text:
Subversive Church
HELPING THE 21ST CENTURY CHURCH REFLECT THE 1ST CENTURY CHURCH'S SUBVERSIVE FOCUS.
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SNAPSHOT: "Galatians Re-Imagined", Kahl
On January 14, 2020 By Bud Tillinghast
Galatians Re-Imagined: Reading With the Eyes of the Vanquished, Brigitte Kahl 2010
From Publisher
Brigitte Kahl brings to this insightful reading of Galatians a deep knowledge of the classical world and especially of Roman imperial ideology. The first wave of scholarship on the Roman imperial context of Paul's letters raised important questions that only thorough treatments of individual letters can answer.
Introduction: The Critical Re-Imagination of Paul and of Justification by Faith
a Re-Imagining Paul
b Law Criticism and Empire Criticism
1 Jewish Torah or Roman Nomos?
2 Law as Power Construct (F. Nietzsche)
3 Law as Imperial "Compromise Formula" (J. Taubes)
4 Torah Criticism as Affirmation of Roman Nomos
c Re-Imagining justification by Faith
1 Constructing the Protestant Other (M. Luther)
2 "Final Solution"
3 Galatians and the Occidental Semiotics of Combat
4 Pauline Binaries Revisited
5 The Annihilation of the Antinomies (J. Louis Martyn)
6 The Politics of the New Creation
d Overview of the Book
e A Methodological Postscript
1. Remapping Galatia: In Search of a Displaced Context
2. Dying Gauls/Galatians Are Immortal: The Great Altar of Pergamon
3. Creating the World Out of Dead Gauls: Imperial Monotheism, Virgil, and the Arena
4. Roman Galatia: The Imperial Resurrection of the Dying Gauls/Galatians (189 B.C.E.-50 C.E.)
5. Under the Eagle's Wings and (C)laws: Messianic Insurrection among Dying Gauls and Jews
6. Amen and Anathema: Galatians at the Great Altar of Pergamon
Epilogue: Dying Gauls, Jews, and Christians and Rome's Three Great Fires (60-75 c.E.)
My Rough Notes
for he [Nero] noticed a monument on which was sculpted the defeat of a Gaul warrior by a Roman cavalryman,
As we shall see, from Nero's perspective in the West, Galatians (or Gauls), Jews, and Christians as well had one thing in common: all were suspected of subverting law and order.
Visually, they long occupied the Roman imagination as archetypal enemies, quintessential barbarian intruders, remaining dangerous even after their defeat.
We can no longer keep first-century Gauls and Galatians as neatly separated from each other as we have long been accustomed to do.
Rather I seek a more comprehensive understanding of the letter by locating Gaul/Galatia in the Roman imagination, in the world of the eidos (form, shape) and eidolon (image, idol)-that is, at the intersection section of ideology and idolatry. On the ideological map of the Roman Empire, Gaul and Galatia were twin provinces, clearly recognized by their common Celtic origin as antitopoi of Roman law, order, and religion.
Roman authors frequently used the Latin term terror when they discussed Gauls/ Galatians. We should understand the Gallic War not as a singular event under Julius Caesar but as part of an ongoing, multistage Greco-Roman campaign against a Galatian "global terrorism;"
Paul: How do we see him, how do we read him on the blood-soaked terrain of Western war-making history?
This book is a new effort to set Paul in the context of his world. It engages in the scholarly endeavor of a critical re-imagination that pays attention to two issues still widely neglected in Galatian studies. First is the power of Rome
It draws into the dialogue between biblical text and its historical context a range of disciplines
the major burden of this exploration is the visual reconstruction of the Galatian world behind Paul's letter through the lens of ancient sources, images, buildings, spaces, and performances.
Second: this book seeks to re-imagine the historical context in which Paul and the Galatians met, not as an end in itself but as an element of a comprehensive historical-critical critical rereading (relectura) of the letter that has been handed down through history as the material imprint of their encounter.
Galatians is arguably the most influential letter Paul wrote. It became the core document of the Lutheran Reformation.
it has also played a formative and often lethal role with regard to dominant constructions of self and other, of identity and opposite, of ally and enemy, throughout Western civilization and war making.
It is Paul of Tarsus, rather than Jesus of Nazareth, who is most often quoted to confirm the political status quo and to silence voices for social change as faith-less and dogmatically incorrect.` Perhaps more than any other letter, Galatians has contributed to the image of Paul as the theological protagonist of a triumphant Christian Self on the archetypal battleground of Galatia; the fierce fighter engaged in relentless dogmatic struggle with a hostile and inferior Other, his "Judaizing" opponents; and as the authoritarian spokesperson of a normative world order. Is there a new way to read and hear Paul as we have not read or heard him before? Can we re-imagine a "liberating (of) Paul;' in contrast to his prevailing representation as a misogynistic, homophobic advocate of a disembodied social conservatism and anti-Judaism-a representation firmly rooted in two millennia of Christian-occidental interpretation? Are we at a moment in history when we need to turn "scripture" against tradition"
Critical re-imagination seeks to recover the precious seeds of an alternative meaning that never took root within the dominant history of occidental Pauline interpretation, especially after the emperor Constantine set in motion a history that would convert the Roman Empire to Christianity and conform form Christianity to the empire.
Over the past decades, Pauline interpretation itself has become a battleground.
two directions
uncompromising deconstruction of hitherto established Pauline readings and of Paul himself, on the one hand, and, on the other, toward a more adequate historical-critical reconstruction of Paul in his historical context.
the latter in one way or another tries to liberate Paul from the "iron cage" built around him by occidental and Christian frameworks of interpretation-the legacy of Aristotle, Constantine, Augustine, Luther, and the Enlightenment.
Not infrequently such analysis has indicted the figure of Paul himself as a co-architect of the oppressive binaries between Self and Other.'
I am convinced that scripture is re-imaginable outside the confines of the occidental pattern, that history matters, and most of all that Paul matters,
A major point of departure from the prevalent paradigm of Pauline studies was the emergence in the early 1990s of empire-critical studies, under the guidance of Richard Horsley,
The letter to the Galatians up to now has not been subjected to a thorough exegetical exploration that considers the Roman Empire as a major textual and contextual factor.
The primary focus of empire-critical studies so far has been much more on Paul's world than on his words, on history rather than on theology. The result has been that Galatians and the doctrine of justification by faith have remained relatively untouched as the traditional strongholds of Protestant dogmatic theology, both being understood predominantly in abstract and timeless language far above any concrete historical realities.
This is a task driven as much by contemporary urgency as by historical interest. We live in a precarious time, when imperial globalization extends its grip…
Whether Paul's theology can (again) become a source of spiritual, social, and ecological restoration, whether the "universalism" of his world mission can be reconceptualized in terms of border-transgressive peace building and justice seeking rather than the aggressive justification of the Western Self and a mentality of conquest, has become a pressing theological question.
Pursuing that question requires first and foremost a reexamination of the core concept at the center of everything Paul says and does: justification by faith rather than by works of the law.
1 Torah or Roman Nomos?
We all know how much our interpretation of a text depends on how we imagine its context. Traditionally, what we had imagined as the context of Galatians was a dispute between Jews and Christians (or, more precisely, between Jewish Christians and non-Jewish "Gentile" Christians) as to whether circumcision was a religious requirement for non-Jews among the Jesus followers.
The Roman Empire, in Paul's time the most basic reality of life for both Jews and non Jews of all kinds, is programmatically obscured in this theological reading. Yet long before Paul argued with the Galatians about law and freedom from the law in the Jewish "key" of circumcision, the polarity of law versus lawlessness was firmly established in the Greek, then Roman rhetoric of civilized warfare against the barbarians, and especially against the Gauls/Galatians. (Part of the public discourse of the time. She presents the box diagram here.)
A crucial result of the critical re-imagination offered here will be insight into the inseparability of the political, the ideological, and the theological threads that are interwoven in Paul's confrontation with the Galatians and his rejection of "law."
A strongly law-critical critical letter addressed to the "civic assemblies [ekklesiai] of Galatia" (Gal 1:2) would hardly have been read in exclusively Jewish terms by the majority of non-Jews in the audience.
whatever the subject of contention between Paul and his "stupid Galatians" regarding Jewish law and Jewish affiliation, it was Roman law that ultimately defined and enforced what was licit or illicit.
2 Nietzsche: Law as Power Construct
3 Taubes: Law as Imperial Compromise Formula
Paul does not abandon Jewish law but, on the contrary, wrestles, from a rigorously Jewish perspective, with a practice of Torah that has at least partly been "hijacked" and desecrated by Roman imperial law and religion.
Paul's radical commitment to the first and core commandment of Torah: the Oneness and Otherness of the God of the exodus whose "universal singularity" (to borrow a term from Alain Badiou) opposes the universal oneness of the divine Caesar."
(N T study has focussed on questions of Paul's Jewishness or anti-Jewishness and on his Greekness or non-greekness. It has not focussed on his Romanness or anti-Romanness)
It has hardly ever been seen in antithesis to Roman law and its self-justification through war, victory, and power, or through meritorious "good works" attributed within the system of benefactions and euergetism that depended so heavily on competition for honor and social distinctions based on shame
The eclipse of the Roman context of Paul's text has inevitably channeled the full force of his law criticism to Judaism alone.
Arguably, such concealment of the empire-critical implications of Paul's gospel was the only way it could survive in a canonized form agreeable to a Christianized empire.
It means that Paul more or less fell prey to a major "identity theft" and that the concepts of law and disorder, of Self and Other, and of male and female that we have come to conceive and confess, or to criticize and condemn as Pauline are highly deceptive. Instead, our misconceptions of Paul's gospel depict the world as ordered in the image of Caesar, the eidos (form, shape) and eidolon (image, idol) of a master order that the historical Paul himself opposed as idolatrous.
(A) second "conversion" in the Christian imagination, one that turned him posthumously into the mouthpiece of the very imperial order that had originally executed him as enemy
Justification by faith and grace, the innermost core of Paul's teaching, was turned into the Magna Carta of Christian anti-Judaism. Once expressed in the deadly binary logic of Us versus Them, this doctrine could resurface with a ghostly versatility as a powerful ideological weapon in subsequent warfares conducted by the Christian occident against its "Others;' including the "other" religion, the "other" race or class, the "other" sex or sexual orientation, the "other" faith regarded as "deviant" in its social vision or way of life.
His [Luther's] self-confessed love affair with Galatians as his "dear epistle" proved seminal for the Reformation. Yet his description of the theology of justification in the introduction to his 1531 commentary appears less as a love message than as a sword irrevocably and irreconcilably dividing humanity into two categories: saved and lost: Jews Turks, Papists, sectarians.
It is striking that, for Luther, the highly diverse social practices and identities of completely disparate antagonists-like Jews, Catholics, or heretics (including the rebellious commoners of the German peasants' war)-became entirely irrelevant when measured against the supreme criterion of faith versus works.
Once Paul's antithesis of grace-and-faith versus law/works righteousness was taken out of its concrete historical context and turned into a totalizing construct, justification by faith could be transformed into an abstract idea, a disembodied principle of "universal truth" behind and above contingent reality.
[Western idealism is older than Luther's use of it.]
Western appropriations of Paul have extended the ancient dichotomies of spirit/flesh, good/evil, and active/passive to incorporate such diverse groups as Jews, women, savages (whether "natives" or "foreigners"), slaves, people of color, the lower classes, and homosexuals under the broad rubric of Otherness, construing all these groups alike in terms of their inferiority, their materiality, their passivity, their sheer differentness, as measured against the dominant Christian male.29
And twenty centuries after Paul, this paradigm eventually played a role in what was called the final solution of the judenfrage, the Jewish question, a solution implemented with technological perfection in a Christian nation as the six-million-fold murder of Jewish men, women, and children.
Irreconcilable polarities-between law and faith, between Jews and Christians seem inextricably woven into the fabric of justification theology and mark the heart of the problem. Galatians is not only the most influential but also the most polemical letter Paul wrote.
On the one hand, it contains the outstanding declaration of unity in Gal 3:28, a declaration that programmatically bridges the gap between One and Other-Jew and Greek, slave and free, male and female-and that has had a lasting influence on egalitarian movements throughout church history. On the other hand, Paul consistently develops his argument in Galatians by means of antithetical binaries: faith versus works; grace versus law; Christ versus law; justification by faith versus justification by law or works (see Gal 2:15-21).
Paul hurls an anathema against his opponents (1:9).
The Galatians themselves- or rather, their circumcision-preaching renegade teachers- have become the raw material for countless dogmatic re-makings, being transplanted and re-embodied innumerable times.
Already in antiquity, images of Galatians (Gauls) were prolifically exploited for the perennial ideological (re)production of the hostile Other.
found its most powerful expression at the Great Altar of Pergamon. Altar represent precisely the bifurcated "semiotics of combat"
This structure of hierarchical dualisms was seen as the innermost building principle of the world in its entirety, the foundational order of kosmos itself.
Despite their striking diversity, all these identities had one feature in common: they represented the "wrong religion" and the Other.
How did Paul's messianic justification of the vanquished Galatian Other become the justification of the victorious occidental Christian Self?
Philosophically speaking, this antithetical way of framing the world as Self over against the Other is based on the ancient conception of binary opposites.
superior -inferior finite-infinite odd-even one-many right-left male-female rest-motion straight – crooked light-darkness good-evil
On this pattern, any of these polarities could be linked to other sets of dualisms, for example, form versus matter, soul versus body, active versus passive, substance versus accident. Male thus became tied to form, soul, active, and substance; on the other hand, female to matter, body, passive, and accident.
Air, fire, water, earth
Superior: Male form-soul-active-substance-One/same/Self
Inferior: Female-matter-body-passive-accident-Other
This worldview, which orders everything and everyone into a series of binary polarities, ties, undeniably has become the substructure of occidental Christian philosophy and civilization. Consequently it has had a profound impact on biblical interpretation as well. But how should we position Paul on this hierarchical and dualistic conceptual battlefield?
He comes to the threefold conclusion that the "elements" in this text are synonymous with law and that the phrase stoicheia tou kosmou refers specifically to air, fire, water, and earth, or more precisely to these four elements in their oppositional structure, which is seen as the foundational order of the world. Martyn contends, however, that Paul wipes these binaries out and, with them, the old cosmos.
The new creation that is the centerpiece of Paul's apocalyptic theology is "marked by anthropological unity in Christ … [it] does not have pairs of opposites." This statement refers in particular to the oppositions between law and not-law, circumcision and foreskin. "The gospel of the cross announces the end of the elemental antinomy that formerly consisted of the law/not-law.
The "slavery" involved in these binary oppositions is both spiritual and physical, since it results from a systemic politics of conquest and is based precisely on the nexus between Roman religion, Roman law, and the Roman construction of Self and Other.
One of the most fundamental insights for our investigation is the recognition that the supposedly "Pauline" semiotics of Christianity versus Judaism that has so powerfully shaped the identity of Western Christianity and its constructions of power is, in fact, not a part of Paul's language at all: it did not even exist at his time. Throughout out his letters Paul never calls himself or his congregations "Christian."
Both Paul and his uncircumcised, Christ-believing Galatians were still part of Judaism.
In particular, the Paul of Galatians thinks in terms of Jews versus Gentiles/nations (ethne), not Jews versus Christians.
We must take account of how disturbing the Roman imperial repercussions of just the integration that Paul advocates would have seemed to some of his contemporaries.
As we will see, the Paul-opposing circumcision party in Galatia was driven much more by concrete sociopolitical concerns than by purely religious anxieties.
At this point, the colorful picture of Paul as primeval Christian warrior, defending the purity of the Christian gospel against the onslaught ofJewish law and otherness, begins to fade.
Another oppositional configuration emerges, however, in which the oneness of Abraham's God is posed over against the idolatrous oneness of the divine Caesar.
This means that Paul's gospel is not the erasure of just any polarity, but is rather the emergence of a new polarity that marks the simultaneous existence of old cosmos and new creation in the time "that remains."
To the contrary, Paul's "war" against the existing world order that has crucified the Messiah is an "anti-war:' a war of the wounded warriors and thus a war not to be fought in the old way.
Instead of heroes, it mobilizes, as Nietzsche already perceived, the losers, the crippled and limping, the never-victorious, who are branded on their bodies and souls with the stigmata of the Dying Gauls/Galatians-or of a dying Jew like Paul himself (Gal 6:14-17).
If one needs to call this "war;" one must add that this conflict subverts any established semiotics of war-making.
The powerful and all-pervasive hierarchical polarities of the imperial cosmos remain as the "last enemy" to be conquered (see 1 Cor 15:24-28), but their erasure means the erasure of the principle of enmity itself.
for this evil order is located primarily in the dominant representation of the Self over against the Other.
In this way the abandonment of the old binaries does not create a new "Christian" binary but produces a nonbinary space where the old cosmos and its meanings, including the old Self with its identities, prides, antagonisms, and alliances, is put to death and turned into Nothingness.
(Battle cry is 'peace'. Method is love.)
It is the practice of Selves who no longer try to vanquish their Others.
addresses the visual presence of Dying Gauls/Galatians in classical antiquity.
confronts the "Christian" construct of Galatia and Galatians with a historical exploration that traces the ancient perception of the Gauls/Galatians-and and the ideology behind that perception-over half a millennium.
(Attacked Rome in 387 BCE)
presents a semiotic analysis of the Great Altar of Pergamon as a paradigmatic image of the Dying Galatians/Gauls within the imperial law and religion of Western civilization.
deals with Roman imperial religion. Contrary to the prevailing description of that religion in terms of "polytheism" and religious tolerance, I trace a peculiar Roman "monotheism" that integrated polytheism but always (and often tacitly) placed the emperor and Rome at the center.
The imagery of Aeneas's shield in Virgil's Aeneid and the public spectacle of the Roman arenas are explored
turns to the province of Roman Galatia in Paul's time, the actual destination of his letter. It explores the imperial "resurrection" of the Dying Gauls/ Galatians as Sebasteni Galatai (that is, "Augustan" Galatians) through a whole set of devices that reinscribed the Galatian body. These included the building of imperial roads, cities, temples, and dynastic power structures among the vanquished, the integration of the Galatians as soldiers into the war machine of empire, and most of all the performances and public rituals of imperial religion centered around the koinon, the provincial assembly, and the temple to Rome and Augustus at Ancyra, the provincial capital.
deals with the specific issue at stake in Paul's letter, the issue of circumcision and foreskin. I decipher Paul's messianic community practice as a radical subversion of those Roman principles that governed the "ordering" of associations among the vanquished nations through relation to Rome.
moves at last from context to text and offers a "critical re-imagination" of the letter at the foot of the Great Altar of Pergamon. The first lines of Paul's letter in particular are read, on the one hand, in terms of a visual intertextuality with the Pergamene imagery and, on the other, in terms of scriptural intertextuality with the biblical root narratives of exodus and exile.
considers the two decades following the Galatian correspondence. It traces visual and textual clues that establish the imagery of Dying Gauls/Galatians, dying Jews, and dying "Christians" (including the image of "Christ crucified") as three strands of Roman imagination woven together into a single fabric during the Neronian massacre and the carnage that ended the Jewish War.
Critical re-imagination is a method that supplements the traditional set of historical-critical and ideological-critical methodologies.
Critical re-imagination seeks to restore Paul, his Galatian congregations, and their dissention about justification by law or faith to their specific material, sociopolitical, and historical context.
Historically speaking, the Galatia of Paul's time was not first and foremost the place Christianity had to conquer from Judaism, but a region where Galatians and other nations had already been conquered by Rome.
Images are, to use an expression of art historian Natalie Kampen, the "mental wallpaper" of the ancient world that shows what was before everybody's eyes-but what we unfortunately can no longer see when we read an ancient text.
Remapping Galatia: In Search of a Displaced Context
Focusing on the three pivotal locations of Rome, Delphi, and Pergamon, I will trace four centuries turies of dramatic clashes between the Greco-Roman world and its Galatian Other that culminated in the establishment of the Roman Empire and Roman law across the Mediterranean.
Celtic counter-nation. Paul's letter gives away no info about Galatia or any Galatians.
The debate about North or South Galatia is at best relevant for the data of Paul's biography and his missionary itinerary, but its impact on the actual interpretation of Galatians as a text and the much-needed clarification of its sociohistorical context has been marginal.
One would not know from the standard New Testament textbooks that the Galatians paid taxes and tributes to Rome, or walked on Roman roads, or assembled at Roman temples; nor that they fought in the Roman legions or attended Roman meals and games.
Pale and abstract figures, they remained faceless and disembodied-except for the one striking male physical feature at the heart of the whole debate: their foreskins.'
"methodological docetism"
One concern in the present work will be to challenge that implicit docetism by emphasizing the concrete historical-material contextuality of the Galatian correspondence. If the North-South controversy was not primarily about interpreting Galatians in its sociohistorical context, the dominant concern to reconcile Galatians with the apostolic itinerary of Acts, on the other hand, has allowed for Lukan themes to influence our perception of Paul and Galatia even more than Paul's letter itself. Luke's protrayal of Paul and his travel narrative in Acts has seeped almost imperceptibly into what has subsequently become the dominant image of the apostle. Thus, Paul has been turned into an entirely agreeable and politically correct model Roman citizen;
The ideological pro-Romanization of Paul went hand in hand with his theological de-Judaization and historical decontextualization. Not all of this can be blamed on the narrative in Acts, of course. But the ultimate result is that Galatia is usually not seen as part of Caesar's empire.
William Ramsey actually looked at the ? of Galatians
Yet for Ramsay there was not the slightest doubt that Paul not only spoke within a Roman imperial setting but also spoke as its uncompromising advocate and ally.
The second challenge to a reinterpetation of Galatians (as observed above in the introduction) is the "combat semiotics"
Paul's harsh polemic against his "opponents" nents" and the strongly antithetical structure of his argument seems inevitably to turn every reading of Paul's letter into a weapon to be used against the "Other,
A third challenge is that it seems always to be the "Other" as defined by imperial culture that is the object of Paul's most passionate polemics-not the empire itself. Thus, it has come to seem almost self-evident that Paul is at once anti-Jewish and pro-imperial. This, too, is a myth of Pauline interpretation in need of revision.
Stendhal:
first, that the proper historical context and hermeneutical key to understanding Paul's justification by faith is not the desperate struggle of an individual with sin, but Paul's practical concern with holding a community of Jews and Gentiles together; and, second, that Paul's Damascus experience was not a "conversion" to a new religion, Christianity, but a prophetic "call" to a new mission within Judaism toward the Gentiles. Paul subsequently did not fight against Jews or Judaism but worked to justify the status of uncircumcised Gentiles as "honorary Jews."
the imposition revealed the individualistic and self-absorbed concerns of the "introspective conscience" of the West.22
In the place of a "combat semiotics" pitting Christianity against Judaism, Stendahl insisted that Paul's concern was how Jews and Gentiles could live together in a new community. Reconciliation, not combat, was central.24
These questions bring us back to the concern at the heart of this book: What is it that Paul opposes as "law" and "works"? Valuable as the insights of the New Perspective tive are, they do not go far enough in contextualizing the argument of Galatians in its real-life world. Recovered Paul's Jewishness, but failed to see it in a Roman context.
his wrestling with the community of Jews and Gentiles/nations under the watchful eyes of a colonial superpower.
In stark contrast to the somewhat nebulous Christian imagination of Galatians, the Greco-Roman world at Paul's time had a surprisingly vivid, if hostile, picture of how Galatians/Gauls looked and behaved. Quoted Roman authors. Diodorus
Some of them go into battle naked and they cut off the heads of their defeated enemies, later nailing them as trophies to their houses (5.29). They practice human sacrifice and some of the most beastlike of their tribes living far in the north and on the borders of Scythia probably even eat human beings (5.31, 32). They are also sexually promiscuous and transgressive, men and women alike. The men "rage with lust, in outlandish fashion, for the embraces of males;'
Diodorus had in mind. For him, Galatians were a worldwide ethnic group that included the European Gauls and the Celts in general.
"The Romans, however, include all these nations [ethne] together under a single name, calling them one and all Galatians [Galatas hapantes]"
Rather, they used terms that made clear that the Gauls/Galatians were one and the same phenomenon in the history of the world that Rome now dominated: a single people of warlike and uncivilized barbarians who had ultimately been tamed and subjugated by Rome.
Celts Originally settling in central Europe, in numerous migrations they conquered new dwelling places as far west as Iberia in Spain, as far north as Britannia (Scotland and Wales), as far south as the Po Valley in Italy, and as far east as Macedonia, Thrace, and Asia Minor,
The Galatians had grown in the Roman imagination into an enemy of mythological stature ure who represented the primeval threat to Rome per se. Were in conflict with them for over 400 years.
Greeks decided to hang up the shields of the defeated Celts next to those of the defeated Persians in the temple of Apollo at Delphi."
They were an enemy that Rome repeatedly encountered, in more places around the Roman world and throughout out more centuries than any other antagonist.
Caesar's Gallic wars. All together, over one million Gauls were killed and a similar number enslaved.
Of the original estimated population of Gaul, only one-third remained.
It seems noteworthy thy that the birth of the empire and the death of its last grand-style Gallic/Galatian opponent-whose victory would have prevented Caesar's triumph in Gaul and thus his takeover of Rome, reversing the course of history-happened simultaneously.
Rome's global war on Galatian terror.
The more monstrous, lawless, and ubiquitous the enemy is portrayed, the more salvific, justified, and universal its victor's power. If Brennus and his Celts who attacked Rome and Delphi, if the pillaging and ravaging Galatians of Asia Minor had not existed, one would have needed to invent them. Rome could not rule without them. Livy's report demonstrates that at the threshold of Paul's era the Celtic myth was very much alive and one of the foundational great narratives of the Roman Empire.
World-wide wide Galatia was the prototypical battlefield of the Roman ideology of domination that derived its law and legitimacy from the triumph over the barbarian Other,
He immediately pledges the dedication of no fewer than three hundred mighty temples to the gods of Italy all over the city as his "immortal votive gift" (8.715-16). While the figure of three hundred seems somewhat overstated-at the end of his life Augustus will report in the Res Gestae the no less impressive number of eighty-two temples rebuilt or restored (Res Gestae 20)-it makes a crucial statement: piety and religion are foundational practices for Augustan Rome.
Augustus is the center and climax of everything: victor in the cosmogonic world battle, world ruler who implements law and order on a global level, the one who establishes the world city-and the founder, prime devotee, and supreme god of an imperial world religion.
with Augustus sitting in front of Apollo's temple looking ing at the gifts of the nations and watching the march of the vanquished not only signals the dawn of the Roman imperial world order, but also the birth of a new imperial world religion.
The nations of the world parading in front of him are submitting both to the Roman world order and to Roman world religion.
In fact, the divide between mortals and gods does break down as traditional religion has to come to terms with a new chief deity that completely remodels the old religious universe, though under the pretense that everything stays the same
The bestowal of this title [Augustus] on Octavian thus right from the outset comes close to a kind of deification; it implies supreme piety and supreme power at the same time.
The divine and human power pyramids are remodeled in such a way that they intersect in the person of Caesar as the supreme power in both realms.
Explanation: Both human and divine spheres are hierarchically ordered as pyramids of power.
The construct of an imperial monotheism is not without precursors. a kind of Zeus monotheism in Stoic thinking.
One could also say that Jupiter/Zeus as active principle of the cosmos has in reality been replaced, or displaced, by Augustus, who acts as the present defender of Rome.
(Alexander was deified, but after he died; whereas, Augustus was made a dety during his life time. This was a change.)
The de facto imperial monotheism of the 40s and 50s c.E., which celebrated Caesar as the dominant divine figure through the various channels of imperial religion and ideology, constituted a fundamental challenge that Paul confronted fronted in his Jewish-messianic theology of the One God-a god who is Other than Caesar.
Prior to S. R. F. Price's influential study of rituals and power, scholars tended to describe the Roman emperor cult primarily in terms of its shortcomings compared to proper religion. It was seen mostly as only a ritual, political, and external observance without deeper religious gious meaning in terms of true individual faith and religious feelings. Based on the work of Clifford Geertz, Price strongly challenged this concept and its underlying-mainly mainly Protestant-individualistic and antiritualistic presuppositions.
it showed how inseparably religion and politics, "ritual and power" were linked in an imperial context like that of Asia Minor. Imperial ritual was seen as a powerful way to "conceptualize the world" in public and for the public, most notably with regard to the position of the emperor and the relationship between emperor and subjects. Imperial ritual, second, not only reflected the political reality of the Roman Empire; it also constructed it by universally inscribing it on time, space, and concrete human bodies:
The core issue was not primarily what someone really believed but what was embodied, depicted, monumentalized in stone and marble, and collectively practiced by concrete human actors. As Price states, "A Christianizing theory of religion which assumes that religion is essentially designed to provide guidance through the personal crises of life and to grant salvation into life everlasting imposes on the imperial cult a distinction between religion and politics." This distinction, however, obscures the basic similarity between politics and religion: both are a way of systematically constructing power…. the cult was a major part of the web of power that formed the fabric of society."
However, the way imperial religion spread its "web of power" needs further consideration. No matter how modest the disguise under which Caesar attached and assimilated lated himself to existing temples, festivals and cults, he was the chief deity.
Within the framework of imperial religion, an individual's understanding and acceptance of the way the world was built and functioned would start with an indispensable faith act on the most personal level. The term faith/faithfulness here renders the notion of Greek pistis and Latin fides as defined by the socioreligious and political dictionary of Paul's time-namely, as a mutual bond of responsibility between rulers and ruled. Its essence is the same on the Shield as it is at the Great Altar: with a faithful pledge of allegiance, an act of subjection.
the "small" individual self submits to the "big" victorious Self of the divine power(s) and their human representative(s). In return for this faithful subjection, the dominant promise faithful protection.
acknowledgment of victory-based law as the righteous, divinely ordained, and cosmic order that is embodied in the legitimate ruler. This act of submission elevates the ones/us far above the rebellious and lawless others/them that stay out and down as dying and dead,
As we submit ourselves to him and his law we enter into the family of the civilized under god-father Caesar. A new master race stands in irreconcilable opposition to the seditious counter-race below that violates the law and order of patriarchy:
Yet the space where this emerging imperial worldview in its totality and in every single one of its individual aspects would unfold its most formative and transformative power among the masses of the empire, was not the books of the writers nor the temples and altars of imperial religion, but the arenas.
Human beings in the image of caesar: Arena, Self, and the Other's Blood
Although we are inclined not to see any political or religious implications connected to this term, games in the Roman Empire were neither secular nor nonpolitical events.
The arenas were the training ground for an imperial worldview and self-perception that restaged the order and piety of the Great Altar with enormous visual effect and propagandistic efficiency.
One of the great innovations that Augustus and his successors brought to the sphere of mass entertainment was a new way to stage hunts, executions, and gladiatorial combats,
Something fundamentally changed, however, when Augustus came to power.
In the first two centuries C.E. amphitheaters were built throughout the empire, with the Colosseum in Rome eventually emerging as the most famous. The arenas, that is, the sand-covered round or elliptical space at the bottom,' became the space where in every part of the Roman world more or less the same sequence of events would unfold:
wild beast hunts and fights (venationes) in the morning, involving the display and slaughter of fierce and exotic animals;
public execution of criminals by animals, fire, or crucifixion around noon; Jesus 6th hour]
gladiatorial contests (the actual munera) in the afternoon.
When games took place over a longer period, this same sequence was probably followed lowed every day.
The provision of eight gladiatorial shows with no fewer than ten thousand men confronting each other in single combat, as well as twenty-six fights with `African wild beasts;' which left thirty-five hundred animals dead, was proudly proclaimed by the emperor when he listed his lifetime achievements in the Res Gestae
superior way for the provincials to express their newly won Romanness and loyalty to the emperor.
The arena was one of the most compelling places where imperial ideology was generated and enacted through the power of images: living images that were images of dying and of imposing death.
The poet Martial in a set of epigrams dedicated to the Roman emperor under the title Liber de spectaculis ("About the shows/games") celebrated the Colosseum as the most wonderful of all the wonders of the world, more magnificent than the pyramids of Egypt, the walls of Babylon, the temple of Artemis at Ephesus, or the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus
Spectators from all over the world are present in Caesar's city and amphitheater, theater, even members of the most remote and barbarous races. The arena integrates and creates unity.
[games were given- paid for- by the elite.]
The recognition of the person at the top of the human power pyramid, with unlimited power over life and death, is the recognition of his divinity too.
Neither Caesar's presence nor the elbow rubbing and camaraderie among the audience would by itself have had the power to integrate social diversity and polarities into the new imperial one-self, if it were not for the magical object that drew all eyes to the sand-covered circular floor at the center and that was collectively consumed: the blood of the Other.
It was as agents and partakers in the supreme sacrifice that all were becoming one and self: the life of the Other.
victims fall into three basic categories:
Nature to be subdued [venationes]
Lawless criminals to be punished and eliminated
Gladiators Gladiators are mainly prisoners of war, criminals, or slaves sold into gladiatorial schools as punishment for certain (less severe) offenses.
beastly, barbarian, rebellious, hostile, criminal, and liminal otherness that makes them archetypal and prototypical enemies of the Roman imperial city and of civilization as such.
division of humanity into deserving and undeserving.80
The decision to attach oneself to the victorious ones, against the vanquished others, is presented as natural, moral, and without alternative.
The death shown in the arena was death required by law and therefore right; watching ing it with approval meant moral steadfastness and submission to law and emperor. Compassion toward the suffering fellow creature was to be avoided at all costs and was instead to be rechanneled into the fun of watching and participating in the lawful events of a slaughterhouse.
The segregation of humanity and the dehumanization of the other was at the core of the arena production.
The blood of the other drenching the sand of the arena becomes the magical substance that gives birth to the civic self.
Being transformed into the likeness and oneness of the imperial body, the participants of the games also had to accept domination and subordination as constitutive of this body-for it reflected cosmic law and order.
Everyone else-senators, boys and their tutors, married men-had to sit in precisely determined areas and rows according to social ranking.86
The arena taught people that this strictly hierarchical, competitive, and violence-obsessed obsessed order of inclusion and exclusion is not only universal but also beneficial: after a day of games even the lowest ranking and most marginalized spectator had been elevated above someone more inferior and outcast: the victims of the arena.
The arenas as 'Megachurches' of Imperial Religion.
Cross and Arena
Over a distance of about two hundred kilometers the six thousand survivors of Spartacus's army were nailed to crosses on the road between Capua and Rome after the defeat of the gladiators' rebellion in 71 B.C.E.
two thousand crucifixions took place in Judea under Varus to quell unrest after the death of Herod the Great in 4 B.C.E.
five hundred Jewish fugitives were crucified per day in front of besieged Jerusalem under Titus in 70 C.E. so that "there was not enough room for the crosses and not enough crosses for the bodies"
in Luke's passion narrative, where the crucifixion of Jesus is called a theoria, that is, a spectacle
What needs to be shown is not just the execution of a criminal but the elimination of a rebellious, transgressive other and the restoration of the proper order of the world
In this context, the earliest Christian message of the crucified messiah demonstrated the "solidarity" of the love of God with the unspeakable suffering of those who were tortured and put to death by human cruelty."'
Salvation and justification, damnation and moral exhortation, communion and excommunication, law and works-all the theological and ecclesiological concepts that we have come to perceive as part of a largely disembodied and dehistorized discourse in Paul's Galatian correspondence were alive in the arena, embodied in images of flesh and blood rather than words.
What if the primary mary clash took place not between Christ and the Jewish God in Galatia, but between Paul's Jewish God-in-Christ and the imperial god-in-Caesar?
What if the Galatian controversy does not primarily concern Jews and Christians at all, but rather Jewish-messianic monotheism disputing the claims of imperial monotheism?
"For these I set no bounds in space or time; but have given empire without end…. The Romans, lords of the world, and the nation of the toga. Thus it is decreed" (1.278–83).
Crossan, John Dominic. God and Empire (p. 16). HarperCollins. Kindle Edition.
SNAPSHOT: "And Forgive them their Debts", Michael Hudson
SNAPSHOT: "The Great Turning", Korten


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Cost-of-living crisis biggest global risk: study
* Global inflation remains at sky-high levels after energy and food costs rocketed last year, largely owing to Russia-Ukraine war
The cost-of-living crisis is the biggest global risk over the next two years, the World Economic Forum warned Wednesday in a survey preceding its annual Davos meetings of global elites. The WEF report described the cost-of-living crisis as the "biggest short-term risk" between now and 2025, followed by natural disasters, extreme weather events and "geo-economic confrontation". Global inflation remains at sky-high levels after energy and food costs rocketed last year, largely owing to the invasion of agricultural powerhouse Ukraine by major oil and gas producer Russia.
Supply constraints caused by the Covid pandemic have also contributed to decades-high prices for consumers. "Conflict and geo-economic tensions have triggered a series of deeply interconnected global risks," said the annual study ahead of next week's gathering in the Swiss Alpine village of Davos. "These include energy and food supply crunches, which are likely to persist for the next two years, and strong increases in the cost-of-living and debt servicing," it added.
The report said such "crises risk undermining efforts to tackle longer-term risks, notably those related to climate change, biodiversity and investment in human capital". The survey, produced with the consulting firm Marsh McLennan and Zurich Insurance Group, took into account the views of more than 1,200 global risk experts, policymakers and industry leaders. "The short-term risk landscape is dominated by energy, food, debt and disasters," said Saadia Zahidi, a managing director at WEF.
"Those that are already the most vulnerable are suffering — and in the face of multiple crises, those who qualify as vulnerable are rapidly expanding, in rich and poor countries," she wrote in the report. At a London press conference on Wednesday, Zahidi highlighted the fact that respondents to the survey were placing traditional warfare as less of a risk than geo-economic conflict — such as sanctions, punitive tariffs and other forms of trade war — or cyber warfare. "The nature of how conflict happens is changing," she said.
"That doesn't mean that we shouldn't be concerned, because for the first time in a fairly long time, military spending has seen a small but pronounced uptake in many large economies." The WEF study called on leaders to act "collectively and decisively, balancing short- and long-term views". And it concluded on the need for cooperation to strengthen "financial stability, technology governance, economic development and investment in research, science, education and health".
Carolina Klint, a risk management leader at Marsh, said this year would be marked by "increased risks" related to food, energy, raw materials and cyber security that could further disrupt global supply chains and impact investment decisions. "At a time when countries and organisations should be stepping up resilience efforts, economic headwinds will constrain their ability to do so," she wrote in the report. Many analysts warn that the global economy will suffer a recession in 2023 as inflation remains elevated.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Posted byHenrietta Watson 31 Aug 2017 Posted inVarious post1 Comment on Can You Achieve Happiness by Faking It?
If you won the lottery, what would you do? Answer the question above. Link back from your blog or leave in the comment section below.
The daily word prompt is Sister The daily word prompt can be used for a poem,story, photographs, art,recipe, song lyrics, letters,and you could even use it to tell us all a little more about yourself. Link back from your blog or leave in the comment section below.
Posted byHenrietta Watson 31 Aug 2017 Posted inVarious postLeave a comment on August 31st is National Trail Mix Day!


This month, Dr. Gandhi shares her thoughts about Communication and Resolution Programs and the new CANDOR Toolkit from AHRQ..
NPSF has released a revised version of our online review course designed to help participants prepare for the exam to earn the Certified Professional in Patient Safety (CPPS) credential by reviewing the five domain content areas and test-taking strategies. This five-module, self-paced course allows you to learn at times most convenient for you. Learn more about the course.
A few months ago, we asked and you gave us your valuable insight into our online discussion forum. NPSF found out that there were a few misconceptions about the forum itself which we are happy to debunk here. Most important, we want you to know that the forum exists, there's no fee to participate, and we're looking forward to seeing your posts.
To post a question or to reply, you need to first register on the website. Learn more.
The American Board of Medical Specialties (ABMS) and the National Patient Safety Foundation (NPSF) have issued a joint call for patient safety activities to enrich the ABMS MOC Directory.
Read more about this collaborative effort aimed at increasing diplomates' access to practice-relevant patient safety activities.
In this HH&N video taken during the NPSF Patient Safety Congress, Keynote Speaker, Amy Edmondson, PhD, Novartis Professor of Leadership and Management at Harvard Business School, explains why teaming is critically important for patient safety.
If you couldn't make it to Scottsdale for our annual Patient Safety Congress, we've got you covered: Watch three of the Keynotes (including Prof. Edmondson's session) and earn continuing education credits at the same time. Learn more about the Keynote Speaker Series.
See who published recently and take a look at members featured in our new Member Spotlight series. Read more.
The Voice of the Patient feature returns to the P.S. Blog. Read this guest post by Betsy Cohen.
Lorri Zipperer writes about creating awareness through solid patient safety research. See her post.
The Certified Professional in Patient Safety (CPPS) certification program was featured on the Patient Safety Network (PSNet). Two perspectives were given about the value of certification—from a nurse's and a pharmacist's point of view.
Gregg S. Meyer, MD, MSc, CPPS, outgoing chair of the National Patient Safety Foundation's Board of Directors, was recently interviewed by Dr. Robert M. Wachter of AHRQ's Patient Safety Network (PSNet). Read the full article.
NPSF congratulates all who achieved the CPPS credential during the month of June 2016. Find out who they are.
Interested in becoming a Certified Professional in Patient Safety? Join our informational webinar and we'll tell you everything you always wanted to know about the CPPS credential and exam, plus members of our Expert Oversight Committee will answer your questions too. Learn more and sign up here.
Learn more about attending or supporting this event.
This live course is open to experienced patient safety professionals who plan to take the Certified Professional in Patient Safety (CPPS) examination. This program is approved for six (6) contact hours toward the fulfillment of the requirements of CPPS recertification. Read details or register.
This article by Tom Scaletta, MD, CPPS, is in the May/June issue of PSQH magazine. Read it online.
Driven by the fact that most patient safety tools rely on input from medical professionals, this study looks at how a patient questionnaire on safety could be used in a primary care setting.
Here are the results of a study on how napping can reduce sleepiness while working and have an effect on drowsy driving after a night shift.
Learn how debriefing can be used in simulations and after real-life events.
Take a look at what the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention is doing to support applied research as part of a patient safety effort known as Prevention Epicenters Program.
This report from the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality Developing presents a prototype of a consumer reporting system for patient safety events.
The American Board of Medical Specialties is inviting applicants to submit poster abstracts for a chance to be selected and featured at their conference in September.
Find out which eight institutes were selected to participate in the Pursuing Excellence in Clinical Learning Environments initiative.
The Choosing Wisely campaign and Consumer Reports have teamed up to provide consumers with fact sheets about treatment options. Read more.
Did you know that Amazon will donate a percentage of your total dollars spent to support NPSF and the patient safety mission? Use this link when shopping, https://smile.amazon.com/ch/36-7166993. And thank you!


text:
Field Guide to Insects of South Africa
Alle anzeigen Bücher
Inklusive 9% MwSt.: €23,50
Ohne MwSt: €21,56
2 Auf Lager: An Werktagen vor 17:00 Uhr bestellt, noch am selben Tag versendet.
Field Guide to Insects of South Africa, the most complete guide to African insects.... Mehr anzeigen
Autoren Mike Picker; Charles Griffiths; Alan Weaving
Verlag Struik Publishers
Format Taschenbuch
Bilder Reich illustriert, volle Farben
This is the first comprehensive field guide to the insect fauna of South Africa, with detailed descriptions of over 1200 of the most common, most economically and ecologically important, and most interesting and attractive insects in the region. An introductory chapter discusses the insect body, life history, classification and distribution patterns and relatives of southern African insects. The easy-to-read text is matched with superb photography. Arranged in their Orders, accounts cover identification, biology, distribution and related species, and are accompanied by a colour photograph of the species or family. It also touches on collecting, displaying and curating insects. This colourful guide will be of great value to entomologists, both amateur and professional, as well as to students, nature conservation officers, game rangers, gardeners, farmers, tourists and anyone with an interest in natural history. In the Noma Award for Publishing in Africa 2003, Field Guide to Insects of South Africa was one of the three titles singled out for Honourable Mention (putting it in the top 6 of 113 entries). "A project on an enormous scale, the organisation is superb; the presentation of the information is outstanding, and powerful in its subtlety. The photographs are consistently beautiful, educational, informative and spectacular."
Schlagworte:field guide (405)Insecten (346)insects (273)insekten (114)Veldgids (375)
Insects of East Africa
A Guide to the Dragonflies & Damselflies of South Africa
Ants of Africa and Madagascar


The film is a reality-based cautionary tale — a science fiction/science-fact blend where mankind's hubris leads to the development of intelligence in apes and the onset of a war for supremacy. Oscar(R)-winning visual effects house WETA Digital – employing certain of the groundbreaking technologies developed for "Avatar" – will render, for the first time ever in the film series, photo-realistic apes rather than costumed actors.
Posted in Movies, Planet of the Apes, Rise of the Planet of the Apes.


Consider the election weight (a Trump win would weigh on equities but Clinton weighs on pharma pricing). Then there are flat-to-dropping sales. Of course the USD movement (up will weigh on commodities and large caps with overseas exposure). Then there's those who feel we are already at or above maximum value and they're not buying here. They're hedged, short some and long financials ahead of the Fed rate hike. Then there's that Fed hike itself. High dividend is flushing down the toilet (SDY) in September. Overseas weakness with China not helping boost confidence for demand. And we also have more failure at the OPEC talks with no offer from outside countries to participate. They've definitely lost their 'power' over us and crude should continue to weaken.
Consider however, that the weakness has been growing, sector by sector. When you accept we have weakness in housing, some retail, some restaurants, small caps, mid caps, pharma, healthcare and now oil. With energy being the second largest sector, this weighs heavily. Banks can't do it all on their own.
Well here they go and there are many, many more out there; you'll see. Possibly you can use one here and/or search for more. Cover above the upper trend lines. Targets are all equal to the high/low of the pattern with a partial taken along the way. I usually leave a small piece on the table as well. You never know where the markets heading next. NOTE: Most are daily views but there are a few weekly charts. Take note.


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Flying buttress
Arching above a side aisle roof, flying buttresses support the main vault of St. Mary's Church, in Lübeck, Germany.
The flying buttress (arc-boutant, arch buttress) is a specific form of buttress composed of an arch that extends from the upper portion of a wall to a pier of great mass, in order to convey to the ground the lateral forces that push a wall outwards, which are forces that arise from vaulted ceilings of stone and from wind-loading on roofs.[1]
The defining, functional characteristic of a flying buttress is that it is not in contact with the wall at ground level, unlike a traditional buttress, and so transmits the lateral forces across the span of intervening space between the wall and the pier. To provide lateral support, flying-buttress systems are composed of two parts: (i) a massive pier, a vertical block of masonry situated away from the building wall, and (ii) an arch that bridges the span between the pier and the wall — either a segmental arch or a quadrant arch — the flyer of the flying buttress.[2]
3 Aesthetic style of the Gothic period
4 Gallery of flying buttresses
5 In fiction
The 4th-century Rotunda of Galerius in Thessaloniki, Greece, showing an early example of flying buttresses.
As a lateral-support system, the flying buttress was developed during late antiquity and later flourished during the Gothic period (12th–16th c.) of architecture. Ancient examples of the flying buttress can be found on the Basilica of San Vitale in Ravenna and on the Rotunda of Galerius in Thessaloniki. The architectural-element precursors of the medieval flying buttress derive from Byzantine architecture and Romanesque architecture, in the design of churches, such as Durham Cathedral, where arches transmit the lateral thrust of the stone vault over the aisles; the arches were hidden under the gallery roof, and transmitted the lateral forces to the massive, outer walls. By the decade of 1160, architects in the Île-de-France region employed similar lateral-support systems that featured longer arches of finer design, which run from the outer surface of the clerestory wall, over the roof of the side aisles (hence are visible from the outside) to meet a heavy, vertical buttress rising above the top of the outer wall.[3]
Flying buttress of Reims Cathedral, as drawn by Villard de Honnecourt
The advantage of such lateral-support systems is that the outer walls do not have to be massive and heavy in order to resist the lateral-force thrusts of the vault. Instead, the wall surface could be reduced (allowing for larger windows, glazed with stained glass), because the vertical mass is concentrated onto external buttresses. The design of early flying buttresses tended to be heavier than required for the static loads to be borne, e.g. at Chartres Cathedral (ca. 1210), and around the apse of the Saint Remi Basilica, which is an extant, early example in its original form (ca. 1170).[4] Later architects progressively refined the design of the flying buttress, and narrowed the flyers, some of which were constructed with one thickness of voussoir (wedge brick) with a capping stone atop, e.g. at Amiens Cathedral, Le Mans Cathedral, and Beauvais Cathedral.
The architectural design of Late Gothic buildings featured flying buttresses, some of which featured flyers decorated with crockets (hooked decorations) and sculpted figures set in aedicules (niches) recessed into the buttresses. In the event, the architecture of the Renaissance eschewed the lateral support of the flying buttress in favour of thick-wall construction. Despite its disuse for function and style in construction and architecture, in the early 20th century, the flying-buttress design was revived by Canadian engineer William P. Anderson to build lighthouses.[5]
Architectural drawing of a Neo-Gothic flying buttress for the late 19th-century Votive Church, in Vienna.
Given that most of the weight-load is transmitted from the ceiling through the upper part of the walls, the flying buttress is a two-part composite support that features a semi-arch that extends to a massive pier far from the wall, and so provides most of the load-bearing capacity of a traditional buttress, which is engaged with the wall from top to bottom; thus, the flying buttress is a lighter and more cost-effective architectural structure.
By relieving the load-bearing walls of excess weight and thickness, in the way of a smaller area of contact, using flying buttresses enables installing windows in a greater wall surface area. This feature and a desire to let in more light, led to flying buttresses becoming one of the defining factors of medieval Gothic architecture and a feature used extensively in the design of churches from then and onwards. In the design of Gothic churches, two arched flyers were applied, one above the other, in which the lower flyer (positioned below the springing point of the vault) resists the lateral-thrust forces of the vault, whilst the upper flyer resists the forces of wind-loading on the roof.[6] The vertical buttresses (piers) at the outer end of the flyers usually were capped with a pinnacle (either a cone or a pyramid) usually ornamented with crockets, to provide additional vertical-load support with which to resist the lateral thrust conveyed by the flyer.[7]
A flying buttress as remedial support for a church wall in the English village of Chaddesley Corbett.
To build the flying buttress, it was first necessary to construct temporary wooden frames, which are called centring. The centering would support the weight of the stones and help maintain the shape of the arch until the mortar was cured. The centering was first built on the ground, by the carpenters. Once that was done, they would be hoisted into place and fastened to the piers at the end of one buttress and at the other. These acted as temporary flying buttresses until the actual, stone arch was complete.[8]
Remedial support application
Another application of the flying-buttress support system is the reinforcement of a leaning wall in danger of collapsing, especially a load-bearing wall; for example, at the village of Chaddesley Corbett in Worcestershire, England, the practical application of a flying buttress to a buckled wall is more practical than dismantling and rebuilding the wall.
Aesthetic style of the Gothic period[edit]
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The early-Gothic Notre-Dame de Paris (shown here with buttresses as later modified) features flying buttresses with blocky porticoed pinnacles, surrounding tall nave, a clerestory, a wide triforium, and two side aisles. Arrows show structural forces (details)
The desire to build large cathedrals that could house many followers along multiple aisles arose, and from this desire the Gothic style developed.[9] The flying buttress was the solution to these massive stone buildings that needed a lot of support but wanted to be expansive in size. Although the flying buttress originally served a structural purpose, they are now a staple in the aesthetic style of the Gothic period.[10] The flying buttress originally helped bring the idea of open space and light to the cathedrals through stability and structure, by supporting the clerestory and the weight of the high roofs.[10] The height of the cathedrals and ample amount of windows among the clerestory creates this open space for viewers to see through, making the space appear more continuous and giving the illusion of there being no clear boundaries.[10] It also makes the space more dynamic and less static separating the Gothic style from the flatter more 2 dimensional Romanesque style.[10] After the introduction of the flying buttress this same concept could be seen on the exterior of the cathedrals as well.[10] There is open space below the arches of the flying buttress and this space has the same effect as the clerestory within the church allowing the viewer to view through the arches, the buttresses also reach into the sky similar to the pillars within the church which creates more upward space.[10] Making the exterior space equally as dynamic as the interior space and creating a sense of coherence and continuity.[11]
Gallery of flying buttresses[edit]
Notre Dame of Paris
One of the very ornate flying buttresses of St. John's Cathedral, 's-Hertogenbosch, The Netherlands
In the basilica built ca. AD 1170 at the Abbey of Saint-Remi, in France a flying buttress system is used for lateral-support
Saint Rose of Viterbo Church, Santiago de Queretaro, Queretaro, Mexico
Tower of St Peter and St Paul's Church, Easton Maudit, England
Lincoln Cathedral, England
Saint-Petrus-en-Pauluskerk, Ostend, Belgium
Bath Abbey, England
Amiens Cathedral, Amiens, France
Manchester Unity Building in Melbourne, Australia
Flying buttresses in cross-section
In fiction[edit]
The architecture and construction of a medieval cathedral with flying buttresses figures prominently into the plot of the historical novel The Pillars of the Earth by Ken Follett (1989).
Buttress
Cathedral architecture
Flying arch
^ Curls, James Stevens, ed. (1999). A Dictionary of Architecture. Oxford. pp. 113–114.
^ For the functional mechanics of the flying buttresses, see Borg, Alan; Mark, Robert (1973). "Chartres Cathedral: A Reinterpretation of its Structure". The Art Bulletin. 55 (3): 367–372. doi:10.1080/00043079.1973.10789769.
^ James, John (September 1992). "Evidence for flying buttresses before 1180". J. Soc. Archit. Hist. 51 (3): 261–287. doi:10.2307/990687.
^ Prache, Anne (1976). "Les Arcs - boutants au XIIe siècle". Gesta. 15 (1): 31–42. doi:10.2307/766749.
^ Russ Rowlett, Canadian Flying Buttress Lighthouses, in The Lighthouse Directory.
^ Mark, R.; Jonash, R. S. (1970). "Wind Loads on Gothic Structures". Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians. 29 (3): 222–230. doi:10.2307/988611.
^ Curls, James Stevens, ed. (1999). A Dictionary of Architecture. Oxford. p. 501.
^ Alex Lee, James Arndt, and Shane Goldmacher, Cathedral Architecture.
^ Moore, Charles H. (1979). Development + & and character of gothic architecture. Longwood. pp. 19–20. ISBN 0893413585. OCLC 632226040.
^ a b c d e f Frankl, Paul (1962). Gothic Architecture. Baltimore: Penguin Books. pp. 54–57.
^ Mark, Robert (2014). Experiments in Gothic Structure. Bibliotheque McLean. ISBN 0955886864. OCLC 869186029.
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Flying buttresses.
Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Flying buttress" . Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press.
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Flying_buttress&oldid=904035793"
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"Sheffield terror trial woman 'wanted to marry Jihadi John,'" The Star, May 6, 2016: A Sheffield woman accused of spreading Islamic State propaganda and execution videos 'wanted to marry Jihadi John', a court heard. Zafreen Khadam, aged 32 and of Vincent Road, Sharrow, is alleged to have used online messaging services Twitter and WhatsApp to share graphic images of killings and messages designed to 'influence people to commit acts of terrorism in their own and other people's countries'.
Opening the case against her at Sheffield Crown Court, prosecutor Simon Davis said: "You only have to look at Paris and Brussels to see how people attack and how people are encouraged to attack." Mr Davis said some of the images and videos shared by Khadam were 'extremely graphic and disturbing'.
He said that 'in some messages you will hear her say she wants to live the 'IS life' and 'how Jihadi John is kind of scary but she would marry him'. Khadam denies 10 counts of dissemination of terrorist publications. Mr Davis said an investigation into Khadam by counter-terrorism officers started in January 2015 over concerns about her Twitter activity.
Her online activity was monitored for two months, during which time she opened 14 different public Twitter accounts as previous ones were shut down. She is alleged to have shared a link to publications of an IS propaganda magazines which included a photograph of the beheading of the American journalist James Foley and calls to 'kills disbelievers' in America and Europe.


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Shaquille O'Neal: Interested in buying an NBA team
Shaquille O'Neal (50) is a basketball legend.
Shaquille O'Neal (50) is a basketball legend. In the course of his 19-year professional career, the 2.16-meter giant became champion of the North American professional league NBA four times. In 2013, O'Neal bought shares in the NBA club Sacramento Kings after retiring, but he sold them again earlier this year. In an interview with "TMZ Sports" he now explained that he can imagine owning a whole team.
"I haven't had discussions with my partners yet, so I can't comment yet, but we're still trying to be heavily involved in buying an NBA team," said the 50-year-old. O'Neal would not be averse to a National Football League (NFL) team either. This has to be in a place "where I live," said the basketball star.
Last November, Shaquille O'Neal, who also played for the Los Angeles Lakers, looked back on his playing career in an interview with "People" and revealed that he displayed aggressive behavior during his playing career. "After a bad game, especially if it was my fault, when I missed my free throws, I would go berserk. I tore up the house. I was the Hulk."
The former NBA superstar went on to say that having a total of six children made him calm down. "As soon as I saw my children's faces, I could transform," said O'Neal. His basketball game results were not important for the youngsters. "You come home and they don't care about any of it. Forty points? It's like, 'Hey, Daddy!' Two dots? 'Hey, Daddy!'."
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Justin Bieber Lands Eighth No.1 Album With 'Justice'
Justin Bieber's latest release Justice has landed at the No.1 spot on the Billboard 200 albums chart.
This chart success comes on the heels of a deluxe version of the album the pop crooner dropped on Friday (March 26), titled Justice (Triple Chucks Deluxe). The new edition boasted six extra tracks and featured guest features from Lil Uzi Vert, Jaden, Quavo, DaBaby, and Tori Kelly.
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As it stands, Justice is now the singer-songwriter's eighth studio album to debut at No.1 and was recently certified Gold by the RIAA.
These achievements mark Bieber as not only one of the most successful artists in the world, but at the age of 27, he has become the youngest solo artist with eight No. 1 albums to his name. The title was previously held by Elvis Presley, who became the record holder at age 26.
Released via Def Jam Recordings, Justice enjoyed the second-biggest debut week for an album in 2021, racking up over 435 million global streams at the end of the last week, powered by the success of its hit singles. Along with the album's early singles, "Anyone" and "Hold On," Bieber's successful collaboration with Daniel Caesar and Giveon on the R&B track "Peaches" is now the No.1 global song on both Spotify and Apple Music, with over 100 million global streams.
For fans and critics alike, Justice marked a return to pop form after the R&B driven Changes, while also addressing the social justice issues of today.
"'Justice' is deeper and more personal than the primarily carnal concerns of the last album, though no less universally relatable," writes Craig Jenkins in his review for New York Magazine. "On 'Justice,' Bieber is growing and addressing an audience that has also grown since the swoosh-cut days. It feels like we've met him for the first time."
Along with the album rollout, Bieber has also released a string of cinematic live performances as part of a Vevo Live Series. Check out his performances of "Anyone" and "Hold On."
Justice (Triple Chucks Deluxe) can be bought here.
Justin Bieber Just Dropped His New Album 'Justice' – Listen Now!
St. Joseph County Michigan – Government


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Note: Each + allele contributes 1 cm in height above a baseline of 10 cm.
In summary, the simple relation between genotype and phenotype that exists for many qualitative (discontinuous) characteristics is absent in quantitative characteristics, and it is impossible to assign a genotype to an individual on the basis of its phenotype alone. The methods used for analyzing qualitative characteristics (examining the phenotypic ratios of progeny from a genetic cross) will not work with quantitative characteristics. Our goal remains the same: we wish to make predictions about the phenotypes of offspring produced in a genetic cross. We may also want to know how much of the variation in a characteristic results from genetic differences and how much results from environmental differences. To answer these questions, we must turn to statistical methods that allow us to make predictions about the inheritance of phenotypes in the absence of information about the underlying genotypes.
22.2 For a quantitative characteristic, each genotype may produce a range of possible phenotypes. In this hypothetical example, the phenotypes produced by genotypes AA, Aa, and aa overlap.


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Interview with Dick Claeys
by Marie Culpepper July 18, 2019 April 8, 2020
At ninety-two, Dick Claeys is the oldest active rolle bolle player in Iowa and something of a local legend. In the interview I conducted with him, he spoke about his ninety years of experience playing the game that his father brought over with him when he emigrated from Belgium in 1911. This interview was conducted on July 3rd and has been edited for brevity and clarity.
About how old were you when you first started playing?
Probably two years old. We always had these little wooden bolles. I was about two, and we had had a bolle court, it was made of dirt, and I just went out to boll. Of course we had chickens running around and sometimes we'd have a little action on the bolles with the chickens, because they'd run all over. But that was just part of the hazard of playing bolle with chickens. It was entertainment, and it kept me out of mischief. And I just got into the bad habit of playing bolle; I've played all my life since then.
Dick Claeys has been playing rolle bolle since he was a child growing up around Victor, Iowa
And the wooden bolles that you had, did your parents bring those over from Belgium?
Yes, my dad, August Claeys, he brought a lot of them over around 1934. He came over in 1911 as a single man, and he bummed around here, and worked here and there, and in 1917, during World War I he enlisted in the army and that's how he got his citizenship papers. He and my mother, Erma—her maiden name was Van Hamme—, got married in 1918 while he was in the service, and she came over during World War I on a Canadian trip ship. They had known each other over in Belgium. My dad came from around Ghent, and my mother from Oosteeklo, a very small town. They said they were about five minutes apart, but that meant by bicycle.
So they were both from a region where rolle bolle was being played?
Yes, Ghent, that's kind of the hub of rolle bolle in Belgium. It's not played all over, just in a small area, like in this country, it's just certain localities. Over there, they just played in that region, and here they play where the Belgians immigrated. We always had a lot of them around Victor, Hartwick, Marengo, Belle Plaine, and Brooklyn. That's where a lot of the Devilders and Demeulenaeres and Desmets and Gryps were from. So it's a lot of people coming from the same small area to another small area.
And you know, it's small country, Belgium. It's only a third the size of Iowa, but it's very densely populated. They don't have any 160-acre farms, they have two or three acres, but they make a living out of it. So it's kind of hard to advance very much monetarily, so they came over here, and they worked hard, and they all accomplished quite a bit, they made out pretty good. They all owned farms, and they were fairly well-to-do.
When you started to play when you were two years old, did you just teach yourself?
Yeah, those days, the Belgians got together at somebody's house every Sunday and played bolle. Everybody had these wooden bolles. We didn't really have many tournaments at that time. Very few, not like you do right now, where there are tournaments all over. It was more recreation, getting together on Sunday afternoons. Gather the family together and the kids would play games. The men would be out playing under a shade tree playing on plain dirt courts.
The women wouldn't play bolle at the time. They'd go visit and make lunch, and they'd bring some home-brew. Sometimes the men would have too much home-brew, and they'd send the women home to do the chores and the men would just keep playing bolle. But not very often. You know, they worked hard and the partied hard. They'd do that as long as it was warm, and then in the wintertime, they'd get together and play this card game called bean.
Playing bolle in the yard in 1966
When you were growing up did your parents speak Flemish at all?
Oh, yes. When I went to school, I actually had to learn English. That was my parents' native language, and they gradually learned to speak English, but everyone conversed amongst themselves in Flemish.
And later on, when you got married, did your wife and children play?
My wife did play. She was Irish, so when she was born, she didn't know what bolle was, but she was born in a Belgian neighborhood, and she watched, and she learned how to play it later on. And my son and two daughters all played it really good.
So all three of your children play; how many of your nieces and nephews play?
Well, a lot of them play occasionally. They all really know what the bolle game is about.
Have you been playing consistently throughout your life, or did you ever have to take time off from it?
Well, I wasn't playing for two years when I was in the army. But ever since then, I always made tournaments, even when I was farming. I'd work half the night to have Saturday afternoon off—we used to have our tournaments on Saturday afternoon—and I made a lot of the tournaments. I missed some of them in Minnesota because I couldn't be away. We used to milk some cows, and it's almost impossible to get somebody to milk cows. I missed a few years because of that, but the big tournaments I always made it there. It's my passion.
And now are you playing about once a week?
Yeah, I play every week. Tonight, there's going to be a game at Marengo. Tomorrow, it's in Belle Plaine.
Were you somebody who played on one team consistently or did you switch it up?
I played consistently with Gene Van Gampleare, and then I used to play with a guy named Fred Devilder, and he passed away pretty young, around fifty. And then we played with Donald Blomme, that would have been a nephew of Gene and his team. And then when we won the world, I went with Gene and my cousin, Maurice Van Hamme. And we played two years after that. And then I played with Bill DeBrower some and Josh Van Thournout and that's when we won the international in Minnesota, and we won the carpet bolling in the spring, in Marshall, Minnesota.
I've had a lot of good partners. It takes three, it's just like any good team, you've got to have everybody contribute a little bit.
Dick Claeys, Gene Van Gampleare, and Maurice Van Hamme, winners of the 1979 World Tournament
Is there a position that you usually play?
I was usually the lead-off man, and then Gene was the middle-man, and Fred Devilder was the shooter. Then Donald Blomme replaced him as the shooter. And I could shoot it, I was a left-handed man. There was a couple of years, I was a second shooter, because I was left-handed and the other guy was right-handed, and that gives you a little bit of an advantage.
Is it usually the best player who plays first?
Oh, I don't know about that. Somebody has to be the goat! No, I played it enough I could figure out the courts pretty quickly. The courts are all a little bit different, and basically rolle bolle is a matter of two S's: Spot and Speed. You pick your spot in the middle, you know how your bolle going to break, and it's just about hitting the spot and how much speed you put on it. It's just like bowling. Then you have to have your rhythm, it's a combination of a lot of things. And to improve, you have to think about what you did wrong and you just adapt a little bit here and there.
Are they places around here where they used to play it where it isn't being played anymore?
Hartwick used to have it, and they don't play there anymore. And Clutier, they say they're going to have a tournament there, but they never had good tournaments, they played on a side hill. We made do. But at one time we had about ten places, and that would work for the whole summer. Our participation is down; now we have about 35 people playing consistently, but we used to have 100, 120, 130 people, but people have to have the same interest.
You know, when I was young, I was the sole money-earner. My wife, she taught school, and would substitute a little bit, but raised the kids and mostly she stayed home. And so I did what I did and she'd come too. But now both people are working, and they have different occupations and different leisure activities. Eventually sometimes they drift away and they come back every once in a while. But we have a few die-hard ones, and we get some people from Illinois, they'll drive a hundred miles or so in the winter to play at B's. So we're trying to keep it going, but it's kind of a tug-of-war where you're on the light end.
Since you've been playing for such a long time, can you tell us any older players we should know about?
I'm the oldest active bolle player around here now. Leroy Bral is about a year and a half younger. They call me the legend, I don't know why, but I guess…I do remember a lot of these older bolle players. Younger guys, like Bill and them, they weren't around when some of these older players were around. Bill's about sixty, I suppose, and he's a young buck. Very good bolle player, and he really promotes it. But there's gotta be hundreds of bolles around. At one time, I sold rolle bolles, and I know I sold about 400 of them.
Did you make them?
No, I got them from a guy out in Illinois. At that time Frank Maddelein was the man who was making the bolles, and he made good bolles. And then somebody else took it over, and they were crafted at Henry Engineering in East Moline. They had the formula, and they put the stuff—whatever they were made out of, it's kind of a secret—and then for some reason or other, I don't know if they started substituting, or changing it, but the bolle quality went down.
When did you meet the DeBrowers and the DeNeves for the first time?
I used to run a lot of these bolle games. And shortly after I got out of the service, probably when I was in my twenties, I used to write down all the names. And I remember Art [DeBrower], when he'd come in. He'd give me a ten-dollar bill—it cost a dollar to play—and maybe he'd get a dollar back, because he had about eight or nine he had to register. There was John, Frank, Tom, Dave, Doug, Dean, Harold, and Bill. And then Craig Rhinehart was an in-law. And he'd pay for them all, and ten dollars was a lot of money back in those days, it's like maybe fifty now. Billy was a good bolle player, he always was. He was kind of the baby. I knew him before he married Linda.
Dick Claeys and with teammates Bill and Myron in 1983
You probably knew him from very young, because he was the youngest in the family when you were in your twenties.
I knew him when he was seven or eight, memory kind of fails me on that. I can say I've known him most of his life. He's been my bolle player. And we're still the best of friends. When we'd play league bolle up at B's, he and I were partners up there, and my daughter. And we tied for first up there, and we got second with carpet bolle. I enjoyed playing with him. We had a lot of fun times.
What do you think is so special about rolle bolle?
The camaraderie, the friendship. You get to meet your friends, and I met a lot of my best friends through rolle bolle. And it's from a large community. I know a lot people who come and play from Minnesota, and Illinois, and Canada. And we're just all there for entertainment. It's like any sport, you're gonna have a bad apple here and there, you know, but not too many. Some of them play the sport a little stricter, but you tolerate it, because you're out there to have a good time. You don't do it for the money.
It is fun that you usually win something, though. That's motivating.
Not all the time, but if you want to see the trophies they're over there in the back room over there. The biggest thing about it, though, is I probably met some of my best friends through rolle bolle, and my wife did too. And if you didn't you wouldn't keep going on back and playing all the time. It's kind of nice to see them every week that way. The friendship, and just the joy of getting together and playing.
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He landed the first McTwist on video in March 2017.
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John Harbaugh explains Ravens' gold pants, jokes fans should design next new set
By Jon Meoli
The Ravens kicking team lines up against the Kansas City Chiefs in the first half at M&T Bank Stadium. (Rob Carr / Getty Images)
Coach John Harbaugh had a creative response when asked about the team's new gold pants, which debuted to a mixed reaction Sunday at M&T Bank Stadium in the Ravens' 34-14 loss to the Kansas City Chiefs.
He said the pants, which are the same shade of gold as seen in the Ravens' logo, were a special look that nodded toward the team's 20th anniversary season. And if you don't like it, Harbaugh joked maybe you can design them next time.
"I think it's fun," Harbaugh said. "Uniforms are fun. They should be fun, and we want to be traditional. We have a look, I think, that we're proud of here in Baltimore, that stands out, and we want to build on that. But if we can be creative in there somewhere, I'm all for it. I want to play well. It doesn't really matter what color the pants are to me. If the players like it, I like it.
"But we want the fans to like them too, so it's official, we're having a contest," Harbaugh added, though he joked he'd likely have to ask owner Steve Bisciotti.
Sunday's pants, which he said were in the works "all the way back to last season," were actually planned to be debuted sooner, Harbaugh said.
"I think if we had been doing a little bit better, you might have seen them a little bit sooner," he said. "But that was a nod to the tradition, a little bit. The players liked it, they like something different. I didn't take a vote to see who liked them or didn't like them, but they were excited to be out there in a little different look. They always like a different changeup."
Each team is allowed three jerseys and three pants. The Ravens have their home purple jersey, their road white jersey, and the black alternate jersey they wear twice each season. But there are only black pants and white pants in the base look, and no set third.
That, Harbaugh joked, could be where you come in.
"Maybe we should do a contest for our third pant color combination with the fans, so we can have them weigh in and we'd wear them," he said.
jmeoli@baltsun.com
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Q: Running executable jar created by maven-assembly: Error: Could not find or load main class Trying to create a fat jar including all the dependencies using maven-assembly plugin. Tried a bunch of things, but end up with main class not found error. Seems like I've hit a wall, been here for a few hours now.
pom.xml snippet:
<project>
    <modelVersion>4.0.0</modelVersion>
    <groupId>foobar</groupId>
    <artifactId>foobar</artifactId>
    <version>1.0-SNAPSHOT</version>

    <build>
        <plugins>
            <plugin>
                <groupId>org.apache.maven.plugins</groupId>
                <artifactId>maven-compiler-plugin</artifactId>
                <configuration>
                    <source>1.8</source>
                    <target>1.8</target>
                </configuration>
            </plugin>

            <plugin>
                <groupId>org.apache.maven.plugins</groupId>
                <artifactId>maven-assembly-plugin</artifactId>
                <configuration>
                    <outputDirectory>/home/jars/foobar/</outputDirectory>
                    <descriptorRefs>
                        <descriptorRef>jar-with-dependencies</descriptorRef>
                    </descriptorRefs>
                    <archive>
                        <manifest>
                            <mainClass>com.foobar.Main</mainClass>
                        </manifest>
                    </archive>
                </configuration>
            </plugin>
        </plugins>
    </build>

    <dependencies>...</dependencies>
</project>

Maven commands executed:
mvn clean compile assembly:single
mvn package assembly:single
mvn clean compile package assembly:single
Creates jar in /home/jars/foobar/foobar-1.0-SNAPSHOT-jar-with-dependencies.jar as expected
MANIFEST.INF in META-INF
Manifest-Version: 1.0
Archiver-Version: Plexus Archiver
Built-By: user
Created-By: Apache Maven 3.3.9
Build-Jdk: 1.8.0_131
Main-Class: com.foobar.Main

Java commands executed:
java -jar foobar-1.0-SNAPSHOT-jar-with-dependencies.jar
java -cp foobar-1.0-SNAPSHOT-jar-with-dependencies.jar com.foobar.Main
java -jar foobar-1.0-SNAPSHOT-jar-with-dependencies.jar -cp com.foobar.Main
All return the same error: Error: Could not find or load main class com.foobar.Main
OS: Fedora 25
java -version
openjdk version "1.8.0_131"
OpenJDK Runtime Environment (build 1.8.0_131-b12)
OpenJDK 64-Bit Server VM (build 25.131-b12, mixed mode

javac -version
javac 1.8.0_121

mvn --version
Apache Maven 3.3.9 (NON-CANONICAL_2016-07-01T11:53:38Z_mockbuild; 2016-07-01T17:23:38+05:30)
Maven home: /usr/share/maven
Java version: 1.8.0_131, vendor: Oracle Corporation
Java home: /usr/lib/jvm/java-1.8.0-openjdk-1.8.0.131-1.b12.fc25.x86_64/jre
Default locale: en_US, platform encoding: UTF-8
OS name: "linux", version: "4.10.13-200.fc25.x86_64", arch: "amd64", family: "unix"

SOLVED:
The issue was that the source code wasn't getting compiled. Couldn't find the source code jar in the fat jar. Seems like maven assumes a certain package structure.
Adding the following to <build> solved the issue:
<sourceDirectory>src/com/foobar</sourceDirectory>

A: The Maven plugin does restructured the content of the JAR for Spring-boot compatible which can cause the commandline "java -jar ..." not to work properly. As user user2354302 discovered, adding src/com/foobar helped.

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