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James Gunn and the cancel-culture
David Morgan Brown / February 21, 2021 / 0 / 2.1k
David Morgan Brown 2018-07-23
In yet another recent firing of a high-profile member of the entertainment industry, James Gunn has been booted by Disney as director for Guardians of the Galaxy Vol. 3, a series of which the previous two he directed. But this firing seems to be the most egregious, one ravelled up in so many layers, it all feels so precisely orchestrated.
The very basic story that most people have gathered is that Gunn was fired by Disney because of offensive jokes he tweeted. However, these were tweets he posted nine years ago. And they were tweets he has since apologised for. And he did that before being hired by Disney to work on Guardians of the Galaxy in 2012. And, as an extra spicy meatball on this spaghetti bolognese of Hollywood inanity, the folks who brought to light these offensive tweets are two conservative "gentlemen" who were (for lack of a better word) butthurt over Gunn's online criticism of Donald Trump – and one of whom has posted far more abhorrent tweets himself.
Unlike the firings of Roseanne, Papa John, Jonathan Friedland, and Amy Powell, this one in particular has been met with a large backlash from a number of celebrities, ranging from fellow directors to comedians and even Guardians of the Galaxy stars. The biggest complaint is that Disney didn't take umbrage with these tweets when he made them, nor when he was hired as director, nor when he apologised for them in 2012.
This firing has taken place simply because of those who dug up these tweets, conservative commentators Mike Cernovich and Jack Posobiecus. It appears to have been the efforts of only two folks who have chastised Gunn's already-chastised tweets that have caused him to be fired. This is quite the precedent to be established, that absolutely anyone and absolutely any amount of people can dig up a celebrity's past and ruin their livelihood, with as little as a dark humoured joke to spark a soaring fire.
Given that these commentators are deeply Christian, they may want to contextualise this story with one of the Bible's most famous passages – "he that is without sin among you, let him first cast a stone". This is particularly applicable to Cernovich, who hasn't made jokes about raping kids, but did post his own controversial (comical?) tweets excusing rape.
It's a sign of the cancel-culture that someone who makes such abhorrent jokes can single-handedly get someone else fired for slightly less abhorrent jokes. But perhaps both men ought to be excused. It's hard to tell if Cernovich's own comments are in utterly bad taste, but jokes are jokes, offensiveness is subjective, and creating an exact line for celebrities not to cross over is not at all easy to draw.
What are the exact kinds of statements, or jokes, that will get a Hollywood big-shot fired? I don't know if Disney outline what exactly is acceptable in the contracts they send out to their new creative assets, but it would certainly be helpful if they made themselves far clearer. But the issue with drawing this line is where people expect it to be. There's the possibility (or likelihood) that the sort of tweets that Disney, or any other company, would allow would be too restricted – they may not allow jokes about sensitive subject matter, but how far does the classification of sensitive subject matter go? Jokes about skinned knees? Making fun of allergies? Making fun of people from Minnesota? Making fun of kids in general, with no mention of rape at all? Can directors of Disney films swear on social media? Are there certain people they can't joke about?
Disney wouldn't clarify what speech is acceptable, because they can't. Offensive speech is a part of all speech – folks may claim that we have the freedom to say whatever we please and our businesses of work have the freedom to dismiss us over anything offensive we say, but this leads to a tricky argument of what is offensive and inoffensive and what is fair and unfair dismissal.
But the main argument to make right now is that should Cernovich, Posobiecus, and Disney all get a sense of humour? I say yes, and if I were their employer, I would enforce that upon them. This aspect of cancel-culture, so eager to get people fired over the most tenuous and innocuous of reasons, is gravely misinterpreting how humour works – in particular, dark humour.
This kind of shock value locker-room joking around is an essential part of anyone with blood flowing through their bodies (ie not Cernovich or Posobiecus) as it's a very peculiar and very real part of our lives that's evidently seeped its way a bit onto the permanency of social media. The worst aspects of our humanity, such as child rape, will usually be the go-to subject matters for jokesters. Very much close to 100% of the time, these jokes will be made besides the comedians' own personal views – there is clearly a difference between joking about a topic and endorsing a topic, and that's something Cernovich has neglected to understand.
All in all, I'd like to think Gunn is now in a lawsuit-friendly situation. Matters should be taken against Cernovich for conflating Gunn's jokes with endorsement. Disney should also be taken to the cleaners for not considering Gunn's controversial tweets when they hired him or more importantly when he brought attention to them by regretting making them in the first place.
Some folks are claiming the best solution for up-and-coming artists is to cleanse their social media to avoid a similar situation happening to them. This may be a realistic solution, but it's not an idealistic one, and an idealistic solution will stem this cancel-culture career-ruining tide rather than abide by it. It's no longer just group-think, but couple-think that is ruining the livelihood of working filmmakers, and for the line that they cannot cross to inch ever so closer and be dictated by any crass, rape-apologist member of society will be of a great disadvantage to filmmakers and other artists. But I believe the main lesson to be gathered from this story is that a lot of people, especially in Hollywood, need to get a sense of humour. They can start here.
Tags:DisneyDonal TrumpGuardians of the Galaxy Vol: 3James Gun FiredMarvelMarvel CInematic UniverseNewsSexual misconductTweetTwitter
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Q: Android app preferences not working I have implemented some app preferences for my app. For strings they work great but not for boolean values. E.g.
public class MdSharedPrefs {
    public final static String PREFS_NAME = "prefs";

    public static boolean getSSFlag(Context context) {
        SharedPreferences prefs = context.getSharedPreferences(PREFS_NAME, 0);

        return prefs.getBoolean(context.getString(R.string.pref_key_ss), false);
    }

    public static void setSSFlag(Context context, boolean newValue) {
        SharedPreferences prefs = context.getSharedPreferences(PREFS_NAME, 0);
        Editor prefsEditor = prefs.edit();
        prefsEditor.putBoolean(context.getString(R.string.pref_key_ss),
                newValue);
        prefsEditor.commit();
    }

}

And this requires
<string name="pref_key_ss"></string>

in strings.xml. When I remove this line the project wont compile. But when I leave it this boolean pref does not work. When I click it and go back to main screen and then go back to prefs the value is not checked.
However for strings it works fine.
Any ideas whats wrong?

A: in my application i am using like this it's working fine
declaration
 private static final String SUNDAY_ON = "sunday_selected";

getting
 state = prefs.getBoolean(SUNDAY_ON, false);

storing like this
 editor.putBoolean(SUNDAY_ON, value);

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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Q: Ubuntu Installing Boto error I've installed Python 2.7.9, and I'm trying to install Boto with pip install boto, but I receive this error:
    Collecting boto
  Using cached boto-2.36.0-py2.py3-none-any.whl
Installing collected packages: boto

  Exception:
  Traceback (most recent call last):
    File "/usr/local/lib/python2.7/dist-packages/pip/basecommand.py", line 232, in main
      status = self.run(options, args)
    File "/usr/local/lib/python2.7/dist-packages/pip/commands/install.py", line 347, in run
      root=options.root_path,
    File "/usr/local/lib/python2.7/dist-packages/pip/req/req_set.py", line 549, in install
      **kwargs
    File "/usr/local/lib/python2.7/dist-packages/pip/req/req_install.py", line 754, in install
      self.move_wheel_files(self.source_dir, root=root)
    File "/usr/local/lib/python2.7/dist-packages/pip/req/req_install.py", line 963, in move_wheel_files
      isolated=self.isolated,
    File "/usr/local/lib/python2.7/dist-packages/pip/wheel.py", line 234, in move_wheel_files
      clobber(source, lib_dir, True)
    File "/usr/local/lib/python2.7/dist-packages/pip/wheel.py", line 205, in clobber
      os.makedirs(destdir)
    File "/usr/lib/python2.7/os.py", line 157, in makedirs
      mkdir(name, mode)
  OSError: [Errno 13] Permission denied: '/usr/local/lib/python2.7/dist-packages/boto'

I'm a first time Linux/Ubuntu user.

A: Try running the command as follows:
    sudo pip install boto

A: First you need to install PIP then install boto library
If you want to use boto v2 then use
sudo apt-get install python-pip
pip install boto

If you want to install boto v3 which is latest and more powerful then use below command
pip install boto3

If you are using Python 3 and want to use the latest pip then use below commands
sudo apt-get install python3-pip
pip3 install boto


text:
La Sinfonía nº 6 en La mayor del compositor austríaco Anton Bruckner (1824-1896) es una obra en cuatro movimientos compuesta entre el 24 de septiembre de 1879 y el 3 de septiembre de 1881 y dedicada a su mecenas, el Dr. Anton Van Ölzelt-Newin. Aunque posee muchos rasgos característicos de las sinfonías brucknerianas, difiere también sustancialmente del grueso de su producción. Redlich ha ido más allá y señala la ausencia de huellas del estilo bruckneriano de composición de sinfonías en la Sexta, dado el desconcierto de crítica y público ante la obra.

Según Robert Simpson, aunque no es la más interpretada y ha sido muchas veces considerada como el patito feo de la producción sinfónica de Bruckner, la Sexta no sólo produce una inmediata sensación de rica y expresiva individualidad. Sus temas son excepcionalmente bellos, sus armonías contienen momentos audaces y al mismo tiempo sutiles, su orquestación es la más imaginativa que Bruckner ideó jamás y muestra un dominio tal de las formas clásicas que llegó a impresionar a Brahms.

Contexto histórico
Para la época en que Bruckner emprendió la composición de la Sexta, sólo tres de sus sinfonías habían sido dadas a conocer al público. El reciente estreno de la Tercera fue bastante cercano al desastre, recibiendo una feroz y negativa crítica de Eduard Hanslick, cosa nada sorprendente debido a que en la batalla entre los partidarios de Wagner y de Brahms que tenía lugar entonces en Viena, el crítico capitaneaba a estos últimos.

… sus intenciones artísticas son honestas, a pesar de lo extraño de  su desarrollo. Por lo tanto, en vez de una crítica, deberíamos admitir que no hemos entendido su gigantesca sinfonía. A nuestro criterio, ni ha expresado con claridad sus intenciones poéticas ni tampoco se nos alcanza la coherencia puramente musical de la obra. El compositor… fue recibido con vítores y consolado por un vibrante aplauso de la parte de la audiencia que aguantó hasta el final… El Finale, que excede a todos sus predecesores en extravagancias, sólo pudo ser experimentado hasta sus últimas consecuencias por un pequeño grupo de arriesgados aventureros.
La composición de la Cuarta Sinfonía marcó el inicio de lo que algunos han dado en llamar la Tetralogía Mayor, compuesta por las sinfonías escritas en tonalidades mayores. De hecho, dicha tetralogía ocupó a Bruckner una década entera, dedicándose a escribir obras de gran formato en tonalidades mayores, hecho notable si se advierte que las sinfonías anteriores lo fueron en tonalidades menores. La composición del Quinteto de cuerda y de la Sexta Sinfonía supuso la entrada de Bruckner en un nuevo período composicional dentro de la etapa de la «Tetralogía Mayor». No obstante, la Sexta mantiene unos lazos muy intensos con la Cuarta y la Quinta y se considera como la respuesta reflexiva y humanística a sus dos predecesoras. Tal vez por eso algunos críticos le han encasquetado el sobrenombre de Filosófica.

Rasgos característicos de la composición
Las sinfonías de Bruckner abarcan muy diversas técnicas de composición, pero la que menos variaciones experimentó en el conjunto de su repertorio sinfónico es el singular patrón formal que subyace. De hecho, los cuatro movimientos ampliados deben su factura al tratamiento temático y la estructura de los trabajos del último Beethoven. La única diferencia realmente importante y que rompe el esquema formal respecto de las otras sinfonías es el uso de la forma sonata en el segundo movimiento, en vez de la habitual forma ternaria de grandes proporciones.

Desde el punto de vista temático, existen dos clases de temas en las sinfonías de Bruckner. En primer lugar, los temas claramente definidos en la forma; en segundo lugar, otros temas que operan como motivos, cortos y de un acabado más abierto, como ocurre en la Sexta. Otro rasgo característico de los temas de las sinfonías de Bruckner es la íntima relación entre los movimientos inicial y final, aunque habitualmente en el primer movimiento es donde se enfatiza el contraste temático. Más específicamente, la amplificación de la exposición del primer movimiento se nutre tanto del tema principal como de dos subsidiarios que se desarrollan en este momento; una técnica exclusivamente bruckneriana.

Otras características que encontramos en las sinfonías de Bruckner (y más concretamente en la Sexta) es el exhaustivo tratamiento del acorde de séptima dominante como acorde de sexta alemana en una nueva tonalidad, el uso de cadencias como factor decisivo en atrevidas modulaciones, el uso de pedales de órgano como pivotes armónicos y estructurales, cadenas de secuencias armónicas y, muy visible aquí, uso masivo de motivos rítmicos, especialmente el llamado ritmo bruckneriano: dos negras seguido de un tresillo de negras o a la inversa. Este ritmo domina la mayor parte del tiempo en la Cuarta y es prácticamente inexistente en la Quinta; en la Sexta se convierte en una fuerza impulsora: las complejidades métricas generadas por lo único de su distribución rítmica son más pronunciadas en el primer movimiento de la Sexta que en cualquier otra sinfonía bruckneriana.

Orquestación
La orquestación de la Sexta es la acostumbrada en Bruckner, al margen de algunas peculiaridades técnicas. Como en otras obras sinfónicas, no existen indicaciones de extremo virtuosismo aparente. Más bien al contrario, la orquestación hace gala de una gran sencillez. Bruckner suele alternar las secciones solistas con los tutti y mezcla los instrumentos para crear el tejido musical y mostrar diferentes grupos temáticos.

 2 flautas.
 2 oboes.
 2 clarinetes en la y en si bemol.
 2 fagotes.
 4 trompas en fa.

 3 trompetas en fa.
 3 trombones (alto, tenor y bajo).
 1 tuba.
 timbales.
 cuerdas (violines primeros y segundos, violas, violonchelos y contrabajos).

Análisis temático y formal

I. Majestoso

Bruckner titula este movimiento como «Majestoso», no con el habitual Maestoso, probablemente debido a que lo quiso derivar del latino maiestas, -atis, «poder soberano». El movimiento, claramente en forma sonata, se abre con el característico ritmo bruckneriano en los violines, si bien Bruckner se cuida mucho de mantener la enigmática atmósfera indicando al ejecutante que mantenga el arco sobre el violín, evitando así que el motivo rítmico sea demasiado animado. En ese ambiente misterioso se escucha el intenso tema principal, paráfrasis del tema inicial de la Cuarta, en las cuerdas graves, por debajo del ritmo bruckneriano de los violines.

La tonalidad es La mayor en el momento de oírse el primer tema; no obstante, el misterio se intensifica con la aparición en la línea melódica de notas muy alejadas del reino del La mayor, a saber: sol, si bemol y fa, inflexiones napolitanas que producirán efectos de grandes proporciones más adelante. El tema reaparece en su forma original (compás 25), pero esta vez en fortissimo. Este recurso clásico era muy utilizado por Bruckner al inicio de una sinfonía (Brahms lo utilizó en el Finale de su Cuarta).

El segundo grupo temático es más complicado que el tema principal. El primer tema de este grupo es una confiada melodía en los violines, en la cual Bruckner emplea ritmos mezclados. El segundo tema de este grupo, un motivo muy expresivo y lírico (compás 69), se oye en las maderas primero en Re mayor e inmediatamente en Fa mayor, seguido de la enunciación en Mi mayor, la dominante de la tónica La mayor, con un rico ropaje armónico. El tercer tema de esta sección es una variación de carácter militar del ritmo bruckneriano, a la que siguen una serie de modulaciones que terminan en Mi mayor y preparan la entrada del desarrollo.

El desarrollo es más breve y menos complejo que en otros movimientos sinfónicos brucknerianos. A pesar de ello, juega un papel sustancial en toda la estructura armónica del movimiento. Desde el principio (compás 159) los violines tocan una inversión del tema principal, aunque aquí no aparece el ritmo bruckneriano presente en la exposición. En vez de eso, el desarrollo es impulsado a través del motivo de tresillos que aparecía en el tercer tema de la exposición. Armónicamente, el desarrollo incluye muchas modulaciones, transitando de forma muy abrupta por las tonalidades de Mi bemol mayor a La mayor, lo cual parece anunciar la recapitulación.

El inicio de la recapitulación, de hecho, es un clímax que sirve de puente entre el desarrollo y la recapitulación, siendo esta la primera vez que eso ocurre en toda la literatura sinfónica. Si no fuera por este clímax tendríamos problemas para identificar el momento exacto de la recapitulación como el retorno a la tónica, dado que el retorno a ésta y la reexposición del tema principal no coinciden en el tiempo (de hecho, hay 15 compases de diferencia entre uno y otro evento). De una manera muy bruckneriana, se incluye una completa reexposición de los grupos temáticos y se prepara el escenario para la coda, la cual es considerada por Donald Tovey como uno de los grandes pasajes de Bruckner. En la coda, Bruckner atraviesa todo el espectro tonal, si bien establece claramente el centro tonal en La mayor. La primera frase del tema principal aparece ahora por todas partes, cabalgando sobre el motivo rítmico del principio. El movimiento termina con una exultante afirmación del tema principal y una potente cadencia plagal.

II. Adagio. Sehr feierlich

El segundo movimiento es el único ejemplo de Adagio bruckneriano construido sobre una forma sonata. Simpson llegó incluso a describir el movimiento como la forma sonata lenta más perfectamente escrita desde el adagio de la Sonata Hammerklavier de Beethoven. El movimiento se inicia presentando el tema principal en las cuerdas, una anhelante canción de amor a la que se une (compás 5) un lamento del oboe. Simpson señala que las frecuentes inflexiones napolitanas se amplifican aquí, iniciándose con Si bemol y  Fa en la línea melódica principal, lo cual sitúa el movimiento de forma natural en la tonalidad de Fa mayor pese a que la ambigüedad tonal del inicio sugiere Si bemol menor. Tras un breve pasaje de transición, la música modula a Mi mayor, que marca la introducción del segundo tema, una noble y plácida canción de amor (compás 25).

El tercer tema (compás 53) es propio de una marcha fúnebre. Combina las tonalidades de Do menor y La bemol mayor, provocando un sombrío contraste con la canción de amor precedente. El ritmo de puntillos del inicio del tema recuerda al lamento del oboe al principio del movimiento. Dörnberg describió ese triste giro a La bemol mayor como «la clase de música que Gustav Mahler siempre quiso llegar a escribir, considerando a Bruckner como predecesor de Mahler en este sentido.

Una breve sección de desarrollo incluye modulaciones sobre el primer tema e inversiones del lamento del oboe. Tras ello, Bruckner recapitula los tres temas anteriores (compás 93), aunque con una orquestación diferente: el tema principal, enunciado por el violín, es ahora tocado por la trompa, seguida de las maderas. El segundo tema se recapitula en su integridad en la tónica, seguida por una brevísima reaparición del tercer tema.

Finalmente, una transición sobre un pedal de dominante (muy propia de Bruckner) nos lleva a la Coda. Simpson se refiere a esta delicada y consoladora coda como una de las mejores de Bruckner. En el compás 157 se escucha por última vez el tema principal, finalizando el tema en su tónica, en un estado de «perfecta serenidad».

III. Scherzo. Nicht schnell - Trio. Langsam.

El tercer movimiento, en La menor, presenta diferencias sustanciales con todos los demás Scherzi compuestos por Bruckner: es más lento de lo habitual y la tensión característica que a menudo se asocia a los Scherzi brucknerianos se ve aquí velada y mitigada, aunque tampoco falten momentos de brillantez. A pesar de lo anterior, lo más llamativo es la ausencia de un tema principal impactante; en vez de eso, nos encontramos con el contraste entre tres motivos rítmicos yuxtapuestos desde el principio y unidos a lo largo de casi todo el movimiento. El compás fijado en ¾ se ve invadido por tresillos una vez más, dando la impresión de que en realidad estaríamos ante un compás de 9/8 y creando así una sensación más fuerte de movimiento totalmente deliberada, especialmente para un scherzo.

Existe un cierto grado de ambigüedad armónica durante todo el movimiento, aunque nada comparado con el inicio del primer movimiento. Una de las características más fascinantes de las estructuras armónicas de Bruckner es su rechazo a fijar el acorde de tónica en una posición preeminente durante la mayor parte del movimiento. Los 20 primeros compases descansan, una vez más, sobre un pedal de dominante; y cuando el bajo se mueve hacia la tónica (La), no lo hace a una posición fundamental; en vez de eso, actúa como el bajo de la primera inversión de un acorde de Fa mayor (compás 21).

En el desarrollo, Bruckner añade un nuevo motivo; armónicamente, la sección se centra en los acordes de Re bemol mayor, Sol bemol mayor y Si bemol menor, tonalidades relacionadas entre sí pero totalmente alejadas de la tónica (La menor). Llegamos a la dominante de La menor (compás 75) y comienza la recapitulación, una vez más sobre un pedal de dominante. Finalmente, el evasivo acorde de tónica aparece al final de la recapitulación, llevándonos al Trío en Do mayor.

El lento Trío se presenta como un Ländler, una danza popular austríaca. De acuerdo con Williamson, confirma que hay espacio en la obra de Bruckner para la construcción del color tonal: así, cuando la trompa y el pizzicato de las cuerdas se unen en la misma figura rítmica. De hecho, este diálogo entre el pizzicato de las cuerdas, la trompa y las maderas es fundamental en el tejido musical del Trio entero. Aunque la tonalidad es Do mayor, Bruckner nos coloca otra vez en la ambigüedad tonal, como en los movimientos precedentes. Así, en el compás 5, la cuerda se mueve hacia el Re bemol mayor, mientras que las maderas intentan asentarse en La bemol mayor citando una inversión del tema principal de la Quinta del propio autor, que justamente se halla en la tonalidad de La bemol mayor. El Scherzo vuelve otra vez en su totalidad, completando así una gran estructura ternaria.

IV. Finale. Bewegt, doch nicht zu schnell.

Watson describió el Finale como una enfática y orgánica afirmación del La mayor frente a sus relativos napolitanos. No obstante, este movimiento en forma sonata comienza con un tema en una escala frigia de la menor, el cual, una vez más, acentúa la importancia de las relaciones napolitanas a partir de la obvia presencia de la sexta menor (en este caso Fa natural). Las trompas y trompetas interrumpen con súbitos estallidos en La mayor (compás 22), pero el tema no se deja intimidar; cuatro compases más tarde de la siguiente interrupción, los metales consiguen afianzar la tonalidad de La mayor. Sobre la marcha aparece un tema en Do mayor, seguido aún de un tercer tema (compás 125) que deriva del lamento del oboe del segundo movimiento. Durante el desarrollo, la música atraviesa una variedad de tonalidades mayores: Fa mayor, Mi bemol mayor, Mi mayor, retornando finalmente a la tónica de La mayor (compás 245), considerado como el inicio de la recapitulación.

La coda, una vez más, agrupa un gran cantidad de tonalidades y yuxtapone el primer tema del Finale al  tema principal del primer movimiento. Una poderosa y final afirmación del La mayor se impone, como si apareciera de la nada, probando la maestría de Bruckner  de establecer la tónica sin ningún género de duda y sin la preparación previa que se supone debe anteceder a ella. Este movimiento no tiene (tampoco lo pretende) el vasto efecto del Finale de la Quinta, pero es infinitamente más refinado que el de la Cuarta. Siempre según Watson, la victoria final en la búsqueda de un nuevo e ideal Finale habrá de ser celebrada en la Octava, si bien el desarrollo de la Sexta es ya un hito en esta marcha triunfal.

Recepción crítica y cultural
Las críticas que recibió la Sexta de Bruckner son similares a las recibidas por las sinfonías precedentes. Mientras Bruckner consideraba  la Sexta «su sinfonía más atrevida», el resto del mundo musical no la tenía precisamente en gran estima. Así, en cuanto a su interpretación, cabe hablar de «mala suerte»: la mayoría de los directores de orquesta han ignorado las específicas indicaciones de tempo y han lanzado al cubo de la basura el equilibrio cuidadosamente planificado entre los movimientos. Un crítico de la revista The Musical Times consideró los movimientos interiores de la sinfonía como «defectuosos, pero a pesar de ello suficientemente atractivos» y los extremos como «cargantes».

Pero sin duda, el crítico más feroz de Bruckner fue Eduard Hanslick. Se dijo de él que una vez dijo: «Aquél a quien yo quiero destruir será destruido», y al parecer Bruckner fue un objetivo de primer orden. Tras asistir a la interpretación de los movimientos internos de la Sinfonía, escribió:

Me ha costado mucho esfuerzo llegar a tener una adecuada relación con estas composiciones tan peculiares en las cuales los momentos brillantes, originales e incluso inspirados alternan, con frecuencia sin una conexión reconocible, con apenas comprensibles lugares comunes y torpes parches, todo ello embutido en una exagerada longitud capaz de poner en fuga y dejar sin aliento tanto a ejecutantes como a oyentes.

Hanslick se refiere aquí a la queja más frecuente respecto de la escritura sinfónica de Bruckner: el aparentemente inacabable viaje hacia una conclusión de sus ideas musicales. Dyneley Hussey escribió una crítica de la obra en un número del Musical Times y llegó a la misma conclusión que Hanslick medio siglo antes:

El hábito compositivo más cargante de Bruckner es su forma de dejar en suspenso el discurso musical y repetirlo entonces desde el principio. Uno tiene la impresión de ir atravesando una ciudad llena de semáforos, que se ponen en rojo según nos vamos acercando a cada uno de ellos.::

Las duras críticas que han recibido tanto la Sexta Sinfonía como el resto de su obra pueden ser atribuidas también a la consideración de Bruckner como persona por parte de los críticos. Fue un devoto católico, cuyo fervor religioso a veces provocaba un cierto rechazo en aquellos que se acercaban a él. Franz Schalk comentó que «en una era como aquella de liberalismo moral y espiritual, Bruckner era como una especie de intruso, dado su concepto monacal y medieval de la humanidad y de la vida».

Más allá de los reproches, tanto musicales como de carácter personal que puedan hacérsele, ha habido críticos que han intentado encontrar la belleza en la Sexta Sinfonía. Así, Donald Tovey escribió que si uno elimina no sólo los prejuicios sino también los puntos equivocados de vista, y considera la obra como un tipo de música que no había oído antes, no hay duda de que su gran calidad nos puede sorprender a cada momento. Todavía hay quien se maravilla de la poca frecuencia con que se ejecuta la obra, teniendo en cuenta su carácter luminoso, su tonalidad mayor y su plétora de ternura y de temas memorables para asentar una aceptación universal.

Carl Hruby escribió que Bruckner dijo una vez que si pudiera hablar con Beethoven acerca de las malas críticas, Beethoven le diría: «Mi querido Bruckner, no debe preocuparse lo más mínimo por eso. Tampoco a mí me fue muy bien, y todos esos señores que me usan como un bastón para golpearle todavía no han entendido nada de mis últimos cuartetos, por mucho que lo pretendan». Al decir eso, Bruckner aceptaba las críticas, pero al mismo tiempo mantenía la esperanza de que un día sus composiciones se recibieran con la misma reacción positiva con las que en su tiempo se recibía a las de Beethoven.

Discografía seleccionada
 1963 Joseph Keilberth / Orquesta Filarmónica de Berlín / Teldec
 1964 Otto Klemperer / New Philharmonia Orchestra / EMI
 1966 Eugen Jochum / Orquesta Sinfónica de la Radio de Baviera / Deutsche Grammophon
 1972 Horst Stein / Orquesta Filarmónica de Viena / Decca
 1979 Georg Solti / Orquesta Sinfónica de Chicago / Decca
 1981 Wolfgang Sawallisch / Orquesta Estatal de Baviera / Orfeo
 1988 Eliahu Inbal / Orquesta Sinfónica de la Radio de Fráncfort / Teldec
 1988 Gunter Wand / Orquesta Sinfónica de la NDR / RCA
 1991 Sergiu Celibidache / Orquesta Filarmónica de Múnich / EMI - DVD Sony Classical
 1994 Daniel Barenboim / Orquesta Filarmónica de Berlín / Teldec
 1995 Georg Tintner / Orquesta Sinfónica de Nueva Zelanda / Naxos
 2008 Herbert Blomstedt / Orquesta de la Gewandhaus de Leipzig / Querstand
 2009 Marek Janowski / Orchestre de la Suisse Romande / Pentatone

Referencias

Este artículo fue creado a partir de la traducción del artículo  de la Wikipedia en inglés, bajo la licencia Creative Commons Atribución Compartir Igual 3.0 Unported y la licencia de documentación libre de GNU.

Enlaces externos

 Discografía completa

6
Composiciones de 1881
Composiciones en la mayor

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Last edited by Kowy; Aug 23rd, 2009 at 16:14.
thats just the podcast here is still monthly.
hes the one that played Angel Ace new track that i love. i hope he play today here.
Last edited by Junior; Aug 21st, 2009 at 22:16.
nice voice of Sean Tyas .. .. ..
the 4th tracks is going to be amazing!!!


For those that cant brew our tea in a pot, we have created the Pyramid Infusers. They are designed so your tealeaves have the room to expand and move to produce a great cup of tea. The pyramids are made from a fully biodegradable material.


All That Is Solid is a site-specific art installation consisting of approximately twenty digital alarm clock radios. (depending on the installation space). The radios are arranged into suspended columns of differing heights, and receive transmissions containing individual words cut from the latest global financial news headlines. These words are spoken by a remote synthetic voice and broadcast at randomly generated frequencies via a digitally controlled FM radio transmitter.
This results in a frequency controlled three-dimensional sound diffusion system, where synthetically spoken words randomly jump from one space to the next mixed with interference, static and other disruptions from nearby communications devices and human movement.
It is the indeterminate nature of these disruptions, combined with the persistent reprioritisation of global economic news, that make for a constantly evolving and mutating sonic output. In a Burroughsian sense, it is from this 'cut-up' output where new narratives, possible truths and potential futures can be constructed and exorcised in realtime.
All That Is Solid attempts to explore future and present social experiences of technology and economy.


text:
Hope Community Resources, Inc.
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Hope's History
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Rural Deaf Student Support
The Rural Deaf Student Support (RDSS) program provides housing, transportation and outreach to Deaf and Hard of Hearing students, ages 3-22.
This program is for students from rural areas of Alaska wishing to attend the Alaska State School for Deaf and Hard of Hearing (AKSD) in Anchorage.
What is AKSD?
Alaska State School for Deaf and Hard of Hearing (AKSD) is a comprehensive, child-centered school that serves students in the state of Alaska who are Deaf and Hard of Hearing. The program provides a safe and structured environment for individuals to reach their personal, academic, social, and vocational goals. This program allows preschool through 12th grade students to feel a sense of belonging in a community of people who can understand and cater to their individual needs. Throughout the school year, AKSD students further develop their communication abilities while building higher self-esteem and stronger sense of connection with their community.
Click here to learn more about AKSD.
How does RDSS work?
Each student is connected to a host family with the intent that they will return to the same home each school year. Doing so affords the student continuity and the opportunity to create strong and supportive relationships that benefit all.
Students have the opportunity to:
-Travel with an escort to Anchorage from their home community.
-Stay with a host family during the school year.
-Attend AKSD.
-Return home during winter break and at the end of the school year .
All at no expense to the family
Host families are fluent in American Sign Language (ASL), knowledgeable in both Deaf and Native cultures, and committed to partnership with the students and their parents/families. They meet all State of Alaska foster care requirements, inclusive of supports for the AKSD student's health, safety, recreation, and other needs. Host families also:
-Assist the student in increasing their knowledge of ASL and Deaf culture through active involvement in the community.
-Support the student in connecting with their native culture when applicable.
-Provide a caring family environment for the time that the student is away from their home community.
-Teach daily living skills, help with homework, and ensure that the student has activites outside of school which reflect their interests.
-Actively maintain communication between the student and their parents and family.
Families of AKDS students have the opportunity to:
-Collaborate with the host family and AKSD; and remain an essential influence in the student's life and education.
-Watch the student grow and develop educationally and socially.
-Learn communication skills that lead to a stronger connection to the student.
Rural Deaf Student Support is a program run by Hope Community Resources, funded via a grant provided by the Alaska Department of Education in partnership with the Division of Seniors and Disabilities Services.
Sharon Miranda - Coordinator of Deaf Supports
Videophone: 907-268-4416
Email: deafsupports@hopealaska.org
Jo-Anne Sullivan - Deputy Director of Health and Wellness
Telephone (Voice): 907-433-4778
Natosha Nichols - Administrative & Part-Time Deaf Navigator
Telephone (Voice) : 907-433-1796
540 W. International Airport Rd.
T. 907.561.5335 | 1.800.478.0078
E. info@hopealaska.org
Incorporated in 1968, Hope Community Resources, Inc. provides services and supports throughout Alaska to people who experience intellectual and developmental disabilities, mental health challenges, and complex medical conditions. The agency is nationally accredited by the Council on Accreditation (COA).
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text:
Polsat TV Speeds Up Content Delivery With IBM Cloud's Aspera Technology
Friday, November 11, 2016 - 7:32 am
Telewizja Polsat has selected IBM Aspera to provide a complete set of solutions that will improve the way content is ingested from local producers and global correspondents to their broadcast station. IBM Aspera has replaced using external media, like tapes, hard disks and DVD's and other slow and ineffective methods of transfers.
Telewizja Polsat, established in 1992, is the biggest commercial broadcaster in Poland. The company broadcasts more than 30 channels and belongs to Cyfrowy Polsat Group, the biggest media-and -telecommunications group in Poland. Telewizja Polsat collaborates with 40 Polish production houses and content producers that submit programs, series and movies in a specific HD format for transmission every day. In addition, the broadcaster works closely with global news and sports producers, which also send the latest up-to date reports and announcements from all over the world. One hour of TV content alone usually consists of 25 GB of data, reaching approximately 12 TB of content every month.
Previously, this volume of content was delivered on external media, such as tapes, hard disks and DVDs, or transferred using FTP. However, after deploying a tapeless production and broadcast system several years ago, Telewizja Polsat realized their previous transfer methods were too slow and ineffective, involving too many people carrying out the work manually. In addition, its past transfer methods had become impractical due to the growing size of digital media, as well as additional new locations and signed contracts with new content providers.
That's when Telewizja Polsat started to look for software-based alternatives of delivering digital content in a fast, reliable and secure manner. After an initial evaluation, Telewizja Polsat decided to deploy IBM Aspera technology at the studio's headquarters in Warsaw. Today IBM Aspera provides an integral solution for gathering TV content, enabling high-speed transfer of multi-gigabyte digital assets and real-time collaboration with geographically distributed news and sports correspondents. The intuitive web interface enables new content providers and correspondents to start transferring files immediately without the need to learn a complicated system.
"Our broadcast depends on IBM Aspera every day," says Andrzej Szymański, IT/TV manager at Telewizja Polsat. "Sometimes content comes in within days of a planned broadcast, which previously require a long process of acceptance and control to be performed in a very short time frame. Aspera drastically reduces the time it takes for us to receive the content, shortening the end-to-end workflow and ensuring we can have content ready to go in time for transmission on our channels," adds Andrzej Szymanski.
Based on the patented FASP® high-speed file transport technology, the IBM Aspera solution enables Telewizja Polsat to handle the daily file uploads, ingest and sharing workflows with greater speed, security and efficiency. Aspera Connect Server powers high-speed file transfers from local content producers and global correspondents to Telewizja Polsat, while Aspera's Web-based Console provides a comprehensive management environment for monitoring and prioritizing content transfers.
"Broadcasters like Telewizja Polsat are always striving to deliver the highest quality programming."–says Michelle Munson, CEO and co-founder Aspera. "Faster content acquisition and shorter end-to-end workflows with the IBM Aspera technology allows them to meet their tight production schedules and broadcast news and reports when they are still relevant to their growing audiences".
With IBM Aspera technology, globally dispersed correspondents at Telewizja Polsat in the US, Russia, Germany, Italy, Belgium and around the world, can submit raw and final shots via their mobile devices directly to Polsat for automatic transfer to newsrooms or sports production systems. Aspera's intuitive email-style interface allows individual contributors to quickly upload large video files without requiring any technical expertise. The integrated notifications alert team members when content has been successfully delivered and downloaded.
NFL Playoffs 2022: CBS Sports Rolls Out New Sony F5500 Shallow–Depth-of-Field Camera, TrolleyCam, Live Drone for AFC ChampionshipBehind the Mic: NBC Sports Spreads Super Bowl LVI Talent Over Eight L.A. Locations; Turner Sports Signs Exclusive Deal With Draymond Green


text:
By Mo Houtti on September 2, 2022
The English version of Wikipedia contains over 6.5 million articles… but only 0.09% of them have received Wikipedia's highest quality rating. In other words, there's still a lot of work to be done.
But where to start?
A group of highly experienced Wikipedia editors tried to answer that question. Through extensive discussion and consensus-building, they manually compiled lists of Vital Articles (VA) that should be prioritized for improvement. We analyzed their discussions to try to identify values they brought to the table in making those decisions. We found––among other things––a desire for Wikipedia to be "balanced", including along gender lines. Wikipedia has long been criticized for its gender imbalance, so this was encouraging!
But how is this value reflected in the actual prioritization decisions in the lists of Vital Articles these editors developed?
Not so much.
Figure 4 from our paper shows what would happen if editors were to use Vital Articles to prioritize work on biographies: the proportion of highest quality biographies about women would decrease––from 15.4% to 14.7%. By contrast, using pageviews (which indicate reader interest) to prioritize work would result in an increase in the proportion to 21.4%.
In short, if you want more gender balance, just prioritize what readers happen to read––not what a devoted group of editors painstakingly curated over several years with gender balance as one of the goals in mind. So what gives? Are Wikipedians just pretending to care about gender balance?
As it happens, only 7.5% of VA's participants self-identify as women. For reference, that figure was 12.9% on all of English Wikipedia at the time we collected our data. Prior work gives plenty of evidence to help explain why a heavily male-skewed group of editors might have failed to include enough articles about women despite good intentions. Some of the reasons are quite intuitive too; as one Wikipedian put it, "On one hand, I'm surprised [the Menstruation article] isn't here, but then as one of the x-deficient 90% of editors, I wouldn't have even thought to add it."
The takeaway: when it comes to prioritizing content, skewed demographics might prevent the Wikipedia editor community from fully enacting its own values. However, this effect is not the same for all community values; we find that VA would actually be a great prioritization tool for increasing geographical parity on Wikipedia. As for why? We have some ideas…
But for more on that (and other cool findings from our work), you'll have to check out our research paper on this topic––coming to CSCW 2022! You can find the arXiv preprint here.
By Logan Stapleton on April 29, 2022
I sat in a gray cubicle, next to a social worker deciding whether to investigate a young couple reported for allegedly neglecting their one-year-old child. The social worker read a report aloud from their computer screen: "A family member called yesterday and said they went to the house two days ago at 5pm and it was filthy, sink full of dishes, food on the floor, mom and dad are using cocaine, and they left their son unsupervised in the middle of the day. Their medical and criminal records show they had problems with drugs in the past. But, when we sent someone out to check it out, the house was clean, mom was one-year sober and staying home full-time, and dad was working. But, dad said he was using again recently." The social worker scrolled down past the report and clicked a button; a screen popped up with "Allegheny Family Screening Tool" at the top and a bright red, yellow, and green thermometer in the middle. "The algorithm says it's high risk." The social worker decided to investigate the family.
Image: Allegheny County Department of Human Services
Workers in Allegheny County's Office of Children, Youth, and Families (CYF) have been making decisions about which families to investigate with the Allegheny Family Screening Tool (AFST), a machine learning algorithm which uses county data including demographics, criminal records, public medical records, and past CYF reports to try to predict which families will harm their children. These decisions are high-stakes: An unwarranted Child Protective Services (CPS) investigation can be intrusive and damaging to a family, as any parent of a trans child in Texas could tell you now. Investigations are also racially disparate: Over half of all Black children in the U.S. are subjected to a CPS investigation, twice the proportion for white children. One big reason why Allegheny County CYF started using the AFST in 2016 was to reduce racial biases. In our paper, How Child Welfare Workers Reduce Racial Disparities in Algorithmic Decisions, and its associated Extended Analysis, we find that the AFST gave more racially disparate recommendations than workers. In numbers, if the AFST fully automated the decision-making process, 68% of Black children would've been investigated and only 50% of white children from August 2016 to May 2018, an 18% disparity. The process isn't fully automated though: the AFST gives workers a recommendation, and the workers make the final decision. Over that same time period from 2016 to 2018, workers (using the algorithm) decided to investigate 50% of Black children and 43% of white children, a lesser 7% disparity.
This complicates the current narrative about racial biases and the AFST. A 2019 study found that the disparity between the proportions of Black and white children investigated by Allegheny County CYF fell from 9% before the use of the AFST to 7% after it. Based on this, CYF said that the AFST caused workers to make less racially disparate decisions. Following these early "successes," CPS agencies across the U.S. have started using algorithms just like the AFST. But, how does an algorithm giving more disparate recommendations cause workers to make less disparate decisions?
Last July, my co-authors and I visited workers who use the AFST to ask them this question. We showed them the figure above and explained how the algorithm gave more disparate recommendations and that they reduced those disparities in their final decisions. They weren't surprised. Although the algorithm doesn't use race as a variable, most workers thought the algorithm was racially biased because they thought it uses variables that are correlated with race. Based on their everyday interactions with the algorithm, workers thought it often scored people too high if they had a lot of "system involvement," e.g. past CYF reports, criminal records, or public medical history. One worker said, "if you're poor and you're on welfare, you're gonna score higher than a comparable family who has private insurance." Workers thought this was related to race because Black families often have more system involvement than whites.
The primary way workers thought they reduced racial disparities in the AFST was by counteracting these patterns of over-scoring based on system involvement. A few workers we talked with said they made a conscious effort to reduce systemic racial disparities. Most, however, said reducing disparities was an unintentional side effect of making decisions holistically and contextually: Workers often looked at parents' records to piece together the situation, rather than as an automatic strike against the family. For example, in the report I mentioned at the top of this article, the worker looked at criminal and medical records only to see if there was evidence that the parents abused drugs. The worker said, "somebody who was in prison 10 years ago has nothing to do with what's going on today." Whether they acted intentionally or not, workers were responsible for reducing racial disparities in the AFST.
For a more in-depth discussion, please read our paper, How Child Welfare Workers Reduce Racial Disparities in Algorithmic Decisions, and our Extended Analysis. All numbers in this blog are from the Extended Analysis. The original paper will be presented at CHI 2022. This work was co-authored with Hao-Fei Cheng, Anna Kawakami, Venkatesh Sivaraman, Yanghuidi Cheng, Diana Qing, Adam Perer, Kenneth Holstein, Steven Wu, and Haiyi Zhu. This work was funded by the National Science Foundation. Also see our concurrent work, Improving Human-AI Partnerships in Child Welfare: Understanding Worker Practices, Challenges, and Desires for Algorithmic Decision Support. We recognize all 48,071 of the children and their families on whom the data in our paper was collected and for whom this data reflects potentially consequential interactions with CYF.
By ruoyankong on November 9, 2021
We're at a university where an employee receives 27 bulk emails from the organization (the untargeted and unpersonalized emails sent to a large list of recipients) — each of them contains over 8 messages on average. That means an employee receives over 250 unique pieces of content per week from central units (e.g. president office, provost office) — not from their students and their peers, but from the communicators in central units. By inputting a mailing list and pressing a button, a communicator could send an email to over 20,000 employees (see figure 1).
Figure 1. We found that the burden of being aware was put collectively on recipients.
The current organizational bulk email system is not an effective system. For one, these bulk emails are not free — imagine that each employee spent 2 min reading a bulk email, with average rates, this email will cost 20,000 * 2 min * 0.5 $/min = $20,000 to the university. But of course, this cost isn't paid by the sender, it is absorbed by all the departments where staff work. So the sender thinks the message is free, yet each department and unit has its employees' time taken away bit by bit by these messages.
For another, these bulk emails are not being remembered. Through a survey with 11 real bulk messages sent in the last two weeks and 11 fake bulk messages, we found that the real bulk messages only had about a 22% gain over messages that were not sent to them (38% of the real messages were recognized while 16% of the fake messages were also claimed "seen" on average).
So we carried out a study to examine current practices and experiences of the stakeholders of this system. We conducted artifact walkthroughs with six communicators and nine recipients within our university. We also interviewed two of the managers of those recipients. Specifically, in these artifact walkthroughs, the recipients walk the interviewer through the previous email messages they received; the communicators walk us through the previous email messages they sent out.
We found that:
First, recipients are burdened, they feel the responsibility of awareness was shifted to them by those bulk messages.
Second, naturally, stakeholders have different preferences. The leaders and managers think that employees should know what's going on in the university – however, the employees feel that most of these messages are too high-level to be relevant.
However, on another side, communicators have to send these emails even when they know that their recipients will dislike them — they have their own difficulties.
First, they have clients–organizational leaders–who want everyone to know their messages.
What's more – communicators lack tools, they have very limited tools for targeting/personalizing emails; e.g., they could only target people by job code — however, a general title like program associate tells you nothing about this employee's job content.
Most important, the system appears to work because these emails have good open rates. Open rates are nearly the only metric in the current bulk email tech platform because it is easier to get than end-to-end metrics like recognition rate or reading time. However, most of our recipients read the first line, then close the email — simply because they can't get enough information from the subject line. In other words, we should not confuse a message that people open with one that actually contains content they find useful.
Figure 2. Summarization of our findings.
To summarize, none of the stakeholders has a global view of the system and sees the costs of the current bulk email system to the organization (see figure 2). We're working on a following-up project to provide possible solutions to improve this system.
By Haiwei Ma on October 25, 2021
"I enjoyed writing. Perhaps it was because I hardly heard the sound of my own voice. My written words were my voice, speaking, singing, … I was there on the page" – Jenny Moss
We have a natural desire for expressive writing to hear the voice deep inside ourselves in difficult times. Although previous studies have proven therapeutic effects of expressive writing, most of them studied the activity in controlled labs where the writing was guided by a researcher. We think that therapeutic expressive writing happens spontaneously in the real world as well. We focus on spontaneous expressive writing on CaringBridge, an online platform for people to write and share their or their beloved ones' health journeys and get support. Our goal was developing a computational model to infer whether a post does or does not contain expressive writing in order to help people get more benefit from using online health communities like CaringBridge.
One major challenge we encountered to achieve this goal is that there is no past data on therapeutic expressive writing in the wild. To address this challenge we thought about how we could adapt expressive writing data that was collected in the lab. We looked at 47 past lab studies and what they could tell us about expressive writing. Turns out that the writing that was counted as "expressive" in these studies, shared some common characteristics: it used emotion and cognitive words a lot more than the writing that was not "expressive". We used a clever statistical model (more details in the paper) to look at each CaringBridge post and tell us how much it matched those characteristics. The research team also looked at 200 posts ourselves to see how often our model would come to the same conclusion as the research team as to whether a blog post constituted "expressive writing". We agreed about 67% of the time, so there's obviously a lot of room for improvement (we assume that humans are generally right and that the algorithm needs to improve how well it recognizes these posts).
Despite the limitations of the model, it provides the first ever opportunity to understand how often expressive writing may occur in the wild. We applied our model to the dataset of 13 million CaringBridge journal posts and inferred 22% were expressive and 78% were not expressive. This provides evidence for spontaneous expressive writing in the wild.
To sum up, our paper has three contributions. First, it demonstrates a way to use aggregated empirical data. In cases where no data are available, we could use common characteristics reported in past studies to study the group we are interested in, as we did in the paper. Second, it provides a baseline model to infer expressive writing and to be improved upon. Future research could use more sophisticated features and models by constructing a gold standard dataset or transferring knowledge from a related task that has already been learned. Third, it identifies expressive writing as a potential measure for online health communities. How much an individual engages with spontaneous expressive writing not only reveals their current writing practices, but also reveals the difficult times they are going through. Online health communities can then target their messaging by sending emotional support to those in difficult times and providing writing tips to those who are less expressive so that people can gain the most benefits from their writing.
By abbynewcomb on October 22, 2021
Wikipedia is the online encyclopedia that anyone can edit. However, you probably didn't know that "bots" (software tools) also edit Wikipedia! Human editors ("Wikipedians") work together with bots to keep Wikipedia up to date. However, bots' edits can conflict with each other; some have even written about bot editing wars "raging on Wikipedia's pages"! But is this true? If it were really happening, bot conflict would be a big deal: bots automatically enforce the encylopedia's rules, so identifying bot conflict can help Wikipedians refine editing processes. However, previous researchers have used overly-simple approaches to quantify conflict, ignoring the context of specific bot edits. To understand what bots were actually doing, we conducted a qualitative analysis of the context in which bots make edits. We found no evidence of bot conflict, though we did find some malfunctioning bots.
We are Abby Newcomb (St. Olaf College) and Sokona Mangane (Bates College), participants in the University of Minnesota's 2021 Computer Science REU. In this blog post, we're going to talk about the editing patterns of four bots on Wikipedia: AvicBot, Cyberbot I, RonBot, and AnomieBOT. Using these bots as a case study, we will show that what may appear to be conflict is routine and expected when examined in context.
How do bots edit Wikipedia?
Bots are automated or semi-automated software agents programmed to carry out various tasks. According to the Wikipedia page Wikipedia:Bots, bots carry out tasks that are "repetitive and mundane" in order to maintain the encyclopedia. Bots adhere to the Wikipedia bot policy and are approved by human editors in the Bot Approvals Group before they are allowed to edit any Wikipedia pages. Most bots do not make edits on actual encyclopedia articles, but take care of housekeeping tasks necessary to keep the encyclopedia running.
Each time a user (human or bot) makes a change to a Wikipedia page, other users have the option to undo that change. An edit undoing or reversing the edits of another user, partially or completely, is called a revert. This type of interaction between users is interesting because the revert could indicate conflict: a disagreement over what's included on a page. However, the original edit could have been a mistake, the original edit could be a temporary one meant to be reverted later, or Wikipedia practices could have changed and rendered the original edit unnecessary. Determining if a revert actually indicates conflict can be difficult.1
Bot-bot reverts—when a bot edit is reverted by another bot—are common on Wikipedia. A number of routine processes that bots do demand that they revert each other's edits.2 However, the research paper "Even Good Bots Fight" by Tsvetkova et al. considers reverts to be a strong indicator of conflict. Their study concluded that the many cases of bots reverting each other indicates Wikipedia's lack of control over its bots and led to media coverage of raging bot wars. Geiger and Halfaker's replication study critiqued the association of bot reverts as necessarily indicating bot conflict. Through a mixed-methods approach, they argue that bot-bot reverts are primarily routine work, with the vast majority of bots acting as intended and in collaboration with each other. We build on their research by inspecting how four of the most prolific bots use reverts to interact with both bot and human editors. By studying these bots and their reverted edits, we also found that reverts didn't indicate conflict, which indicates the importance of looking at reverts in context.
To conduct our analysis, we looked at edits made to English Wikipedia in the first three weeks of January 2019. We looked at a random sample of 10 edits for each bot, using our conclusions and other summary figures to choose samples for further analysis.3 In our study, we considered a revert to be any edit that causes the page to be an exact match of a previous version of the page within 24 hours. Thus we only look at reverts that completely remove the content of the original edit. By this definition, multiple edits can be undone by a single revert; in fact, 71% of reverts undo multiple edits at once. We define a self-revert as a revert where the original edit and the reverting edit were made by the same user. In the next four sections, we'll dive into four different bots as case studies to understand whether bots' reverts indicate conflict.
One of the bots that we looked at extensively is AvicBot, which is among the top 5 self-reverters. AvicBot is run by the user Avicennasis and has been operating since 2011.4 The bot has not made an edit since June 26, 2020 and was officially marked inactive on April 20, 2021. AvicBot performed a total of 11 tasks, including but not limited to: maintaining interwiki links, fixing redirects, tagging certain pages, maintaining a list of certain categories and more. Based on our analysis, AvicBot appears to be primarily a "listifying" bot because it maintains several tracking categories.5
AvicBot reverts itself while doing its routine listifying work. For example, when we look at this revision and its corresponding revert, the edit summary indicates that the revision is creating a list from a category of pages flagged for deletion. Another user was added to the page and 45 minutes later, after several intervening edits, the revision that reverted the original edit removed 4 entries, including the one added during the original edit. As we can see here, multiple of AvicBot's edits were undone by a single revert. The bot is self-reverting here to periodically update the category its tracking!
As many of AvicBot's tasks involve maintaining tracking categories, we can infer that most of AvicBot's edits will probably look similar to the edits we looked at. All of AvicBot's reverted edits are self-reverts, because it's constantly updating several categories and reverting its own revisions. Thus we have concluded that the vast majority of AvicBot's self-reverts are routine work and do not indicate conflict
Cyberbot I
Cyberbot I has the highest percentage of reverted edits of the 4 bots, with 13% reverted edits. Cyberbot has been running since April of 20126 and remains active as of July 2021. The bot is maintained and operated by Wikipedia user Cyberpower678.7 Based on our data, Cyberbot I's primary task appears to focus on updating various tables of statistics to keep Wikipedians updated of activity on the encyclopedia.8
97% of Cyberbot I's edits are self-reverted: why? To find out, we selected at random 20 self-reverted edits. 18 of those edits were on the Cyberpower678/Tally page, which Cyberbot I appears to use to keep track of the current number of votes in RfA and RfB discussions, though the purpose of the page is not clearly stated. The edits present as reverts because the bot seems to repeatedly delete its own content from the page, then add the same content again. The other 2 edits in the self-reverted sample were on the RfX Report page, where Cyberbot I also deletes its own content just to add it again seconds later in order to update the page. These edits are not problematic because the bot appears to be doing its job and functioning as-intended. Not all of Cyberbot I's reverted edits are due to self-reverts: 26 edits were reverted by humans. The vast majority of these edits did not seem problematic and were often related to Cyberbot's Sandbox cleaning task.9
Out of all Cyberbot I's edits, we found 7 edits that are possibly problematic, either as malfunctions of the bot or disagreements over what the bot should be doing. The first problematic edit occurred when Cyberbot I updated a user's admin stats but the edit count went down instead of up, which is impossible. This edit appeared to go unnoticed for the 24 hours it was visible. Cyberbot I also added an Articles for Deletion template to an article whose discussion had already closed, which was reverted by a human an hour later. The bot also deleted all content on the Changing username/Simple pagetwice, which was reverted by a human in about 2 hours each time. In a problematic sequence of 6 edits on the Template:RfX tally page, human users attempt to change the page and are reverted by the bot each time, reverting Cyberbot I in turn until a human moves the page to circumvent the bot. Overall, these represent the only instances of potential conflict we identified involving Cyberbot I; the vast majority of its edits are productive contributions.
RonBot
RonBot was frequently reverted by humans in our sample, coming in 3rd place in the list of bots most reverted by humans with 429 edits being reverted. It was run by Ronhjones. Due to the passing of its operator, the bot was recently deactivated and retired. We wanted to understand why RonBot was reverted by humans so often.
When we looked at 20 random edits reverted by humans, we found that 90% of these edits appeared to be caused by a malfunction of the bot. It appears that RonBot was adding articles to the "American footballers with no declared position" maintenance category10. However, users noticed that most of these footballers already had a position category listed in their articles, so these edits were reverted. We can see from the figure below that RonBot made the most edits on January 7, 87% of which were reverted. Of the 87% reverted edits, 20% of those were done by humans. Based on our qualitative analysis, it's clear that RonBot was malfunctioning.
When a bot malfunctions, non-admin users can report them on this page. Users did report the bot's malfunction, requesting that it be blocked or deactivated temporarily until the issue was resolved. About 2-3 days later, Ronhjones seemed to be working on repairing the bot. When we looked at another random sample of RonBot's edits, the bot was removing this category11 from multiple pages (a number of which have been added on January 7th or months before) and fixing edits made from its malfunction, on January 8th, 16th, 19th. As we can see on the graph, after January 7th, these three dates have the highest number of total edits per day. These edits weren't considered self-reverts, as one can see from the graph, because RonBot reverted them after 24 hours. In this special case, reverts were crucial to identifying this malfunctioning bot, and indicated malfunction rather than conflict. We suggest that a clearer reporting mechanism may be useful for improving bot governance.
AnomieBOT
AnomieBOT12 ranked 3rd on the list of bots frequently reverted by humans, so for this bot we primarily looked at article edits reverted by a human in order to understand the cause of these reverts. AnomieBOT has been editing Wikipedia since 2008 and is still active as of July 2021, operated by the user Anomie.
In a sample of 20 edits in the article namespace that were reverted by humans, we came across examples of 3 distinct tasks, as defined by the bot's edit summary: dating maintenance tags,13 rescuing orphaned references,14 and fixing reference errors.15 None of these tasks are controversial in any way, since they are all routine maintenance. So why are these edits being reverted?
We consider at least 75% of these reverts to be caused by human conflict or human error. The sequence of events often starts with a human making an edit that others don't like, perhaps adding incorrect or poorly formatted information. The bot then does its job and tries to help this first human by fixing some of the reference errors or adding a date to a maintenance tag. Later, a second human editor comes along and sees the mess created by the first human, and chooses to revert that human's edit along with AnomieBOT's edit. The fault lies with the first human: the bot's edit is irrelevant to the human's decision to revert. Thus, AnomieBOT is frequently reverted along with other edits made by humans because a human made a controversial edit and AnomieBOT was just caught in the crossfire of a human disagreement.
In the article namespace, 93% of AnomieBOT's edits reverted by humans were reverted at the same time as a human edit. Because of this statistic and our qualitative observations, we believe that AnomieBOT is frequently reverted not because of conflict between the bot and humans, but because of conflict between humans and other humans. AnomieBOT is not in conflict with any other users.
In this blog post, we showed that reverts generally don't indicate bot conflict. AvicBot and Cyberbot I both reveal that routine operation can involve self-reverting. RonBot was malfunctioning, which most people wouldn't consider to be conflict. AnomieBOT reveals that just because a bot is being reverted doesn't mean it's involved in conflict; it may just be getting in the way of two human editors' conflicts! Our research suggests that people attempting to quantify bot conflict need to develop more sophisticated methods than just counting reverts.
This research would not have been possible without the help of our mentors: Professor Loren Terveen and soon-to-be-PhD Zachary Levonian in the GroupLens Lab at the University of Minnesota. This work was also presented at the UMN Virtual Poster Symposium. Code for this work is available on GitHub.
When reverting another user, most human editors will leave an edit summary to indicate why they made the change. An edit summary is a short explanation of an edit that is visible in the article's edit history, shown in the top panel of the image below. Bots are also required by the bot policy to leave descriptive edit summaries, but their edit summaries are pre-programmed in their code. Thus if the bot is malfunctioning, the edit summary may not match what they're actually doing.
For example, DatBot reports users who break community guidelines. Meanwhile, HBC AIV helperbot 5 checks if reported users have been blocked, and if they are, the bot removes the entry. Hence, reverting DatBot's edits is a part of HBC AIV helperbot5's job.
For more information on our sample, we have provided summary information here.
For more info, check out its timeline of Requests for Approval
A tracking category is used to make and maintain lists of pages. For a more in-depth description of AvicBot's tasks, check out its user page.
For more information on Cyberbot's approvals, look at the Cyberbot Timeline of Requests for Approval.
Cyberpower678 also operates a second bot, Cyberbot II. It appears that all of the code and tasks of Cyberbot I belonged to other bots previously, based on the bot's approvals and user page, though the operator has rewritten and maintained the code.
For example, Cyberbot I updates a separate Adminstats page for any user who requests these statistics. Other examples of tables maintained by the bot are the RfX Report page, which tracks any current discussions about requests for adminship or bureaucrat status, and the Requests for Unblock table, which keeps track of Wikipedians who would like to be unblocked from editing. In addition to maintaining these statistics pages, Cyberbot I clears various sandbox pages, which provide a space for users to experiment with editing tools without damaging Wikipedia articles; maintains several discussion pages, including Articles for Deletion and Changing username/Simple; and creates the current events page featured on the Wikipedia Main Page every day. Many more tasks are listed on Cyberbot I's user page.
The Sandbox functions as a sort of whiteboard, where Wikipedians can test out their editing skills as they wish. Later, a bot will come wipe the whiteboard clean so that the next person arrives to a clear editing space. Some Wikipedians like to keep their content in the Sandbox for a while though, so will revert Cyberbot to restore their content to the Sandbox.
A maintenance category is specifically used so that Wikipedia contributors know that a given article needs some kind of maintenance. These categories are not visible in the article page, but must be included on the source code of each article. The "American footballers with no declared position" category is presumably used so that contributors will come to the article and add it to a position category, such as "Association football forwards."
The "American footballers with no declared position" category
This bot operates out of 5 different accounts, each with various privileges and edit spaces, but our analysis was focused on the main AnomieBOT account.
Also called maintenance templates, these tags allow editors to leave messages for others about problems with a given article. The tags can be dated so that editors know how long they have been on the page. An old tag may be deleted if it becomes out of date or no longer relevant to the article. AnomieBOT adds dates to these maintenance tags so that humans know when they were added to the article.
The Wikitext language used to write Wikipedia articles requires the use of a reference template in order to cite information. References can be named so that they can be used multiple times in a document without having to copy the source information multiple times. An orphaned reference is a reference which has a name, but no accompanying reference information in the article. AnomieBOT attempts to recover information about the reference from the page history and add it to the article.
Similar to rescuing orphaned references, reference errors are often caused by issues with the reference template required by Wikitext, the language used to write Wikipedia articles. When a human makes a reference error, AnomieBOT recognizes these errors and attempts to fix them so that the article has fewer problems.


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Crime News Politics
Commissioner Tactically Confirms Jonathan's Words On Kano 2015 Massive Electoral Rigging
February 23, 2018 Greg Abolo	0 Comments	Minkaila Abdullahi
Information Commissioner, Garba Mohammed of Kano state confirms that Kano state used under-aged children to get the eye popping 1.8 million votes in 2015 for President Buhari.
Kano State Commissioner for Information, Mohammed Garba may well be regretting the garbage that suddenly spilled out of his mouth which ought to have been a closely guarded secret in the north western state where violence can erupt easily and thousands die, without provocation.
All in a bid to absolve itself of allegations on electoral misconduct, the Kano state government hurriedly confirmed what former President Goodluck Jonathan was quoted to have said:
"Go and check the results from Kano. The presidential election and that of the National Assembly happened on the same day and same time. The national assembly result reflected that about 800,000 people voted but that of the presidential election reflected a vote of about 1.8 million."
At a workshop organised by the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Kano on Monday, Mohammed Garba, commissioner for information, said videos and pictures of underage voters released recently were captured during the 2015 election, and not in the February 10 local government election as was being insinuated.
The images went viral on social media immediately after the local government election, which was solely won by the All Progressives Congress (APC). The opposition had demanded a cancellation of the exercise, alleging irregularities.
But Garba said antagonists of the government were only raising a false alarm.
"The video that went viral in social media contained scenes where INEC card readers were deployed; and nothing of such was used in the last council poll in Kano — we did not use card readers, and there was no event of under-age voting during the 10 February council poll in Kano state," he said.
"It was recorded during the last 30 March 2015 election… some mischievous persons are behind the spreading of the clips… that incident happened in 2015."
The kid voters incident happened in 2015, Garba Mohammed says.
INEC SAID IT HAD NO CONTROL BUT WHY DID IT LATER SET UP A PANEL?
When the news first broke, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) distanced itself, blaming it on the Kano State Independent Electoral Commission (KANSIEC).
"The commission wishes to inform the public that the images do not relate in any way to any election organised, conducted or superintended by INEC," Oluwole Uzzi, INEC's director, voter education and publicity, had said in a statement.
"As far as the commission can ascertain, they relate to a local government election conducted at the weekend, and over which we have no legal control or responsibility whatsoever. While the commission is charged with conducting elections at the state and national level, state electoral commissions are responsible for conducting the elections on the local government level."
One week after that statement was issued, INEC set up a panel to probe the allegations, to which the state electoral commission responded by saying it would be vindicated.
THREAT TO LIFE OVER UNDERAGE VOTING
The issue of underage voting has been a challenge that we have been dealing with for a long time. In a recent interview with Punch, Lai Olurode, ex-national commissioner of INEC, narrated how declining underage voters almost cost him his life.
Olurode said community leaders presented a prepared list of children to INEC official and that he was opposed to it.
"I had to run for my life at one of the election centres in a part of the country because these people said children must vote or there would be no election at all. It is that bad," Olurode had said.
Prof. Lai Olurode had to run for his life because Kano stakeholders demanded that their kids must be registered or…
"When you see community leaders coming to meet you with a prepared list of children to be registered and you refuse, you come under threat. The APC government has a responsibility to deliver an election that will be better than that of 2015."
PDP RAISED THE ALARM
In 2015, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) raised the alarm on underage voting in some northern states but the APC asked Nigerians to ignore its opponent.
Uche Secondus, then deputy chairman of the PDP, had asked INEC to cancel the election results in seven states -Kano, Jigawa, Kaduna, Gombe, Bauchi, Katsina, Kogi – alleging that underage participated in the exercise.
"In Kano and some of these states in the north, majority of voters were under-aged. Voting also took place in the night and you know that in the night, rigging can take place. We have compiled our reports from Kano state chapter," Secondus had said.
Accepting Secondus' suggestion would have been disastrous as those states were the stronghold of the PDP opponent — President Muhammadu Buhari got 1,903,999 votes, his highest from Kano but there were genuine fears which ought to have been addressed by INEC.
MYSTERIOUS DEATH OF INEC REC
A lot of things appeared not to have added up in that state. Just as allegations of rigging were making the rounds, reports filtered in that Minkaila Abdullahi, the resident electoral commissioner in the state, had died in a mysterious fire accident. Abdullahi died alongside his wife and two children, following an outbreak of fire at his official residence on Kashim Road, Nassarawa GRA in Kano. Up till date, the police have not made public their findings on the strange incident.
← Buhari Restates Commitment To Niger Delta Region, Receives Ogiame Ikenwoli
Ekiti Guber: Council Boss Wins Over Factional Leader For Prof. Olusola With Surprise Visit →
Lift For Maritime Sector In Kenya And Djibouti After Fall In Piracy
'Shifting Things, Producing Miracles': Inspirational Story To Give You Tears Of Joy
May 22, 2019 May 22, 2019 Greg Abolo	0
Ramaphosa's Famous Negotiating Skills Have Failed Him. Here's Why
January 25, 2020 January 25, 2020 Greg Abolo	0


The 7th fight of the night was the Clash of the Titans. Chris Thompson, 6'3" and 219lbs with a record of 4-0, against Trent Austin 6'8" and 258lbs with a record of 3-0.
Thompson quickly got Austin up on the ropes to start round one. You could feel the arean quake as the two giants used the entire ring to maneuver and plan their attacks. Thompson landed a couple body shots up against the ropes and Austin landed some thundering knees, kicks and right hooks as the first round came to an adrenaline packed end. In Round 2 these massive fighters came out to rumble again as they found themselves against the ropes with Thompson landing a nice hook with ten seconds to go in the round. Round 3 was no disappointment as the fighters went toe to toe, but Thompson was just never able to overcome the first round dominated by Austin. The winner was Trent Austin by unanimous decision and he celebrated by letting his inner Cam Newton shine with a dab to the cheering crowd.


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Home / INTERNATIONAL / Great Britain / BBF LANDS SLICE OF FUNDING
BBF LANDS SLICE OF FUNDING
UK Sport has released further ring-fenced funding for British Basketball to help support Great Britain's forthcoming international schedule.
In May this year, the Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport confirmed that £500,000 additional new funding would be routed to the British Basketball Federation through UK Sport. An initial investment of £195,000 was provided to British Basketball at the time to ensure GB athletes could compete at important World Cup qualifying games in June and July.
Despite unease at the internal politicking that has seen the three home nations engineer a takeover of the BBF, further funding of £110,570 has now been released to enable the GB basketball teams to compete in two senior women's and two senior men's matches in November 2018 and February 2019.
However, the new powers-that-be have been put on notice that they must draft a sustainable model for British basketball moving forwards.
A further instalment of £102,186 will be released in November if British Basketball can demonstrate conditions including a clear commercial plan, a sustainable financial forecast and demonstrating the impact GB teams can have in supporting the wider government sport strategy.
Liz Nicholl, chief executive of UK Sport, said: "At the request of Government, UK Sport has worked to support British Basketball in finding a solution to enable GB athletes to compete. It is important that British Basketball continues to work to demonstrate it can deliver on its financial, governance and inspirational impact commitments."
Of the £500,000 funding ring-fenced for British Basketball, a total of £92,224 will remain available to the sport subject to final conditions being met and agreed with UK Sport. Last week, the home nations confirmed a U-turn on scrapping the GB Under-20 squads but will now need to find the extra cash to finance their European Championship programmes.
"We are pleased to receive this additional funding to support GB basketball," Maurice Watkins, chair of British Basketball Federation, said. "We know that basketball changes lives and enhances communities, and we know from our partners in England, Scotland and Wales just how much basketball is growing in popularity, and what it means to people of all ages.
"This additional financial injection will help us to continue to develop the impact of our sport on people and communities across the country, while allowing our best athletes to continue competing at the highest level. One immediate focus is on our GB women's squad and their crucial game in Manchester against Greece next month as they attempt to qualify for the 2019 Women's EuroBasket Tournament. We would encourage the basketball community to get behind the team and show their support."
← Previous Story UNDER-20 U-TURN FOR GB TEAMS
Next Story → STEWART BACK ON FLOOR AS GB CHASE EURO STAGE


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October is here! This is one of my favorite months out of the year. I just love everything about holiday time. October is filled with cooler weather, festivals, pumpkin patches, and hot coffee!
My boys of course are super excited for Halloween. I will get them to love the other stuff eventually. ;). I am excited to share a new blog post with you today that is something different than I normally share. After sharing a few small pictures on my Instagram stories of my fall decor, some VERY kind and sweet friends asked if I would blog about it, and encouraged me to actually post it!
The thing about Instagram stories is it lasts for 24 hours so it's not a big commitment. Does that make sense? So if I put it on stories, some people see it, some don't. And it disappears in 24 hours. So, if it was hideous at least its gone! 😉 BUT posting it, well that is more permanent and a lot harder to do. Especially when you are me and you move your decor 10x a day and constantly ask a bestie….."What do you think?" :).
So, with that being said, I wanted to start small and share a little easy fall decor with you. One thing I do love to decorate is my dining table for the holidays. My dough bowl has been a favorite investment for awhile now. It was a find at Round Top. Round Top is a large antique market in Round Top, Texas!
This blog post is all about filling your own dough bowl for fall! I love that their are no limits and you can add as much as you would like to your bowl!
Click here to read this blog post in your browser.
Putting together a dough bowl, basket or any type of large centerpiece doesn't have to be stressful. I love having something larger on my dining table. #1 My kids don't mess with it because its too high up. #2 It makes a statement in the room, so I don't have to worry about table settings or having multiple items on the table. #3 They are so fun to change out with the season.
Our dining table can easily seat 10 people, so having something larger on our table was needed. After finding the right size dough bowl, filling it was the fun part. Fall is my favorite! These are a few easy inexpensive steps that can help make your dough bowl or centerpiece complete!
What's In My Fall Dough Bowl!
Greenery– greenery -Try to find some greenery that can be used year round, something that doesn't really go with a particular season, so if you have to invest a little you are getting your monies worth! Also check Hobby Lobby, Home Goods, or your local craft store, sometimes you can get lucky and score some on sale. **I scooped mine up at a wholesale store when we were building our home. I did find this set at Target and they are only $25.
Plastic white pumpkins– Ok, so if you have noticed orange pumpkins are cheaper than white. And sometimes the white plastic pumpkins can look yellow. I found some orange pumpkins that I really liked at Hobby Lobby and bought the cheapest "white" craft paint and got busy painting them. I am so happy how they turned out and it didn't cost much at all.
Gingham pumpkins– I spotted my 3 larger gingham pumpkins at Hobby Lobby when they had a 40% off sale. If you remember my Amazon post awhile back, I purchased these gingham pillow covers for my couch, so when I saw the gingham pumpkins I scooped up 3 of them to add to the bowl.
Plush velvet pumpkins– Can we say DOLLAR SPOT Target! I was impressed #1 that Target had these in the dollar spot and #2 that I actually got them. I am always late to the party on the dollar spot.
Horns– obviously not everyone likes horns, but adding something with a different shape to give your bowl dimension and added texture is a good idea. I didn't want everything in my bowl to be round, so horns work really well in my bowl. If you don't like horns, you could try something like cotton stems, tree branches, or sticks with fall flowers on them.
Lightening- I scooped this strand of pinecone lights up on the clearance rack years ago. I actually had two, but they are way too delicate to be in a house with three boys. So, they lay in the dough bowl 3 months out of the year and no one touches them. You can find strand lightening with a battery operated pack that you can easily slip into a bowl or basket to add lightening.
I hope you enjoyed this post as much as I did! What is your favorite type of centerpiece? Any tips or rules you follow to make a great piece?
I hope this post was helpful and inspires you to fill a bowl, basket or make your own creation this fall. Happy Decorating!