Draft Order laid before Parliament under section 94 of the Local Transport Act 2008 and section 117 of the Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Act 2009, for approval by resolution of each House of Parliament.
This Order is made in exercise of the powers conferred by sections 91 and 93 of the Local Transport Act 2008(1) and sections 103 to 105 and 114 to 116 of the Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Act 2009(2).
(d)economic conditions in that area.
The Secretary of State is satisfied that the area to which this Order relates meets the conditions set out in section 103 of the Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Act 2009.
(d)such other persons as the Secretary of State considered appropriate.
The councils for the metropolitan districts whose areas are comprised in the Greater Manchester integrated transport area have consented to the making of this Order.
In making this Order, the Secretary of State has had regard to the need to reflect the identities and interests of local communities, and to secure effective and convenient local government.
A draft of this instrument has been approved by a resolution of each House of Parliament pursuant to section 94 of the Local Transport Act 2008 and section 117 of the Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Act 2009.
1. This Order may be cited as the Greater Manchester Combined Authority Order 2011 and shall come into force on 1st April 2011.
"the ITA" means the Greater Manchester Integrated Transport Authority(3).
3.—(1) There is established a combined authority for the combined area.
(2) The combined authority is to be a body corporate and to be known as the Greater Manchester Combined Authority ("the GMCA").
(3) The functions of the GMCA are those functions conferred or imposed upon it by this Order or by any other enactment (whenever passed or made), or as may be delegated to it by this Order or any other enactment (whenever passed or made).
4. Schedule 1 (which makes provision about the constitution of the GMCA) has effect.
5.—(1) The constituent councils must meet the costs of the GMCA reasonably attributable to the exercise of its functions relating to economic development and regeneration.
(2) The amount payable by each of the constituent councils is to be determined by apportioning the costs of the GMCA referred to in paragraph (1) between the constituent councils in such proportions as they may agree or, in default of such agreement, in proportion to the total resident population at the relevant date of the area of each council concerned as estimated by the Registrar General.
(3) For the purposes of paragraph (2) the relevant date in relation to a payment for a financial year is 30th June in the financial year which commenced two years previously.
6.—(1) The Greater Manchester integrated transport area is dissolved and the ITA is abolished.
are transferred to the GMCA.
7.—(1) This article has effect in consequence of article 6.
is to be treated as including a reference to the combined area.
is to be treated as including a reference to the GMCA.
(4) Schedule 2 (which amends section 9 of the Transport Act 1968 in consequence of article 6) has effect, but this does not affect the generality of paragraphs (2) and (3).
(c)under section 2 of the Road Traffic Reduction Act 1997(6) (duty of principal councils to make reports).
(2) In consequence of subparagraphs (a) and (b) of paragraph (1) the GMCA, in the discharge of the functions delegated to it by those provisions, is to be treated as a highway authority for the purposes of sections 62 and 278 of the Highways Act 1980(7).
(3) In this article "traffic light signal" means a traffic sign of the size, colour and type prescribed by regulation 33, 34, 37, 39, 41, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49 or 52 of the Traffic Signs Regulations 2002(8) or another traffic sign of a like nature prescribed by those Regulations as from time to time amended or by any regulations for the time being replacing those Regulations.
(4) The costs incurred by the GMCA in discharging the functions delegated to it by this article shall, except so far as the constituent councils agree otherwise, be defrayed by the GMCA.
(5) The costs so defrayed shall, for the purposes of section 74(10) of the Local Government Finance Act 1988(9), fall to be treated as expenses attributable to the exercise of the GMCA's functions relating to transport.
(6) The functions delegated by paragraph (1) are not exercisable by the constituent councils either concurrently or instead of the GMCA, except so far as the GMCA sub-delegates any such function back to a constituent council.
(7) In the application of section 101 of the Local Government Act 1972(10) (arrangements for the discharge of functions) to the GMCA the functions delegated to the GMCA by paragraph (1) are to be treated as if they were functions of the GMCA.
9.—(1) In this article "the Executive" means the Greater Manchester Passenger Transport Executive established by the South East Lancashire and North East Cheshire Passenger Transport Area (Designation) Order 1969(11).
(2) The Executive is to be an executive body of the GMCA for the purposes of Part 5 of the Local Transport Act 2008 and Part 6 of the 2009 Act and is to be known as "Transport for Greater Manchester".
(3) In the application of section 101 of the Local Government Act 1972 (arrangements for the discharge of functions) to the GMCA the Executive is to be treated as if it were an officer of the GMCA.
the Executive is to be treated as if it were an officer of the GMCA for the purposes of section 101 of the Act of 1972 and for the purposes of those Regulations.
(5) The Executive has power to discharge any function which is the subject of arrangements entered into with it by virtue of paragraph (3) or (4).
10.—(1) The functions of the constituent councils set out in Schedule 3 to this Order are exercisable by the GMCA in relation to its area.
(b)section 222 of the Local Government Act 1972 (the power to instigate and defend legal proceedings).
12.—(1) The GMCA shall have the power to exercise any of the functions described in subsection (1)(a) and (b) of section 88 of the Local Government Act 1985(15) (research and collection of information) whether or not a scheme is made under that section.
(2) For the purposes of paragraph (1) of this article, paragraphs (a) and (b) of section 88(1) of the Local Government Act 1985 shall have effect as if a reference to "that area" were a reference to the combined area.
"(4A) A person who is a member of a committee falling within paragraph (ea) of subsection (4) or a sub-committee appointed by such a committee shall for all purposes be treated as a non-voting member of that committee or sub-committee unless he is a member of one of the constituent councils as defined by article 2 of the Greater Manchester Combined Authority Order 2011.".
14. The Apprenticeships, Skills, Children and Learning Act 2009(17) shall have effect as if the GMCA were a local authority for the purposes of section 61(1)(c) and section 84(2).
15.—(1) The GMCA is to become a member of the Commission for the New Economy Limited and Manchester Investment and Development Agency Service Limited, companies limited by guarantee and registered in England with company numbers 05678007 and 3323710.
(2) The constituent councils are to cease to be members of those companies.
Scheme for transfer of property etc.
16.—(1) Each constituent council must make a scheme for the transfer of its property, rights and liabilities to the GMCA or to the Executive, or to the GMCA and the Executive, as soon as reasonably practicable.
(2) The property, rights and liabilities that are to be the subject of the scheme are those relating to the transport functions of each constituent council delegated to the GMCA by article 8 of this Order.
(3) Any transfers by the scheme are to take effect on such date as may be specified in the scheme.
(4) The requirement in paragraph (1) may be fulfilled by a scheme or schemes made jointly by two or more of the constituent councils.
affects the validity of anything done by or in relation to the ITA or the constituent council before the date on which the transfer or delegation takes effect.
(b)is in process of being done by or in relation to the ITA or constituent council immediately before the transfer or delegation takes effect.
has effect as if made or done by or in relation to the GMCA or the Executive.
(b)are made or commenced before the transfer or delegation takes effect.
(5) A reference in this article to anything made or done by or in relation to the ITA or a constituent council includes a reference to anything which by virtue of any enactment is to be treated as having been made or done by or in relation to the ITA or constituent council.
(6) Without prejudice to the generality of this article a levy issued by the ITA under section 74 of the Local Government Finance Act 1988(18) and in accordance with the Transport Levying Bodies Regulations 1992(19) to the constituent councils in respect of the financial year beginning 1st April 2011 is to have effect for that year as if it had been so issued by the GMCA.
1.—(1) Each constituent council is to appoint one of its elected members to be a member of the GMCA.
(2) Each constituent council is to appoint another of its elected members to act as a member of the GMCA in the absence of the member appointed under sub-paragraph (1) ("the substitute member").
(3) A person ceases to be a member or substitute member of the GMCA if they cease to be a member of the constituent council that appointed them.
(4) A person may resign as a member or substitute member of the GMCA by written notice served on the proper officer of the constituent council that appointed them and the resignation shall take effect on receipt of the notice by the proper officer.
(5) Where a member or substitute member's appointment ceases by virtue of sub-paragraph (3) or (4) the constituent council that made the appointment must, as soon as practicable, give written notice of that fact to the GMCA and appoint another of its elected members in that person's place.
(6) A constituent council may at any time terminate the appointment of a member or substitute member appointed by it to the GMCA and appoint another of its elected members in that person's place.
(7) Where a constituent council exercises its power under sub-paragraph (6), it must give written notice of the new appointment and the termination of the previous appointment to the GMCA and the new appointment shall take effect and the previous appointment terminate at the end of one week from the date on which the notice is given or such longer period not exceeding one month as is specified in the notice.
(8) For the purposes of this paragraph, an elected mayor of a constituent council is to be treated as a member of the constituent council.
from among its members and the appointments are to be the first business transacted at the annual meeting of the GMCA.
(2) A person ceases to be chair or vice-chair of the GMCA if they cease to be a member of the GMCA.
(3) If a vacancy arises in the office of chair or vice chair, an appointment to fill the vacancy is to be made at the next ordinary meeting of the GMCA, or, if that meeting is to be held within 14 days of the vacancy arising, at the meeting following that meeting.
3.—(1) Subject to sub-paragraphs (3) and (4), any questions that are to be decided by the GMCA are to be decided by a majority of the members and substitute members, acting in place of members, present and voting on that question at a meeting of the GMCA.
(2) Each member, or substitute member acting in that member's place, is to have one vote and no member or substitute member is to have a casting vote.
(h)the amendment of the standing orders of the GMCA.
(4) Questions relating to road user charging require 10 votes in favour to be carried.
(5) The proceedings of the GMCA are not invalidated by any vacancy among its members or substitute members or by any defect in the appointment or qualifications of any member or substitute member.
4.—(1) The GMCA must make arrangements for the names of members and substitute members present at any meeting to be recorded.
(2) Minutes of the proceedings of a meeting of the GMCA, or any committee or sub-committee of the GMCA are to be kept in such form as the GMCA may determine.
(3) Any such minutes are to be signed at the same or next suitable meeting of the GMCA by the person presiding at that meeting.
(4) Any minute purporting to be signed as mentioned in sub-paragraph (3) shall be received in evidence without further proof.
(5) Until the contrary is proved, a meeting of the GMCA a minute of whose proceedings has been signed in accordance with this paragraph is deemed to have been duly convened and held, and all the members and substitute members present at the meeting are deemed to have been duly qualified.
(6) For the purposes of sub-paragraph (3) the next suitable meeting is the next following meeting or, where standing orders made by the GMCA provide for another meeting of the authority to be regarded as suitable, either the next following meeting or that other meeting.
5. The GMCA may make standing orders for the regulation of its proceedings and business and may vary or revoke any such orders.
1.—(1) No remuneration is to be payable by the GMCA to its members, other than allowances for travel and subsistence paid in accordance with a scheme drawn up by the GMCA.
(2) A constituent council may, in accordance with its own scheme of allowances, pay a special responsibility allowance to any member appointed by it to the GMCA in respect of duties and responsibilities undertaken as a member of the GMCA.
1. Section 9 of the Transport Act 1968(22) is amended as follows.
"(ia)in relation to the metropolitan county of Greater Manchester, the Greater Manchester Combined Authority; and".
4. In subsections (2) and (3) after "integrated transport area" there is in each case inserted ", the area of the Greater Manchester Combined Authority".
5. In subsection (5) after "integrated transport area" there is inserted "or the area of the Greater Manchester Combined Authority".
1. The power under section 144 of the Local Government Act 1972 (the power to encourage visitors and provide conference and other facilities).
2. The duty under section 8(1) Housing Act 1985(23) (duty of local housing authorities to consider housing conditions in their district and the needs of the district with respect to the provision of further housing accommodation).
3. The duties under section 82 of the Environment Act 1995(24) (duty to cause a review to be conducted of quality for the time being, and the likely future quality within the relevant period, of air within the authority's area and associated duties).
4. The duty under section 83 of the Environment Act 1995 (duty to designate air quality management areas).
5. The duties under section 84 of the Environment Act 1995 (duties in relation to designated area).
6. The duties under sections 15ZA, 15ZB, 15ZC, 17A, 18A(1)(b), of the Education Act 1996 and the power under sections 514A and 560A of that Act(25) (duties and powers related to the provision of education and training for persons over compulsory school age).
7. The power under section 2 of the Local Government Act 2000(26) (promotion of well-being).
8. The duty under section 4(1) of the Local Government Act 2000 (duty to prepare a strategy for promoting or improving the economic, social and environmental well-being of their area and contributing to the achievement of sustainable development in the United Kingdom) and the power under section 4(2) of the Local Government Act 2000 (power to modify their sustainable communities strategy).
9. The duty under section 69 of the 2009 Act (duty to prepare an assessment of economic conditions).
This order establishes the Greater Manchester Combined Authority.
Part 6 of the Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Act 2009 ("the 2009 Act") provides for the establishment of combined authorities for the areas of two or more local authorities in England. Combined authorities are bodies corporate which may be given power to exercise functions relating to transport and to economic development and regeneration in their area.
The Secretary of State may only establish a combined authority for an area where a scheme for such an authority has been published under section 109 of the 2009 Act. This order has been made following the publication of such a scheme on 29th March 2010 by the 10 metropolitan district councils (the constituent councils) whose areas together make up the combined area of the new authority. The scheme is available at www.agma.gov.uk.
Part 2 of the Order establishes the new authority, to be known as the Greater Manchester Combined Authority ("the GMCA") on 1st April 2011, and makes provision for its constitution and funding.
Article 4 of and Schedule 1 to the Order make provision for the constitution of the GMCA. This is supplemental to the provision that is made by Part I of Schedule 12 to the Local Government Act 1972 (see paragraph (6A) of that Schedule, as amended by the 2009 Act).
Article 5 makes provision for the funding, by the constituent councils, of those costs of the GMCA that relate to the exercise of its economic development and regeneration functions.
Part 3 is about the transport aspects of the combined authority. Article 6 dissolves the Greater Manchester Integrated Transport Area (formerly the Greater Manchester Passenger Transport Area) and abolishes the Greater Manchester Integrated Transport Authority (formerly the Greater Manchester Passenger Transport Authority) and transfers its functions and property, rights and liabilities to the Combined Authority. Article 7 makes general adaptations to primary and subordinate legislation, so as that references to an integrated transport authority or area are to be treated as extending to the Combined Authority and its area, and introduces Schedule 2 which makes specific amendments to section 9 of the Transport Act 1968.
Article 8 delegates certain transport functions (in particular those relating to the placing of traffic light signals) of the constituent councils to the Combined Authority and provision is made for defraying the cost of discharging those functions. It is further provided that the delegated functions are not exercisable by the constituent councils either concurrently or in place of the GMCA and are to be treated as functions of the GMCA for the purposes of section 101 of the Local Government Act 1972. Article 9 makes the Greater Manchester Passenger Transport Executive an executive body of the Combined Authority and changes its name to "Transport for Greater Manchester". Section 101 of the Local Government Act 1972 is modified in its application to the Combined Authority so as to enable it (and a joint committee of local authorities of which the Combined Authority is a constituent authority) to arrange for the discharge of functions by Transport for Greater Manchester. Section 101 of that Act and section 19 of the Local Government Act 2000 (and regulations made under it) are also applied with modifications so as to enable the GMCA to sub-delegate to Transport for Greater Manchester any other functions delegated to the GMCA by the constituent councils.
Part 4 confers additional functions on the GMCA. Article 10 confers functions of the constituent councils relating to economic development and regeneration. These are set out in Schedule 3 to the Order and are to be exercised concurrently with the constituent councils. Articles 11 to 14 make some general, incidental provisions relating to the GMCA to enable it to carry out its functions more effectively.
Part 5 makes supplementary provision. Article 15 transfers the Commission for the New Economy and Manchester Investment and Development Agency Service Limited, companies owned by the constituent councils, to the GMCA. Article 16 provides for the constituent councils to transfer other property, rights and liabilities via a scheme to be made under this Order. Article 17 ensures continuity when functions, property, rights or liabilities are transferred by the Order or a scheme made under it.
This body was established as the Greater Manchester Passenger Transport Authority by section 28(1) of the Local Government Act 1985 (c. 51). It was renamed by virtue of the Local Transport Act 2008, section 77(2) and paragraph 53 of Schedule 4 to that Act.
1984 c. 27. Section 65 was amended by the Local Government and Housing Act 1989 (c. 42) section 153, by the New Roads and Street Works Act 1991 (c. 22) Schedule 8, paragraph 48 and by the Road Traffic Act 1991 (c. 40) Schedule 4, paragraph 29.
Part I of S.I. 1997/2400, to which there are amendments not relevant to this Order.
1980 c. 66; section 62 was amended by the Transport Act 1981 (c. 56), Schedule 10, paragraph 1, by the Traffic Calming Act 1992 (c. 30) section 1(1), 3 and by the Local Government Act 1985 (c. 51) Schedule 17; section 278 was substituted by the New Roads and Street Works Act 1991 section 23.
Part 1 of S.I. 2002/3113, to which there are amendments not relevant to this Order.
1988 c. 41; subsection (10) of section 74 was inserted by the Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Act 2009 (c. 20), Schedule 6, paragraph 75.
1972 c. 70; section 101 was amended by the Health and Social Services and Social Security Adjudications Act 1983 (c. 41) Schedule 10; the Local Government Act 1985 (c. 51) Schedule 14, paragraph 15, Schedule 17; the Statute Law (Repeals) Act 1986 (c. 12); the Local Government and Housing Act 1989 (c. 42) Schedule 12; the Education Act 1993 (c. 35) Schedules 19 and 21; the Local Government (Wales) Act 1994 (c. 19) Schedule 15, paragraph 26; the Police and Magistrates' Courts Act 1994 (c. 29) Schedule 9; the Environment Act 1995 (c. 25) Schedule 24; the Greater London Authority Act 1999 (c. 29) section 332(1); the Licensing Act 2003 (c. 17) Schedule 6, paragraphs 56, 58; the Children Act 2004 (c. 31) Schedule 5; the Local Government and Public Health Involvement Act 2007 (c. 28), Schedule 13, paragraphs 1, 9; the Planning Act 2008 (c. 29) section 224(1); the Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Act 2009 (c. 20) Schedule 6, paragraphs 6, 10; the Marine and Coastal Access Act 2009 (c. 23) Schedule 22, Part 4; and by S.I. 2001/1517, 2002/803.
S.I. 1969/95, amended by S.I. 1973/1727.
1972 c.70.Section 142(2) was amended by the Local Government Act 1986 (c.10), section 3(1).
1985 c.51, to which there are amendments not relevant to this Order.
1989 c. 42. Section 13 was amended by the Education Act 1993 (c.35), section 307(1), (3), Schedule 19, paragraph 156(a), (c), (d), Schedule 21, Part 2; the Children Act 2004 (c.31), section 64, Schedule 5, Part 4; the Police and Magistrates' Courts Act 1994 (c.29), section 43, Schedule 4, Part 1, paragraph 36(a), (b), section 93, Schedule 9, Part 1; the Marine and Coastal Access Act 2009 (c.23), section 184, Schedule 14, paragraphs 12, 14, section 321, Schedule 22, Part 4; the Environment Act 1995 (c.25), section 120, Schedule 24; the Education Act 1996 (c.56), section 582(1), (2), Schedule 37, paragraph 96(1), (2), (3), (4), (5), Schedule 38, Part 1; S.I. 2010/1158, article 5(1), (2), Schedule 2, Part 2, paragraph 38(1), (3), (4)(a), (b), (c), (5)(a), (b), Schedule 3, Part 2; the School Standards and Framework Act 1998 (c.31), section 140(1), Schedule 30, paragraph 22(a), (b); S.I. 2001/1517, articles 2, 6(1)(a), (b); the Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Act 2009 (c.20), section 119, Schedule 6, paragraphs 81(1), (3).
2009 c. 22. Sections 61(1)(c) and 84(2) were amended by S.I. 2010/1158, article 5(1), Schedule 2, Part 1, paragraph 16(1), (3).
2000 c. 38. Section 108(3) was amended by section 9(1) of the Local Transport Act 2008. A combined authority is a local transport authority for the purposes of section 108(3) by virtue of section 108(4)(ca), inserted by paragraphs 95 and 96 of schedule 6 to the 2009 Act.
1968 c. 73; section 9 was amended by the Local Government (Scotland) Act 1973 (c. 65) Schedule 18, paragraph 1; by the Transport Act 1985 (c. 67) sections 57(1), 58(2), Schedule 3, paragraph 3, Schedule 8; by the Local Government (Scotland) Act 1994 (c. 39) Schedule 13, paragraph 80(2); and in relation to England and Wales only by the Local Transport Act 2008 (c. 26) section 98(4), Schedule 4, paragraph 2 and Schedule 7, Part 4.
1985 c. 68. Section 144 was amended by Schedule 2 to the Local Government (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 1976 (c. 57), Part 16 of Schedule 34 to the Local Government, Planning and Land Act 1980 (c. 65) and Schedule 17 to the Local Government Act 1985.
1996 c. 56. Sections 15ZA, 15ZB, 15ZC were inserted by section 41 of the Apprenticeships, Skills, Children and Learning Act 2009 (c. 22), sections 17A and 18A(1)(b) by section 45 of that Act (not yet commenced), section 514A by section 46 of that Act and section 560A by section 47 of that Act.
2000 c.22, to which there are amendments not relevant to this Order.


These are some books that have helped me along the way. Mindfulness, education, psychology, neuroscience, spirituality and science are all areas that intrigue me. What books would you recommend? E-mail your recommendations to toddscholl@gmail.com.


text:
What AHL team is affiliated with what NHL team?
NHL TEAM NAME
AHL AFFILIATE
ECHL AFFILIATE
Arizona Coyotes Tucson Roadrunners Atlanta Gladiators
Boston Bruins Providence Bruins Maine Mariners
Buffalo Sabres Rochester Americans Cincinnati Cyclones
Calgary Flames Calgary Wranglers
How many AHL hockey teams are there?
Do NHL teams have minor league teams? In addition, there are three low-level minor leagues: the Federal Prospects Hockey League (FPHL), the Ligue Nord-Américaine de Hockey (LNAH), and the Southern Professional Hockey League (SPHL).
Is the AHL as good as the NHL? The AHL refers to American Hockey League, while NHL is the National Hockey League. The AHL primarily serves as the development ground for the NHL, and as such, NHL offers higher wages than the AHL. Players in the NHL are generally more experienced and better skilled than AHL players, with superior game reading skills.
What AHL team is affiliated with what NHL team? – Additional Questions
Who gets paid more NHL or AHL?
What is the salary of an AHL hockey player?
Is AHL better than OHL?
Is the KHL better than the NHL?
Is AHL rink same size as NHL?
How does the NHL and AHL work?
Can an AHL player play in the NHL?
What is the highest paid AHL Player?
Can you go from AHL to NHL?
Can a 19 year old play in the AHL?
Can an 18 year old play in AHL?
Who is the youngest player in the AHL?
Who is the oldest player in the AHL?
Is Tier 3 Junior Hockey worth it?
How many AAA hockey players play in college?
What level is after AAA hockey?
Is Tier 1 or Tier 2 hockey better?
Because the NHL is the world's premier professional ice hockey league, NHL players often earn significantly higher wages and their minimum salaries are usually greater than AHL players as well.
AHL Salary
Top Earners $99,000 $1,903
75th Percentile $62,500 $1,201
Average $53,522 $1,029
25th Percentile $31,000 $596
The AHL delivers a much higher level of hockey, top to bottom of the roster, than the OHL and a large number of junior players never get a sniff at the pros, even a couple of tiers below the Dogs' level.
With 31 teams in the league, the NHL is definitely bigger in terms of both depth and overall quality than the KHL and has arguably the best talent from around the world vying for one trophy.
In the United States and Canada, the standard size of a hockey rink is 200 feet by 85 feet or, as expressed in metric terms, 61 meters by 26 meters, with a corner radius of 28 feet or 8.5 meters. This is the standard size used in the NHL, the AHL, college hockey, and junior hockey.
As leagues, the AHL and NHL operate separately with their own commissioners and executives, teams, players' unions, and boards. While separate entities, these leagues have to act together accordingly. The relationship between these leagues is largely represented by NHL teams affiliating with AHL teams.
WHAT IS AN AHL-LEVEL CONTRACT? Some players are signed to AHL-only contracts. These players are property of their AHL team, and are not technically affiliated with the NHL team. They cannot be recalled to the NHL unless they sign a new NHL contract.
AP The New York Rangers assigned 33-year-old defenseman Wade Redden to the Hartford Wolf Pack this weekend, where he will play out the remaining four years of his six-year, $39-million contract. All four years.
To go from the AHL to the NHL, the player has to be signed to an NHL SPC. So the AHL-contracted players on the Marlies are not going to suddenly show up on the Leafs. This rule gets elasticized in training camp, and preseason games are often full of AHL-contracted loaners.
Per AHL By-Laws, the age limit for eligibility to compete in the league is 18 years or over, on or before September 15 of each season.
What is the minimum age for an AHL player? Per AHL By-Laws, the age limit for eligibility to compete in the American Hockey League is 18 years or over, on or before September 15 of each season of competition.
Sean Couturier
Position: C.
6-4 / 191lbs.
Shoots: R.
Birthdate: 1992-12-07.
Birth place: Phoenix, AZ.
Zdeno Chara was the oldest in 2021-22. He was 44 years old.
TOI/GP
Zdeno Chara 2021-22 18:44
Joe Thornton 2021-22 11:09
Craig Anderson 2021-22 60:14
Mark Giordano 2021-22 20:53
In my opinion yes, just because you play Tier Three Hockey does not mean you're not any good. Some players just want to play competitive hockey for a few more years and there is nothing wrong with it at all.
In 2019, 33% of players on active NHL rosters played college hockey (all Division I), up from about 20% in the year 2000 (source: Nate Ewell at collegehockeyinc.com). 69% of former college players in the NHL played at least three college seasons, and 33% played all four.
At each youth hockey age group, there are three distinct classifications: B/BB, A/AA and AAA. B or BB (House) is a recreational level with the following requirements. A or AA (Tier 2) is a competitive level with the following requirements. AAA (Tier 1) is a competitive level with the following requirements.
⟵ How many NHL teams are in the Pacific Division?
What NHL team has the best logo? ⟶

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
IWGB union minicab drivers protest the Mayor and Transport for London at City Hall to demand end to exploitation
25 July 2018 - Minicab drivers protest the Mayor and Transport for London at City Hall today July 25th from 10:30am Drivers demand worker rights and protection of the Mayor from exploitation by Uber, Addison Lee and others. Precarious...
Public interests in the sharing and gig economy (Publieke belangen in de deel- en kluseconomie)
The success of Airbnb and Uber has given rise to a public debate about the pros and cons of online sharing and gig platforms. This article reports on five case studies of platforms operating in car sharing (SnappCar), home sharing (...
The role of European institutions in promoting decent work in the 'collaborative economy'
This chapter aims at discussing the European approach to regulating the so-called "collaborative economy", by looking at the main legislative initiatives regarding this set of fast-growing digital companies. Despite the potential...
Research publication, Case study-platform
A sharing economy strike
16 August 2016 - London's striking Deliveroo riders are in a fight against the worst exploitation and abuse of the sharing economy. Last Friday, a throng of around 150 couriers for the online food delivery company Deliveroo massed on a...
Rider, after the protests new rules will come to Bologna (for all) (Rider, dopo le proteste nuove regole in arrivo a Bologna (per tutti))
19 January 2018 - City councilors met in Bologna with people working for food delivery companies such as Sgnam, JustEat, Glovo, Deliveroo, and the newly arrived Foodora. The first meeting aimed to talk about jobs and security in the...
This is how the 'digital labourers' work (Así trabajan los 'peones digitales')
26 September 2017 - 'The work at which you are the first priority. Drive whenever you wish, earn what you need, set your own schedule ... '. It sounds good, right? Uber presents itself online with this attractive offer. This platform...
On-demand workers should be covered by workers' compensation
With more people engaging in work for on-demand companies such as Uber (driving), Care.com (child care and home care), TaskRabbit (home services) and Postmates (delivery), the question of whether workers are "employees" or "independent...
On-location client-determined moderately skilled work, On-location client-determined higher-skilled work, On-location client-determined routine work, On-location platform-determined routine work
Transitional phenomenon crowd working: The things to come (Übergangsphänomen Crowdworking: Die Dinge, die da kommen werden)
Crowd working and crowd working platforms are central phenomena in the transition from the traditional hierarchy to the network-like platform organisation on the labour market. In this transition, hybrid employment biographies emerge as...
Online client-determined specialist work, On-location platform-determined routine work, Online moderately skilled click work, Online platform-determined higher-skilled work, Online contestant specialist work
New York City votes to cap Uber, Lyft vehicle licenses
8 August 2018 - The New York City Council on Wednesday agreed to cap the number of licenses for ride-hailing services such as Uber Technologies Inc for one year, dealing a blow to the companies that have relied on the largest U.S. metro...
What is happening with platform workers' rights? Lessons from Belgium
31 October 2017 - The partnership between delivery platform Deliveroo and workers' cooperative SMart has been terminated, sparking new debate over workers' rights in the platform economy.


In order to gain search engine visibility when you're ready to launch your Web site, you must 'submit' it to the major search engines as soon as possible. Their crawlers are pretty busy spidering established Web sites, usually they don't bother with orphans1. A fair search engine placement depends among other things on frequent deep crawls.
Immediately delete the default page placed on your domain's root directory, since 'under construction' is a useless term to get indexed for. Write an essay summarizing the overall theme of your Web site. You need at least one page telling visitors and search engine crawlers what your site is all about. It helps to release the major category pages too, this provides a good indication about the structure, and allows guessing the future size of your new Web site. Announce the launch, put in a 'date' META tag on every page (and make sure you can launch punctual).
Ask a friend for a not that prominent link to your domain from a page known by the search engines. Then check your spelling, grammar and all links, and submit the root index page to all search engines. If you've started with a fair amount of unique content, you can submit your site to DMOZ2 too. Don't expect any traffic at this time. All you want for now is letting the search engines know that there is a new URL.
As soon as you've uploaded a few subsidiary pages, buy a fair amount of traffic and track all visits. From reading your server statictics you will learn a lot about your navigation scheme. Tweak it as necessary, then buy the next chunk of traffic and repeat the experiment until a fair amount of users is landing on pages located in the deepest hierarchy level. If you can't bring in excellent SEO skills, hire a search engine optimizer to get you started with a search engine friendly Web site. If you're challenged on Web design, hire a Web designer to make your site nice looking and attractive, but not too heavy (each page must load within 10-15 seconds on a dial-up). Using a CMS, the Web design is done once by customizing templates, you don't need the help of a Web designer with each new page.
An orphan in the context of Web search is a Web page lacking inbound links. Search engine crawlers follow links to find new content, thus they won't recognize an unlinked page. If a crawler knows the URL of an orphan, for example from a submission, it may fetch it every once in a while, but it won't index it because a page's importance is determinded by inbound links. No inbound links, no inclusion in the search engine's index. A brand new Web site starts its career as orphan.
A listing by the Open Directory Project (ODP), aka DMOZ, is very important for various reasons. Unfortunately, depending on the category, the time-to-list varies from a few weeks to several months or even years. Thus, as soon as you have thrown together a great site which is valuable for surfers, providing unique content without similarities to other sites listed by DMOZ, submit it. If it's not listed when you launch your Web site, resubmit it.


Note: SEK is the Swedish Krona, worth about 0.12 USD or 12 cents.
The technically oriented bureaucrats who envision "benefits" being obtained from smart meters do so under the assumption that consumers will be "flexible" with regard to their energy usage. It is assumed that consumers will accept a certain level of "disutility," reduced household comfort, and loss of privacy.
The main objective with the paper is to study potential utility loss, or discomfort, associated with consumer flexibility and demand management.
In any case of behavioral control related to electricity use, it possibly affects and reduces household daily comfort.
In the present study, it is possible to estimate a value on the discomfort a household experience from, say, not being able to use the dishwasher, or from a lower indoor temperature during the peak hours and the utility/disutility associated with peer comparisons of electricity use.
Given today's advanced electricity meters, it is possible to measure household level electricity use by the hour and charge prices based on the real time spot price on the wholesale market. This type of pricing scheme is referred to as "real time pricing". More generally, when the price facing end-consumers changes at least once per 24 hours, it is referred to as dynamic pricing.
To some degree, the high hopes of an untapped potential of demand-side flexibility is contradicted by the vast literature on the so called energy efficiency gap arguing that consumers are rather price-insensitive and may react inefficiently to price signals due to informational, organizational and behavioral failures. … With this in mind, empowering end-consumers by enabling dynamic pricing (or other compensation mechanisms) and the provision of detailed information about their energy use may turn out to be ineffective.
For example, Torriti (2012) found that when Italian households were involuntarily exposed to dynamic pricing (time of use) total electricity use actually increased by approximately 13 percent. The study also found that the introduction of time of use pricing succeeds in, to some degree, lowering the morning peak, while worsening the evening peak problem.
A different way to have households reschedule their use of electricity is to use a demand side management (DSM) approach through direct load control at the household level.
A recent large-scaled field experiment on American households found that informing households about how their electricity use relates to that of similar households (peers) decreased actual electricity use (Allcott, 2011b). However, the increased amount of information sharing among households may give rise to issues related to integrity and ethics. It is reasonable to believe that individuals expect compensation when giving away personal information.
In developed economies, the cost for energy constitutes a rather small share of total household expenditures. In addition, habits and norms typically reflects the structure of the society and rescheduling energy use is by no means a costless task as it may impose significant disutility on households and firms in the form of transaction costs and everyday discomfort.
It is reasonable to believe that DSM [demand side management] substantially affects people's everyday life and comfort.
In this paper we have estimated the disutility people experience from being systematically controlled with respect to their daily energy use. Specifically, a choice experiment has been applied to analyze the case of direct management of consumer energy use during certain time periods such as daily peak hours and cold periods. The choice questions included hypothetical contracts characterized by attributes related to restrictions regarding energy use and information dissemination. By choosing among contracts the respondents implicitly revealed their stated preferences for not adjusting their energy use according to the stipulated restrictions. Besides the control of heating and household appliances, the hypothetical contracts included an attribute regarding information on household electricity use for purpose of peer comparisons. A monetary annual compensation was included, which also made it possible to express preferences in terms of monetary measures.
This study finds that the compensation needed to systematically "reschedule" and control the household electricity use is considerable and measures to hundreds and thousands of SEK annually.
[However,] people require a relatively small compensation for accepting external control at random extreme occasions. Given that this estimate can be interpreted as the willingness to accept a controlled, and limited, blackout, it is comparable to the willingness to pay for reduced risk of blackouts … .
Use of private information collected through smart meters regarding household energy use.
My response to the authors of the Swedish study is that my "comfort" and privacy are NOT FOR SALE. How about for you?
This article complements my prior article from January 31st, Families Punished by 'Smart' Meters and TOU Rates, Recent Study Confirms. That article revealed how Time-of-Use (TOU) rates and so-called dynamic pricing punish consumers, both financially and socially. If one then goes beyond TOU pricing and actually allows direct load control of your appliances by the utility company, you will suffer discomfort and further loss of privacy.
The "discomfort" repercussions for participation in energy reduction programs can actually be quite severe. In Illinois, a study presented before the Illinois Commerce Commission (ICC) showed that participation is such programs can result in an under-usage of electricity resulting in extremes for the indoor temperatures of affected consumers. It has been shown that "exposure to temperatures outside of a moderate range increases the likelihood of hospital emergency department visits, hospitalizations, and premature death" .
A loss of control over one's appliances, comfort, and health.
 Quotation from direct testimony of Megan Sandel, MD, MPH, before the Illinois Commerce Commission on May 11, 2012, on behalf of the AARP and the People of the State of Illinois. Reference: ICC Docket No. 12-0298: Petition for Statutory Approval of a Smart Grid Advanced Metering Infrastructure Deployment Plan Pursuant to Section 16-108.6 of the Public Utilities Act. Link for Testimony: Sandel AMI Direct Testimony ICC.
This entry was posted in Smart Grid, Smart Meters, and RF Emissions and tagged Costs, Discomfort, Loss of Control, Privacy, Smart Meters. Bookmark the permalink.


Amazing Sub-Penthouse! 2 beds, 2 baths & 1 Huge Patio - Here is the ultimate investment property located in the newly opened Seylynn Village. This beautifully appointed condo has a fabulously designed layout with no hallways of wasted square footage. The penthouse collection has upgrades such as 9 foot ceilings, engineered brushed hardwood flooring, 36" Bosch integrated refrigerator, upgraded hood fan, 5 burner Bosch gas cooktop, and quartz counters and backsplash. Relax on the rare 40 x 8 south facing patio and take in the views of Port Moody's Burrard Inlet all the way to Downtown Vancouver and beyond. Compass boasts a fully-equipped fitness centre, 25-metre infinity lap pool, lounge, spa, and dedicated yoga and dance room. Take a dip in the pool, raise your heart rate at the 3,700 square foot fitness room, or grab a mat and stretch your limbs to their limits. The hot tub, steam room, and sauna await. Imagine living at North Vancouver's newest communities which is just minutes to everything. This amazing sub-penthouse comes with 1 parking and 1 locker room. Pets & rentals welcome.


On 23 June 2015 at 1846 Coordinated Universal Time (UTC), a Jabiru J 430 aircraft, registered F-PFAJ, sustained an in-flight breakup near Holzminden, Germany. The two occupants, a pilot and passenger, were fatally injured.
As the accident occurred in Germany, the Bundesstelle für Flugunfalluntersuchung (BFU) of Germany is responsible for investigating this accident. As part of its investigation, the BFU has notified the Australian Transport Safety Bureau (ATSB) as the State of Manufacture of the aircraft. In accordance with clause 5.18 of Annex 13 to the Convention on International Civil Aviation, the ATSB appointed an accredited representative to liaise with the BFU and initiated an investigation under the Australian Transport Safety Investigation Act 2003.


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Montana's Trail House is now Hard Times Christmas Liquors At The Sunset Bar
March 3, 2018 By Free Williamsburg
And boy is that a mouthful. According to Bushwick Daily, the owners of Hard Times Christmas Liquors At The Sunset Bar are trying to make the menu and vibe more accessible (translation, more affordable) since they'd seen a dip in traffic in the evenings. They scrapped most of the old menu and are now serving "elevated bar food" including chicken and waffles and mapo nachos:
I sampled the chicken and waffles and buffalo wings, both made-over mainstays from Montana's Trail House, and a whole new dish, mapo nachos. Each dish was downhome and familiar, but they were also all elevated by the same types of Asian flavors you can find at Strange Flavor which, when you also consider Klein's experience in the Mission Chinese kitchen, makes sense.
The nachos are built on a base of perfectly house-fried tortilla chips, none of that "corn chip" nonsense here. They're topped with much of the usual: jalapenos, cilantro, fresh pico de gallo, a crema-like sauce. There are a couple of curve balls as well: In place of the standard guacamole there are tempura fried avocado wedges, and then there's the mapo.
Hard Times Christmas Liquors At The Sunset Bar opened for business January 15.
Hard Times Christmas Liquors At The Sunset Bar
445 Troutman St
Sun-Fri: 12pm – 4am
Sat: 11am – 4am
Filed Under: Bushwick, News, Restaurant & Bar News Tagged With: Hard Times Christmas Liquors At The Sunset Bar, Jefftown, Montana's Trail House
About Free Williamsburg
FREEwilliamsburg is the trendsetting home of New York's most creative neighborhood. The website has been mentioned in The New York Times, The Washington Post, Slate, The New York Observer, among others, and was called an "essential New York blog" by New York magazine. Follow us on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram. Do it now, dammit!


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Remisens Hotel Lucija
Portoroz, Slovenia
Good city hotel. Fantastic service. Great pool. Great location.
Outdoor Pool(s)
Number of Pools
Steam bath
Obala 77 6320 Portoroz
A lobby and a reception are available to travellers. Individual storeys are accessible via the lift or stairs. Amenities include a safe. Wireless internet access in public areas allows guests to stay connected. Among the culinary options available at the hotel are a restaurant, a dining area, a breakfast room, a café and a bar. Additional facilities at the establishment include a playroom. Travellers arriving by car can leave their vehicles in the garage (for a fee) or in the car park. Facilities include a childcare service.
Each of the rooms is appointed with air conditioning and a bathroom. The basic features of most rooms include a balcony. A sofabed ensures a good night's sleep. Cots and extra beds are available. There is also a safe. Internet access, a telephone, a TV and WiFi add to the comfort of the holiday. Rooms suitable for wheelchair access are bookable. Amenities in the bathrooms include a shower. A hairdryer is also available. Special family rooms are available for families with children.
A refreshing dip in the indoor or outdoor pool is an enjoyable way to cool down on hot days. Sun loungers and parasols are ideal for relaxation. The hot tub is the perfect place to relax. A wide range of sports activities are offered at the accommodation, such as horse riding. For a fee, tennis, volleyball, basketball and crazy golf are also available. Sports options available to guests of the hotel include a gym, or for a fee, table tennis. Various wellness options are available at the establishment, including a spa, a sauna, massage treatments and a solarium. A kids' club and a casino are among the available leisure options.
Catering options available at the accommodation include half board and full board. Breakfast, lunch and dinner are available.
All major credit cards, including American Express, VISA and MasterCard, are accepted for payment.
Good eggs. Superb breakfast spread. Rich breakfast.
"Tasty breakfast."
Bus station nearby. Supermarket right across. Fantastic location.
"Good location, close to public transport." "Accessible by car, but parking is costly." "Near city centre with nearby beaches, restaurants, bars, and shopping."
Parking Prices
For 86%, parking prices were too high.
Distance to Beach
94% appreciated the closeness to the beach.
City centre within easy reach, said 100%.
Distance to Public Transport
Near to public transport, according to 100%.
"Great pool"
Close beach pool. Outdoor pool near. Nice swimming pool.
"Great pool."
Plenty of activities. Warm welcome. Super personnel.
"Complaints about the wait staff but overall friendly service." "Service professionalism and housekeeping are average." "Recreation staff could be nicer."
Only 53% thought the service was professional.
68% complained about the restaurant service.
57% indicated the recreation staff was not good.
Excellent wi-fi connection. Excellent wireless Internet. Good internet.
"WiFi is good value." "Wifi quality could be improved."
WiFi Cost
100% thought it was a great value.
"Food is all right"
There was no watermelon. Dinner time you have to pay for. Good dinner.
"Guests complain about the dining, with a poor menu and high prices." "Poorly rated desserts and fruits, and problems with dining area cleanliness." "Good fish and seafood, and decent side dishes."
52% did not like what was on the menu.
For 80%, the dining experience was not enjoyable.
Desserts & Fruits
65% did not enjoy the desserts.
Dining Area Cleanliness
Unclean dining area, according to 75%.
73% enjoyed the fish/seafood dishes.
The price was too high for 56%.
Side dishes were satisfying, according to only 50%.
A lot of noise. Air conditioning not working. Too soft beds.
"Generally poor comfort, particularly the beds, and A/C is lacking." "Large rooms without much noise."
64% didn't like the uncomfortable beds.
79% thought rooms were spacious.
"Room needs to be improved"
No bath tub. Without balcony. Air conditioning not working.
"Rooms in need of better cleaning, with poor quality TV's, minibars, and A/C." "Poorly maintained rooms and furniture, but reasonably clean bathrooms." "Generally mediocre rooms, although spacious with good views." "Balconies and beds are poor." "Shower can be a problem."
58% said rooms were dirty.
For only 60%, the bathroom was ok.
96% were disappointed with the minibar.
Only 67% said the rooms were modern.
Cleanliness of the bathroom was average, said 58%.
59% thought the tv was sub-standard.
79% thought the view was good.
"Could use a good cleaning"
"Issues with cleanliness in rooms and dining area." "Moderately clean hotel facilities." "Bathroom is relatively clean."
Hotel Cleanliness
53% thought the cleanliness of the hotel was average.
"Value for money could be better"
Dinner time you have to pay for. The lowest priced. Expensive parking.
"Value for money could be better." "Free internet." "Food is a bit overpriced."
"Wellness & sports facilities could be improved"
Sauna doesn't work.
"Below average sauna and wellness facilities."
74% were unhappy with the sauna.


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Home Forums > Indian Affairs > Foreign Relations >
India a hub of terror fund: US report
Discussion in 'Foreign Relations' started by pakfalcon, Mar 3, 2009.
pakfalcon New Member
By: Jawed Naqvi
Sunday, 01 Mar, 2009 | 03:14 AM PST |
NEW DELHI: The virtually intractable parallel banking system, known as hawala, has made India a hub for financing terrorism, and it needs to be stopped in concert with Washington, an official US report has said.
Indian news agencies said on Saturday that the report wants New Delhi to work towards becoming a full-fledged member of Financial Action Task Force (FATF), an inter-governmental body for development of policies to combat money laundering and terrorist financing.
'Given the number of terrorist attacks in India and the fact that in India hawala is directly linked to terrorist financing, India should prioritise cooperation with international initiatives that provide increased transparency in alternative remittance systems,' news agencies said quoting the US State Department's report in its section on India related to money laundering.
India's Parliament passed the Prevention of Money Laundering (Amendment) Bill early this week, but the US report has suggested that India should make more legislative amendments to bring its anti money laundering and counter terrorism finance regime in conformity to FATF.
Released by Assistant US Secretary of State for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs, David T Johnson, it quoted estimates by the Reserve Bank of India as saying that remittances to India sent through legal, formal channels in 2007-2008 amounted to USD 42.6 billion.
Funds transferred through the billion-dollar hawala market are thought to be equal to between 30 to 40 per cent of the formal market.
'In that case the hawala market could amount to between USD 13 billion to USD 17 billion,' the report on International Narcotics Control Strategy, said.
The report lauded the steps taken by India post 9/11 with regard to money laundering and its possible use by terrorist network. However, it said, several key steps were still required to be taken by New Delhi.
Listing out the steps New Delhi still needs to take, the report said India should become a party to the UN Conventions against Transnational Organised Crime and Corruption.
'Also, India should pass the Foreign Contribution Regulation Bill for regulating nongovernmental organisations including charities,' it said.
'India should devote more law enforcement and customs resources to curb abuses in the diamond trade. It should also consider the establishment of a Trade Transparency Unit (TTU) that promotes trade transparency; in India, trade is the back door to underground financial systems,' the report said.
http://www.dawn.com/wps/wcm/connect...ls-india-to-stop-hawala-to-curb-terrorism--bi
pakfalcon, Mar 3, 2009
Singh Phat Cat Administrator
pakfalcon said: ↑
So much for India crying hoarse about Terrorism, I suggest they start putting their own house in order, and then go onto make the world a Better place.
Pakfalcon sahab, the report mentions the use of hawala (hundis, parallel banking) to transfer funds which can possibly be used for financing terrorism. Hawala system being an underground system means there are no checks and balances in place. Nowhere does Naqvi sahabs article mention India is responsible for terrorism.
For India to set its house in order would require greater check on the underground economy, thought to be valued at between 30-110% of the GDP, which is by no means an easy task as govt of India has realised in its past and present endeavours.
India's strict foreign-exchange laws and transaction reporting requirements, combined with banking industry's due diligence policy, makes it difficult for criminals to use formal channels to launder money, the report said.
However, large portions of illegal proceeds are often laundered through "hawala" or "hundi" networks or other informal money transfer systems.
The report appreciated the steps taken by India post 9/11 with regard to money laundering and its possible use by terrorist network. However, several key steps are still required to be taken by New Delhi, it felt.
http://www.ndtv.com/convergence/ndtv/story.aspx?id=NEWEN20090085134
Singh, Mar 3, 2009
Yes, i know its not a very easy task to put check on the hawala flow, but India should look deep inside itself before calling on making Pakistan a pariah state.
Making Pakistan a pariah state? AFAIK, India has been exerting full diplomatic pressure on Pakistan to stop supporting, funding, lionizing, sheltering terrorists, esp those striking India and bring them to preferably Indian justice.
To be honest with you most Indians are disappointed with the Indian govt.'s response to this whole fiasco, everyone wanted stricter steps and greater introspection so yes not only should India deeply cleanse itself but also whether by diplomacy or otherwise force others to deep cleanse themselves.
Equating an illegal ancient system of money transfer misused for criminal purposes with an overt/covert support for terrorist activities against another nation is a tad unjustified, don't you agree ?
ahmedsid Top Gun Senior Member
Hawala is an illegal system and steps are being taken to counter it! You just cant barge in here with an article that doesnt support your personal claims or wishes and think we will believe your views. Post something that will make us believe it.
ahmedsid, Mar 3, 2009
Rage DFI TEAM Stars and Ambassadors
@pakfalcon,
A similar article (post #19) has been posted on this thread:
Terrorism in India.-news and developments
X-posting myself from the aforementioned thread:
I think we shouldn't discount the article or the conjunctions posed. Having come from a city where such underhanded dealings are rife in everything from restaurants to real estate, and having relatives who are or were formerly involved in honor transactions with associates who were not exactly the cleanest of elements, I can affirm categorically (through indubitable information received through the grapevine) that the system does infact exist, and that the money does sometimes end up in the hands of anti-state elements. There is also a precedent in the form of the "Hawala scam" of the 90's involving the Jain brothers in which some leading politicians were implicated (and later acquitted), in addition to concerns about alleged payments being made to Hizb-ul-Mujahideen militants in Kashmir.
What is incontestable though is that hawala transactions occur primarily in countries that apply distortive receiving exchange rates- a prime example of which is Pakistan. Therefore, if anything, this article and the implications thereof apply more to Pakistan than it does to India.
To corroborate my statement above:
"In addition to commissions, hawala brokers often earn their profits through bypassing official exchange rates. Generally the funds enter the system in the source country's currency and leave the system in the recipient country's currency. As settlements often take place without any foreign exchange transactions, they can be made at other than official exchange rates.
Hawala is attractive to customers because it provides a fast and convenient transfer of funds, usually with a far lower commission than that charged by banks. Its advantages are most pronounced when the receiving country applies distortive exchange rate regulations (as has been the case for many typical receiving countries such as Pakistan or Egypt) or when the banking system in the receiving country is less complex (e.g. due to differences in legal environment in places such as Afghanistan, Yemen, Somalia).
Furthermore, the transfers are informal and not effectively regulated by governments, which is a major advantage to customers with tax, currency control, immigration, or other legal concerns."
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hawala
And the following from the International Institute for Counter Terrorism:
"Countries such as Pakistan, which have traditionally benefited from hawala and other remittance systems, have introduced legislation demanding that hawalandars register their business with the government and provide documents relating to their transactions, to ensure transparency.[45]"...thus attempting to regulate and thereby legitimize the system.
"India, on the other hand, has adopted a different approach by banning the system outright"...thereby removing any chance of legitimacy. Is it the best alternative? Only time will tell.
Rage, Mar 3, 2009
An informative discussion on the role of the Hawala system in money-laundering. Article in III Parts:
The hawala alternative remittance system and its role in money laundering
Patrick M. Jost
Harjit Singh Sandhu
Interpol/FOPAC
This paper presents a description of the hawala (also referred to as hundi) alternative remittance system. Hawala is an ancient system originating in South Asia; today it is used around the world to conduct legitimate remittances. Like any other remittance system, hawala can, and does, play a role in money laundering. In addition to serving as a 'tutorial' on hawala transaction, this paper will also discuss the way in which hawala is used to facilitate money laundering.
What is hawala?
Hawala (1) is an alternative or parallel remittance system. It exists and operates outside of, or parallel to 'traditional' banking or financial channels. It was developed in India, before the introduction of western banking practices, and is currently a major remittance system used around the world. It is but one of several such systems; another well known example is the 'chop', 'chit' or 'flying money' system indigenous to China, and also, used around the world. These systems are often referred to as 'underground banking'; this term is not always correct, as they often operate in the open with complete legitimacy, and these services are often heavily and effectively advertised.
The components of hawala that distinguish it from other remittance systems are trust and the extensive use of connections such as family relationships or regional affiliations. Unlike traditional banking or even the 'chop' system, hawala makes minimal (often no) use of any sort of negotiable instrument. Transfers of money take place based on communications between members of a network of hawaladars, or hawala dealers (2).
How does hawala work?
Hawala works by transferring money without actually moving it. In fact 'money transfer without money movement' is a definition of hawala that was used, successfully, in a hawala money laundering case.
An effective way to understand hawala is by examining a single hawala transfer. In this scenario, which will be used throughout this paper, Abdul is a Pakistani living in New York and driving a taxi. He entered the country on a tourist visa, which has long since expired. From his job as a taxi driver, he has saved $5,000 that he wants to send to his brother, Mohammad, who is living in Karachi (3).
Even though Abdul is familiar with the hawala system, his first stop is a major bank. At the bank, he learns several things:
The bank would prefer that he open an account before doing business with them;
The bank will sell him Pakistani rupees (Rs) at the official rate (4) of 31 to the dollar; and
The bank will charge $25 to issue a bank draft.
This will allow Abdul to send Mohammad Rs 154,225. Delivery would be extra; an overnight courier service (surface mail is not always that reliable, especially if it contains something valuable) can cost as much as $40 to Pakistan and take as much as a week to arrive. Abdul believes he can get a better deal through hawala, and talks to Iqbal, a fellow taxi driver who is also a part-time hawaladar.
Iqbal offers Abdul the following terms:
A 5% 'commission' for handling the transaction;
35, instead of 31, rupees for a dollar; and
Delivery is included.
This arrangement will allow Abdul to send Mohammad Rs 166,250. As we will see, the delivery associated with a hawala transaction is faster and more reliable than in bank transactions. He is about to make arrangements to do business with Iqbal when he sees the following advertisement (5) in a local 'Indo-Pak' newspaper (such advertisments are very common):
MUSIC BAZAAR AND TRAVEL SERVICES AGENCY
* Cheap tickets to India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Dubai
* Great rupee deals (service to India and Pakistan)
* Large movie rental selection
* Video conversions
* Latest Bollywood hits on CD and cassette
* Prepaid international calling cards
* Pager and cellular activations (trade-ins welcome)
* Conveniently located in Jackson Heights
(718) 555-1111 ask for Nizam or Yasmeen
(718) 555-2222 [fax]
(718) 555-2121 [pager]
Abdul calls the number, and speaks with Yasmeen. She offers him the following deal:
A fee of 1 rupee for each dollar transferred;
37 rupees for a dollar; and
Under these terms (6), Abdul can send Mohammad Rs 180,000. He decides to do business with Yasmeen.
The hawala transaction proceeds as follows:
Abdul gives the $5,000 to Yasmeen;
Yasmeen contacts Ghulam in Karachi, and gives him the details;
Ghulam arranges to have Rs 180,000 delivered to Mohammad.
This diagram summarizes the transaction:
Even though this is a simple example, it contains the elements of a hawala transaction. First, there is trust between Abdul and Yasmeen. Yasmeen did not give him a receipt, and her recordkeeping, such as it may be, is designed to keep track of how much money she owes Ghulam, instead of recording individual remittances she has made. There are several possible relationships she can have with Ghulam (these will be discussed later); in any case she trusts him to make the payment to Mohammad. This delivery almost always takes place within a day of the initial payment (a consideration here is time differences), arid the payment is almost always made in person. Finally, in some scenarios, he trusts her to repay him the equivalent of either $5,000 or Rs 180,000.
Connections are of equal importance. Yasmeen has to be connected to Ghulam in Karachi to arrange this payment. As her advertisement indicates, she also offers service to India, so she either knows, or has access to, someone who can arrange payment there. Hawala networks tend to be fairly loose, communication usually takes place by phone or fax (but email is becoming more and more common).
To complete this discussion, there are two related issues to be addressed. The first is the relationship between Yasmeen and Ghulam, and the second is how Ghulam 'recovers' the money that he paid to Mohammad on Abdul's behalf.
As was stated above, hawala works through connections. These connections allow for the establishment of a network for conducting the hawala transactions. In this transaction, Yasmeen and Ghulam are part of the same network. There are several possible ways in which this network could have been constructed.
The first possibility is that Yasmeen and Ghulam are business partners (or that they just do business together on a regular basis). For them, transferring money is not only another business in which they are engaged but a part of their normal business dealings with one another. Another possibility is that, for whatever reason, Ghulam owes Yasmeen money. Since many countries make it difficult to move money out of the country, Ghulam is repaying his debt to Yasmeen by paying her hawala customers; even though this is a very 'informal' relationship, it is quite typical for hawala. A third (and by no means the final) possibility is that Yasmeen has a 'rupee surplus' and Ghulam is assisting her in disposing of it.
In the last two cases, Ghulam does not need to recover any money; he is either repaying an existing debt to Yasmeen, or he is handling money that Yasmeen has entrusted to him, but is unable to move out of the country. In the first case, where Yasmeen and Ghulam are partners, a more formal means of balancing accounts is needed.
One very likely business partner scenario is an import/export business. Yasmeen might import CDs and cassettes of Indian and Pakistani music and 22 carat gold (7) jewelry from Ghulam, and export telecommunications devices to Ghulam. In the context of such a business, invoices can be manipulated to 'conceal' the movement of money.
If Yasmeen needs to pay Ghulam the Rs 180,000 that he has given to Mohammad, she can do it by 'under invoicing' a shipment to him. She could, for example, send him $20,000 worth of telecommunications devices, but only invoice him for $15,000. Ghulam pays Yasmeen $15,000 against this invoice. The 'extra' value of goods, in this case $5,000 (the equivalent of Rs 180,000) is the money that she owes him.
In order to move money the other way (in this case, from Pakistan to New York)',over invoicing' can be used. For this example, it is assumed that Ghulam owes Yasmeen $5,000. She could buy $10,000 of telecommunications devices, and send it to Ghulam with an invoice for $15,000. Ghulam would pay her $15,000; this covers the $10,000 for the telecommunications devices as well as the other $5,000.
Since many hawala transactions (legitimate and illegitimate) are conducted in the context of import/export businesses, the manipulation of invoices, as discussed above, is a very common means of settling accounts after the transactions have been made.
Why does hawala work?
In brief, hawala 'works' - or competes effectively with other remittance mechanisms - because of its cost effectiveness. A secondary consideration is that hawala is often related or even integral to existing business dealings.
One reason for hawala's cost effectiveness is low overhead. A business like Yasmeen's 'Music Bazaar and Travel Services Agency' operates out of a rented storefront as opposed to a bank building (which has expensive vaults and alarm systems), and may even share space with another business (e.g. a sari or gold shop), further reducing rental expenses. Yasmeen's employees are paid less than bank officers, and they probably do not have insurance or access to a retirement plan. Some hawaladars operate with even less, using a table in a tea shop as an office and having little more than a cellular phone and notebook as overhead expenses.
The second reason is exchange rate speculation. In India, for example, the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act (FERA), 8(2) (8) states that '(e)xcept with the previous general or special percussion of the Reserve Bank, no person, whether an authorised dealer or a moneychanger or otherwise, shall enter into any transaction which provides for the conversion of Indian currency into foreign currency or foreign currency into Indian currency at rates of exchange other than the rates for time being authorised by the Reserve Bank'. Since hawala dealers do not, in many if not most cases comply with such regulations, their transactions may be illegal (a more detailed discussion of the legality of hawala follows).
Depending on one's perspective (and possibly jurisdiction), hawaladars are either engaging in foreign exchange speculation or black market currency dealing. In any case, they exploit naturally occurring fluctuations in the demand for different currencies. This enables them to turn a profit from hawala transactions (which, in addition to being remittances, almost always have a foreign exchange component), and they are also able to offer their customers rates that are better than those offered by banks (most banks will only transact at authorized rates of exchange).
The rates cited in this paper (35 Rs/$ for Iqbal, 37 Rs/$ for Yasmeen and the official rate of 31 Rs/$ as cited by the bank) reflect a difference of 12-19% over the official rate. These may actually be a little high. A U.S. hawaladar (9) involved in the laundering of drug proceeds as well as legitimate remittances told one of the authors of this paper that he could still make a profit on an exchange rate margin as small as 2%, making him much more competitive than a bank.
In addition, since many hawaladars are also involved in businesses where money transfers are necessary, providing remittance services fits well into these businesses' existing activities. Monies from remittances and business transfers are processed through the same bank accounts, and few, if any, additional operational costs are incurred by a business that offers hawala remittance services.
Finally, an important component of hawala is trust. Hawala dealers are almost always honest in their dealings with customers and fellow hawaladars. Breaches of trust are extremely rare. It is worth noting that one of the meanings attached to the word hawala is 'trust'!
Is hawala legal?
Since hawala is a remittance system, this question really addresses regulations governing remittance services (10) and the circumstances of the remittance. The assumption here, of course, is that these remittances are like Abdul's, and 'legitimate'; the illicit use of hawala in money laundering is discussed in the next section of this paper.
Even though hawala is illegal from a regulatory standpoint in some U.S. jurisdictions, hawaladars advertise their services widely in a variety of media (ethnic newspapers have been the traditional place to find them, now some are using the Internet). Enforcement of these regulations is difficult with respect to hawala. The advertisements are often printed in foreign languages, and wording like 'sweet rupee deals' does not necessarily suggest remittance services. Moreover, businesses like Yasmeen's do not conduct remittances as their primary activity.
In South Asia, the situation is more complicated. Many South Asian nations (such as India and Pakistan) have laws that prohibit speculation in the local currency, prohibit foreign exchange transactions at anything other than the official rate of exchange, and impose strict licensing requirements on money remitters and foreign exchange dealers. In addition, there are regulations governing inbound and outbound remittances.
A detailed discussion of these regulations is beyond the scope and intent of this paper. It is, however, possible to state 'hawala is illegal in India and Pakistan' with nearly complete accuracy.
The important point for our purposes is that the existence of these regulations is another reason hawala is still used. Many people in these countries have money that they would like to move to another country due to concerns about stability, to pay for education or medical treatment. Hawala provides a ready means of doing this, and its use as a facilitator of 'capital flight' on both large and small scales is very common. The existence of these laws also explains, in part, the prevalence of invoice manipulation as part of hawala schemes.
Another aspect of these regulations is the use of the United Arab Emirates, specifically Dubai, for hawala transactions. There are two main reasons for this. The first is the large population of expatriate workers from India and Pakistan; they use hawala to send money home. The second is Dubai's large gold market, which is the source of much of the gold sent (licitly and illicitly) to India and Pakistan. Dubai, unlike many other South Asian nations, allows essentially unregulated financial dealings. Because of this, many South Asian businessmen maintain offices in Dubai, and money is often wired there to circumvent regulations elsewhere. In addition, Dubai offers a neutral meeting place for Indian and Pakistani businessmen, as tension between these countries makes travel between them difficult if not impossible.
This paper should not, however, be considered a condemnation of the economic policies of India or Pakistan, both of which have taken concrete steps to combat money laundering. The efficiency and cost effectiveness of hawala make it an attractive means of remitting money under almost any regulatory regime.
How is hawala used to launder money?
Up to this point, no distinction has been made between hawala transactions where the source of the money is legitimate (e.g. Abdul's remittance to his brother) and where the source, and intent, of the transactions is illegitimate. Following Indian and Pakistani usage, the term 'white hawala' is used to refer to legitimate transactions, such as Abdul's. The term 'black hawala' refers to illegitimate transactions, specifically hawala money laundering (11).
This distinction is valuable for money laundering enforcement. Many 'white' hawala transactions are essentially remittances, and, while illegal under Indian and Pakistani law, are not illegal in other jurisdictions. `Black' hawala transactions, however, are almost always associated with some serious offense (e.g. narcotics trafficking, fraud), that is illegal in most jurisdictions.
Money laundering consists of three phases: placement, layering and integration. Since hawala is a remittance system, it can be used at any phase.
In placement, money derived from criminal activities is introduced into the financial system. In many money laundering schemes, the biggest 'problem' here is handling cash. Some jurisdictions, such as the United States, require reporting by financial institutions of cash transactions over a certain amount (in the U.S. it is US$ 10,000) (12), and attempting to circumvent such reporting requirements by making smaller transactions is an offense.
Hawala can provide an effective means of placement. In the example, Abdul gave Yasmeen US$ 5,000 in cash. Since she also operates a business (and also performs remittance services for others), she will make periodic bank deposits consisting of cash and checks. She will justify these deposits to bank officials as the proceeds of her legitimate business. Even though she might prefer it if reports were not filed, she will not object to this as it would arouse suspicion at the bank (and her business provides more than adequate justification). She may also use some of the cash received to meet business expenses, reducing her need to deposit that cash into her bank account.
In the layering stage, the money launderer manipulates the illicit funds to make them appear as though they were derived from a legitimate source. A component of many layering schemes has been seen to be the transfer of money from one account to another. Even though this is done as carefully as possible, when it is done through the 'traditional' banking system it presents two problems to the money launderer. First, there is the possibility that a transaction could be considered to be suspicious and reported as such. Related to this is the paper trail created by these transactions. If any portion of the laundering network is examined, the related paper trails could lead a diligent investigator directly to the source of the criminal proceeds and unravel the money laundering network.
Hawala transfers leave a sparse or confusing paper trail if any. Even when invoice manipulation is used, the mixture of legal goods and illegal money, confusion about `valid' prices and a possibly complex international shipping network create a trail much more complicated than a simple wire transfer.
Both of the authors of this paper have investigated hawala money laundering, and have found that even 'basic' hawala transfers can be difficult to trace and tie to the original, criminal source of money. There is no reason, however, why hawala transfers could not be 'layered' to make following the money even more difficult. This could be done by using hawala brokers in several countries, and by distributing the transfers over time.
In the final stage of money laundering, integration, the launderer invests in other assets, uses the funds to enjoy his ill-gotten gains or to continue to invest in additional illegal activities. The same characteristics of hawala that make it a potential tool for the layering of money also make it ideal for the integration of money. This is when money seems to become legitimate, and, as we have seen, hawala techniques are capable of transforming money into almost any form, offering many possibilities for establishing an appearance of legitimacy.
Given hawala's close ties to business activities, there is no reason why money cannot be 'reinvested' in a legitimate (or legitimate appearing) business. Yasmeen could very easily arrange for the transfer of money from the United States to Pakistan, and then back to the United States, apparently as part of an investment in a business there.
What are some indicators of hawala?
As has been shown in this paper, hawala is actually quite simple; much of the complexity associated with and ascribed to hawala money laundering comes from the nearly infinite number of variations that are encountered in hawala transactions.
This complexity of variation makes it nearly impossible to lay out a straightforward guide to recognizing hawala money laundering as part of a criminal undertaking. It is, however, possible to provide a few indicators that may be useful.
One of the most consistent and valid indicators of hawala activity in investigations conducted in the United States is seen in bank accounts. A 'hawala' bank account almost always shows significant deposit activity, usually in the forms of cash and checks, which are often from one or more ethnic communities (e.g. Afghan, Bangladeshi, Indian, Pakistani, Somali) associated with the hawaladar. These checks may be made out to the primary account holder, or some secondary entity (often outside the United States) somehow associated with the account. These checks may also have some sort of notation, consisting of a name (presumably of the person to whom the money is remitted to) or something supposedly indicating what was 'bought' with the money. In one case, many checks were seen with the word 'bangle' written on them; this was done apparently in order to make it appear as though the checks, which were almost all for even dollar amounts, had been written to purchase jewelry.
These accounts will also almost always show outgoing transfers (usually by wire) to a major financial center known to be involved in hawala. Three of the most common locations are Great Britain, Switzerland, and, as discussed previously, Dubai. Given the flexible and casual nature of the hawala business, hawala accounts will not always be seen to balance. The following diagram summarizes 'hawala account' behavior:
As has been discussed, certain businesses are also more likely than others to be involved in hawala. Once again, it is not possible to give an exhaustive list, but the following is a starting point:
Travel and Related Services
Jewelry (gold, precious stones)
Rugs/Carpets
Car Rentals (usually non-chain or franchise)
Telephones/Pagers
Laws in India, Pakistan and other countries make it difficult to convert foreign currency (or foreign currency instruments, such as travelers' checks). Criminal activities in these countries may often involve foreign currency (especially dollars), which pose something of a problem. A 'solution' that has been seen to this problem is the shipment of these negotiable instruments from South Asia to the United States. Even though such shipments may violate both courier policies and U.S. law, the money launderers accept these risks rather than try to attempting to place these instruments into their local economies.
http://www.interpol.int/Public/FinancialCrime/MoneyLaundering/Hawala/default.asp
I will tell you this straight right now: when you make loaded accusations like this without doing your research, it is NOT appreciated on this forum...and you WILL make the mistake of making some real enemies pretty quick. This is not some fanboy pakistani forum and you would be truly deranged to think that you would even be tolerated here for long. India is "crying hoarse about terrorism" because it has been affected by "terrorism" sponsored from across the border for the last 62 years of its existence. As for "putting one's house in order", let me assure you that advice on that front is not needed from you because we have ALREADY embarked on that process: it is we who are scrutinizing and prosecuting groups purported to be involved in bomb blasts, we who are investigating alleged criminal-political nexuses and we who are taking a proactive approach to dealing with groups involved in terror- regardless of whether they are hindu, muslim, sikh or christian.
Let me also remind you that we aim to bring to bear political and diplomatic pressure on you because your "house" is so "out of order", so unruly and fetid from years of festering the same groups who are now taking you on to use as proxies against neighbouring states, that the filth is spilling over on to us. And as long as that rot that now infests your society continues to plague us, your business IS our business, your house OUR house and your agents (now turned enemy) OUR enemies as well. And India will crush those who try to poison and destroy her sons with "great vengeance and furious anger" as the Good Book of Ezekiel 25:17 says. And then shall you know the extents we will go to to protect our people when our vengeance is laid bare upon you.
This world IS a better place today because OUR conscript fathers sacrificed their blood for this nation, because WE are a thriving, functioning democracy despite all the problems we face, and because WE have the world's second largest muslim population that are a paragon of loyalty and peaceful coexistence for the rest of the Islamic world. It is better because WE as the world's second fastest - and now soon to be its fastest - growing economy contribute towards mitigating the debilitating effects of this economic recession. It is better because WE, despite having endured innumerable acts of constant cross-border terrorism, of interference in our internal affairs have always exercised prudence and caution in the face of defiance.
Make no mistake about it. Consider this a friendly-- word of advice.
pyromaniac Founding Member
Pakfalconk, please find me any world wide newspaper that will support the ridiculous statements that the PAKISTANI DAWN . You find me a good one, then we will take you seriously. Like Rage said, this is NOT the forum for blind fan boyish behavior. Meanwhile, your beloved pakistan seems to generate a lot of hits when I typed in Pakistan terrorist;
http://news.google.com/news?ned=us&hl=en&q=Pakistan+Terrorist
India on the other hand, I am sorry to say, not so much.... http://news.google.com/news?ned=us&hl=en&q=India+terrorist
sheesh...at this rate I am sure you will be banned before the end of the week.
pyromaniac, Mar 3, 2009
Neo Senior Member Senior Member
pyromaniac said: ↑
Don't kill the messenger, the news was also reported in western media.
Here's a link from The Current Affairs.com :India a hub of terror fund: US report
Neo, Mar 3, 2009
Flaming Of Any Kind or Form will not be Tolerated, Please stay on course of the topic and dont bring in Childish Comments!
Pak Pathan said: ↑
Yes, I think India should take more steps to combat this menace. No one thinks that there is any official support to this. It is more of a crime. No country is immune to crime.
LETHALFORCE Moderator Moderator
just a few obvious questions since Hawala is an closed system where USA cannot interfere would they have any ulterior reasons for this article? and how can they verify that hawala is used for funding? Hawala has been around probably even longer than the crumbling western banking system? Is hawala in anyways a threat to the decaying and insolvent western banking system? or is it perceived by the west as one because it is very solvent?(while they are insolvent)
LETHALFORCE, Mar 4, 2009


Knippa High School junior Tressa Reading has been selected to attend a four-day Battles Won Academy in Washington, D.C. this summer as part of the Marine Corps Semper Fidelis-All American Program, which aims to celebrate students who embody the same fighting spirit as Marines.
The program recognizes students who take on academic challenges while also working to better their community and excel in athletics and other extracurricular activities.
Reading, the daughter of Mandi and Dr. Jared Reading of Uvalde, was nominated by her powerlifting coach, Josh King. Following a standard application process, Reading was chosen as one of 95 juniors around the nation to attend.
Those selected had to be a junior in high school, have a 3.5 or higher GPA, be active in community service, play a competitive team sport and hold a student or community leadership position.


Two men lurked near a playground in Valdosta, Georgia. They had eyes for only one child, a five-year-old girl. Then they struck. They dashed into the play area and pushed down the teacher who tried to confront them. Then one man snatched up the little girl, who was screaming and kicking. The men's names were Michael McCormick and David Stapp, and the kidnapping victim was McCormick's five-year-old daughter.
The two abductors traveled from Mississippi to Valdosta to steal McCormick's daughter in what friends are claiming could be only a custody dispute gone horribly, horribly wrong.
That's what McCormick's friend, Adam Malson, is telling the reporters. When he heard about how his long-time friend snatched up the little girl and caused bodily harm to the teacher protecting her, he knew that there was trouble in the McCormick household.
"He is a loving father, and he came to get his daughter. The custody battle I'm sure is going to ensue," Malson said.
Malson admitted that things had gotten quite troublesome between McCormick and the mother of the girl. They were fighting and not getting along. The love they once had died and was replaced with nagging and bickering. And when the mother of the girl moved from Mississippi to Valdosta, McCormick snapped and recruited his friend, David Stapp, to kidnap his daughter and take her back.
Authorities are aware of the family issues in the case. Lowndes County Sheriff's Officer told WCTV that McCormick and the mother of his daughter have a documented history of not getting along. Nevertheless, McCormick committed a crime when he forced a teacher to the ground and grabbed his daughter, kidnapping her from the school playground.
"The teacher, seeing what was taking place, rushed to intervene and was pushed down as the pair took the child and left the school grounds," the Lowndes County Sheriff's Office said in a published statement.
Malson understands that his long-time friend is frustrated, but he is on the side of the law. He hopes that the matter will see its day in court, and McCormick will get an opportunity to see his daughter again. In the meantime, Malson believes that McCormick and Stapp should be allowed to post-jail and roam the Mississippi streets again. But given how he kidnapped his daughter, police and law enforcement officers are not certain he won't just try to do it again.
Do you think McCormick and Stapp deserve to walk free after this kidnapping case? Or should they remain behind bars until the court can decide what to do with them?


text:
Are Conservatives More Likely Than Liberals to Avoid Cognitive Dissonance?
Chris Mooney
Everett CollectionShutterstock
Ever since Stanford psychologist Leon Festinger's pioneering work on doomsday cults in the 1950s, the concept of cognitive dissonance has been well established in psychology and even, to some extent, embedded in public consciousness. Basically, when the mind is faced with an idea that is threatening to one's identity or sense of self—an idea that induces unpleasant dissonance—one tends to try to either avoid the thought or, perhaps, reinterpret it into something unthreatening or positive. Thus, in Festinger's landmark work, a doomsday cult interpreted the failure of the world to end on the precise day they had predicted as evidence that their beliefs were right in the first place!
But do liberals and conservatives differ in their tendency to avoid cognitive dissonance? Suggestive evidence from past research suggests they might. For instance, a study of voters in the 2000 election by Stanford public opinion specialist Shanto Iyengar and his colleagues found that although Republicans and conservatives were more interested in learning information about George W. Bush than about Al Gore, Democratic and liberal voters had no such political preference.
In a recent study in PLOS One, an online academic journal, the psychologist Jay Van Bavel and his colleagues at New York University set out to explicitly test whether conservatives are more likely than liberals to avoid the unsettling sensation of cognitive dissonance. For the experiment, they asked George W. Bush and Barack Obama supporters to write an essay supporting the president whom they had already said they opposed. It was a test, as the study's instructions instructions put it, of "the ability to craft logical arguments arguing positions you may not personally endorse."
Importantly, the study sometimes presented writing the essay as a choice—which is more likely to arouse dissonance—and other times presented it as an assignment. As a control, the participants were put through the same routine by being asked to write essays on a nonpolitical issue: How they felt about Macs vs. PCs.
Sure enough, the results yielded a significant partisan difference in the willingness to write the essay—but only when the essay was political (not about Macs vs. PCs) and only when writing it was presented a choice, not an assignment. In that context, the results were rather stunning: Not a single Bush supporter was willing to write a pro-Obama essay. That's 0 out of 28 Bush supporters overall. Obama supporters didn't like writing pro Bush essays much either, but they were a lot more willing in general: 20 out of 71 did so, or 28 percent overall. (The study sample, obtained through Amazon.com's Mechanical Turk, contained more liberals than conservatives.)
In fact, some conservatives sounded rather miffed after taking the study, leaving comments like: "Not for all the tea in China would I write that." In contrast, note the study authors, some liberals seemed to revel in the assignment. "This was fun!" as one put it.
The same finding arose—but less sharply—in a second study, when the presidents involved were Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, rather than Bush and Obama. Here, 13 out of 58 Clinton supporters—or 22 percent—wrote essays supporting Reagan, whereas just 3 out of 30—or 10 percent—of Reagan fans bothered to extoll Clinton. (The authors hypothesized that the response might have been different in this case because both former presidents are now quite well regarded, their reputations much more insulated from the partisanship of the current political moment.)
Like responsible scientists, the study authors noted factors other than the obvious one that could have contributed to their results—e.g., maybe liberals just enjoy the opportunity to be devil's advocates more than conservatives do. Or maybe it's really true (as much other research suggests) that the left-right divide reflects a deeper divide in psychology.
Liberals and conservatives did look almost identical when they were required to write the dissonance-inducing essay, rather than having a choice about the matter. When people are required to think positively about their political foes, they will, says NYU's Van Bavel. It isn't impossible, then—just something that happens far too rarely.
Your Hormones Tell You How to Vote
Plan B Drives Conservatives Crazy
The Science of Why Comment Trolls Suck
The Science of Why We Don't Believe Science


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