text:
IN MODERN TIMES
Semantic Origins. Both "culture" and "civilization"
derive their original meaning from Latin: from cultura
which referred to the cultivation of the soil, and from
civis which referred to the status of citizenship. In
Latin, however, both words also acquired secondary
meanings. Cicero, for example, used cultura in a trans-
ferred sense when he identified cultura animi ("culture
of the soul") with philosophy or learning generally.
Civis denoted not only the fact of Roman citizenship,
but also its superiority over the primitive condition
of the foreigner or barbarian. In each case the acquired
as well as the literal meaning has lingered on into
modern times, although the words "culture" and "civi-
lization" themselves did not gain currency in European
thought until the second half of the eighteenth century.
The inherited meanings were, however, soon joined
by others. Indeed, even before the last decade of the
eighteenth century, the proliferation of meanings led
the German philosopher Johann Gottfried von Herder
to remark of "culture" that "nothing was more inde-
terminate than this word" (Works, Suphan ed., XIII,
4). Its extended usage in the subsequent period has not
enhanced its clarity. "Nothing in the world," a
twentieth-century writer, A. Lawrence Lowell, com-
plains, "is more elusive.... An attempt to encompass
its meaning in words is like trying to seize the air in
the hand, when one finds that it is everywhere except
within one's grasp" ("Culture," in At War With Aca-
demic Traditions in America, Cambridge, Mass. [1934],
p. 115). Nonetheless, such attempts have been made.
A recent survey of the concept, by A. L. Kroeber and
Clyde Kluckhohn (Culture, 1952), brought no less than
164 definitions to light. Distinctions between "culture"
and "civilization" have also been rather abundant.
In some cases man's spiritual development has been
identified with culture, in others with civilization; the
same is true of man's control over nature and his
external social relations. Frequently man's moral de-
velopment and the improvement of his material condi-
tions or refinements of social manners have been
viewed as opposing, rather than reinforcing, tenden-
cies. Then again culture has been treated as a particular
component or stage of civilization, a sort of subculture
within a "superculture"; at other times culture has
been considered the more generic term while civili-
zation has been confined to the culture of cities. A
distinction commonly made is in terms of modes of
development, according to which civilization (defined
as "techniques") is a continuous and cumulative proc-
ess, susceptible to generalizing methods and capable
of universal diffusion, whereas culture (defined as
"creativity"), occurring sporadically, is not susceptible
to these methods and not transferable.
On the other hand, a contemporary writer, Raymond
Williams, in his Culture and Society (1958, p. 16),
regards the concepts as sufficiently synonymous to
warrant the attribution of four jointly applicable
meanings: (1) a general state or habit of mind, having
close relations with the idea of human perfection; (2)
a general state of intellectual development in a society
as a whole; (3) the general body of the arts; and (4)
a whole way of life, material, intellectual, and spiritual.
The first three meanings have come to be associated
with what are called "humanistic" conceptions of cul-
ture, whereas the fourth meaning is usually associated
with "anthropological" approaches. Humanistic con-
ceptions are held to be selective, separating certain
segments of man's activities from others, and designat-
ing them as cultural; anthropological conceptions are
held to be nonselective, by applying "culture" to the
total fabric of man's life in a given society, to his entire
social heritage and whatever he may add to it. While
anthropologists eschew value judgments for fear of
succumbing to ethnocentrism, humanists maintain the
possibility, and indeed desirability, of evaluating di-
verse forms of human activity and human goals in the
light of universal values which, they insist, are objec-
tively ascertainable. Although there is agreement on
the need to distinguish the cultural from the biological
in human and social life, the fulcrum of opinion as to
what is crucial and problematic differs between these
two conceptions.
SPECULATIONS ON CULTURE
AND CIVILIZATION
The last two hundred years have witnessed a sharp-
ened interest in what causes men to do, believe, create,
or destroy, and under what circumstances and influ-
ences; what has helped to sustain or threaten the pres-
ervation of their ideas, norms, values, symbols, manners
and customs, institutions and artifacts; what degree
of balance or tension has attended contemporaneous
social configurations, or their chronological trans-
formation through time (the "synchronic" and "dia-
chronic" mode of culture in anthropological termi-
nology). This growing preoccupation has been the
cause and the symptom of what is meant by the histor-
ical and cultural self-consciousness of modern times.
The chief practitioners in this search have been a
hybrid species of historians cum philosophers, though
some, M. J. de Condorcet, Auguste Comte, or Karl
Marx, for example, might have preferred being thought
of as social scientists. Frequently these thinkers were
also social critics, no less eager to bring about change
in the future than they were to trace it in the past.
But notwithstanding divergences in orientation or
method, they all derived inspiration from, or reacted
to the challenge of the advances made in the physical
sciences. The idea that the emergence, perpetuation,
and development of human events were phenomena
susceptible to discoverable principles was never far
from their minds, even when they emphatically insisted
that these principles were sui generis and attainable
by methods radically different from those of the physi-
cal sciences.
Giambattista Vico (1668-1744), was one who indeed
boldly declared that the cultural world of man, since
it was created by man, was more likely to yield its
secrets to human inquiry than the world of nature
which only God, the sole creator of that world, can
know with certainty. Explicitly or implicitly, this basic
premiss of Vico's New Science (Scienza nuova, 1725)
became the bedrock of subsequent speculations about
the genesis, content, and development of culture.
Ideas on the Genesis of Culture. When in his New
Science (1744 ed., §331; trans. Bergin and Fisch) Vico
claimed that "the world of nations, or civil world,
which, since men had made it, men could come to
know," he did not mean that man, as an individual,
everywhere, and at all times, consciously made the
institutions, symbols, and norms that characterize civil
cultures or civilizations. The first steps in the building
of the "world of nations" were, on the contrary, taken
by creatures, the consequences of whose acts were not
intended by them (ibid., §133). Thus religion, for ex-
ample, came about "when men's intentions were quite
otherwise, it brought them in the first place to fear
of the divinity, the cult of which is the first fundamental
basis of commonwealths" (ibid., §629). Unintended
consequences, then, are clearly conceived of as integral
to the emergence and development of social cultures.
Vico concedes, indeed stresses, that men have finite
minds, that they frequently do not know the outcome
of their actions, yet he also insists that their intentions,
their "wills" rest on consciousness, or conscienza (ibid.,
§137). There is no suggestion that men follow the
dictates of some transcendent being or, as in the Third
Proposition of Kant's "Idea of a Universal History"
(Idee zu einer allegemeinen Geschichte in Weltburger-
licher Absicht, 1784), that they toil "for the sake of
those who come after them," even without intending
it. Men merely obey their own spirit and, in so doing,
may or may not advance the cause of posterity (New
Science, §§340, 376).
On the assumption, then, that men, being partici-
pants in and not only observers of their form of life
or culture, can understand the working of human wills
or purposes in a way they can never hope to understand
the working of nonhuman phenomena, Vico proceeded
to trace the origin of human cultures. Emphasizing that
these cultures had "separate origins among the several
peoples, each in ignorance of the others" (ibid., §146),
he also sought to discover "in what institutions all men
have perpetually agreed and still agree. For these
institutions will be able to give us the universal and
eternal principles (such as every science must have)
on which all nations were founded and still preserve
themselves" (ibid., §332). These primary institutions,
without which culture would be inconceivable, Vico
identified with religion and rituals of birth, marriage,
and burial, events common to all cultures (ibid.,
§§330-37).
In effect, therefore, Vico advanced two theories of
the genesis of culture. On the one hand he rejected
cultural diffusion as an explanation for the emergence
of a given culture in favor of a multiple-independent-
origin theory. On the other hand he stipulated a
common-origin theory, by viewing diverse manifesta-
tions of culture as "modifications" of certain archetypes
"common to all nations," a proof for which he saw
in "proverbs or maxims of vulgar wisdom, in which
substantially the same meanings find as many diverse
expressions as there are nations ancient and modern."
To observe the diversity of cultural manifestations and
to uncover the "common mental language" underlying
them was the task of philology which, for Vico, pro-
vided the essential empirical foundation upon which
philosophy could erect its theoretical edifice (ibid.,
Closest to Vico's thought is that of Herder. Inquiring
into the genesis of culture Herder asks what charac-
terizes man as a creature of culture as distinct from
his biological existence as a creature of nature. In his
first major philosophical work On the Origin of Lan-
guage (Über den Ursprung der Sprache, 1772), Herder
had refuted the idea of man as essentially a "rational
animal," of reason as some sort of entity or "faculty"
that was simply superimposed on man's animal nature.
Man, he maintained, was fundamentally different from
the animal. His capacity for speech, therefore, was a
function of the totality of his powers, the manifestation
of the "entire economy of his perceptive, cognitive,
and volitional nature" (Werke, V, 28). By virtue of this
wholly different direction of his energies man is no
longer "an infallible mechanism in the hands of Na-
ture." Although not endowed at birth with conscious
self-awareness, he has the propensity to attain it, and
thus, unlike the animal, he can attain a state of devel-
opment in which by "mirroring himself within himself"
he becomes a reflective being (ibid., V, 28, 95). Owing
to this capacity for self-awareness man is acutely con-
scious of his imperfections and hence "always in mo-
tion, restless, and dissatisfied." Unlike the bee "which
is perfect when building her first cell," man's life is
characterized by "continuous becoming" (ibid., V, 98).
In addition to the capacity for reflection, Herder,
like Vico before him, stresses man's sense of freedom.
While the animal is wholly a creature of nature, and
confined to that sphere of activity for which it is
equipped by its natural instincts, man, not thus deter-
mined, is also a creature of freedom. His perfectibility
or corruptibility is closely bound up with this distin-
guishing feature. "Man alone," Herder writes in his
Ideas for a Philosophy of History (Ideen zur Philosophie
der Geschichte der Menschheit, 1784-91), "has made a
goddess of choice in place of necessity..., he can ex-
plore possibilities and choose between alternatives....
Even when he most despicably abuses his freedom,
man is still king. For he can still choose, even though
he chooses the worst" (ibid., XIII, 110, 146-47). Man's
sense of imperfection and his sense of freedom, then,
are posited as the essential (psychological) prerequisites
for the emergence and development of human culture.
Herder's theme of self-consciousness was taken over
by Hegel who made it the very condition of a people's
sense of history, while the notion of restlessness reap-
peared in a more socially oriented form in Kant's essay
on universal history. Kant identified men's "mutual
antagonism in society" as the origin of "all the culture
and art that adorn humanity" (op. cit., Fourth and Fifth
Propositions).
But were man's imaginative, cognitive, and social
propensities primary determinants, inherently self-
generated and autonomous, or were they rather reac-
tions, induced by and contingent upon the particular
physical environment in which he found himself? This
was the question with which Montesquieu essentially
sought to come to grips. In his De l'esprit des lois
(1748), he inquired into the nature and source of a
"general spirit" within a given society. Fully aware
of the interrelations between natural or physical and
social or institutional elements, he seems on occasion
quite undecided which to regard as the ultimate deter-
minant, as in his hesitancy over the primacy of climate
versus political constitutions, or in his vacillation con-
cerning religion, which he alternately described as a
determining and determined factor (Book XXIV, Ch.
3). However, the prevailing tenor of his account of the
rise of civilizations was in terms of geographical and
climatic determinants, echoes of which are still dis-
cernible in Arnold Toynbee's formula of challenge-
and-response in his A Study of History (1934-61). Thus,
when enumerating such culture-determining agents as
religion, laws, maxims of government, mores, and
manners, he mentioned these after climate (ibid., Book
XIX, Ch. 4).
This emphasis on geo-climatic determinants has
prompted commentators like R. G. Collingwood, in
The Idea of History (1946, p. 79), to suggest that
Montesquieu "in fact conceived human life as a reflec-
tion of geographical and climatic conditions, not oth-
erwise than the life of plants." What lends support to
this criticism was Montesquieu's basic assumption that
human nature itself was a constant.
Like many Enlightenment thinkers Voltaire did not
challenge this assumption, but he did question Montes-
quieu's emphasis on geo-climatic factors as the prime
determinants of cultural differences. Not the physical
facts of a given environment, Voltaire argued in his
Essai sur les moeurs et l'esprit des nations (1769), but
man's ingenuity in mastering these, constituted the root
of civilization. If human life were a matter merely of
biology, civilization would indeed be the same
wherever natural conditions were alike. But "the realm
of custom is much vaster than that of nature; it extends
over manners and morals, over all habits; it gives vari-
ety to the scene of the universe" (Oeuvres, Paris
[1877-85], Vol. XIII, Ch. 197). Therefore, it is not
nature, Voltaire concluded, but "culture [which] pro
duces diverse fruits" (ibid.). The crowning achievement
of these diverse cultural endeavors, and the means of
their perpetuation, Voltaire saw in the rise of great
cities. In this close identification of culture with the
emergence of cities he was, however, at odds not only
with Montesquieu but with many subsequent writers,
who viewed urban growth as a threat to the continu-
ance of culture, if not as an unmistakable symptom
of its decline.
Ideas on the Content of Culture. Broadly speaking,
there are two distinguishable approaches: (1) those
which essentially constitute a critique of modern civi-
lization, stressing its cultural fragmentation, and (2)
those which conceive of culture as an integral whole.
At times both positions have been held concurrently,
the critique of disunity being in fact a plea for unity.
(1) Culture versus Civilization. When Diderot,
Rousseau, Herder, the romantics, or, more recently,
Spengler, pointed up the contrast between the natural,
organic, creative, genuine, on the one hand, and the
artificial, mechanical, stereotyped, and superficial, on
the other, between the nobility, deep-rootedness, free-
dom, and equality of the savage, or the contentment
of medieval man, and the corruption, alienation, ser-
vility, and exploitation of modern man, the chief
impetus was invariably polemical. That the apotheosis
of primitive or medieval man was or was not support-
able by anthropology or history was scarcely relevant.
What mattered was to unmask the pretensions of con-
temporary civilization, to puncture the pride and
complacency that went with it. Underlying the polem-
ics was a craving for spontaneity, sincerity, and warm
sensibility rather than cold rationality, the concrete
rather than the abstract, and a recognition of the in-
comparability and immeasurability of things. Though
Vico's ideas were seminal in a number of these direc-
tions, they were rarely known at first, and there can
be little doubt that Diderot's influence was the most
pervasive, soon to be followed by that of Rousseau and
Herder.
Diderot's critique of contemporary society, center-
ing on the self-estrangement of modern man, finds its
most pungent articulation in his novel Rameau's
Nephew (Le Neveu de Rameau) written in the 1760's
but not published during his lifetime. The abject
Rameau extols vice, but in doing so, uncovers the
inversion and perversion of prevailing values. Rous-
seau's Discourse on the Arts and Sciences (Discours sur
les arts et sciences, 1750), written some fifteen years
earlier, though with Diderot's encouragement, also
pursues the theme of alienation. Rousseau does not
claim that human nature was intrinsically better before
the advance of the arts and sciences, only that social
life and mores were in closer harmony with it. Modern
civilization imposed its pattern on men, unlike the
original cultures which grew out of men's needs. What
is more, modern civilization imposed a wholly uniform
pattern, casting every mind in the same mold. "Polite-
ness requires this, decorum that; ceremony has its set
forms, fashion its laws, and these we must always fol-
low, never the promptings of our own nature"
(Oeuvres, Deterville ed., I, 10).
In the Discourse on the Origin of Inequality (Dis-
cours sur l'origine de l'inégalité, 1754) Rousseau assails,
as Vico had done before him, the natural law theorists
for mistaking the artificial for the original, for making
man a philosopher before he is a man, and for giving
the name of natural law to a collection of norms they
happen to find expedient, thus rationalizing existing
practices and institutions, in particular that of private
property. Such natural laws may be in conformity with
modern civilization, but they have nothing in common
with original customs and traditions. Private property
may indeed have ushered in the era of civilization, but
what has it done to the traditional way of life of earlier
cultures? "It now became the interest of men to appear
what they really were not. To be and to seem became
two completely different things." Men lost their sense
of identity; they became estranged from themselves
and from each other. In place of the bonds of organic
community relations there arose "rivalry and competi-
tion on the one hand and conflicting interests on the
other" (Oeuvres, I, 286).
Herder's indictment of his age was no less severe.
Few documents constitute so devastating an attack on
contemporary civilization as his Yet Another Philoso-
phy of History (Auch eine Philosophie der Geschichte,
1774). With the incisiveness of a surgeon's knife it lays
bare the sores of the eighteenth-century world. The
so-called enlightenment and civilization have affected
only a few in a narrow strip of the globe, and even
where light has been shed, ominous shadows are never
far afield. Civilization has forced people into mines,
into treadmills, and into cities which are fast becoming
slag-heaps of human vitality and energy. So much in
the arts, in industry, in war and civil life has been
mechanized that the human machine has lost its zest
to function. Man is alienated from himself: head and
heart are rent apart. The culture of the age is a paper
culture, its ideals mere abstractions, instruments of
self-deception (Werke, V, 532-41).
Much of what these critics had to say on the ills
of eighteenth-century civilization in Europe, on alien-
ation, acquisitiveness, colonialism, and so on, reverber-
ates in subsequent sociopolitical writings; but nowhere
is the parallelism of mood and terminology quite so
striking as in Oswald Spengler's Decline of the West
(Der Untergang des Abendlandes, 1918-23). For
Spengler civilization marks the disintegration, the last
dying phase of a culture. In his characterization of
civilization one encounters practically every one of the
themes just traced. The basic source of cultural decline
Spengler sees in the giant city, the "megalopolis," as
he calls it. Its society is not a community but a "mass,"
leading a sort of nomadic, parasitic life, devoid of past
or future. Rootless, restless, traditionless, it is constantly
on the move, knowing neither whither nor why. In
the end the city—and with it civilization—proves the
negation of the negation, the seed of its own destruc-
tion (I, 31-34, 424; II, 310; trans. C. F. Atkinson, New
York [1926-28]).
For writers such as Kant, Coleridge, and Matthew
Arnold, culture represents essentially the moral condi-
tion of the individual, while civilization means the
conventions of society. Invariably the former is also
associated with "spiritual" values, the latter with "ma-
terial" values. Remarking that Rousseau was not so far
wrong when he preferred the state of the savages, Kant
adds (in the Seventh Proposition of the "Idea of a
Universal History") that though we are civilized, "even
to excess in the way of all sorts of social forms of
politeness and elegance... there is still much to be
done before we can be regarded as moralized." Exter-
nal propriety merely constitutes civilization; only the
idea of morality "belongs to real culture." This distinc-
tion, and to some extent the skepticism about the value
of civilization, became quite common in nine-
teenth-century English writing, largely owing to the
influence of Samuel Taylor Coleridge, an ardent disci-
ple of Kant. "Civilization," Coleridge writes in On the
Constitution of Church and State (1830, Ch. V):
... is itself but a mixed good, if not far more a corrupting
influence, the hectic of disease, not the blossom of health,
and a nation so distinguished more fitly to be called a
varnished than a polished people, where civilization is not
grounded in cultivation, in the harmonious development of
those qualities and faculties that characterize our humanity.
Matthew Arnold, another leading advocate of cul-
ture in terms of moral self-perfection, interestingly
anticipated in his Culture and Anarchy (1869) C. P.
Snow's theme of the "two cultures." Culture is first
and foremost moral improvement and not "merely or
primarily [the perfection] of the scientific passion for
pure knowledge" (Ch. 1). Toynbee, by contrast, gener-
ally understood by civilization the highest development
of social cultures from their primitive origins (op. cit.,
I, 438).
None of these distinctions, however, has found reso-
nance in the writings of modern cultural anthropolo-
gists, the first leading exponent of whom was E. B.
Tylor. In his Primitive Culture (1871, p. 1) he defined
culture as "that complex whole which includes knowl-
edge, belief, art, law, morals, custom, and any other
capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member
of society." This holistic conception was, however, not
entirely novel; it had its intellectual antecedents from
Vico to Herder and beyond.
(2) Culture as an Integral Whole. Vico's ideas prove
highly original in this direction also. Both his multiple-
independent-origin theory and his theory of cyclical
development clearly indicate that he thought of cul-
tures in terms of wholes or configurations. At each stage
of its development a given culture represents a com-
plex of interrelated and interdependent constituents,
each of which shares with the others certain distinctive
characteristics. "As from a trunk, there branch out from
one limb logic, morals, economics, and politics," Vico
wrote in the New Science (§367). Diderot, in D'Alem-
bert's Dream (Le Rêve de D'Alembert, 1769), employed
the image of a swarm of bees in order to give expression
to this notion of organic unity, i.e., to the idea that
a whole is qualitatively unique and different from a
mere aggregate of individual parts. The conception of
a whole as a complex whole characterizes also Voltaire's
epoch-making contribution to the study of culture, the
Essai sur les moeurs. Civilization, for Voltaire, is a
totality forged by men in their social life and actions.
Few thinkers before or after him penetrated more
profoundly into the "spirit of the time," a concept he
was the first to express; yet only rarely did he succeed
in transcending the values of his own times. While he
strongly emphasized the need for a harmonious balance
of diverse human aspirations, his criterion for what
constituted a proper balance was highly culture-bound,
a fact which the young Herder was not slow in observ-
ing. Why, Herder asked in Yet Another Philosophy,
should we take for granted that the beliefs of past ages
were the same as ours, their standard of happiness
identical to our own? "Has not each man, each nation,
each period, the center of happiness within itself, just
as every sphere has its center of gravity?" (Werke, V,
Though Herder's thought owed much to Voltaire,
it marks an important departure from Voltaire's cul-
tural monism. Herder felt it would be more accurate
to speak of specific cultures—in the plural—rather than
of culture in general. There is no such thing, Herder
further declared, as a people devoid of culture. To be
sure, there are differences, but these are differences
of degree, not of kind. To apply the standard of Euro-
pean culture as a standard for comparison, let alone
as a universal yardstick of human values, is plainly
meaningless. Each culture carries within itself its own
immanent validity, and hence we have to think of the
world as being composed of uniquely different socio
cultural entities, each with its own pattern of develop-
ment, its own inner dynamic growth.
Although Herder was mainly concerned with elicit-
ing sources of integration within a given culture, he
recognized that there were subcultures that could ex-
ercise a divisive no less than a unifying influence. "A
nation," he writes, "may have the most sublime virtues
in some respects and blemishes in others... and reveal
the most astonishing contradictions and incongruities"
(ibid., V, 506). To speak, therefore, of a cultural whole
is not necessarily a way of referring to a state of blissful
harmony; it may just as conceivably refer to a field
of tension. In contrast to those who identified culture
with spiritual pursuits, and civilization with material
progress, Herder rejected the dualism between "mate-
rial" and "non-material" activity. Artifacts are as much
part of culture as ideas, beliefs, and values. Culture
comprises all of man's creative activities, both what
he does and what he thinks. Of particular concern to
Herder were culture determinants that help to produce
a sense of collective identity, and these he identified
chiefly with language, shared symbols and values, cus-
toms and norms of reciprocity. Physical environmental
factors he considered of secondary importance, capable
of "only influencing, favorably or unfavorably, but not
of compelling a given course of development," as he
put it in the Ideas (ibid., XIII, 273). It is interesting,
both from the point of view of modern anthropology
and also against the historical background of the "age
of reason" to find that Herder saw in nonrational ele-
ments significant molding agents of social cultures.
Neither myths nor prejudices are dismissed by him as
irrelevant aberrations. Furthermore, unlike subsequent
thinkers, Marxists in particular, Herder did not view
ideas and beliefs as epiphenomenal, as mere super-
structures. Certain myths or religious doctrines, he
agreed, may indeed be intimately associated with eco-
nomic and political institutions and practices; but this
does not prove anything about their respective origins
or significance, nor does it deny their essential auton-
omy. By the same token, whatever "functions" either
of them may be said to perform within a given "sys-
tem" proves nothing about their necessary or even
sufficient conditions or interrelationships. Myths and
religions may or may not serve the function of main-
taining authoritarian (religious and/or political) struc-
tures, but this is not tantamount to saying that such
structures would necessarily disappear with the disap-
pearance of myths and religions (or vice versa), or that
shamans, priests, or dictators invented certain beliefs,
or invariably used them to deceive others without
accepting them themselves. "By dismissing them as
cheats," Herder observes in the Ideas (ibid., XIII, 307),
"one is inclined to think that one has explained every-
thing. They may well have been cheats in many or
most places, but this should not induce us to forget
that they were people too, and the dupes of myths
older than themselves."
Herder's historical relativism and cultural pluralism
affected, directly or indirectly, the thinking of J. G.
Fichte, Friedrich Schlegel and Hegel, the historical law
school of Savigny, the political romantics, J. S. Mill,
and the writing of cultural history up to Spengler, T.
S. Eliot, and Toynbee. Nor has Herder's anatomy of
culture lost relevance for modern sociology and an-
thropology. In particular it demonstrates that situa-
tional-functional analysis, taken by itself, is inadequate
as an explanatory tool if what we seek in terms of
explanation is evaluation of content and/or determi-
nation of purpose, and that, therefore, functionalism
can scarcely dispense with process analysis. Thus, far
from being inconsistent, functional and historical
approaches are indeed complementary or interde-
pendent. Furthermore, Herder's heuristic principle of
treating every manifestation of culture as essentially
autonomous, though interrelated in the two-
dimensional sense indicated, also implies that the ap-
plicable mode of causality is that of multiple causation.
Both the idea of two-dimensional interaction and the
idea of multiple causation have come to be recognized
as potentially fruitful perspectives or conceptual aids
in the study of social cultures.
Ideas on the Development of Culture. As a result
of eighteenth-century progressivism and nineteenth-
century evolutionism the very notion of "develop-
ment" has become culture-impregnated. It has as-
sumed the status of an absolute, a universal value, a
symbol of modernity and, as such, a conscious goal or
ideal in a growing number of social cultures. Ideas on
the development of culture are, therefore, in a real
sense, also ideas of the development of culture.
Apart from the assumption of continuous improve-
ment (intimately associated with unilinear ideas on
progress), three other assumptions commonly underlie
the notion of cultural development. First, there is the
belief that despite discontinuities there is a substantial
degree of continuity between phases or stages of a
given culture, although writers differ regarding the
individual significance and the mutual linkage of such
stages. Secondly, there is a widely shared consensus
that striving towards ends is implicit in the notion of
human or cultural development, even if it is frequently
not clear whether a thinker is discussing teleology in
history or the teleology of history, or both. Lastly, there
is the assumption that culture constitutes not a "thing,"
but a relational continuum in and through time, so that
culture is both a product of the past and a creator
of the future.
It is evident from these assumptions, particularly the
last, that the notion of cultural development raises the
problem not only of change but also of persistence.
Generally speaking, writers employing the organismic
paradigm of growth—and these tend to coincide with
the "holists"—have acknowledged the significance of
persistence. Civilization, Edmund Burke, for example,
insisted in his Reflections on the Revolution in France
(1790), was chiefly a matter of past achievements over
the ages (Works, London [1899], II, 351). The political
romantics, likewise, preferred to cast their gaze back-
wards rather than forwards.
The prevalent orientation, however, was forward-
looking or progressivist, even among those who traced
cyclical or dialectic patterns in development. Vico, for
example, envisaged the course of development in terms
of recurrent cycles, with each cycle comprising three
ages, of gods, heroes, and men, dominated by religion,
myth, and philosophy, respectively, and reappearing,
not in identical form, but in a "diversity of modes"
as an upward-spiralling movement (New Science,
§1096). Kant, Hegel, and Marx insisted in their differ-
ent ways on dialectic rather than unilinear change, but
at the same time saw each stage subservient to the
next, inexorably leading to a predetermined end. Even
Herder, the most outspoken opponent of the idea of
linear progress, never concealed his faith in secular
redemption as the terminal goal of the historical proc-
ess. Curiously enough, the man who set the tone of
the progressivist era, Voltaire, was no sanguine pro-
gressivist himself. It is true that the distant past was
for him an age of darkness or semidarkness, yet he
expressed no inordinate trust in the future as the har-
binger of apocalyptic portents. Acutely conscious of
the debits that accompanied the credits in the ledger
of history, "later" did not self-evidently mean "better"
for him. In comparing his own age with that of Louis
XIV, for example, he left no doubt about his preference
for the latter. It would seem, therefore, that it was
Voltaire's contempt for the more remote past, in par-
ticular the Middle Ages, rather than his faith in contin-
uous progress which cast him into the mold in which
others came to see him.
But if the origin of the idea of uninterrupted cultural
progress has somewhat erroneously been associated
with Voltaire, its culmination is rightly identified with
Condorcet's Sketch for a Historical Picture of the Pro-
gress of the Human Mind (Esquisse d'un tableau his-
torique des progrès de l'esprit humain, 1794), which
expressed unbounded optimism in man's progressively
mounting capacity to understand and hence to control
the "laws" of his own development. For Condorcet,
no less than for Thomas Paine and Thomas Jefferson
after him, the "march of civilization" was continuous.
Barbarism was bound to recede before the advance and
diffusion of knowledge and the emergence of a new
social and political ethic. Scientific procedures would
liberate man from the excess baggage of the past.
While for Vico and Herder religion and myth were
vital ingredients of culture, Condorcet dismissed them
summarily as the work of cheats and scoundrels. And
in contrast to their skepticism towards cultural diffu-
sion, Condorcet displayed complete confidence in the
transferability of cultures from more to less developed
countries, maintaining indeed that the latter would,
after importing the "know-how," actually overtake the
former, whenever they were able to avoid their mis-
takes. For Condorcet cultural development consisted
essentially in technological and scientific advance, and
his Sketch surveyed the history of man's intellectual
achievements, divided into ten stages of scientific and
technologically based progress. Arriving at his own age
he felt that "philosophy has nothing more to guess,
no more hypothetical surmises to make; it is enough
to assemble and order the facts and to show the useful
truths that can be derived from their connection and
from their totality" (Introduction, trans. June Barra-
clough).
Condorcet's faith in strict empiricism and scientific
procedures profoundly inspired Auguste Comte's Cours
de philosophie positive (1830-42). In it Comte sought
to establish universal historical laws, the most funda-
mental of which stipulates three phases through which
all human societies must pass, the theological, meta-
physical, and positive. Of considerable interest is
Comte's analysis of cultural development in terms of
social statics and social dynamics, in that it emphasizes
the two-dimensional nature of interaction to which
Herder had drawn attention. Social statics seeks to
study the interconnections and functions of cultural
components within a cultural whole at a given time,
while social dynamics focuses on the vertical interrela-
tions and changes over time. Comte's demand that
sociocultural development should be studied in a man-
ner analogous to that applicable to causal uniformities
in the realm of nature did not fall on deaf ears.
Two influential works that appeared in close succes-
sion, Henry Thomas Buckle's History of Civilization
in England (1857) and Karl Marx's A Contribution to
the Critique of Political Economy (1859) attempted to
pay heed to Comte's insistence on inductive inquiry.
Buckle sought to demonstrate that "the actions of men
being determined solely by their antecedents, must
have a character of uniformity, that is to say, must,
under precisely the same circumstances, always issue
in precisely the same results" (Buckle, Vol. I, Ch. 1).
Like Comte, he was convinced of the superiority of
European (and particularly English) culture and the
derivability of universal laws from its study. Marx also
generally wrote as if he regarded historical tendencies
to be akin to the operation of natural laws, having
universal applicability and "working out," as he put
it in the Preface of the first edition of Das Kapital
(1867), "with iron necessity towards an inexorable
destination," so that the laws of development operating
in industrially advanced countries "simply present the
other countries with a picture of their own future
development." The most succinct statement of Marx's
views on cultural development is in the Preface to A
Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy (Zur
Kritik der politischen Oekonomie), according to which
"the sum total of the relations of production constitutes
the economic structure of society—the real foundation,
on which rise legal and political superstructures and
to which correspond definite forms of social conscious-
ness." In addition to his descriptive theory of socio-
cultural development Marx advanced a prescriptive
doctrine intended to meet the problem of alienation,
on which he had focused in his earliest writings and
in particular in The German Ideology (Die Deutsche
Ideologie, 1846, with Engels). The theme of alienation
links Marx most intimately with the romantics, but
whereas Marx sought the cure of man's alienation in
the future, the romantics reverted to the past, finding
that man had taken the wrong turn by seeking libera-
tion from a traditional order of society.
Among attempts to reconcile traditionalism with
progressivism, or persistence with change, Herder's
treatment of Bildung and Tradition is undoubtedly the
most original contribution which still has lost none of
its relevance. Both these terms were used by him in
their original dynamic sense of "becoming" or "build-
ing up" and of "passing on," respectively, and not in
their better-known acquired sense. Thus Bildung is not
equated with a particular state of development or
confined in its connotation to intellectual or strictly
individual pursuits. Instead it is viewed as an inter-
active social process in which men receive from and
add to their distinctive cultural heritage. The modern
concept of "socialization" comes, perhaps, closest to
Herder's interpretation of Bildung.
It is also of interest that Herder conferred upon
Bildung a distinctly dialectic meaning by identifying
it with evaluation as well as assimilation (Werke, XIII,
343-48). Thus understood, it is not simply a replicative
process but also a process of change. Indeed, Herder
saw in Bildung the only alternative to sociocultural
discontinuities attending the replacement of values
through their destruction rather than their trans-
formation. But he was aware that the merging of the
old and the new involves in its operation both affirma-
tive and negative properties, and that change is not
tantamount to a smooth advance or progress. Every
discovery in the arts and sciences, he wrote in the
Ideas, knits a new pattern of society. New situations
create new problems, and every increase in wants (even
if they are satisfied) does not necessarily augment
human happiness (ibid., XIII, 372-73).
Tradition, likewise, is not identified with a stock of
accumulated beliefs, customs, and ways of doing things,
but with an ongoing process of intergenerational trans-
mission. Bildung and Tradition entail culture as both
a product and an emergent force at any given time,
insofar as Bildung leads to shared patterns or forms
of life that have become "patterns" by virtue of a
greater or lesser degree of institutionalization through
Tradition. Although Herder opposed the idea of linear
progress, he nonetheless refused to view stages of de-
velopment in a dichotomous manner. Hence, in place
of the idea of polarity he advanced the idea of inter-
play. Tradition and progress no longer embody two
opposed tendencies, but a single continuum. Progress,
or more precisely change, becomes a built-in charac-
teristic of tradition, and development is seen, therefore,
as at once part of a given culture continuum and the
instrument for its transformation. It requires not only
historical antecedents but also emerging goals pointing
to the future. What is also worth noting is that, while
Herder admitted conflict and tension as potentially
inherent in the processes of Bildung and Tradition, he
categorically denied the possibility of complete discon-
tinuity within any given culture. In this he revealed
considerable astuteness. For it is difficult to see how
one can speak of "development" in terms of complete
or total change without raising serious problems of
identity. Finally, Herder's analysis of socialization as
a nonreplicative process and his interpretation of tra-
dition as a dialectic continuum clearly suggest that any
attempt to explain change must entail a recognition
of persistence or vice versa. A theory which cannot
account for both is therefore unlikely to account for
either.
Translations of Kant, Herder, Voltaire, Rousseau, and
Marx are by F. M. Barnard.
Philip Bagby, Culture and History (Berkeley and Los
Angeles, 1959). F. M. Barnard, "Culture and Political De-
velopment," American Political Science Review, 63 (1969),
379-97. William R. Dennes, ed., Civilization (Berkeley and
Los Angeles, 1959). T. S. Eliot, Notes Towards a Definition
of Culture (London, 1948). L. Febvre, ed., Civilisation: Le
mot et l'idée (Paris, 1930). Patrick Gardiner, ed., Theories
of History (Glencoe, Ill., 1959). Johann Gottfried von
Herder, Sämtliche Werke, ed. Bernard Suphan, 33 vols.
(Berlin, 1877-1913). Gertrude Jaeger and Philip Selznick,
"A Normative Theory of Culture," American Sociological
Review, 29 (1964), 653-69. A. L. Kroeber and Clyde Kluck-
hohn, Culture (Cambridge, Mass., 1952), contains a detailed
bibliography. Karl Mannheim, Essays on the Sociology of
Culture (London, 1956). Bruce Mazlish, The Riddle of His-
tory: The Great Speculators from Vico to Freud (New York
and London, 1966). Wolfgang Schmidt-Hidding, ed., Kultur
und Zivilisation (Munich, 1967), includes extensive bibliog-
raphies. Giambattista Vico, Scienza nuova (1725), trans. H.
Bergin and M. Fisch as The New Science (Ithaca, 1948;
1963). Alfred Weber, Kulturgeschichte als Kultursoziologie
(Leiden, 1935). Karl J. Weintraub, Visions of Culture
(Chicago and London, 1966). Raymond Williams, Culture
and Society: 1780-1950 (London, 1958).
FREDERICK M. BARNARD
[See also Cultural Development; Environment and Cul-
ture; Hegelian...; Marxism; Positivism in Europe to 1900;
Volksgeist; Zeitgeist. ]


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Offered by Team Ervin Realty. Copyright 2019 Carolina Multiple Listing Services. All rights reserved.


"Zira, come meet you baby sister, Tama"
So this took ages ! I love the way baby Zira looks, so cute !
In my story Zira is the older sister to Tama, that's where Vitani gets her looks from.
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Here are our top picks for things to do, eat and enjoy over the Australia Day long weekend!
Join Coogee Bay Hotel as they turn the Garden into an Aussie Extravaganza with ping pong, pop-ups, traditional Aussie treats and more!
You can't get more Australian than The Australian Heritage Hotel. Join the team for the ultimate Aussie long weekend in the city. Saturday brings with it a Stone & Wood garden party with live music and then on Sunday, join in the countdown with Triple J's Hottest 100 followed by live performances. The Aussie has recovery in mind with a Bloody Mary Bar on Monday to set you straight before starting the week. The team will be serving down under themed bites which can be washed down with a national drink paddle celebrating a beer from each state for $17.50.
The Ternary, together with Capi Sparkling and Patrón Tequila, presents the ultimate summer pop-up conveniently located on an outdoor terrace overlooking the harbour. Officially launching on Friday 25th January just in time for the Australia Day long weekend, the Ternary Terrace will be offering delicious tapas inspired bites, refreshing concoctions and chilled tunes.
The innovative cocktail menu offers 5 bespoke tequila-based recipes like the slightly sweet and sour It's Bloody Tequila Time (19) or the Sultans Sip (19) featuring saffron & star anise infused Patrón Silver. To taste, the creative minds of the Ternary's culinary team have crafted the perfect tapas inspired summer menu designed to be shared. Think BBQ chilli spiced chicken pieces with sesame (17), grilled corn with pecorino cheese and thyme dressing (15) in true summer style a ceviche of kingfish with cassava crackers (20) and jalapeno poppers stuffed with cream cheese (18).
Open-up a cold one and enjoy the Australia Day long weekend at The Glenmore. Kick off the celebrations with a rooftop party and the best view in the city before backing it up for day two for Triple J's Hottest 100 countdown party. There's live music from The Bollinger Boys on Saturday from 4pm and DJ Danny Simms kicks off from 7pm on Sunday. The weekend brings with it face painting, and food and drink specials all weekend to get you into the party spirit before the team hosts a rooftop recovery on Monday.
The Royal Leichhardt is celebrating Australia Day all weekend long with meal deals, entertainment and good vibes. Bring along a crew and enjoy a feast from the summer menu including Aussie classics such as bangers and mash with peas and onion gravy; chicken parmi with homemade tomato marinara, cheese, coleslaw and chips; or a steak. If the classics aren't your style, treat yourself to the Australia Day burger and schooner special that will keep everyone going for karaoke, which kicks off in the main bar from 9.30pm. What's an Aussie long weekend without Triple J's Hottest 100 countdown, which plays across the venue live and loud all Sunday long.
The fun continues on Australia Day – Saturday, 26 January – with a sizzling summer BBQ in The Argyle's courtyard from 11am, featuring snags, burgers, prawn skewers and lamb chops. Bringing Saturday night to a close is Australia's very own DJ Tigerlily, who is hitting the decks at midnight with a fusion of house, dance and electronic hits. Sign up for free entry before 9pm.
Celebrate the Australia Day weekend by the water at Manly Wharf Hotel. On Saturday, gather a squad and enjoy cocktails on the jetty before letting local DJs Alex Preston and Graham Mandroule have you dancing into the early hours. Come back for round two on Sunday with the Triple J Hottest 100 playing live before DJs Dollar Cub and Friendless taking over the decks to keep the party going afterwards. Enjoy the Aussie classic cheese and vegemite pizza or one of the summer menu items including the poke bowl; buddah bowl; fish and chips; or seafood platter.
Celebrate this Australia Day at one of Sydney's most iconic venues, Hacienda Sydney. Overlooking the harbour and the iconic Sydney Harbour Bridge, get the gang together for a celebration whilst tucking into an Australian-themed bar menu featuring a classic Aussie burger and bucket of prawns, washed down with a specially created 'Australia Day' cocktail (Midori, Lemon, Apple Juice, Pineapple Juice and Sugar Syrup) from Hacienda's mixology team.
Watch the action unfold from above Circular Quay, including the infamous 9pm firework display and dance until the small hours with Hacienda's resident DJ. Special event offers include a bucket of the freshest Australian prawns served with a glass of house wine of beer for $50 (two people) / $95 (four people).
For something a little more substantial, guests can also enjoy any dish from the specially created menu and a drink of choice (includes cocktails) for only $50 (kids offering with a non-alcoholic beverage $29).
Watsons Bay Boutique Hotel is staging its annual Australia Day party overlooking one of the best harbour views in Sydney, and this year the hotel teams up with the hip Aussie brand synonymous with summer – Soda Shades.Together Watsons Bay Boutique Hotel and Soda Shades are celebrating all things Straya with a daytime event featuring a hip crowd of partygoers, back-to-back DJ sets and competitions with prizes including sunnies and cocktails.
The Soda Shades crew will be bringing their clique of friends and new shades to Australia Day at Watsons Bay Boutique Hotel and curating the music lineup with some of their favourite DJs. Actress-turned-turntable queen Dena Amy, TV presenter Danny Clayton and New Zealand talent Sam Evans will be behind the decks from 2pm – 7pm, and guests will also have the chance to submit anthems to the Soda Shades Australia Day playlist which will be pumped out during the day.
Spend Australia Day in The Rocks at the historic precinct's newest restaurant, Tayim. The expert team of mixologists from the Middle-Eastern influenced restaurant have created 'Anna's Passion', an exclusive cocktail for Australia Day which will be available throughout the public holiday weekend.
Anna's Passion, named so in honour of Russian ballerina and namesake of the Pavlova, Anna Pavlova. Anna's Passion is inspired by the iconic Australian dessert with the ingredients of vodka, vanilla liquor, lemon, fresh passionfruit, and egg all shaken together to create a delicious meringue like taste – the cocktail is then finished with a fresh spritz of rose aroma.
Enjoy a cocktail on the restaurant's front terrace or visit for a spot of lunch or dinner with family and friends.
Endeavour Tap Rooms will open early on Australia Day, welcoming patrons from 10am with meaty-menu specials, including the almighty Steak Sarnie served on rye bread with caramelized onion and rocket with fries ($24) and Pulled Pork Burger with slaw, bacon crumb, pickles, mustard mayo and fries ($22).
$8 tinnies of Endeavour Beer Citrus Ale will also be available throughout the day.
If you are planning on having a picnic or BBQ with family and/or friends over the long weekend here are some BBQing and picnic must haves.


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What is Westlake Chemical Partners' stock symbol?
Westlake Chemical Partners trades on the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) under the ticker symbol "WLKP."
How often does Westlake Chemical Partners pay dividends? What is the dividend yield for Westlake Chemical Partners?
Westlake Chemical Partners declared a quarterly dividend on Monday, January 28th. Investors of record on Tuesday, February 5th will be paid a dividend of $0.4328 per share on Wednesday, February 20th. This represents a $1.73 dividend on an annualized basis and a yield of 7.63%. The ex-dividend date is Monday, February 4th. This is a positive change from Westlake Chemical Partners's previous quarterly dividend of $0.42. View Westlake Chemical Partners' Dividend History.
How were Westlake Chemical Partners' earnings last quarter?
Westlake Chemical Partners LP (NYSE:WLKP) announced its quarterly earnings data on Tuesday, February, 19th. The basic materials company reported $0.37 EPS for the quarter, missing the Thomson Reuters' consensus estimate of $0.38 by $0.01. The basic materials company earned $335.73 million during the quarter, compared to the consensus estimate of $288.95 million. Westlake Chemical Partners had a net margin of 3.84% and a return on equity of 5.16%. The company's revenue was up 8.8% on a year-over-year basis. During the same quarter last year, the company posted $0.46 EPS. View Westlake Chemical Partners' Earnings History.
When is Westlake Chemical Partners' next earnings date?
Westlake Chemical Partners is scheduled to release their next quarterly earnings announcement on Thursday, May 2nd 2019. View Earnings Estimates for Westlake Chemical Partners.
What price target have analysts set for WLKP?
2 Wall Street analysts have issued 1 year target prices for Westlake Chemical Partners' stock. Their predictions range from $25.00 to $27.00. On average, they anticipate Westlake Chemical Partners' stock price to reach $26.00 in the next year. This suggests a possible upside of 14.5% from the stock's current price. View Analyst Price Targets for Westlake Chemical Partners.
What is the consensus analysts' recommendation for Westlake Chemical Partners?
2 Wall Street analysts have issued "buy," "hold," and "sell" ratings for Westlake Chemical Partners in the last year. There are currently 1 hold rating and 1 buy rating for the stock, resulting in a consensus recommendation of "Buy." View Analyst Ratings for Westlake Chemical Partners.
Has Westlake Chemical Partners been receiving favorable news coverage?
News coverage about WLKP stock has been trending very positive this week, InfoTrie Sentiment reports. The research group identifies positive and negative media coverage by reviewing more than six thousand blog and news sources in real time. The firm ranks coverage of publicly-traded companies on a scale of negative five to positive five, with scores closest to five being the most favorable. Westlake Chemical Partners earned a news impact score of 3.6 on InfoTrie's scale. They also gave media coverage about the basic materials company a news buzz of 10.0 out of 10, indicating that recent media coverage is extremely likely to have an impact on the stock's share price in the near term.
Who are some of Westlake Chemical Partners' key competitors?
Some companies that are related to Westlake Chemical Partners include Sensient Technologies (SXT), Codexis (CDXS), Renewable Energy Group (REGI), Green Plains (GPRE), FutureFuel (FF), REX American Resources (REX), Amyris (AMRS), Green Plains Partners (GPP), Sino United Worldwide Consolidated (SUIC), Solarwindow Technologies (WNDW), Dyadic International (DYAI), CTD (CTDH), Pacific Ethanol (PEIX), Tantech (TANH) and Wave Sync (WAYS).
What other stocks do shareholders of Westlake Chemical Partners own?
Based on aggregate information from My MarketBeat watchlists, some companies that other Westlake Chemical Partners investors own include VelocityShares 3x Long Natural Gas ETN (UGAZ), Westlake Chemical (WLK), AbbVie (ABBV), Cross Timbers Royalty Trust (CRT), KNOT Offshore Partners (KNOP), SunCoke Energy Partners (SXCP), Williams Partners (WPZ), Allena Pharmaceuticals (ALNA), Gulfport Energy (GPOR) and Hawkins (HWKN).
Who are Westlake Chemical Partners' key executives?
How do I buy shares of Westlake Chemical Partners?
Shares of WLKP can be purchased through any online brokerage account. Popular online brokerages with access to the U.S. stock market include Vanguard Brokerage Services, TD Ameritrade, E*TRADE, Scottrade, Fidelity and Charles Schwab.
What is Westlake Chemical Partners' stock price today?
One share of WLKP stock can currently be purchased for approximately $22.70.
How big of a company is Westlake Chemical Partners?
Westlake Chemical Partners has a market capitalization of $732.01 million and generates $1.29 billion in revenue each year. The basic materials company earns $49.35 million in net income (profit) each year or $1.51 on an earnings per share basis.
What is Westlake Chemical Partners' official website?
The official website for Westlake Chemical Partners is http://www.wlkpartners.com.
How can I contact Westlake Chemical Partners?
MarketBeat's community ratings are surveys of what our community members think about Westlake Chemical Partners and other stocks. Vote "Outperform" if you believe WLKP will outperform the S&P 500 over the long term. Vote "Underperform" if you believe WLKP will underperform the S&P 500 over the long term. You may vote once every thirty days.


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Blue Mountains Theatre presents a diverse selection of entertainment from comedy to world music, vintage rock'n'roll to pop-noir, film, classical music, ballet and more.
Beyond our program of live performing arts, the Blue Mountains Theatre and Community Hub is a multi-purpose facility incorporating a 418 seat theatre, box office, meeting rooms for hire, community service tenant offices, customer service desk for BM City Council, and links to the adjacent Braemar Gallery and Springwood Branch Library.
A 418 seat theatre including greenroom/rehearsal space with box office facilities.
Offices and working spaces for community service tenants including the Springwood Neighbourhood Centre, The Blue Mountains Vietnam Veterans & Associated Forces, Blue Mountains Recreation & Respite Service; and Blue Mountains Food Services (Meals on Wheels).
A Galleria linking the spaces, serving as a foyer for the Blue Mountains Theatre and as a multi-purpose event and activity space. The front desk also functions as a service desk for the Blue Mountains City Council in Springwood.
A landscaped forecourt with paved courtyard area. Power connections are available for outdoor events, such as markets and outdoor concerts.
Links to the Springwood Library and the Braemar House community art gallery to create a dynamic cultural and community precinct for Springwood and the wider Blue Mountains.
Online – use our online Box Office portal below. It's fast and easy, you can choose exactly where you'd like to sit.
Sunday and Public Holidays – the facility will open 1 hour prior to performances.
Complete your details below and your enquiry will be emailed directly to The Blue Mountains Theatre and Community Hub. Please check your contact details are correct to ensure the quickest possible reply.
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Rare Huge Wedgwood Black Basalt Jasperware Grapevine Centrepiece Vase 12 2.8kg. The item "Rare Huge Wedgwood Black Basalt Jasperware Grapevine Centrepiece Vase 12 2.8kg" is in sale since Monday, May 7, 2018. This item is in the category "Pottery, Porcelain & Glass\Porcelain/China\Wedgwood\Decorative/Ornamental". The seller is "gabisattic" and is located in Leamington Spa. This item can be shipped worldwide.


text:
1 AtsauksmeRakstīt atsauksmi
WITHDRAWAL FROM BOND, TAX FREE, OF DOMESTIC
JANUARY 31, 1907.-Committed to the Committee of the Whole House on the
state of the Union and ordered to be printed.
Mr. Hill, of Connecticut, from the Committee on Ways and Means,
submitted the following
REPORT.
[To accompany H. R. 24816.)
The Committee on Ways and Means, to whom was referred the bill (H. R. 24816) entitled "Å bill to amend an act entitled 'An act for the withdrawal from bond, tax free, of domestic alcohol when rendered unfit for beverage or liquid medicinal uses by mixture with suitable denaturing materials,'" approved June 7, 1906, beg leave to submit the following report, and recommend that said bill do pass, with the following amendments:
On page 2, section 2, lines 7 and 8, after the word " distilleries " strike out the words" but not exceeding five in number of such central plants in any one collection district."
Also in line 10, same section, after the word " warehouses" insert " without the payment of internal revenue tax."
Also, on the same page strike out the whole of section 3, and insert in lieu thereof the following:
Sec. 3. That alcohol of the required proof may be drawn off, for denaturation only, from receiving cisterns in the cistern room of any distillery for transfer by pipes direct to any denaturing bonded warehouse on the distillery premises, or to closed metal storage tanks situated in the distillery bonded warehouse, or from such storage tanks to any denaturing bonded warehouse on the distillery premises, and denatured alcohol may also be transported from the denaturing bonded warehouse, in such manner and by means of such packages, tanks or tank cars, and on the execution of such bonds, and under such regulations as the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, with the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury, may prescribe. And further, alcohol to be denatured may be witbdrawn without the payment of internal-revenue tax from the distillery bonded warehouse for shipinent to central denaturing plants in such packages, tanks, and tank cars, under such regulations, and on the execution of such bonds, as may be prescribed by the Commissioner of Internal Revenue with the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury.
On page 3, after section 4, insert as section 5:
SEC. 5. That the provisions of this act shall take effect on September first nineteen hundred and seven.
Thus far in the second session of the Fifty ninth Congress there have been introduced five bills for the amendment of the free-alcohol act approved June 7, 1906. One by Mr. Hill, of Connecticut, providing for the application of the law to the manufacture of ether, chloroform, and other definite chemical substances where the alcohol is changed into some other chemical substance and does not appear in the finished product; also for the establishment of denaturing bonded warehouses other than those provided for in the original law, which restricted these establishments to applications from distilleries only; also for chea pening the cost of the product to the consumer by providing for transportation of such product by tank cars and other more economical methods of transportation than obtain for beverage spirits.
A bill introduced by Mr. Marshall, of North Dakota, added to the provisions of the bill introduced by Mr. Hill, to provide for cheaper and more economical methods of handling alcohol to be denatured at the large industrial distilleries, and also for the practical adoption of the German locked still and tank system for agricultural distilleries; but made no reference to the capacity of such distilleries.
A bill introduced by Mr. Volkstead, of Minnesota, providing for somewhat similar regulations with reference to agricultural distilleries limited to a capacity of not exceeding 30 gallons output
A bill introduced by Mr. Gronna, of North Dakota, looking to a similar liberalizing of the provisions of the law with reference to agricultural distilleries with an output not exceeding 15 gallons
per day.
By direction of the committee the bills introduced by Mr. Marshall and Mr. Hill were referred to the Treasury Department for examination and report thereon, and the following replies were received, accompanied by a new bill as a practical substitute for all pending measures, and under instructions of the committee this bill was introduced by Mr. Hill, of Connecticut, and has become H. R. 24816, the bill now under consideration.
TREASURY DEPARTMENT,
Washington, January 18, 1907. The honorable SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.
SIR: I have the honor to return herewith House bill No. 22657 and House bill No. 24131, with letters addressed to you concerning these bills by the chairman of the Ways and Means Committee of the House of Representatives, and, as requested by you, I give the opinion of this office relative to these measures
I agree with the main purposes of both bills and have the honor to recommend the passage of a bill hereto attached, embracing the provisions of both, with such modifications as I deem proper, and for which I give reasons.
Section 1 of both of the House bills is identical. I suggest that this section be amended by adding at the end thereof the words "as alcohol," believing that the addition of these words would make the object of the section absolutely clear and leave nothing to be inferred. The office bill inclosed contains this addition.
It will be noted that if this section becomes law it will allow the use of denatured alcohol for the production of ether, chloroform, and similar sulstances which are used both for medicinal purposes and also for industrial and manufacturing purposes, as there is no limitation upon the use to which the product will be placed.
SECTION 2. Section 2 of House bill No. 22657 is identical with section 3 of House bill No. 24131.
The object of these sections is to afford to every dealer and consumer mutual
and equal facilities for securing denatured alcohol. I believe that this object can be accomplished without the establishment of a denaturing bonded warehouse at the place of business of every wholesale dealer handling this product and manufacturer using it in his processes. The expense of governmental supervision of these proposed denaturing bonded warehouses will be borne by the Government. For the protection of the revenue it will be necessary that close and continued surveillance of same be hud. This is the rule abroad, as must be here. In Great Britain denaturing is done in the presence of two Government officers. The expense to the Government of maintaining at each denaturing warehouse proper supervision for the adequate safeguarding of the revenues, provided denaturing bonded warehouses are established at each wholesale dealer's and manufacturer's place of business, as contemplated by the bills as introduced, would be exceedingly large, and it is not believed that a compensating benefit to dealers and consumers would follow.
I suggest in lieu of said two sections the second section of the office bill submitted herewith.
This proposed substitute contemplates the establishment of centrally located denaturing bonded warehouses, but fixes the limit of same in each collection district at five. These will be in addition to any denaturing warehouses on distillery premises. Under the substitute proposed there could be established in the United States 325 central denaturing bonded warehouses, as there are 65 collection districts in the United States. These would be locaed at such manufacturing and distributing points as the interested consumers of and dealers in the denatured product might demand.
In view of the fact that under existing law a denaturing bonded warehouse can be established at each distillery producing alcohol, it is believed that with the number of central warehouses increased, as is proposed in the substitute, ample facilities will be furnished all consumers, and that the contlicting inter ests of the several classes of consumers can be protected, and at the same time the expenditures of the Government in this line of work kept within reasonable limits, and that the scheme is sufficiently elastic and comprehensive to afford full protection to all interests.
SECTIONS 3 AND 4.
Sections 3 and 4 of the proposed substitute bill cover the general provisions embraced in the other sections of the two House bills noted.
Section 3 of the proposed bill provides fully and distinctly for the transfer from receiving cisterns to denaturing bonded warehouses or to closed metal storage tanks in distillery bonded warehouses, or from these tanks to the denaturing house, and for the transportation of denatured alcohol by means of pipes, tanks, tank cars, packages, etc. The object of this is to secure cheapness in the production and handling at the distillery and the warehouses, and also to secure reduced transportation charges.
Section 4 of the proposed substitute bill refers more directly to what is commonly termed the farm distillery, or a distillery operated for the production alone of alcohol for denaturing. The provosions of this section are, to a certain extent, a reversal of the general internal-revenue laws with regard to the production of distilled spirits, but it is believed and hoped that at these small plants there may be some relaxation of the close and continued surveillance of distillery operations necessary at larger plants, and where alcoliol is produced both for commercial and denaturing purposes.
At any rate, to meet the demand it is not deemed unwise by tbis office to make the test, and to allow alcohol to be produced for denaturing purposes alone at these small plants without the constant presence of a Government official. Therefore, locked cisterns or tanks are provided for, into which the alcohol may pass, and under the provision that these distilleries, limited in daily producing capacity of not exceeding 100 proof gallons, may be exempted from such provisions of existing law relating to distilleries as may be deemed expedient by yourself and this office.
If Congress adopts this legislation, then for the purpose of releasing the Government from the heavy charge of having a subordinate official stationed at each distillery where alcohol is produced for denaturing purposes alone, the test would be made as to the use of locked tanks and receiving cisterns with the presence only of a Government official, to be called an inspector, when the distillery begins operations, when the tank is filled, when the owner of the distillery desires to remove the same from the tank for denaturing purposes
alone, and at such other times as may be necessary either to the distiller or to the Government in its work of supervision.
Being of opinion that the proposed substitute contains every provision necessary for the purposes desired, and presents them in a somewhat better form for administrative purposes, I recommend to you its passage. I am, very respectfully,
John W. YERKES,
Washington, January 19, 1907. MY DEAR SIR: Replying to your favor of January 15, inclosing H. R. 24131, to amend an act known as the denatured alcohol law, I beg to submit a copy of a substitute bill prepared by the Commissioner of Internal Revenue and a copy of his letter explaining the reasons therefor, all of which I indorse and approve. Very truly, yours
L. M. SHAW. Hon. SERENO E. PAYNE, Chairman Committee on Ways and Means,
House of Representatives.
The purpose and general scope of this supplementary legislation and its direct relation to the farming interests of the country is shown by the following letter from ex-Governor Nahum J. Bachelder, master of the National Grange, and chairman of the legislation committee of that organization:
CONCORD, N. H., January 22, 1907. Hon. SERENO E. PAYNE, Chairman Committee on Ways and Means,
House of Representatives, Washington, D. C. DEAR SIR: Complying with your suggestion, on the occasion of the recent interview had with you by the legislative committee of the National Grange, we would respectfully submit the following memorandum in regard to the legislation amending the laws governing the distillation and denaturing of untaxed industrial alcohol, which we are urgently desirous of having enacted at the present session of Congress.
The purpose of the desired legislation is to still further reduce the cost of denatured alcohol, by giving greater facilities for its production and distribution. While the act approved June 7, 1906, providing for untaxed denatured alcohol, is in most respects satisfactory, there are some defects which tend to limit the production and distribution of the denatured product. With one or two exceptions these defects are not found in the untaxed alcohol law, but in the revenue laws relating to distilled spirits, which were not amended or changed in any way by the act of June 7, 1906.
The nature of the amendments to the laws governing the distillation and denaturing of alcohol, which we advocate, are:
First. Giving the Commissioner of Internal Revenue power to authorize farmers or other persons wishing to produce alcohol on a small scale to distill it in suitable locked stills, and to have it denatured without the expense of a denaturing bonded warehouse. It is believed that the conditions at present imposed on parties wishing to engage in the distillation of alcohol for industrial purposes tend to limit its production to large distillers, and that the expense of the required distillery warehouses and bonded denaturing warehouses adds considerably to the cost of the alcohol.
We believe that it is entirely feasible for the Commissioner of Internal Revenue to devise regulations which will effectively protect the Government against fraud on the revenues, and at the same time permit small producers of alcohol to have their alcohol denatured under the supervision of an internal revenue officials, without being put to the expense of a specially bonded de
naturing warehouse. The Commissioner of Internal Revenue should certainly have the power to prescribe such regulations, and there would seem to be no good reason why Congress should not give him this authority.
Second. The establishment of denaturing bonded warehouses in various sections of the country into which alcohol may be transferred from distilleries without payment of tax, under proper bonds and official supervision. There is absolutely no reason why the denaturing of alcohol should not be separate and distinct from the distilling of alcohol, where and wherever the commercial distribution of the product makes such separation desirable. As the law now stands it is manifestly impossible for a small distiller to supply alcohol for manufacturing purposes which would require special denaturing owing to the expense and difficulty of complying with the regulations. The law as it now stands tends to give the large distillers a monopoly of supplying alcohol for manufacturing purposes. The proposed changes, therefore, are necessary in order to make it profitable for the small producers to supply the manufacturing and city demand, by enabling a number of them to ship their alcohol to a conveniently located central denaturing plant, where all the advantages of a special denaturing or shipping in bulk to distant points can be fully utilized. The advantage to the Government in simplifying and reducing the cost of supervision is obvious.
Third. Authorizing the Commissioner of Internal Revenue to prescribe regulations fixing the kind and capacity of the packages, including tank cars, and other methods of transportation for denatured alcohol. The present law limits the size of the packages containing alcohol, and thus prevents its shipment in tank cars, a method of transportation which would effect a material reduction in its cost. Regulations governing the use of such tank cars can easily be prescribed, which will effectually guard against any loss in revenue through the sale of denatured alcohol as a substitute for taxed spirits.
This question of tank cars is a matter of prime importance in reducing the price of alcohol for fuel uses to a competitive basis with kerosene, gasoline, and other liquid fuels. Without tank cars the market of small distilleries must of necessity be local, and the tank car is absolutely necessary to give the smaller distilleries the opportunity of securing a share in supplying the alcohol to be used in a more widely extended area.
The importance of the tank car will be fully appreciated, as also the other provisions called for, if the natural order of development of the denaturedalcohol industry is clearly understood.
Before local distilleries can be profitably built and operated a local demand must have been created, and that demand can only come after there shall have been a considerable local distribution of alcohol lamps, stoves, heaters, engines, and other alcohol-consuming appliances. As long as the demand in any locality is only for a few gallons or barrels weekly it is manifest that that locality must depend on some outside source of supply. The true order of precedence is, first the large central distilleries supplying a scattered demand over a wide territory; then the development of the manufacturing industries supplying alcohol apparatus; and finally, the local distilleries. Consequently, the farmer has a grave concern in providing by all possible ways for the cheap distribution of the alcohol from the large central distilleries. We are not opposed to the latter distilleries because they are large, but simply urge the enactment of legislation which will give small distilleries an equal show before the law, wbich the law, as it now stands, is believed not to do.
Fourth. Under the present law no provision can be made for pumping alcohol from the distillery cistern to the distillery warehouse or from that warehouse to the denaturing bonded warehouse. There is no good reason why distillers should not be allowed to pump their product from the cisterns to the warehouses through suitable locked pipes, the keys to which could be kept in pos. session of the internal-revenue officials charged with the supervision of the distillery. The adoption of such a system would save considerable expense in filling and emptying casks in the process of denaturing.
Fifth. Provision for the use of untaxed alcohol in the manufacture of ether, chloroform, and other definite chemical substances in which alcohol does not appear in the finished product, but is changed into some other substance. The Commissioner of Internal Revenue has ruled that the provision of the untaxed alcohol law prohibiting the use of that material in the manufacture of " liquid medicinal preparations " applies to ether, collodion, and other products which are sometimes to a small extent used as a medicine. The effect

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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News & Media > UK's leading HIV clinicians support Court of Appeal ruling on PrEP
UK's leading HIV clinicians support Court of Appeal ruling on PrEP
London, UK - 10 November 2016 Responding to today's Court of Appeal ruling, confirming that NHS England is responsible for funding Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis (PrEP) for HIV, Dr Chloe Orkin, Chair of the British HIV Association (BHIVA), said:
"We are pleased that the Court of Appeal has upheld the decision that NHS England is responsible for the funding of Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis (PrEP). It is a safe intervention that will reduce the risk of becoming infected with HIV by around 90%.
The decision is in line with World Health Organisation recommendations and the view of NICE, which has evaluated PrEP using Truvada, finding it to be highly effective.
We strongly support the policy proposal for MSM, transgender individuals and heterosexuals at high risk of HIV infection and will continue to make the case for PrEP to the Clinical Priorities Advisory Group (CPAG), which makes recommendations on NHS England's approach to commissioning services, and treatments, and considers which of these should be prioritised for investment.
Although this ruling is a positive step we regret that PrEP is still not available to the 17 people who contract HIV each day in this country."
For further information or comment, please contact Mediscript:
Jacqueline English: 020 8369 5388, email: [email protected]
Founded in 1995, BHIVA is the leading professional organisation committed to providing excellence in the care of those living with and affected by HIV. It acts as a national advisory body to professions and other organisations on all aspects of HIV care. BHIVA also provides a national platform for HIV care and contributes representatives for international, national and local committees dealing with HIV care. In addition, BHIVA works to promote undergraduate, postgraduate and continuing medical education within HIV care. www.bhiva.org @BritishHIVAssoc


We invite you to feel a state of balance and wellbeing.
Yoga Center Madrid offers you a Wellness programs in the historic village of Mondariz-Balneario.
These programmes take place in the month of August and are another alternative in the range of intensives that 'Yoga Center Madrid' organizes.
Take advantage of this possibility to explore your favourite styles of Yoga more deeply.
Hotel** Residency Cemar is situated at the entrance to the town of Mondariz-Balneario It is 30 minutes from Vigo.
The Hotel** Residency Cemar is one of those places where they make us feel at home with a relaxed and friendly atmosphere receiving from the proximity with the simplicity of their accommodations.
The walks with paths near the river, the swimming pool, horse riding if you prefer it or the practice of different sports in its sports fields, make this place an ideal place to take care of yourself in a simple way.
We offer the retreat Mondariz-Balneario in the historic village of Mondariz-Balneario famous for its historical spa and mineral waters, giving you also the opportunity to enjoy some pampering at another hotel nearby.
Call Mabel at 91 575 1913 for details on how to reserve and reach Mondariz Balneario.
Opened in 1873, the Balneario de Mondariz was a pioneer in Hydrotherapy in Galicia and a benchmark among major European Spa Villas.
This hotel offers a selection of treatments for your wellbeing and it is 10 minutes walk from the hotel Cemar, you can make reservations for the spa treatments or their "Palacio del Agua".
A la carte Spa where you have at your disposal a professional and personalized service under the direction of the medical team.
Today it is the largest hotel complex in Galicia that consists of a spa with mineral water therapies, Galicia's first spa resort, 18 hole golf course, and restaurants where you can try typical Galician cuisine.
Today the village has a luxury spa that provides treatments with the famous mineral/thermal waters, canoeing, hiking – visits to the old spa and San Pedro's chapel are highly recommended – horse riding, cycling and golf – on the recently completed 18-hole championship course.


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Q&A: Laurence Fishburne On 'Black-Ish' Comedic Turn, 'Hannibal' Return & 'CSI'
The colorful billboards are everywhere – ABC is giving new comedy Black-ish a major promotional push to go with its high-profile time slot behind Modern Family. The ABC Studios series, created by Kenya Barris, stars Anthony Anderson as an upper-middle class black man who struggles to raise his children with a sense of cultural identity. Tracee Ellis Ross, and Laurence Fishburne, play his wife and father. Fishburne also executive produces Black-ish, which marks the first series for his Cinema Gypsy banner. In an interview with Deadline, Fishburne talks about his foray into comedy, Black-ish's provocative title, his experience on CSI, what's next for his character on Hannibal and what projects are in the hopper at Cinema Gypsy.
ABC Pilots 'How To Get Away With Murder' & 'Black-ish' Start Making Writer Deals
DEADLINE: We obviously know you from The Matrix, Mystic River, CSI and Hannibal, but actually, you did an episode of M*A*S*H early on…
FISHBURNE: Long time ago.
DEADLINE: Yes, long time ago. You had done mostly dramas, and now you have Black-ish, and you did Ride Along. What attracted you to comedy at this stage in your career?
FISHBURNE: It's somethi
ng that I've been thinking about for more than a decade, really. I've been thinking about how to expand my work and branch out into doing some comedy as well. But really, the focus has been my company, Cinema Gypsy, which we started back in the mid '90s, and we did a number of feature films, Hoodlum and Once In The Life, which was based on a play that I wrote. We produced some theater and some longform movies for HBO like The Tuskegee Airmen and Miss Evers' Boys. When I made the transition into television on CSI, my company got a first-look deal from CBS (Studios). So, during the time that I was on CSI, I was actively, as a producer, trying to come up with something that could be viable for network television, and we tried a bunch of different things, some of which were comedies, some of which were dramas. Black-ish has been the first opportunity where we've actually made the sale, and people have bought the idea, and we're just really, really excited that this is the way it's panned out because it's basically allowed me to service two things at the same time. It's allowed me, as an actor, to be involved in a comedy, and as a producer, to have something that we could sell to an audience.
DEADLINE: How did Black-ish come along?
FISHBURNE: Kenya Barris was represented by the same agency at the time. He was introduced to me by (Paradigm agent) Debbee Klein, and he presented his idea. Myself and my team at Cinema Gypsy, we felt like it was really a perfect fit because it was so relatable, the stories that he was talking about, which are largely drawn from his own life, mirrored stories that came from my life. Then Brian Dobbins came on board with Anthony Anderson as our lead guy, which was very exciting because Anthony and I have known each other for a long time, and we have always wanted to work together. Brian was also working with Kenya.
So now we had a nice quartet, and then as things progressed, we pitched to almost every network in town. ABC, they were the most excited about us. Once that deal was done, Larry Wilmore came on as our showrunner, and all of his experience in the genre, going back to Fresh Prince Of Bel-Air, and Bernie Mac, gave us somebody at the helm who had a real great track record with this kind of material. Once we knew that we were all going to be working together, we had to find the right partner for Anthony, and we couldn't have asked for anybody better than Tracee Ellis Ross, because I had worked with her on CSI and really wanted to work with her again after that one experience. So, when she came on to round things out as the wife, Rainbow, in the show, it just all started clicking.
Related: ABC's 'Black-ish' About Culture More Than Race, Exec Producers Say
DEADLINE: Were you thinking about playing the dad from the get-go?
FISHBURNE That was always Kenya's thought for me in terms of how I would participate in the show as an actor. That was always his first wish, was that I would come on and play the dad.
DEADLINE: Was the character tailored for you? Did you have a say?
FISHBURNE: Well, yeah..I wouldn't say it's tailored for me in the traditional sense because it's not like I do a whole lot of comedy, so it's not like I'm a known entity in the comedic genre. But what's great about this show is it's based on Kenya's real-life experiences, but also based on the real-life experiences of everyone that participates. That would include myself, Larry Wilmore, Tracee Ross, Anthony Anderson, the children who are in our show, and the writers who are writing our show.
DEADLINE: Is there anything from your relationship with your own family that is reflected on the show too?
FISHBURNE: There's a whole lot, of course. Yeah. There's a lot of it. I'm not going to say what, but yes.
DEADLINE: Larry Wilmore has a new Comedy Central show coming up but is still working on Black-ish. Will he be able to complete the entire initial order of 13 episodes?
FISHBURNE: Yes. He's going to be involved in the entire order of 13.
DEADLINE: Black-ish is getting a lot of attention with the title and the premise. ABC executives have said that it's not about race but about class and family. What is your take? What is Black-ish about?
FISHBURNE: It's about a family. It's about the Johnson family, and in that regard, it's about your family, and my family, and everybody's family.
DEADLINE: Based on the title, could people feel like the show is not for everyone?
FISHBURNE: Here's the thing about our title. Our title is a little bit of a wink. It's a bit of a joke because, ultimately, if you live in America and you've been in America, let's say, for the last 10, 15, 20 years, you're probably a little Black-ish anyway. So that's what's wonderful about our title, and that's really what it means. Everybody's a little Jewish. Everybody's a little Black-ish, you know?
DEADLINE: You made your series debut on CSI and left after two and a half seasons. What was that experience like?
FISHBURNE: It took nine months to actually get accustomed to the schedule. It's a very rigorous schedule, first of all, which I enjoyed. I didn't have any problem with it, but it was quite rigorous. It was like making a little movie every day, because, when I was there, they were still shooting on film, believe it or not, and they didn't really go digital till about last season or so. So I really enjoyed it, and I think, if anything, it was also an opportunity for me to learn, as a producer, the television business a little better, because I was certainly unfamiliar with the workings of television from the business side. So it gave me an opportunity to act every day and to continue to work my craft as an actor, but it also gave me a chance, as a producer, to learn about the world of television development and producing for network television.
DEADLINE: You are juggling Black-ish and Hannibal. As an actor, it must be interesting because the two roles can't be further apart — Black-ish is a family comedy, and you can't go darker than Hannibal.
FISHBURNE: Yes, it's wonderful. It's exactly what I love about what I do as an actor. I love the opportunity to use my full range, and so playing in the comedy Black-ish gives me the opportunity to show my lighter side, and playing in this beautiful, elegant horror story of Hannibal, I get to use my darker and more cerebral side. It's really wonderful.
DEADLINE: What can we expect from Jack in Season 3 of Hannibal?
FISHBURNE: Well, I'll say it in two words. Jack is back.
DEADLINE: It's pitch season. You're busy with two shows, but are you looking to sell more projects with Cinema Gypsy?
FISHBURNE: We are in the process of developing some other things. We have a first-look deal with Entertainment One, and we have been developing something at Showtime. We have been developing a Socrates Fortlow series at HBO, Walter Mosley is involved in that. At Cinemax we're developing something called Prison Town with writers Dawn Prestwich & Nicole Yorkin from The Killing and Fox TV Studios. We also have an animated series that we're developing that's based on my life as a child in Brooklyn.
DEADLINE: Has the animated series been set up at a network yet?
FISHBURNE: It has not. We have been out to networks many times, and we find that sometimes you have to put things on the side, put them on the back burner, and then bring them out a little later. Maybe the timing wasn't right.
DEADLINE: Where you want to go from here? What do you want your production company to stand for?
FISHBURNE: My production company, what we are trying to do is I'm trying to create content that speaks to me, and it's not one color. It's not one size fits all. You know what I mean? It's things that I really gravitate towards, and Black-ish is an example of that. Always Outnumbered, in terms of the film that we made for HBO, that's an example of it. So we're looking for a lot of things, but it's really about telling stories that are authentic, telling human stories that are rooted, obviously, in either the African-American experience, or my own experience, or experiences that somehow speak to me.


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Dafydd Hellard
Dafydd Hellard was born on 21 February, 1985 in Aberdare, United Kingdom. Discover Dafydd Hellard's Biography, Age, Height, Physical Stats, Dating/Affairs, Family and career updates. Learn How rich is He in this year and how He spends money? Also learn how He earned most of networth at the age of 35 years old?
Birthplace Aberdare, United Kingdom
Nationality United Kingdom
Dafydd Hellard Height, Weight & Measurements
At 37 years old, Dafydd Hellard height is 183 cm and Weight 85 kg (13 st 5 lb).
Weight 85 kg (13 st 5 lb)
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His net worth has been growing significantly in 2021-2022. So, how much is Dafydd Hellard worth at the age of 37 years old? Dafydd Hellard's income source is mostly from being a successful . He is from United Kingdom. We have estimated Dafydd Hellard's net worth , money, salary, income, and assets.
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For season 2015 Hellard was promoted to player coach of Valley Cougars guiding them to the Conference League South Grand final where he scored a try but they lost the game to Nottingham Outlaws
Hellard came through the youth ranks at Cardiff Blues before turning out for Merthyr and Rhymney. He switched to rugby league in 2008 when he joined Valley Cougars. By 2010 he had represented Wales with the Wales Dragonhearts team, but the season ended in disaster when he suffered knee ligament damage which would keep him out until 2012. South Wales Hornets the feeder team to the South Wales Scorpions signed him up after his long lay off. In 2013 he moved back to his former club Valley Cougars helping them to reach the South Wales Conference Grand final. The 2014 season saw Hellard sign for semi-professional side South Wales Scorpions in Championship 1 being dual-registered, so he could still play for Valley Cougars where he was captain, when not picked for the Scorpions. By the end of the season he had won the Conference League South title with the Cougars and made 11 appearances with the Scorpions scoring one try in Championship 1. 2015 saw him play 15 games for South Wales Scorpions, and 6 games for Valley Cougars
Dafydd Hellard (born 21 February 1985) is a Welsh rugby league footballer, and coach. He is on the books of Championship 1 club South Wales Scorpions, and is also player-coach at Conference League South club Valley Cougars, as a wing.
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