza crisis, Latin American governments seized the opportunity to stake out a firmer position. The region's reaction to future atrocities – which may come sooner rather than later as the US prepares to battle the "Islamic State" in Syria and Iraq – will show how durable this new approach will be.
by clalsstaff on September 11, 2014 • Permalink
Posted in Middle East, Regional Snapshot
Tagged Civil Society, Diplomacy, Peace & Conflict Resolution
Posted by clalsstaff on September 11, 2014
https://aulablog.net/2014/09/11/latin-america-united-against-violence-in-gaza/
Iran in Latin America: An Exaggerated Threat
By Aaron Bell
Former Presidents Hugo Chavez and Mahmud Ahmadinejad / Photo credit: chavezcandanga / Foter.com / CC BY-NC-SA
During his campaign for the U.S. presidency, Republican Mitt Romney referred to Russia as the United States' number one geopolitical foe, but in the Latin American context he and his fellow conservatives have focused much more on another perceived competitor – Iran. Alongside China and the EU, Russia has indeed taken greater interest in Latin America in the past decade, investing in energy, selling military hardware, and even offering an alternative to Washington's counternarcotics programs. But Romney and major elements of his party have given more attention to the newer, more enigmatic go-to threat of Iran and its former president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The 2012 Republican Party Platform warned that Venezuela had become "an Iranian outpost in the Western Hemisphere," issuing visas to "thousands of Middle East terrorists" and providing a safe haven to "Hezbollah trainers, operatives, recruiters, and fundraisers." This past spring, former Assistant Secretary of State Roger Noriega told a Congressional committee that Hezbollah was working alongside the Sinaloa Cartel to fund and organize terrorist activities. He claimed the organization had infiltrated the Venezuelan government so the Iranian government could launder money through Venezuelan banks to avoid international sanctions.
Relations between Iran and some members of ALBA expanded during Ahmadinejad's presidency, during which he spent more time in Latin America than either Presidents Bush or Obama. He shared the stage with Hugo Chávez and Daniel Ortega in denouncing the United States and its policies toward both Iran and the ALBA nations, and he pledged to invest in Venezuela, Bolivia, and other countries. The warmth of that contact gave credibility to rumors that Iran has used elite Quds soldiers and Hezbollah agents to create a web of Latin American agents available for terrorist strikes in the United States. As required by the Republican-sponsored "Countering Iran in the Western Hemisphere Act," the State Department released a report this summer analyzing Iran's regional activities. While it expressed concern over Iran's political and economic links, it concluded that Tehran's regional commitments had largely gone unfulfilled. Nonetheless, a handful of U.S. Congressmen and the media continue to warn of the looming Iranian threat along what conservative commentators call the "'soft belly' of the southern border."
The Obama Administration has not dismissed entirely the negative impact that a country like Iran can have in Latin America, if nothing else by encouraging political leaders to sustain their anti-U.S. rhetoric campaigns. But the Administration has not subscribed to the right wing's exaggerations about Iranian activity and indeed is seeking pragmatic agreements with Iran to resolve a series of concerns about its activities, particularly its nuclear program. A handful of members of Congress led by Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL), former Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, have accused the Obama administration of putting politics over national security by failing to challenge Venezuela and other Iranian allies, though the political advantage the president supposedly achieves with such a policy is unclear. Some xenophobic nationalists on cable TV believe the Iranian activities are part of Islamic imperialism, which poses a threat to Western civilization. Others see the threat as being embodied by Barack Hussein Obama, accusing the administration of hyping the Iranian issue as a pretext to justify the expansion of a U.S. military presence in South America. Today's paranoia about Latin America is different from during the Cold War years, but only in the identity of the villain. Latin America's role in the new narrative remains unchanged: it exists primarily as a base of operations for foreign enemies of the United States that must be monitored and pressured to ensure U.S. national security. While the rhetoric of ALBA leaders and their efforts to establish friendly relations with regimes like Iran fuel such paranoia, Washington would be wise to respond to actions rather than empty rhetoric. Fortunately, the Obama administration appears to be doing just that.
by clalsstaff on November 15, 2013 • Permalink
Posted in Middle East, United States, Venezuela
Posted by clalsstaff on November 15, 2013
https://aulablog.net/2013/11/15/iran-in-latin-america-an-exaggerated-threat/
Egypt Policy – Latin America Style
U.S. Department of State Headquarters | Wikimedia Commons
We who follow U.S. policy in Latin America shouldn't be surprised to see Washington's policy toward Egypt drift from support for democracy to support for the status quo ante. President Obama's 2009 speech in Cairo reaching out to Muslims – calling for an end to the "cycle of suspicion and discord" – came just six weeks after he told the Summit of the Americas that he wanted "an equal partnership" with the hemisphere and sought "a new beginning with Cuba." When 30-year President Hosni Mubarak stepped down in 2011, the Administration eagerly linked Egypt to the "Arab Spring" and, despite concerns about the Muslim Brotherhood roots of Egypt's first democratically elected president, tried to make the relationship with Mohamad Morsi work. Over time, however, Morsi – successor to an undemocratic regime in an undemocratic country with no democratic traditions and no democratic institutions – was accused of being undemocratic. The estrangement grew so deep that the Obama Administration still cannot bring itself to call the July 3 coup against Morsi a coup, and Secretary of State Kerry saw fit to refer to the military takeover as "restoring democracy" even as the Army was firing on unarmed crowds.
To Latin America watchers, this chronology is reminiscent of U.S. policy in our own hemisphere. The case of Honduran President Mel Zelaya is clearest. The Honduran military removed Zelaya– in his pajamas – from his home and country in June 2009 for proposing a referendum that, the putschists claimed, violated the Honduran constitution. The Obama Administration's nominee to be Assistant Secretary of State at the time, Arturo Valenzuela, testified that the action was, in his opinion, a coup, but the State Department never categorized it as such and, despite rhetoric committing to restore Zelaya, the Administration let the interim regime consolidate power. Amidst a state of emergency, media closures, and other irregularities, the State Department also gave its blessing to elections held several months later. Zelaya's rhetoric before the coup was caustic, and he squandered political capital in needless confrontations, but he never threatened Honduran "democracy" or violated human rights as the interim regime did. Nor did he preside over a steady deterioration of security, civil rights, and the economy as the current government has. Yet, ironically, the Obama Administration has never set the history of the coup straight – just as the Bush Administration never rectified its disastrous support for the 2002 coup against Chávez in Venezuela.
The excesses of some leaders, like Zelaya and Chávez, make supporting or turning a blind eye to a coup very tempting. But Washington has also shelved its moral outrage when much less provocative presidents – democratically elected but progressive-leaning – have been removed from power, if not with a gun at their head. The "constitutional coup" against President Lugo in Paraguay last year is the most recent example. The gap between U.S. rhetoric about democracy, rule of law, and due process on the one hand and its tangible actions on the other has a number of causes.
American "exceptionalism" – the sense that U.S. success gives it a right to judge others and intervene even when national interests are not at stake – sometimes leads Washington to over-extend and make rash decisions.
Eagerness to act quickly – to appear decisive – often makes policymakers confuse the symptoms of problems, which seem amenable to quick solutions, and the essence of the problems themselves. Policies address the short-term while neglecting the strategic.
Washington lobbies – the pro-Israel lobby in the case of any matter in the Middle East and the Cuban-American lobby in Latin America – are able to dominate U.S. perceptions of events, pushing administrations into a corner.
Administrations embarrass themselves when they throw around words like "Arab Spring" and "democracy." When the inevitable bumps in the road occur, they act betrayed rather than admit they got carried away by wishful thinking.
Double-standards –the expectation that progressives succeeding authoritarians will be perfectly democratic and flawlessly inclusive – make it difficult for Washington to avoid prematurely throwing a potential ally overboard.
Another factor, and potentially the most important, is that the U.S. government builds deeper relationships with elites and the security services that do their bidding than with any other forces. During the Bush Administration's "War on Terror," the U.S. Government entrusted Egypt with extremely sensitive operations, including the interrogation (and alleged torture) of suspected terrorists, and Washington relies on Latin American security services to prosecute the "war on drugs."
When U.S. interagency committees discuss how to respond to crises, the departments and agencies with the deepest ties in the country under discussion claim more influence over events there than anyone else – and win most policy debates. The problem is that their ties are mostly to political and economic elites – or the military and intelligence services that back them – which are rarely agents of change. Washington winds up allied with forces that suppress the new voices essential for the "springs" and "democracies" that it says it wants.
by clalsstaff on September 5, 2013 • Permalink
Posted in Honduras, Middle East, United States
Tagged Democratic Governance
Posted by clalsstaff on September 5, 2013
https://aulablog.net/2013/09/05/egypt-policy-latin-america-style/
Arms, Allies, and Ahmadinejad: Lessons from the Cuban Missile Crisis
By Robert A. Pastor and Tom Long
Photo by: Bruce Tuten | Creative Commons | Flickr
On its 50th anniversary, the Cuban missile crisis continues to attract attention as a landmark event in U.S. foreign policy. Unfortunately, the lessons that are often drawn from the crisis are the wrong ones – and they are predicated on a version of the history that is built on more fabrications than facts. The lesson most often drawn from the crisis is that President John F. Kennedy's firmness and resolve compelled Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev to withdraw the missiles. As Secretary of State Dean Rusk put it: "We're eyeball to eyeball, and I think the other fellow just blinked." Unlike Chamberlain at Munich, Kennedy confronted Khrushchev and prevailed.
However, the more complete story that we now know – forcefully buttressed by a host of excellent books released to commemorate this anniversary – is very different, and one of the reasons is that we have learned much more about the complicated role of Cuban President Fidel Castro, who initially opposed the Soviet proposal to place Missiles in Cuba, but then felt betrayed when Khruschev decided to withdraw them without consulting. We also learned that the nuclear warheads and a substantial number of tactical nuclear weapons were already stationed in Cuba when the missiles were detected. If Khrushchev had not withdrawn the missiles, and the U.S. had invaded, which it was about to do, these weapons would have been used, triggering a nuclear holocaust. More recently, we learned that Castro tried to convince the Soviets to leave the tactical missiles, which the U.S. did not know about, after the denouement of the crisis, but fortunately, Khruschev rejected that proposal.
We cannot be absolutely certain as to why Khrushchev decided to withdraw the missiles, but all the available evidence suggests several factors. First, Robert F. Kennedy had conveyed a complex proposal to Soviet Ambassador Dobrynin: the U.S. would not invade Cuba if the Soviet Union withdrew the missiles. More important, he said that the U.S. would withdraw its missiles from Turkey but only on condition that this information would not be made public. Because of this deal, Kennedy was able to "spin" the event so that it looked like we won without giving up anything. Robert Kennedy also said that he feared that the U.S. military might take matters into its own hands if the crises were not resolved soon. At the same time, Fidel Castro sent a long message to Khrushchev, saying he expected an imminent invasion by the U.S. and recommending that the Soviet Union launch a first strike against the United States. Coupled with the shoot-down of a U-2 over the island and a straying of another U-2 in Soviet Asia, these various factors led the Soviet leader to fear that both he and Kennedy were losing control of events, and thus, an immediate resolution of the crisis was essential. That is why he transmitted his decision on radio.
Today's great U.S. foreign policy fear is that a nuclear Iran will destabilize the Middle East. Once again, the drama plays out in the middle of a U.S. electoral campaign, as did the Cuban crisis. Once again, there are calls for threats and "red lines." An honest look at the events of 1962 yields useful lessons for today. First, we should expect our leaders to have the courage to negotiate with adversaries to avoid conflict – and to stand up to domestic voices, including generals and advisors, pressing for war. The second, more challenging lesson requires a U.S. president to step inside Nikita Khrushchev's shoes. The Soviet premier was able to stand up to an ally to avoid being dragged into a war with nuclear ramifications. If Israel insists on a pre-emptive attack on Iran, will a U.S. president have the courage to restrain his ally, as Khrushchev had in restraining Fidel Castro?
Robert A. Pastor is a professor of International Relations at American University's School of International Service and a faculty affiliate at the Center for Latin American and Latinos Studies. He has served as National Security Advisor for Latin America under President Jimmy Carter, and he was a Senior Fellow and director of programs on democracy, Latin America, and China at the Carter Center. Most recently, he is the author of The North American Idea: A Vision of a Continental Future.
Tom Long is a doctoral research fellow at the Center for Latin American and Latino Studies.
by clalsstaff on October 26, 2012 • Permalink
Posted in Cuba, Middle East, United States
Tagged Peace & Conflict Resolution
Posted by clalsstaff on October 26, 2012
https://aulablog.net/2012/10/26/arms-allies-and-ahmadinejad-lessons-from-the-cuban-missile-crisis/
Brazil: A Permanent Seat Litmus Test?
Minister Patriota and Secretary Clinton Photo by: Ministério das Relações Exteriores via http://www.flickr.com/photos/mrebrasil/6162800484/
The U.S. State Department is expressing increasing frustration with Brazil for staying on the sidelines of debate on Syria. Mike Hammer, Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs, said recently that "a country of Brazil's stature can have influence, and we want them to be part of this effort – pressing Assad and his military to put an end to this horrible campaign." Other critics have linked Brazil's reluctance to press other countries in South America to condemn the al-Assad government – notably Venezuela, which supports it – with its quest for a permanent seat on the Security Council. (Brazil kept Syria off at least the public agenda during a recent meeting with Venezuela.) Jorge Castañeda, former foreign minister of regional rival Mexico, said Brazil is "not ready for prime time."
Brazil supports the peace plan laid out by Kofi Annan, and has said it would back sanctions or an arms embargo if it were part of that plan. Brazil also proposed further international delegations to investigate Syrian atrocities, though previous visits have failed. Itamaraty stresses the risks of confronting the massive Syrian army, and it continues to demand that the Security Council be the sole forum for international action. Foreign Minister Antonio Patriota announced opposition to sanctions imposed without U.N. authorization.
Brasilia's position is in keeping with its traditional skepticism about international intervention and the doctrine of "responsibility to protect." The notion of using Syria as a litmus test for Brazilian readiness to join the Security Council seems premature as no serious initiatives are before the UNSC and the Annan plan, which Brazil supports, is in play. If anything, Brazil has demonstrated a commitment to keeping the UNSC at the center of the international diplomacy. State Department pressure on Brazil to expend political capital to rein in the ALBA countries on a distant issue like Syria is unlikely to bear fruit until clearer international diplomatic strategies emerge.
by clalsstaff on June 21, 2012 • Permalink
Posted in Brazil, Middle East
Tagged Peace & Conflict Resolution, United Nations
Posted by clalsstaff on June 21, 2012
https://aulablog.net/2012/06/21/brazil-a-permanent-seat-litmus-test/


text:
using Newtonsoft.Json;
using System.Collections.Generic;
using System.IO;

namespace OMF
{
    public class Int3Array : UidModel, IObject
    {
        public Int3Array()
        {

        }
        public Int3Array(List<int[]> data)
        {
            Data = data;
        }
        public ScalarArray array { get; set; }

        [JsonIgnore]
        public List<int[]> Data { get; set; }

        public void Deserialize(Dictionary<string, object> json, BinaryReader br)
        {
            Data = Helpers.ReadInt3Array(br, array);
        }

        public void Serialize(Dictionary<string, object> json, BinaryWriter bw)
        {
            array=Helpers.WriteInt3Array(bw, Data);

            ObjectFactory.GetObjectToData(json, this, uid.ToString());
        }
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
The tit-for-tat clashes are related to disagreements over who will guard the presidential palace, STC officials in Aden
Ongoing clashes in Abyan, Shabwa stall implementation of Riyadh agreement
[ Part of the 1st Presidential Protection brigade convoy en route to Aden ]
Almasdar Online - Newsroom SATURDAY, 14 DECEMBER, 2019 - 01:31 AM
Government troops launched an offensive against forces loyal to the UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council (STC) on Thursday along the main road connecting northeast Abyan governorate with Shabwa governorate. By evening, the army claimed to have regained control of Al-Mahfad district in northeast Abyan, capturing STC field commander Ali Miftah Al-Shakli in the process.
The government attack came in response to an STC ambush Thursday morning, targeting a military convoy, led by Brig. Gen. Luai Al-Zamki, commander of the 3rd Presidential Protection brigade and Brig. Gen. Saif Al-Qufaish, commander of the 115th Brigade, en route to Abyan. Two government soldiers were injured in the ambush, according to Almasdar Online's correspondent on the ground.
The tit-for-tat clashes are related to disagreements over implementation of the Riyadh agreement, which ended months of fighting between the pro-secession STC forces and the national army for control of southern governorates, including Abyan, Shabwa and the interim capital Aden.
As part of the power-sharing agreement, the army's 1st Presidential Protection brigade is supposed to secure to the presidential palace in Aden, as well as protect members of the STC. But the STC has said it doesn't trust the soldiers that the 1st Presidential Protection brigade recruited for that job and has prevented them from reaching Aden, via Abyan and Shabwa.
Shabwah Governor Mohammed Bin Adyo said in a meeting Friday that government forces were prepared to thwart any further attacks by UAE-backed STC forces. Adyo had convened the meeting of Shabwa's security committee to discuss the results of an investigation into last week's murder of Mujahid Baa'Odha, security director of nearby Al-Rawdha district in Shabwa.
Earlier in the week, Adyo submitted a letter to President Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi complaining of provocations by UAE forces against government troops in Shabwah.
Riyadh Agreement 1st Presidential Protection brigade STC
Houthis take over Azal University with the appointment of loyalist president
Social media campaign confronts child kidnappings in Houthi-controlled cities


LGK attractions in Sigulda based company is a company that deals with inflatable structures, amusement, tent, awning production, rental and repair. Operating since 1989, and subject to quality standards (LVS EN 14960:2014) ensures quality and safety. The company repaired products from PVC material, as well as other materials. LGK attractions first Latvian and Baltic States organized bungee jumping attractions and set up a manufacturing facility in amusement.
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Repairs - sewing, gluing by melting, cut, paint, furniture, etc. Incorporation.
As well as perform a variety of other repair work with PVC and other materials!


text:
4° Sunny
A mix of clouds and sun early followed by cloudy skies this afternoon. High 29F. Winds S at 10 to 20 mph..
Latitude Apartments on S. 11th St. during a power outage on Dec. 4, 2017.
Photo by Connor Rodenbaugh
Several items stolen from Latitude Apartments, investigation on-going
Jack Price
Latitude Apartments reported the burglary of three missing purses, a set of car keys and an Xbox around 4 a.m. Monday.
There were no signs of forced entry into the building, and authorities are unsure as to if the burglars were residents or had found a way into the building another way.
In a statement to The Daily Nebraskan Wednesday, a Latitude representative said management was working with the Lincoln Police Department in order to find the suspects and had sent an email to all residents reminding them to lock their doors and report suspicious activity.
According to LPD public information officer Erin Spilker, no arrests have been made but LPD has security footage they are reviewing that Spilker said she hopes will assist the investigation. Several residents also gave statements to LPD about the situation.
A 22-year-old woman woke up to the sound of someone in her apartment. She was unable to identify the suspect but told LPD they wore a black hooded sweatshirt and grey sweatpants. She also said that the intruder was communicating with another person in the unit.
Another apartment resident, a 20-year-old woman, said she observed someone in the hallway around the same time frame but assumed it was her roommates. Additionally one of the intruders woke another tenant by turning on a light in the apartment. The suspect left with her purse and left behind another person's purse.
LPD said in a statement to The Daily Nebraskan that it's important for residents to develop security routines, to make sure that entries to apartment units are locked and secure valuables that can be easily moved or taken.
Jolie Peal contributed to this report.
This article was updated at 5:17 p.m. on Wednesday, Jan. 15, 2020, to include a statement from Latitude Apartments. This story is ongoing.
Follow Jack Price


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text:
Vartan () (Vardan in Eastern Armenian transliteration) is an Armenian name.

Vartan or Värtan may refer to:

Saint Vartan
Saint Vartan (full name Vardan Mamikonian, 393–451 AD), Armenian military leader, martyr and saint of the Armenian Church
St. Vartan Armenian Cathedral, Armenian Apostolic church in New York City

Vartan

Mononym
Sargis Mehrabyan, known as Commander Vartan, Armenian fedayee military commander and member of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation
Vartan Pasha (full name Hovsep Vartanian or Osep Vartanian), Ottoman Armenian statesman, author and journalist of the 19th century
Vartan Kurjian, an art director

Given name
Vartan Ghazarian (born 1969), Lebanese-Armenian footballer
Vartan Gregorian (1934–2021), Armenian-American academic
Vartan Malakian, Armenian-American artist and father of Daron Malakian, an Armenian-American musician
Vartan Matiossian (born 1964), historian, translator, editor, and teacher
Vartan Oskanian (born 1955), Armenian politician and Foreign Minister of Armenia (1998–2008) and founder of the Civilitas Foundation
Vartan Vahramian, Iranian-Armenian artist

Surname
John Vartan (1945–2004), American entrepreneur and educational philanthropist
Kaloost Vartan (1839–1908), Turkish born Armenian physician of the Nazareth Hospital, the first hospital in Ottoman Galilee
Michael Vartan (born 1968), French-American film and television actor
Neil Vartan (1962–1994), English cricketer
Sylvie Vartan (born 1944), French singer

Patronymic
Tigran Vartanovich Petrosian (1929–1984), chess grandmaster and former world chess champion

Värtan
Lilla Värtan or simply Värtan, a strait in Stockholm, Sweden
Stora Värtan, an inlet of the Baltic Sea located in the Stockholm archipelago north of the city of Stockholm, Sweden
Värtans IK, Swedish football club in Stockholm

Other uses
Vartan (comics), Italian comic book created and drawn by Sandro Angiolini
Vartan, Iran, village in Isfahan Province, Iran

See also
Bardas (disambiguation), the Hellenized form of the name
Vardan (disambiguation), another spelling of the name (usually in Eastern Armenian)
Vardanyan (disambiguation), includes Vartanian disambiguation

Armenian masculine given names

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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BFD Fire Chief Jason Moore.
Bloomington is the only department of its size in the nation to have such widespread use of in-mask thermal imaging. What's more, Bloomington provides 3M with ongoing product feedback, improvement recommendations, and success stories. For instance, a few months after initially adopting the technology, firefighters were able to use it to save Bloomington resident Patrick McCarthy. Now, both McCarthy's rescue and Bloomington's implementation of Scott Sight feature prominently in a promotional video. BFD has had additional rescues using Scott Sight since the 2018 filming.
That means installing and checking smoke detectors and sleeping with the bedroom door closed to delays a fire's entry. "Put those together and what we have is a really good dynamic to actually save lives," Moore says.
To see the 3M video featuring the BFD, visit magbloom.com/3mscott.
Screen capture from the 3M Scott Sight video featuring Bloomington Fire Department.


text:
Rings of Power: War of The Great Jewels Explained
By Rishabh Shandilya
September 4,2022
There was a string of confrontations in the years before the closing of the First Age remembered variously as the War of the Jewels, the Battle of the Great Jewels, as well as the Battles of Beleriand. It was a fight involving Morgoth's armies as well as the Elves of Beleriand, who were aided by the Edain and on occasion the Dwarves.
Morgoth launched his assaults on the inhabitants of Beleriand from the safety of his powerful stronghold, Angband. However, despite the Noldor's successes, the impending destruction of Mandos was always a threat. Both parties lost countless men in these conflicts, and the Elves held contempt for the mortals who sided with darkness for a very long time thereafter.
The War of Jewels Still from Rings of Power
What Transpired The War of Jewels
These struggles occurred in the Elder Days, a timeframe prior to the First Age. In these conflicts, the Noldor—the subgroup of Elven warriors—fought to retrieve the Silmarils from the grasp of Melkor, the world's personification of evil.
Fanor, a master jeweler among the Noldor, fashioned the three Silmarils. These gems were stunning in their beauty, and they contained a portion of the Glory of Valinor that emanated out of the two glowing Trees of Valinor.
Melkor also known as Morgoth
Because of their sacred status, any attempt by a human or bad being to grab them would result in instant death. Tragically, whenever anyone lusted for them, starting with Morgoth and leading to Fanor himself longing after them, they were poisoned by pride and greed.
When Morgoth (then known as Melkor) annihilated the Two Trees of Valinor, the sole thing left to hold the brightness of those trees were the Silmarils. The Valar urged Fanor to relinquish the Silmarils in exchange for the replanting of the Two Trees, however, he steadfastly denied it.
Not long after this, word spread that Melkor had murdered Fanor's father, taken the Silmarils, and fled to his castle in Angband. Clearly, Feanor was enraged, not just at Melkor, whom he sometimes called Morgoth, but also at the Valar, whom he suspected of plotting to take the stones. Feanor and his sons swore that they would fight anybody who tried to keep them from obtaining the Silmarils.
Feanor's Scorched Middle Earth In Search of Silmarils
The Three Silmarils
The majority of the Noldor, including Feanor, set out towards Middle-earth in quest of Morgoth and a battle over the jewels. Many lives were lost on both sides in the five major conflicts fought with Morgoth, however, the Noldor were ultimately unsuccessful. Ultimately, two of the warrior were somehow able to take control of one of the Silmarils and handed it to Eärendil. Eärendil then carried the stones to Valar.
Galadriel, the Elvin Queen caught some of the brilliance from the Silmaril in her mirror and gave it to Frodo in a flask, which he later used to fight and distract Shelob ( a giant spider). The Silmaril was then placed in the heavens always to be hailed as the Star of Eärendil.
The Quest for The Remaining Silmarils
War of Beleriand
The forces of evil, and good once again clashed their swords and spears in the final war of Beleriand, often remembered as the Great Battle. The tribes of Men, Elves, and Dwarfs fought valiantly against the forces of Morgoth eventually vanquishing and bringing a century-old war to a close.
The war is hailed as the biggest war ever fought in Arda, and it was so destructive to the northwestern region of Middle-earth (known as Beleriand) that it eventually sank under the waves. Even when Morgoth was vanquished, a few of his soldiers, like the Orcs, lingered and prospered under Sauron's leadership, causing problems in the long run.
The remaining two jewels that the Dark Lord had acquired were afterward salvaged by Fanor's children. But the gems refused to be owned by the sons, burning their fingers like they had scorched Morgoth's.
Orc still from Rings of Power
In one story, a son sacrificed his life by jumping into a pool of flames holding the Silmaril in hand, whereas in another, a son hurled his jewel into the water. This made sure that the three Silmarils were now scattered over the three regions of Arda: the heavens, the earth, and the oceans.
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Q: How to method chaining in pandas to aggregate a DataFrame? I want to aggregate a pandas DataFrame using method chaining. I don't know how to start with the DataFrame and just refer to it when aggregating (using method chaining). Consider the following example that illustrates my intention:
Having this data:
import pandas as pd

my_df = pd.DataFrame({
    'name': ['john', 'diana', 'rachel', 'chris'],
    'favorite_color': ['red', 'blue', 'green', 'red']
})

my_df
#>      name favorite_color
#> 0    john            red
#> 1   diana           blue
#> 2  rachel          green
#> 3   chris            red

and I want to end up with this summary table:
#>    total_people  total_ppl_who_like_red
#> 0             4                       2

Of course there are so many ways to do it. One way, for instance, would be to build a new DataFrame:
desired_output_via_building_new_df = pd.DataFrame({
    'total_people': [len(my_df)],
    'total_ppl_who_like_red': [my_df.favorite_color.eq('red').sum()]
    })

desired_output_via_building_new_df
#>    total_people  total_ppl_who_like_red
#> 0             4                       2

However, I'm looking for a way to use "method chaining"; starting with my_df and working my way forward. Something along the lines of
# pseudo-code; not really working
my_df.agg({
    'total_people': lambda x: len(x),
    'total_ppl_who_like_red': lambda x: x.favorite_color.eq('red').sum()
    })

I can only borrow inspiration from R/dplyr code:
library(dplyr, warn.conflicts = FALSE)

my_df <-
  data.frame(name = c("john", "diana", "rachel", "chris"),
             favorite_color = c("red", "blue", "green", "red")
             )

my_df |>
  summarise(total_people = n(),                                     ## in the context of `summarise()`,
            total_ppl_who_like_red = sum(favorite_color == "red"))  ## both `n()` and `sum()` refer to `my_df` because we start with `my_df` and pipe it "forward" to `summarise()`
#>   total_people total_ppl_who_like_red
#> 1            4                      2

A: Solution for processing one Series:
df = my_df.favorite_color.apply({
    'total_people': lambda x: x.count(),
    'total_ppl_who_like_red': lambda x: x.eq('red').sum()
    }).to_frame(name=0).T
print (df)
   total_people  total_ppl_who_like_red
0             4                       2

General solution for processing DataFrame with DataFrame.pipe - then pandas processing input DataFrame, if use apply or agg processing columns separately:
df = (my_df.pipe(lambda x: pd.Series({'total_people': len(x),
                                     'total_ppl_who_like_red':
                                        x.favorite_color.eq('red').sum()}))
           .to_frame(name=0).T)
print (df)
   total_people  total_ppl_who_like_red
0             4                       2

df = my_df2.pipe(lambda x: pd.Series({'total_people': len(x),
                           'total_ppl_who_like_red':
                               x.favorite_color.eq('red').sum(),
                           'max_age':x.age.max()
                          }).to_frame(name=0).T)
print (df)
   total_people  total_ppl_who_like_red  max_age
0             4                       2       41

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