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Q: Torsion module over a PID as a direct sum I'm trying to answer the following and would appreciate a hint:

Let $R$ be a PID and $M$ an $R$-module. Let $p, q \in R$ be distinct
  primes. Define $$M_p=\{m \in M \mid p^\alpha m=0 \mbox{ for some } \alpha \geq 0\}$$ and $$M_q=\{m \in M \mid q^\beta m=0 \mbox{ for
some } \beta \geq 0\}.$$ Suppose $p^2q^2M=0$. Prove that $M = M_p
\oplus M_q$.

In particular, I'm having trouble seeing why if $m\in M$, there some reason that it should break into a parts which are annihilated by powers of $p$ and $q$, respectively.
Without any other assumptions on $M$, I'm not sure how to proceed. My first thought was to try to define a map $M_p \oplus M_q \rightarrow M$ by $(m_1 ,m_2) \mapsto m_1+m_2$, but it's not clear to me that that's even surjective.

A: By Bezout's identity (or by applying the PID property), there are $a,b\in R$ such that $ap+bq=1$. Then, take an appropriate power of it:
$$a^3\,p^3+3a^2b\,p^2q+3ab^2\,pq^2+b^3\,q^3=1$$
For any $m\in M$, we have $p^3m,\,p^2q\,m\in M_q$ and $pq^2m,q^3m\in M_p$, so the above sum will yield a decomposition of $m\in M_q+M_p$.
It remains to prove that $M_p\cap M_q=\{0\}$.
Suppose $m\in M_p\cap M_q$, that is, $p^\alpha m=q^\beta m=0$ for some $\alpha,\beta\ge 0$.
Then the above trick can be applied again, by taking an appropriate power ($\alpha+\beta$) of the identity $ap+bq=1$, so that each term on the left should be a multiple of either $p^\alpha$ or $q^\beta$. That will give $m=0$.


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Are matches made in heaven? A tale of two different marriages in Odisha
Edited By Saswat Singhdeo Published By Suryakant Jena On Feb 25, 2019 - 11:57 AM
Bhubaneswar: Not every marriage is made in heaven. While some couples make it heaven together, a few break up even before tying the nuptial knot.
A tale of two contrasting marriages from two different parts of the State will make one wonder on the age-old saying.
In the first instance reported from Dundelmal village under Junagarh block of Kalahandi, marriage was fixed between Deepanjali, daughter of local villager Sadharm Nayak, and son of Dharamgarh based Trinath Nayak, Amit. However, their destiny had other plans.
On the day of the marriage, everything was poised to happen smoothly until Amit's baraat party arrived at the bride's residence. Just prior to the beginning of the rituals on the mandap, Amit collapsed on the ground. In no time, family members of the bride found that the groom was in an inebriated state.
Subsequently, a furious Deepanjali rejected the marriage on the spot. Asked about it, Deepanjali said," I would rather die than marry a drunkard like Amit." Despite repeated attempts for compromise from both sides, the marriage was finally called off.
Malkangiri Class-1 Student Death: Action against 5 Staff of…
Meanwhile, in another corner of the State, a different love story has now united two completely contrasting cultures in the sacred bond.
Hailing from two regions separated by thousands of kilometers apart with different cultures, this couple has proved that love has no boundaries.
Seven years ago, Emma Lorre, a lady from Sweden had fallen in love with one Mohammad Azharuddin of Odisha while the latter was working as a chef in Goa. Despite staying far away from each other, both of them continued to be in a relationship through social media. After two years of online dating, Azharuddin travelled all the way to Sweden.
In 2015, both Emma and Mohammad decided to walk down the aisle together and after getting nod from their families, they finally tied the knot in Odisha in the presence of family members, friends and relatives.
"It has been seven years, and we have managed to stick through thick and thin. I hope that we live happily ever after," said Azharuddin.

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The Uttar Pradesh Power Corporation Limited will soon going to releases Uttar Pradesh Technical Grade 2 Cut off mark. After the examination the Expected Uttar Pradesh Power Corporation Limited Technician Cut off Marks to check.
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CUT OFF RESULTS UTTAR PRADESH Cut Off, Merit List, Result, UPPCL, Uttar Pradesh.


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Toby Anstis defends himself by calling the police after he gets stuck on the London Underground
Heart Dance radio presenter Toby Anstis had to defend himself on Tuesday after calling the police after his "horrific" commute on the London Underground.
After taking to Twitter to tell his listeners that he was calling the emergency services due to an "aggressive passenger" and may have been running late with his show – One follower accused him of "wanting to be blue lit in the studio".
DJ, 52, who was trapped on the "frozen" train for over an hour, responded: "It was nothing like that, it was black, no power, a female passenger being bullied."
The response: Heart Dance radio host Toby Anstis had to defend himself on Tuesday after calling the police after his "horrific" commute on the London Underground.
Toby hosts Heart Dance Breakfast weekdays from 7am-10am and Heart's Club Classics onriday nights from 7pm-11pm.
"Toby Anstis thinks he's better than everyone else, so he calls the police so the studio can be lit blue," wrote one disliked follower.
While another added: "Why not a driver?"
'It wasn't like that,' replied Toby angrily, 'It was black, no power, and a female passenger being bullied, while we were all stuck in a tube train. What do you think before you tweet complete crap! '.
Trapped: After taking to Twitter to tell his listeners he was calling emergency services because of an "aggressive passenger" and may have been late for his show – one follower accused him of "wanting to be blue lit in the studio"
The TV personality claimed the problem was caused by a signaling issue with train chiefs "struggling to wake up" an engineer.
Several pipelines experienced significant delays on Tuesday after temperatures dropped to just above freezing.
MailOnline has contacted the London Police and the TFL for comment.
Speaking to his 41,700 Instagram followers from a dark train, Toby said: 'Good morning, I'm currently stuck on a subway, I've been here for 30 minutes, about 20 meters from another station where I could have caught another train.
But apparently they can't get an engineer to fix the signal, and now all the lines are gone, it's freezing.
Speaking out: DJ, 52, who was trapped on a 'frozen' train for over an hour, responded: 'It was nothing like that, it was black, no power, a female passenger being bullied
Thank you TFL for making life so great at 7am! Sorry Heartdance listeners, I'm going to be a little late.
He's also taken to Twitter to express his frustration with the delays, initially writing at 6.08am: 'Currently stuck on a train on the #piccadillyline at a standstill for 15 minutes now.
No announcement of what's going on, the connection is usually rubbish from @tfl and the driver?! What's going on?! We all have jobs to get to! Heartdance listeners if you are late. '
He then wrote: "No service on #piccadillyline Hey! tfl the train didn't move for 20 minutes!!! Can't you hear what the driver is saying? !!
When TFL responded to his tweets, Toby added: "Check your screens and info, it's been sitting here for over 20 minutes now and you can't get off?!!!"
And then: 'Please @tfl, would you please let the train into Barrons Square so we can get to another line?' Pathetic service!!
Bad start to the morning: Toby claimed the problem was caused by a signaling issue with train chiefs "struggling to wake up" an engineer
He got another reply from Transportor London, to which he replied: 'It affects everyone! And simply because you can't hire an engineer to fix the signal! "
Toby then tweeted: 'Good morning Heartdance family, since @tfl kept us glued to the tube on #piccadillyline in London I can't be there to start my radio show at 7.uming!! Looks like they're trying to wake up an engineer to fix a signal. You can't make it up! # london.
Speaking directly to the transit operators on social media again, Toby explained: 'I hear you're still trying to wake up an engineer to fix the bloody signal, while we're all staying on a train. And now all the lights have gone out? !! I will report this and want compensation! "
Full stop: He took to Twitter to express his frustration at the delay, initially writing at 6.08am: "Currently stuck on a train on #piccadillyline which has been stalled for 15 minutes now"
Soon after, he wrote: "Please @tfl get this bloody train moving!" The lights are off and it's freezing! This is now totally unacceptable!!!
And then: "Come up for an hour stuck!!! On a freezing cold London tube train. -3, no electricity, no heat, no advertising, absolutely unjustifiable from you @tfl!"
Then Toby took another step forward to tag the Metropolitan Police. "Hmm I'm serious now @tfl," Toby wrote.
We are freezing with blood on this train. Stuck between Hammersmith and Barons Ct, you need to get us out, and fast. I also call the police as there are now aggressive people causing problems. @employee
He then went on to update fans shortly after, telling them he'd be live at Heart Dance at 8 AM.
The Problem: Then Toby took it one step further to tag the DC Police. 'Well I'm serious now @tfl,' Toby wrote.
When asked by a follower if he was okay after the accident, Toby said, "Just!" It shocked me a bit, I won't lie! Terrible TFL and London Underground! I hope you start your day better, Gary.
In the end, Toby got to work an hour late – and while some fans were genuinely concerned for Toby's safety, others thought he was trying to use his fame as a way to prioritize help by the TFL and Met Police.
The radio host has been on several TV shows over the years, including I'm a Celebrity… Get Me Out of Here! in 2006 alongside Jason Donovan, Mylene Klass, and Dean Gaffney.
TV guy: In the end, Toby got to work an hour late — and while some fans were genuinely concerned for Toby's safety, others thought he was trying to use his fame as a way to prioritize help by the TFL and Met Police (pictured) 2006 While I'mrom celebrities
https://www.dailymail.co.uk/tvshowbiz/article-11645391/Toby-Anstis-defends-calling-police-getting-stuck-Londons-Underground.html?ns_mchannel=rss&ns_campaign=1490&ito=1490
The best equipment for each character in One Piece Odyssey
The display and sale of orchids belong to Hershey Gardens
Kyle Richards shows off toned arms in a black tank top while working out at the…
Emily Prescott:ormer Chancellor George Osborne and his fiancee, Thea Rogers,…
The investigation into British actress Riseborough's Oscar nomination has left…
Lower Paxton Police are investigating a firearm disorder
The investigation into British actress Riseborough's Oscar nomination has left Hollywood insiders stunned


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Mediation in Countries
Медиация в:
International Student Mediation Competition
International Forum. Commercial Mediation in Eastern Europe and Central Asia
3rd International Mediation Fest in Minsk
Find Mediator
At the moment in Armenia there is no Law on Mediation. However, it did not become an obstacle to the mediation appearance in this country.
ABOUT MEDIATION IN ARMENIA
Legal regulation
Mediation in Armenia has started because of legal and judicial reforms in the country began. The purpose of introducing mediation was to reduce the burden on the judicial system of the country. The Civil Procedure Code, the Family Code and the Civil Code of the Republic of Armenia content the main legal regulations of the mediation procedure.
Peculiarities of Mediation in Armenia
There are extrajudicial and judicial forms of mediation in Armenia.
Agreement on mediation may be concluded between parties in connection with specific civil, work or family legal relations about the settlement of all or certain existing or potential disputes through mediation. A dispute cannot be handed to arbitration, if it is examined through mediation. Also a dispute cannot be handed to arbitration if there is a mediation agreement about it, and there is still a possibility to settle the dispute based on that agreement.
At any stage of procedure in the first instance or appellate court, the court is entitled, with a view of reconciling the parties upon the agreement of the parties or through mediation, to appoint a mediatory process with the participation of a licensed mediator.
The procedure of mediation is voluntary. Each of the parties as well as mediator can terminate the process of mediation at any time.
For the parties that have resolved their dispute by the virtue of mediation procedure, it is possible to return the state duty paid by them when applying to the court.
Sphere of Application
Mediation in Armenia can be applied to disputes arising from civil, labor, family and other legal relationships, as well as in criminal cases and in executive proceedings.
Mediation Agreement
A reconciliation agreement concluded in the result of the court-assigned mediation shall approved by the court, unless the reconciliation agreement includes a confidentiality condition, on which mediation parties have agreed to terminate the case without approval of the reconciliation agreement
If the reconciliation agreement in the result of mediation has been concluded out of the court, by participation of a licensed mediator, than each party of the mediation is entitled, within six months after concluding the reconciliation agreement, to apply to the court of general jurisdiction of his/her place of residence with a claim to approve the reconciliation agreement between the parties by the court.
Mediation Europe-Asia
It's about mediation and mediators in 12 countries of Easter Europe and Central Asia.
Here you can find information about the state of mediation in 12 countries, national laws on mediation, mediators and others.
You can find:
UPU "Center for Mediation and Negotiations"
Address: 220007 Belarus, Minsk
Mogilevskaya Str, 2/2
Phone: +375 17 216-25-65
Email: reception@mediation-eurasia.pro
© All rights reserved. Mediation Europe-Asia


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Paul Walker's Brothers Say Filming 'Furious 7' Helped Them Grieve His Death
On the eve of Game4Paul, Cody Walker and Caleb Walker remember their brother Paul Walker and how filming Furious 7 helped them move on from his death
Published on September 16, 2016 03:10 PM
Photo: Source: Cody B Walker/Instagram
Paul Walker was still filming the seventh installment in the Fast and the Furious franchise when he died.
To finish the film, his brothers Caleb Walker and Cody Walker stepped in – doubling for the actor in critical scenes to help finish his storyline.
Now, nearly three years later, the Walker brothers say that experience helped them grieve their loss.
"We got to understand more about Paul, and what he was all about," Caleb told Cameron Mathison in an interview with Entertainment Tonight. "We had to share Paul with a lot of people, in a weird way. He was gone a lot, he was filming, so we missed him. To kind of get that closure, and understanding [of] Paul was really special."
He went on to say that Vin Diesel, Michelle Rodriguez, Jordana Brewster, Tyrese and Ludacris shared "some really cool stories" about Paul that helped the brothers understand their famous sibling more.
"Paul kept a lot of things about work kind of quiet with his family and friends, and so we were able to learn some things through [his co-stars]," Caleb said.
"We had a really good talk with Vin," he added. "Vin is like the godfather, he really is. And he kind of became our godfather in a weird way. He obviously knew Paul so well. He shared things with us that Cody and I [didn't know]."
The Walker brothers may have more time to get to know the Furious cast in the future too. While Paul's character, Brian O'Conner, left the gang in Furious 7 – there's a chance he might return.
RELATED VIDEO :Remembering Paul Walker on His Birthday – The Actor's Legacy, 3 Years After His Tragic Death
"I had a phone call with Vin for about an hour and we really discussed this a while back," Caleb explained. "He wanted [our] blessing."
The two reportedly discussed if and when it "would be acceptable to maybe bring Paul's character back … to really kind of let his fans know he's still out there."
It's a concern of Furious's studio too. "Universal wants to make sure to be respectful of Paul and his image too, and his family," Cody confessed.
In the meantime, the two are busy keeping Paul's memory alive – through the late star's disaster relief nonprofit organization, Reach Out WorldWide.
In honor of Paul's birthday, friends and family will come together Saturday for the second annual Game4Paul fundraiser. The event will be streamed live through Twitch TV, Facebook Live, and game4paul.com. Beginning at 12 p.m. PST, fans will be able to interact with celebrities through live chat features and donate.
The funds from the six-hour event will go on to support the Louisiana flood victims and help ROWW prepare to respond to similar disasters.
"It's what he left behind for us," Cody explained. "and for that reason we're going to support it and keep it going for as long as we possibly can. It's a piece of him."
Paul Walker's Brother Cody, 'Fast and Furious' Star Sung Kang Appear in PSA Against Street Racing
Paul Walker's Brother Cody Thanks 'Family' Vin Diesel for 'Showing Up in a Big Way' at FuelFest
Justin Lin Announces He Will No Longer Direct 'Fast and Furious 10' Days Into Production on 'Fast X'
Jordana Brewster Says Her Grief Over 'Fast & Furious' Costar Paul Walker's Death 'Comes in Waves'
Jason Momoa Teases His 'Fast & Furious 10' Villain Role: A 'Very Flamboyant Bad Boy'
Jason Momoa in Talks to Join 'Fast & Furious 10' Cast: Reports
Paul Walker's Daughter Meadow Remembers Dad on 8-Year Anniversary of His Death: 'Miss You Endlessly'
Vin Diesel Remembers Paul Walker After What Would Have Been His 48th Birthday: 'Miss You. Always'
Jordana Brewster Relies on Onscreen Brother Vin Diesel for Advice: He's My 'Steadfast Guide'
Vin Diesel Walked Goddaughter Meadow Walker Down the Aisle at Her Wedding
Vin Diesel Reveals His Daughter Was Meadow Walker's Maid of Honor in Tribute to Her Father Paul
Paul Walker's Daughter Meadow Shares Sweet Childhood Throwback for Late Dad's 48th Birthday
Everything to Know About Dwayne Johnson and Vin Diesel's Feud Over the Years
Dwayne Johnson Will 'Not' Return to 'Fast and Furious', Calls Vin Diesel's Ask to Come Back Manipulative
John Cena Admits 'F9' Cast Was 'Apprehensive' About Him Joining Franchise: 'Who Is the New Kid?'
WATCH: Cardi B Says She Was 'Scared' of Working with Vin Diesel on 'F9' But Found He's 'So Nice'


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Hopберт ван Блумен (; 10 февраля 1670, Антверпен —1746, Амстердам) — фламандский живописец. Работал в Италии. Известен также под прозванием «Кефал». Брат художников Питера и Яна Франса ван Блуменов.

Биография
Hopберт ван Блумен родился 10 февраля 1670 года в городе Антверпене. Получил известность в Риме своими пейзажами и жанровыми сценами, напоминающими бытовые сценки картин художников «бамбоччанти». Он также писал портреты и картины исторического жанра.

Первые уроки живописи брал у своего старшего брата Питера ван Блумена — будущего декана Академии Святого Луки в Риме. Норберт уехал в Италию, в Рим вслед за своими братьями. В 1688 году Питер и Ян Франс отправились в Рим и были зарегистрированы в приходе Сант-Андреа-делле-Фратте. В 1690 году Норберт присоединился к братьям в Риме. Неизвестно, жил ли он со своими братьями в Сант-Андреа-делле-Фратте.

В «Вечном городе» Норберт занимался преимущественно бытовой и портретной живописью и стал членом объединения художников «Перелётные птицы» (Bentvueghels), ассоциации в основном голландских и фламандских живописцев, работающих в Риме. В обществе было принято давать каждому художнику так называемое «перелётное имя» (bent name). Питер получил новое имя «Кефал» или «Цефалос» (). Причина, по которой он был назван древнегреческим именем остаётся неясной.

Художественная карьера Норберта в Италии оказалась не столь удачной, как у его братьев, поэтому, в 1724 году он покинул итальянскую столицу и вернулся в родной город. Однако и в Антверпене работа художника не задалась и он переехал в Амстердам (Северные Нидерланды), где писал картины на исторические сюжеты и портреты. Он оставался там до конца своей жизни. Hopберт ван Блумен скончался в 1746 году в городе Амстердаме.
Норберт ван Блумен был одним из учителей Корнелиса Плооса ван Амстела в Амстердаме.

Творчество
Норберт ван Блумен писал в основном бытовые сцены и итальянизированные пейзажи, в стилевом отношении они близки картинам его старшего брата Питера, который также был его учителем. Время от времени Норберт писал картины на исторические и библейские сюжеты, в том числе для подпольных католических церквей в Голландии, а также портреты, такие как портрет Яна Питерса Зомера, торговца картинами в Амстердаме (Рейксмюсеум, Амстердам).

При жизни художника его произведения ценились невысоко, но теперь они находятся в престижных международных коллекциях. В Санкт-Петербургском Эрмитаже хранятся три картины Норберта ван Блумена.

Галерея

Примечания

Художники по алфавиту
Художники XVII века
Художники XVIII века
Художники Фландрии

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


A place for information about the moving image, as well as where we post online videos.
I've finished up a video that I was collecting images for at the Interference Archive during the end of this last August (right after gathering for our Justseeds planning retreat)….
A beautiful video that isn't selling ANYthing! It's message is stronger than any advertisement.
Bishop Samuel Ruíz passed into the Spirit World on Monday. Ruiz, known by many in Chiapas as Tatic, was a supporter of the Zapatistas and their struggle for collective autonomy….
If a Tree Falls: A Story of the Earth Liberation Front, a new film about environmental activist and political prisoner Daniel McGowen, is playing at this years Sundance Film Festival….
BP loves art, hates earth?
ADM Tries to Take Down Funny Video; Big Business Has No Solutions; Now What?
Here's a great video on printmaking, made by the folks at La Mano Press.


Deon was raised in Houston, Texas. His mother introduced him to Jesus at an early age and as a result he later heard the gospel preached at the church his uncle pastored and God opened his heart. He later joined and was baptized at Greater Pure Light in Houston, Texas. After being there for about 2 years, he joined the Good Shepherd Baptist Church where he faithful served for over 13 years in multiple capacities from usher, Sunday school teacher, deacon, ordained minister and elder. After graduating from the College of Biblical Studies along with teaching he also began to create teaching curriculums for vacation bible school, Sunday school and bible study classes. Through these experiences God has given him passion to lead today's un-churched generation to a closer, more intimate relationship with God. To such a degree, they become worshippers of God with a passion to help enhance the Kingdom. Deon is married to Shiwanna Archer and look forward to God blessing them with children someday. Deon joined the ministry of Higher Expectations Church with the blessing the Good Shepherd Baptist Church leadership in 2016, where he is serving as the resident church-planting intern with the goal of planting in early 2019 in Northeast Harris County.
We believe that the Great Commission and the Great Commandment are the keys to building a Great Church. It is with this mandate from Christ that we are committed to seeing people from all walks of life become fully devoted followers of Jesus Christ. In short, we envision a disciple-making church committed to multiplication among those living in Houston's Northeast Harris County communities.
It is our dream not just to become a large church of 1000 or more people but to see the birth of a network of neighborhood community churches, committed to unified vision and mission while living out a set of core values that shape or fellowship. We believe God is calling us to plant a collective of churches in urban communities throughout Northeast Harris County. We long for the day when multiple neighborhood community churches will be worshipping and living on mission together. Hence the mantra "We are better Together"!
We believe that a disciple is not just someone that occasionally attends a worship service, but those committed to the local church through corporate and private worship, engaged in the relational and spiritual life of the church as an active member doing life in a community group with other members of the local body. Additionally, we believe a disciple of Jesus Christ is committed to reaching those far from Christ by all available means, to include sharing their faith, giving of their finances, time and talent for the building of the Kingdom of God and the local church as a visible witness to a watching world.
Has God spoken to your heart?
Stay updated on Redeeming Word Community Church!


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Ye most auncient towne in Connecticut Needs a few Volunteers for Residents
Aging and Disability Services
Ye most auncient towne in Connecticut Needs several volunteers for its not so auncient residents who are legally blind and need a buddy. If you can read mail, shop with a list or in person, sort mail, friendly visit, go out for lunch or just be a friend, this is for YOU!
Drop what you are doing and work some magic worthy of those Witches of Blackbird Pond!
Requirements to be a great volunteer include:
a desire to help others;
a pleasant demeanor;
a good reading/speaking voice;
average reading skills;
organizational or planning abilities;
a good driving record;
a clear criminal history;
two references
access to a car with proof of insurance;
a minimum of $50/100k liability and $5,000 of property damage coverage.
Volunteers will be matched within three to five miles of home or work.
200 More opportunities with Aging and Disability Services
About Aging and Disability Services
184 Windsor Avenue, Volunteer Positions in Most CT Towns, Windsor, CT 06095, US
Maximizing opportunities for the independence and well-being of people with disabilities and older adults in Connecticut. Core Values INTEGRITY: We interact honestly and fairly with all others, adhering to strong ethics, values and principals. RESPECT: We value and recognize others for their unique skills, talents and contributions, and are considerate in all interactions. PROFESSIONALISM: We are mindful of our daily conduct and strive to have the highest work standards with a courteous attitude. OPEN COMMUNICATION: We encourage the sharing of information and knowledge in an accurate, honest and supportive way.
Aging and Disability Services: Bureau of Education and Services for the Blind
Welcome to the Department of Aging and Disability Services. Our programs, policies and practices are designed to:
Deliver integrated aging and disability services responsive to the needs of Connecticut citizens;
Provide leadership on aging and disability issues statewide;
Provide and coordinate aging and disability programs and services in the areas of employment, education, independent living, accessibility and advocacy;
Advocate for the rights of Connecticut residents with disabilities and older adults; and
Serve as a resource on aging and disability issues at the state level.
The Bureau of Education and Services for the Blind enables its clients to become more self-sufficient and to maximize their participation in the community, at school and in employment settings. It is important to note that most people who are legally blind retain a significant degree of practical vision.
900 Silas Deane HighwayMeggat ParkLocal streetWethersfield, CT 06109
Executive Admin


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Enjoy a special viewing of the retrospective exhibition Masahisa Fukase - Private Scenes and explore the life work of Japanese photographer Fukase outside of regular museum hours.
Explore the works by Masahisa Fukase (1934-2002) undisturbed for hours on end. On the evening of Wednesday 19 September, Foam opens the doors for a chance to visit and complimentary guided tours.
After Masahisa Fukases death in 2012, the archives were gradually disclosed, revealing a wealth of material that had never been shown before. Foam presents a large-scale retrospective with original prints from the Masahisa Fukase Archives in Tokyo. In addition to his seminal body of work Ravens, the exhibition in Foam contains a number of important photo series, publications and documentation dating from the 1960s to 1992.
The exhibition Masahisa Fukase - Private Scenes is made possible by the Japan Foundation. With special thanks to Kyotographie and Frameman.


The GPS coordinates for Piranha Dossier are 68.1 and 67.6, they have also been listed in the table below.
The teleport command can be used by Ark server administrators to teleport to Piranha.
The command to teleport to Piranha is below. Click the "Copy to Clipboard" button to swiftly copy the command to your clipboard.
The coordinates for Piranha have been listed in the table below.


Made in the UK and produced in premises that operate to stringent GMP pharmaceutical standards.
Extra High strength B vitamin complex.
Taking this product may occasionally result in a darker yellow colouration of the urine is normal. This is harmless and indicates the body is using the Vitamin B2 (Riboflavin) effectively.
A clear coated yellow/white speckled oval tablet.
DiCalcium Phosphate, Cellulose, Hydroxypropyl Methylcellulose, Crosslinked Cellulose Gum, Tablet Coating: (Hydroxypropyl Methylcellulose, Glycerin), Silicon Dioxide, Stearic Acid, Magnesium Stearate.


text:
NewsletterEurope
Cracks Are Emerging in Europe's Unity Over Ukraine
Dave Keating Mar 17, 2022 October 17, 2022
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky speaks during a meeting with the prime ministers of Slovenia, Czech Republic and Poland in Kyiv, Ukraine, March 15, 2022 (photo by the Ukrainian Presidential Press Office via AP).
Diplomats in Brussels breathed a sigh of relief yesterday following the safe return of three leaders from the European Union's eastern bloc who made a surprise visit to Ukraine earlier this week. The prime ministers of Poland, Slovenia and the Czech Republic met with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in Kyiv on Tuesday evening. Their visit was cheered across Europe as a brave gesture of support and solidarity for Ukraine. But for EU diplomats, the unilateral initiative was nonetheless alarming news that does not bode well for the continental and trans-Atlantic unity on display within the EU and NATO since Russia's invasion three weeks […]
By: Dave Keating


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And for Dessert: An Object Lesson on Simple Pleasure
How a disappointing dessert becomes an object lesson on simplicity and pleasure
Sarah C. Rich
Re-creation of a dessert from the Chez Panisse menu. (Total cost: $3.98) Feedloader (Clickability)
Arguably the most undesigned dessert I ever received in a restaurant was at Chez Panisse—the legendary eatery built upon Alice Waters' youthful revelation in 1960s France that American food could be *so much better*.
The bowl that was set down before us was small, and in it were a cluster of Black Sphinx dates and two Pixie tangerines. The dates were not whipped into a pudding or baked into a cake; the citrus was not candied or even peeled. It looked more like a still life than haute cuisine.
Reactions to this adamant culinary simplicity vary, but as food critic Kim Severson puts it in her book Spoon Fed, describing a meal at Chez Panisse, "The first time can be underwhelming. You sit down to a few nuts…move into a plate of raw halibut and then a pile of greens…The meal ends with a little dish of peach ice milk and the bill is $95…For some people, the only reasonable response is, 'What the hell?'"
Of course, that's not the end of the thought. Her own incredulity gave way to admiration for Waters' boldness in presenting naked ingredients to her diners and letting them find their own way to nirvana. " peeled a little Pixie tangerine from the Ojai Valley, its perfume exactly what you might think sunshine smelled like, my brain adjusted itself," Severson recalls.
It's the same kind of revelatory tale told by early devotees of minimalist design—overcoming the disorientation of a structure as seemingly plain as a Mies van der Rohe house or a Donald Judd sculpture, and discovering something profound in the lack of superfluous embellishment.
It's no accident that Pixie was the variety Severson and I both tasted on our visits to Chez Panisse, nor that California's Ojai Valley was explicitly named as its provenance. "Ojai is legendary as a place where good citrus is grown," says Jim Churchill (aka Tangerine Man), co-owner of Churchill orchard. "They used to ship Ojai oranges to the White House."
The way Churchill tells it, his Pixies owe their celebrity status to Chez Panisse—or rather, to the market that has long supplied much of the restaurant's produce. He further posits that the Pixie paved the way for today's massive seedless mandarin market. (Pixies are usually marketed as tangerines, but are botanically in the mandarin family Reticulata Blanco.) "When I first started trying to sell Ojai Pixies, I literally couldn't give them away," he says, "I couldn't get 10 cents a pound. The reason was they didn't get ripe during the tangerine season. After January nobody would buy them. That was 1987."
It's hard to remember a time when citrus was considered a wintertime-only treat, but early spring—"late season" in grower terms—marked the end of consumer expectation and demand for oranges and mandarins. The Pixie, released by UC Riverside's citrus breeding program in 1965, was suboptimal in terms of maturation and skin color. Churchill considers it a lucky misjudgment that when he planted his first trees in 1980, he didn't know enough about commercial viability to doubt himself. What he knew was that the fruit tasted remarkable.
Fortunately, Bill Fujimoto, then owner and manager of Monterey Market in Berkeley, didn't mold his inventory to the mass market—he created demand by peddling new discoveries. "Bill had a nose and eye for good stuff and he just started buying the Pixies. He always had chefs hanging around in the back room and Lindsey Shere, the founding pastry chef at Chez Panisse, found them there. She put them on the menu and called them by name."
Twenty-five years later, the Pixie is still the restaurant's favored object lesson on simple pleasure. While numerous mandarin varieties have been developed and deployed in the interim, Chez Panisse sticks with the one that traces a personal story, from the unadorned bowl to the market down the road, to the optimistic farmer whose naivete opened the door for an unmarketable fruit to succeed. "We're a tiny dot on the back of the elephant of late season tangerine sales now," says Churchill. "The Pixie is not the world's most attractive tangerine, but if you shop with your mouth, with your tongue, you'll be happy."
In most supermarkets, you can't shop by taste, which is why the varieties that fly off the shelves are the ones that have the best-looking skin, the brightest packaging. Paying $8.50 for a few ounces of unmanipulated fruit at a high-end restaurant might be called an act of elitism. Or it might be construed like museum admission—a fee for the favorable "brain adjustment" that results from accepting the unexpected. On the other hand, rarefied air is not a prerequisite for a change of perspective. Good minimalist design, no matter the medium, is a just combination of simple materials and real intention.
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Sarah Rich is a writer and digital media consultant who previously contributed to Smithsonian.com's Design Decoded blog. She co-founded Longshot magazine and is the co-curator of the Foodprint Project.


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Aimeric de Peguilhan1
Bernard Weinberg1
Frank M. Chambers1
Jean de la Fontaine1
Norman B. Spector1
Literary Criticism4
Northwestern University Press[remove]4
Humanities Open Books4
Filtering by: Keyword France Remove constraint Keyword: France Publisher Northwestern University Press Remove constraint Publisher: Northwestern University Press
1. The Complete Fables of Jean de la Fontaine
This edition of Jean de La Fontaines fables includes an English translation published alongside the French text. Norman Spector adapted the French text from the 1883-85 edition by Henri Rgnier, adding four tales from the 1962 edition by Georges Couton. Spectors translation is in rhymed verse, and remains faithful to...
Jean de la Fontaine and Norman B. Spector
2. Critical Prefaces of the French Renaissance
Critical Prefaces of the French Renaissancecontains nearly 30 prefaces from the works of French poets and dramatists published from 1525 to 1611. Bernard Weinbergs helpful book collects prefaces from the works of satirical poets, as well as dramatists, and provides a short introduction to each preface setting it in its...
Bernard Weinberg
3. A Critical Bibliography of the Published Writings of Romain Rolland
Late nineteenth-and early twentieth-century French writer Romain Rolland remains best known for his epic coming-of-age tale, Jean Christoph. InA Critical Bibliography of the Published Writings of Romain Rolland William Thomas Starr Starr painstakingly collects the information on all writings by and about this prolific author through 1949. Organized into two...
William Thomas Starr
4. The Poems of Aimeric de Peguilhan
Poems of Aimeric de Peguilhan is the first critical, annotated translation in English of the collected work of poet Aimeric de Peguilhan. In itWilliam P. Shepard and Frank M. Chambers provide translations and introductory material to the work of the medieval French troubadour.
Frank M. Chambers, Aimeric de Peguilhan, and William P. Shepard


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Nell'Islam, la figura che corrisponde a Gesù è chiamata Isa. Mentre nel cristianesimo Gesù è considerato come la Parola di Dio e la sua incarnazione, nell'Islam la Parola di Dio in senso proprio è il Corano e Isa è un profeta che prepara la venuta di Maometto, il sigillo dei profeti. Talvolta nel Corano si citano alcuni attributi tradizionali cristiani in riferimento a Isa, come messia, verbo e spirito, ma tali termini non sono intesi nel significato tradizionale cristiano.

Nel Corano inoltre viene esplicitamente criticato il dogma cristiano della Trinità e Unità di Dio, sebbene in termini non corrispondenti al dogma ortodosso

Nell'Islam, Gesù è riconosciuto come il Messia e considerato un profeta al pari di Muhammad.
Tradizionalmente la menzione di Isa viene sempre accompagnata dall'eulogia "Su di lui la pace [di Allah])" (in arabo ʿalayhi al-salām), simile all'eulogia impiegata per il profeta Maometto (sallā Allāhu ʿalayhi wa-sallam, cioè "Dio lo benedica e gli dia pace"). Gesù è menzionato diverse volte nel Corano oltre che nella tradizione islamica, con il nome di "Gesù figlio di Maria" (). Il Corano si riferisce a Gesù con la formula "il messaggero di Dio" o "la parola di Dio" oltre che il Messia e il figlio di Maria.

Secondo la tradizione messianica islamica, Gesù tornerà sulla Terra dopo il Mahdi alla fine dei tempi, annunciando lo yawm al-dīn, ovvero il giorno del giudizio finale, e si afferma che egli apparirà lì dove si erge il "minareto di Gesù" (manār ʿĪsà) della moschea degli Omayyadi di Damasco.

Confronto tra tradizione islamica e cristiana

Ci sono alcune somiglianze con i racconti evangelici, molte di più se ne trovano con i vangeli Apocrifi del Nuovo Testamento (in particolare col Protovangelo di Giacomo, il Vangelo dello pseudo-Matteo e i Vangeli dell'infanzia), ma anche numerose differenze rispetto alla narrazione cristiana degli eventi riguardanti la figura di Gesù: nell'islam infatti non è il figlio di Dio, tantomeno Dio egli stesso, ma un profeta che ha preparato la venuta di Maometto:

Questo per ribadire che Allah (essere assoluto e immateriale) non ha concepito "fisicamente" Gesù e che non si tratta egli stesso di Dio incarnato.
Infatti Gesù è stato creato senza padre al pari di Adamo e questo non è impossibile per Allah, essendo che Egli possiede potere su tutte le cose, così come quello sulla vita e la morte sulle persone.

Gesù è inteso come una creatura umana di Allah e come un profeta, per importanza secondo solamente a Maometto, il sigillo dei profeti (Corano 2,87.136.253; 3,45; 4,171; 5,75; 57,27; 61,6). Secondo la tradizione islamica, il Corano resta la prima rivelazione di Allah e il primo testo sacro di riferimento, alla luce del quale viene interpretata anche la rivelazione biblica. Le differenze storiche e teologiche emergono ad esempio in merito alla morte di croce, alla Resurrezione e all'Ascensione di Gesù al cielo.
Gesù Cristo è definito uno dei Masih, parola araba equivalente dell'ebraico Mašīaḥ, che significa Messia, l'Unto, uno dei nomi tradizionali di Gesù nell'Islam, inteso come "purificato", "rivestito" di una particolare autorità spirituale da Allah. Egli è anche chiamato uno dei più vicini, espressione frequente nel Corano per intendere le creature che sono più prossime ad Allah nella vita terrena e ultraterrena:

Il Corano accetta i principali miracoli di Gesù, inclusa la resurrezione altrui dai morti, puntualizzando che avvengono per volere di Allah, che è anche il suo Signore. Gesù non è chiamato né Dio né Figlio di Dio, ma creatura di Maria Vergine, creato da Allah:
 Gesù nell'islam ha una posizione simile a quella dell'eterodossa cristologia adozionista in quanto creatura speciale di Dio chiamata da lui ad una missione particolare, ma né coeterno, né consustanziale, né tanto meno parte della trinità (che nell'islam non esiste): Gesù è una creatura di Dio nell'islam.

Diversamente dal Credo niceno-costantinopolitano proclamato dai cristiani, Gesù non sarebbe coeterno a Dio, dal Padre generato prima di tutti i secoli, ma una creatura umana creata dal nulla e pur concepita nel grembo di Maria Vergine in un certo tempo della storia, con il compito di confermare la Legge enunciata nell'Antico Testamento. Se Adamo ed Eva non ebbero genitori, Gesù fu loro simile in quanto non ebbe padre (genetico).
Inoltre, secondo un'interpretazione dell'Islam, egli non morì in croce e quindi nemmeno fu resuscitato da Dio, ma ascese direttamente al cielo, assunto al Paradiso e al cospetto di Allah in anima e corpo (III,55: "O Gesù, ti porrò un termine e ti eleverò a me, e ti purificherò dai miscredenti").
L'Islam non conosce i dogmi tipicamente cristiani della Trinità e dell'Incarnazione, e molti passi del Corano mettono in guardia da queste dottrine, considerate empie e false, per ribadire che Dio è uno e uno solo, ed è assolutamente trascendente rispetto all'umanità.

Riguardo al puro monoteismo, il Corano afferma:

 Ciononostante, viene accettata la sua miracolosa "nascita virginale" da Maria (in lingua araba Maryam), cui è dedicato spazio non esiguo sul Corano:

Anche la sua grande sapienza e i suoi numerosi miracoli (karamāt), sono attribuiti dall'islam alla volontà di Allāh.
Altri riferimenti si trovano nelle sure: V 17-72 75, X 68-69, XIX 88-92, XXII 26-29, XXV 1-2, XXXIX 4, XIII 82-83.
Si nega invece la morte in croce di Gesù e la sua resurrezione:

L'idea che Cristo non sia stato realmente crocifisso (in qualche modo assimilabile all'eresia cristiana del docetismo), e che il supplizio non sia stato in realtà da lui subito, potrebbe essere frutto di un'influenza dello gnosticismo, anche se la figura del "Gesù-profeta" dell'islam non dà adito a discussioni articolate e complesse sulla propria natura e riveste comunque importanza minore rispetto al cristianesimo che vede invece nella morte di Gesù il cardine della Salvezza ("Principio della Soddisfazione Vicaria"). L'argomento sull'apparente ma non reale crocifissione di Gesù viene letto nell'islam secondo diverse interpretazioni: vi è chi sostiene che esso debba essere vissuto in termini teologici e simbolici non storici, per cui l'argomento stesso sottolinea l'impossibilità per l'uomo di uccidere la "Parola di Dio", che è sempre "eterna e vittoriosa"; vi è invece chi sottolinea come la narrazione dei Vangeli contenga delle imprecisioni, errori e contraddizioni, per cui il supplizio inferto alla figura di Gesù narrato dai testi cristiani sia un falso storico.

Anche la Trinità è negata dall'islam:

Il nome ʿĪsā, nell'onomastica araba, è retaggio dei musulmani. Gli arabi cristiani chiamano Gesù "Yasū`" (يسوع), e normalmente non lo usano come nome di persona.

Gesù in India
Il movimento islamico degli Ahmadi di Qādyān e anche quello di Lahore, in India - considerato eretico dalla maggioranza dell'islam - sostiene che Gesù non sarebbe morto in croce, ma sarebbe sopravvissuto alla crocifissione e fuggito dalla Palestina verso l'India, dove avrebbe vissuto ancora per molti anni fino a morire di vecchiaia (all'età di 120 anni) a Srinagar, nel Kashmir: qui si trova infatti il santuario di Roza Bal tradizionalmente indicato dagli Ahmadiyya come «la tomba di 'Īs» (nome simile a quello con il quale i musulmani chiamano Gesù, ʿĪsā ibn Maryam), il luogo dove si trovano le spoglie mortali di Yuz Asaf (nome indiano buddista), il profeta venuto dall'occidente.

Tale ipotesi è stata ripresa e divulgata in occidente in tempi relativamente recenti dagli scritti dell'ufologo Andreas Faber-Kaiser. Questi si rifaceva, a sua volta, al contenuto di un preteso e mai mostrato manoscritto tibetano (che dunque con l'islam non ha nulla a che fare), che il giornalista russo Nicolas Notovitch aveva riportato nel libro La vie inconnue de Jesus Christ ("La vita sconosciuta di Gesù Cristo"), pubblicato in lingua francese nel 1894. In tale manoscritto sarebbe stata contenuta la narrazione della vita di Gesù in Tibet. Notovich affermava di aver ricevuto il manoscritto dalle mani del superiore del monastero di Hemis nel Ladakh indiano ma, alle richieste degli studiosi occidentali, il superiore affermò di non aver mai incontrato Notovich, e lo denunciò come mentitore. Il manoscritto, non è mai stato visto né mostrato a nessuno. Della confutazione delle affermazioni di Notovich si occuparono, all'epoca, il teologo statunitense Edgar J. Goodspeed, l'orientalista tedesco Max Müller e un non meglio identificato professor J. Archibald Douglas.

La tesi di Gesù morto in India è sostenuta anche da Omraam Mikhaël Aïvanhov e, secondo il Paramhansa Yogananda, Gesù sarebbe vissuto in India dai 13 ai 30 anni circa* (anni di cui i Vangeli non parlano), benché entrambi i maestri spirituali si limitino a citarla senza approfondire l'argomento.

In realtà parla della reincarnazione di Gesù, e non di Gesù in persona. Ovvero di Babaji, il quale aveva raggiunto una tale illuminazione durante le sue meditazioni, da personificare lo spirito di Gesù Cristo. Ovvero raggiunse l'illuminazione Cristica. Dunque non si tratta di Gesù in persona ma dello Spirito Cristico incarnatosi. Tra l'altro l'esistenza di Babaji non coincide con la vita/morte di Gesù.

I miracoli di Gesù
Nella tradizione islamica, Gesù è considerato, tra tutti i profeti, quello cui si attribuiscono i miracoli più grandi e spettacolari, connessi in particolare col dare la vita a oggetti inanimati o col ridarla a persone defunte. A questi miracoli accenna già lo stesso Corano, il quale è molto influenzato dai racconti narrati nei vangeli apocrifi:

Questa "caratteristica" di Gesù nell'islam ha fatto sì che intorno alla sua figura si costituissero numerose leggende di tradizione popolare o semi-dotta incentrate su miracolose resurrezioni da lui operate. Un esempio è la "leggenda di Gesù ed il teschio", in cui si narra come Gesù, imbattendosi per caso in un teschio umano, lo avrebbe dapprima animato rendendolo capace di rispondere alle sue domande circa la persona cui il teschio stesso apparteneva in vita, e poi, appreso che si trattava di un sovrano, ai suoi tempi potentissimo e temuto ma miscredente e perciò condannato alle pene dell'inferno, avrebbe riportato in vita l'uomo a cui il teschio apparteneva, e questi poi si sarebbe convertito all'islam e avrebbe condotto una vita di santità, riuscendo così a sfuggire al castigo infernale.

Note

Bibliografia

Voci correlate
 Cristianesimo e islam
 Gesù Cristo
 Islam e crocifissione di Gesù

Altri progetti

Collegamenti esterni

Islam
Escatologia islamica
Gesù
Cristianesimo e islam
Cristologia


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The Journal for Transdisciplinary Research
Soc sci data
2020 Special Issue
Special Issue Call for Papers titled '"Mobile technology within the 4IR era – Africa answering the call"
Guest editors: Prof. Liezel Cilliers and Prof. Willie Chinyamurindi.
Submissions deadline:
Expected Publication date:
Home ▶ Vol 16, No 1 (2020) ▶	Dziwa
Conceptual and theoretical framework
Gender conversations in Zimbabwe
Research methodology and design
Male gaze in Zimbabwe visual art practices
Exiting the mire
Dairai D. Dziwa
Edu-H Right Research Unit, Faculty of Education Science, North-West University, Potchefstroom, South Africa
Louise Postma
Louisemarie Combrink
Department of Art History, Faculty of Humanities, North-West University, Potchefstroom, South Africa
Dziwa, D.D., Postma, L. & Combrink, L., 2020, 'Gender conversations in Zimbabwe: A precursor of male gaze in visual art practices', The Journal for Transdisciplinary Research in Southern Africa 16(1), a768. https://doi.org/10.4102/td.v16i1.768
Gender conversations in Zimbabwe: A precursor of male gaze in visual art practices
Dairai D. Dziwa, Louise Postma, Louisemarie Combrink
Received: 13 Oct. 2019; Accepted: 07 Aug. 2020; Published: 25 Nov. 2020
Copyright: © 2020. The Author(s). Licensee: AOSIS.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Masculine hegemonic predisposition dominates the gender culture in Zimbabwe. From this perspective, the notion of the male gaze entails that visual interpretation, amongst other things, at encoding and decoding levels is consequently performed with a specific hegemonic 'lens'. It follows that much of visual art, films and advertisements are created to please and reinforce a male-biased perspective which renders women powerless and subordinate. In the visual arts, this is particularly evident in the manner that the representation of space reflect this bias. Guided by critical phenomenology, this study adopted an interpretive methodology informed by decolonial views to explore and challenge gender identity constructions in visual culture. Engagement with gender literature and visual discourse analysis revealed the demeaning effects of patriarchy and also coloniality on women in much of Zimbabwean art. The discourse of decolonial activist art opposes the male gaze and aims to disrupt the power dynamics which position women to be inferior or less visible in the public art space. This type of activist art is concerned with the possible critical transformative impact of the visual arts in contesting and resisting gender dichotomy, imbalances and inequality.
Keywords: male gaze; masculinity; hegemony; heteronormativity; gender construction; decoloniality; activist art.
The dominance of the male gaze or the androcentric view in art is an embodiment of a patriarchal ideology. The ideology of male privilege and domination is predicated on biased perceptions that artists and viewers bring to the interpretation of visual artworks. Studies attest that Zimbabwean gender constructions ascribe to patriarchy (Chabaya, Rembe & Wadesango 2009; Gordon 1994; Gudhlanga, Chirimuuta & Bhukuvhani 2012; Kamabarami 2006; Parpart 1995). This article first peruses the prevalence of masculine hegemony, concomitant with discrimination and injustices perpetuated against women. Secondly, visual discourse analysis of selected artworks demonstrates the rise of (de)colonial visual culture in Zimbabwe, whether it is or it is not entrapped in a hegemonic male gaze. According to Mulvey (1999), the notion of the male gaze suggests that male dominance and supremacy inherent in visual culture are reflections of the patriarchal ideologies held in that society (Mulvey 1999). Some reviews of visual culture in Zimbabwe by Mugambi (2008), Samwanda (2013) and Winter-Irving (1994) concur with her views and reveal evidence of heteronormative power relations.
This article demonstrates that patriarchal gender ideology influences the male gaze in visual art practices. However, the dichotomous and asymmetrical patriarchal gender constructions are challenged and contested in discourse and some artistic productions. The aims of this article are to create awareness of unequal gender constructions and representations to explore the inherent paradox of power discourse and multiple masculinities in visual culture and to critically engage with visuality in a decolonial context aimed at gender equality. Artworks inevitably reflect the sentiments, desires and experiences of the culture in which they are produced and can, therefore, be agents of critical conscientisation and change (Barnet 2010).
The conceptual and theoretical framework for this study is informed by cultural hegemonic theory (Gramsci 1994; Connell & Messerschmidt 2005) and the male gaze (Mulvey 1999) in visual interpretation. Gender role stereotyping can be defined as the cultural association of men with strength, aggression and dominance and women with passivity, nurturing and subordination (Bourdieu 2001; Diamond 2002). Related to this is the concept of heteronormativity, which Butler (1991) problematises as the belief that people can be divided into distinct and complementary genders (masculinity and femininity) with 'natural' and biological determinist gender roles. Heteronormativity, in this sense, is a form of gender stereotyping indexed by biological sex. Gender constructions in the context of this article refer to dichotomous masculine and feminine roles and norms that concern hegemonic (superior) and challenging (concomitant subordinately represented) views.
Patriarchy and related cultural-hegemonic practices inform the asymmetrical power imbalances between men and women as embodiments of patriarchal gender culture (Mutekwe & Mobida 2014). 'Cultural hegemony' describes the domination of societal practices by the dominant players in a culture who shape the pervasive beliefs, explanations, perceptions and values of that society (Connell & Messerschmidt 2005). The initial theoretical application of cultural domination was in the form of a Marxist analysis of economic class (Gramsci comes to mind in this regard) (Gramsci 1994). Cultural hegemony, in the context of the present article, describes a dominant social group, namely men, as the controller of the economy and other societal structures and refers to forms of supremacy obtained by some social, political, economic and religious groups (males) primarily by consent (thus naturalising hegemony) rather than coercion, and by moral and intellectual leadership rather than by domination. Every social structure has its own common sense and its own good sense, and these are agreed upon in society (Gramsci 1994). Given such cultural hegemony, the girls and boys are predisposed to particular asymmetrical positions of power divisions that become entrenched as 'knowledge' and beliefs that have a bearing on perceptions and/or the interpretation of culture and its artefacts. Masculinity, as a construct, is historically situated in conquest, domination and exploitation of foreign territories by higher powers, and is thus profoundly related to colonial practices of domination, as the colonial project and its aftermath highlight the presumed political, economic and cultural superiority of the colonisers over the colonised.
There are multiple masculinities and power relations at play in a given society (Connell & Messerschmidt 2005). Power is not solely conceptualised in terms of sexual differences because class difference, race and cultural capital and gender identity are also forms of masculine power (Freud 1995). Connell and Messerchmidt (2005) maintain that 'the hierarchy of masculinities is a pattern of hegemony, not a pattern of simple domination based on force'. There are, consequently, multiple hierarchies that can be discerned in societal structures such as schools, work places and communities, and therefore hegemony implies dominance in terms of culture, various social contexts as well as institutions and persuasions.
The notion of 'male gaze' was coined by Laura Mulvey in 1975 in an essay on cinematography entitled Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema. In her discussion on the role of women in films, she argued that women are often portrayed as objects and subordinates mainly because their representation in films favours a masculine vantage point. Women's role in visuality tends to reflect an inferior position to men, according to Mulvey, thus favouring male spectatorship (Mulvey 1999). Consequently, from a masculine perspective, women tend to be regarded as the bearer[s] of meaning and not the maker[s] of meaning. Mulvey (1999) argued that this inequality enforced the notion that 'men do the looking and women are to be looked at'. The male gaze also refers to social, economic and political advantages or rights in visual practices availed to men because of their hegemonic status, heteronormativity and gender identity, which this article argues have similar effects on perceptions of males and females in the context of producing and viewing artworks (Mulvey 1999).
Arguably, many artistic outputs and also interpretative practices reinforce entrenched gender identities predicated on male dominance emanating from cultural practices informed by masculinity (Dziwa 2016; Goffman 1987; Gramsci 1994). In this vein, Goffman (1987) has demonstrated a clear dichotomy in the portrayal of men and women in advertisements where their representations confirm culturally constructed and essentialist gender roles. Barnet (2010) concurs that artworks carry culturally embedded ideological meanings in their creation and consumption. According to Goffman (1987), much visual art practice ascribes to a heteronormative narrative that suggests a ritualised subordination where feminine representations are deliberately postured as subordinate to what is defined as masculine. Connell and Messerchmidt (2005) criticise this perception of hegemonic masculinities on the premise of problematic reification, as many practices tend to render unequal power relations as fixed. Masculinity can, however, neither be judged on the basis of women's subordination nor on men's dominance only. The exercising of power and the experience of subordination are not fixed. Activist art that addresses such practices heightens conscientisation and hopes to contribute towards liberation from oppression in this context.
Whilst there are several studies and publications on gender constructs in Zimbabwe, we engage with authors who discuss gender ideologies that characterise the general Zimbabwean population. The studies referred to, in this article, peruse gender conversations taking place over 18 years (1994–2012) focusing on different population samples and nuances of gender identity.
Gordon (1994) reveals a patriarchal system in the gender asymmetry and dichotomy enacted in education policy, enrolments and school curriculum implementation: the selection and allocation of subjects at the school level were sexually indexed (e.g. girls were taught cooking and typing, they had lower enrolments at all grade levels and were under-enrolled in technical and vocational institutions) Gudhlanga et al. (2012). Secondary schools' enrolment ratio for girls (at 42%) was also significantly lower than that of boys (58%) (Mutekwe & Mobida 2014).
Parpart (1995) investigated the impact of economic changes in Zimbabwe on women's employment and education and the degree to which patriarchal structures have restricted women's opportunities in economic and political spheres. The Women and Law in Southern Africa (WLSA) report indicates that patriarchal practices dominated inheritance disputes and prohibited women from achieving economic and political independence. Kamabarami (2006) revealed how female subordination is entrenched through home socialisation which shapes and perpetuates patriarchal imbalances and denies women control over their sexuality and income. Interviews with widowed women who visited the Central Hospital Social Work Department in Harare revealed their dependence on males for food, finances and shelter. These women's only hope was the provision by the social work department because they could not imagine themselves as being employable or as breadwinners. Zimstat (2016) indicates that men are dominant in most employment sectors: mining (89.2%), construction (96.5%), public administration and defense (73.6%), manufacturing (77.5%), finance and insurance (65%) as well as transport and storage (91.2%).
Chabaya et al. (2009) studied the persistence of gender inequality and perceptions as factors that impede the advancement of women to leadership positions in primary schools. Patriarchal ideologies relegating women to positions of submissiveness, docility and passiveness led to the persistent under-representation of women, especially in primary school leadership and administration. The influence of gender role stereotypes manifests in low self-esteem, lack of confidence and engraved subordination. The same authors Chabaya et al. (2009) evaluated the response of the school curriculum to the call for gender equality and sensitivity and found that the curriculum disadvantaged women through patriarchal customary law and, also, the colonial legacy. Textbooks also leaned towards gender insensitivity, the dominance of male content and a limited inclusion of heroines. Chabaya and Gudhlanga (2007) indicated that textbooks in history and literature have more heroes than heroines, thus pervading the perception supported by Dudu et al. (2008) that women have lower social significance as they are excluded from discourses on the heroic acts. Chabaya and Gudhlanga (2007) reiterate that most textbooks hold that men are the only inventors in the world. However, they noted some shifts towards the inclusion of gender equality aiming at subverting patriarchal ideologies. Connell and Messerchmidt (2005) hold that patterns of gender relations are, indeed, flawed when assuming that the dominance of men and the subordination by women are natural. These ideas may give rise to change and can contribute towards the liberation of women.
The present study is guided by critical phenomenology and adopts an interpretive paradigm as we sought to find meaning and gain understanding of visual art practices in Zimbabwe. De Vos et al. (2011) and Creswell (2013) indicate that a phenomenological study describes the meaning of lived experiences by the participants.
Selected visual artworks were analysed using a critical visual discourse interpretation model (CVDIM) (Dziwa 2016) to deconstruct the visual content and to explore the prevalence of the male gaze as embedded in these works. Visual images are key to this study to explore the meanings that participants demonstrate of lived and perceived gender experiences in visual iconography. The CVDIM is a way to facilitate the interpretation of visual content and nuances of power relations (Dziwa 2016). It is a synthesis of interpretative frameworks gleaned from social semiotics (Kress 2010), deconstructionism (Derrida 1982) and intertextuality (Kristeva 1980). The artworks that have been perused are informed by culture and context, bearing testimony to how power relationships are portrayed by the artists. The viewer, also, comes to an image with her or his own engraved cultural perceptions and knowledge. To explore these issues, we used framing as the initial stage of the interpretation process to identify and describe the social scene represented in the visual images prior to analysing them. Framing an analysis focuses on the extrapolation of multiple interpretations of evidence in the frame(s). The intertextual approach (Kristeva 1980) was also an important visual analysis strategy to interpret and relate contextual issues to other visual experiences. Intertextuality helped to construct discursive meanings within the historical and cultural context of gender and patriarchy. Inferences were made from various forms of knowledge available to the viewers who were not bound to visual experiences only but also to entrenched cultural experiences and perceptions of masculinity. Derrida (1982) holds that visuals contain an infinite amount of information which is not static over time and cultural situatedness. The CVDIM has both dynamic and transformative characteristics that suit this methodological approach to explore the meanings and reception of visual images.
Ethical issues pertaining to gatekeeper's permission and ethical clearance were given less consideration because visual artworks as the main source of information are available in the public domain, galleries and public sites.
The portrayal of men as dominant in visual images, suggesting a privileged male gaze, is pervasive in Zimbabwe's visual culture. For example, only males were selected to represent Zimbabwe at the Venice Biennale Art Exhibition (2015), namely Chiko Chazunguza, Masimba Hwati and Gareth Nyandoro (Kaboy 2015).
Masimba Hwati explores the transformation and evolution of knowledge systems that are indigenous to his background whilst experimenting with the symbolism and perceptions attached to cultural objects, expressed as an art movement known as 'The Energy of Objects'. Some of his artworks are masculine in content (see Figures 1 and 2), whilst all his portraits represent men who are wearing dark glasses with popular brand logos such as Facebook (a social media platform), Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC) (a fast food franchise), Amstel (a beer) and Coca-Cola (a soft drink).
FIGURE 1: Curator's Black 2015, Masimba Hwati: (a) Coca Cola; (b) Facebook.
FIGURE 2: Pajoji electricals 2019 by Gareth Nyandoro.
Sunglasses create a barrier between the eyes and the dangerous ultraviolet rays. Thus, sunglasses protect the eyes, prevent cataracts, muscular degeneration and cancer. Our critical interpretation of these artworks is guided by the question: why did Hwati portray only men in glasses? Also, why would Hwati affix these logos on the spectacles of male figures (Figure 1)? These leading brands have a global economic impact and therefore need no introduction. One may argue that the branded sunglasses are suggested as blinding devices, removing one's ability to see beyond hegemonic popular brands as desirable. What, then, is the significance of these products to viewers? Which practices of looking are hinted at? The presence of the male face and the straight assertive gaze suggest assertive dominance of the masculine. In conjunction with the branded sunglasses, these images undoubtedly show the influence of the male gaze as men are presumed to be the bearers of standard in a hegemonic popular cultural context reflected by the brands. The artworks, therefore, carry the message of discriminatory social classes (Messerschmidt 2019).
Pajoji Electricals (Figure 2) by Gareth Nyandoro, a graduate male artist from Chinhoyi University of Technology represents an open market selling electrical wares, solar panels, lights and accessories.
Very few women are involved in the business opportunities in these fields. As Gordon (1994) notes with reference to career choices in technical colleges, the electrical field is, therefore, dominated by males. Nyandoro suggests that this is a stereotype that associates men only with the industry of electrical wares. The title Pajoji electricals is a trade name translated as 'At George's electrical'. George is masculine, denoting the business as a male enterprise. In turn, restaurants or open-air kitchens which provide braai facilities and take-away meals are often branded by feminine trade names such as 'Kwa Mai Daisy' or 'Kwa Mai Anna' (At Daisy's mother or At Anna's mother restaurant). The artwork can provoke a critical recognition that women are excluded from spheres associated with men and are instead associated with food-related industries that point to segregation based on stereotyped gender roles.
As previously noted, art often carries and expresses ideologies held by the culture in which it is produced (Barnet 2010). Women artists in Zimbabwe, interestingly, are also seen to portray themes with stereotyped gender roles, often portraying women in stereotypical domestic roles (Figure 3).
FIGURE 3: Weya women.
The image of Weya women shows many instances where women are in a domestic context, sweeping, carrying firewood and pounding grain, thereby reinforcing role stereotypes in visual representation (Dziwa 2016). Although women dominate the image, there are no heroines, but humble and sentimental domestic subjects. It is also notable that many sculptures by males as well as females that represent women show them doing domestic chores, carrying babies, giving birth and thus serving as images of entrenched gender roles (Mugambi 2008).
The sculpture titled First Lady Stone (Figure 4) by Agness Nyanhongo depicts the narrative of gender stereotyping by showing a female in the frame in her role of rearing and caring for children. In addition to the stereotyped act of child carrying, the face of the woman in the sculpture is tilted away from the viewers as a sign of subordination. According to Goffman (1987), this 'licensed withdrawal' is artistically created to show submission and the absence of confrontational assertiveness in a manner that hints at female submissiveness.
FIGURE 4: First lady stone, Agness Nyanhongo.
Eighty per cent of the sculptors in Zimbabwe of the first generation are male (Winter-Irving 1994), whilst Agness Nyanhongo and Letwin Mugavazi are amongst the few women sculptors. They celebrate womanhood with double figures in most of their works such as Sharing strength and Stronger together. One can infer from the titles and sculptures that feminine weakness, dependency and a lack of individual strength or power are quite prevalent.
The Heroes' Acre in Harare is a significant public artwork which was curated and designed by a male artist, David Mutasa, which portrays strong masculine presences (Samwanda 2013). Although some female characters are visible, male domination is clear. In a relief mural placed just below the tomb of the unknown soldiers, women are carved in their domesticated roles carrying babies and food, whilst men are shown carrying guns, doing heavy manual work in the fields and working as ironsmiths. The mural also shows more males than females, which can be seen as another feature that diminishes the role of women in the grand narrative of the liberation struggle. This male-dominated narrative is extended further at the main tomb of the unknown soldiers. The heights of male and female statues also demonstrate their inequality (Goffman 1987) where a male figure towers high above the figure of a female soldier in the three-figure statue.
Female icons in the form of heroic statues and sculptures are practically absent from public art. The public sculptures around Zimbabwe mostly represent and worship masculine dominance, for example, Cecil John Rhodes (Matopos), Farmer (Hurudza House), Joshua M. Nkomo (Main Street, Bulawayo) and Construction workers (Construction house).
Dr Joshua Nyongolo Mqabuko Nkomo died during his tenure as the vice-president of Zimbabwe in 1999 after an illustrious political career. He was one of the main leaders to sign the Lancaster Peace Agreement for the independence of the country whilst leading the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) political party. As a national icon, he was nicknamed Father Zimbabwe. A bronze statue of 5 m (inclusive of the pedestal) in his native city Bulawayo speaks volumes of Nkomo's domineering honour, political power and social status. This statue was re-erected on a pedestal 3 m high after initial attempts on a lower pedestal had been met with public rejection and was consequently removed a day after its erection (Ndlovu 2017). The lower pedestal was felt to diminish the hegemonic power which was congruent with Dr Nkomo. The statue was then placed in the same location where the north-facing statue of Cecil John Rhodes stood. It is well-known that Rhodes had the ambition to rule Africa from Cape to Cairo. The placement of Dr Nkomo's statue in his stead resembles his political power and intention to rule the whole of Zimbabwe which extends to the north of Bulawayo. The knobkerrie (induku) in his right hand (Figure 5) was used for fighting and also served as a symbol of leadership.
FIGURE 5: Dr Joshua Nyongolo Mqabuko Nkomo, North Korea.
A public sculpture installation, Construction workers (1992) by Adam Madebe, predominantly demonstrates gender stereotypes, role segregation and masculine hegemonic views. In 1985, Madebe created a controversial 3.5 m high sculpture titled Looking into the future depicting a nude man as a visionary leader. In 1992, Madebe was commissioned to create Construction workers (Figure 6). This monumental work, which is 4 m high, is displayed in an open courtyard in central Harare. Three men are represented doing various construction chores such as bricklaying, pushing a wheelbarrow and digging with a pick, thereby defining and segregating construction work as a male domain. In addition, the size of the statues is intimidating and the muscular male bodies typify the masculine form as suitable for these endeavours.
FIGURE 6: Construction workers, Adam Madebe.
Art practices in Zimbabwe, therefore, often reflect patriarchal power relations which prevail in the culture. However, these expressions do not go without contestation. The following section testifies to this.
Questioning the male gaze seeks to avert the gendered social prejudices, inequalities and injustices that diminish the visibility and power of women in art practice. Thus, erasure of patriarchal associations, stigmatisation of gender roles, inequity, abuses and other social discriminating practices are contested in some visual spaces. This departure from the stereotypical norm is also associated with a decolonialist thrust that contests hegemonic ideologies and practices, rather applying a critical lense which propound and embrace inclusivity, pluralism, equality and the reversal of gender stereotypes (Quijano 2000).
It may be seen that women have grudgingly tolerated their diminished visibility in social, political, gender and visual spaces. However, these feelings or emotions of resentment, discontentment and displeasure have not always remained suppressed. Women have generated resistant activism through various means, violence, demonstrations, uprising and activist art (Nordlund et al. 2011; Packer 2011).
Art in this sense serves as a vehicle to challenge and provoke patriarchy as well as coloniality (Dewhurst 2014; Olga 2011; Thistlewood 1991). Activist artworks such as The Liberation of Aunt Jemima (1972) by Betye Saar, The Dinner Party (1979) by Judy Chicago, Woman series (1952) by William De Kooning, The Blue Bra Girls (2012) by Amer Ghada, Sophie (2009), Black female body series by Mary Sibande and Love in the Time of Afrophobia (2015) by Sthembile Msezane have emerged over the years to contest male domination and to reverse stereotypical female identities. Mary Sibande, a South African-based artist, uses a mythical domestic servant 'Sophie' to question the notion of inferiority and to challenge injustices and prejudices in the gender, social and political arenas. She transforms her identity from a domestic worker into a Victorian queen or Spiderman (Figure 7) within the post-apartheid era. With Spiderman, Sophie deconstructs a submissive, docile identity to an aggressive heroine breaking the canons of heteronormativity.
FIGURE 7: Spiderman – Sophie, Mary Sibande.
The National Gallery of Zimbabwe has hosted several exhibitions such as In praise of Women (2004, 2006), Women on Top (2014), Out of Darkness (2015), Discoloured Margins (2017) and The equality of women (2018) to promote the visibility of women and to challenge the colonial narratives of females in society. Several Zimbabwean female artists have collectively challenged cultural suppression, patriarchy, physical and emotional abuse, lack of empowerment and marginalisation. These artists include Doris Kamupira, Agness Mupariwa, Charmaine Chitate, Agnes Nyanhongo, Colleen Madamombe, Locardia Ndandarika, Letwin Mugavazi, Netsayi Mukomberanwa, Estelle Mbefura, Zanele Anne Mutema and Kressiah Mukwazhi. The colonial narrative of the African women tended to prevent them from producing art for public spaces. Women were relegated to the making of crafts, beadwork, pottery and other ritual and ceremonial objects (Mugambi 2008). The exposure to gallery spaces enables women to raise their voices and enhances their visibility through different mediums, including multi-media, painting, photography and sculpture.
The female art activist photographer Annie Mpalume has used the female image to explore and challenge women's roles and to develop critical consciousness. In the above photographs (Figure 8) exhibited at the National Gallery of Zimbabwe, Mpalume challenges the patriarchal tradition which prioritises marriage for girls over education. Images, such as these, contest patriarchal beliefs that the destiny of a girl is marriage; hence there is no need to invest in her education (Kamabarami 2006). The colonial narrative that prevented women from voicing their grievances, concerns and voting powers is also openly challenged and contested. Inscriptions on t-shirts stand out as voices of their resistance. Mpalume also photographed a woman showing her red-inked finger after casting a vote in Zimbabwe, thereby celebrating her inclusion, democratisation and participation in the voting process.
FIGURE 8: Photography: (a) child marriages; (b) human rights.
Zimbabwean artist Doris Kamupira creates feminine visual perspectives in a series of works themed muonevisualarts (translated seehervisualarts) to question the invisibility of women in social, political and religious spheres. Also, Tashinga Gondo who exhibited in the Women on Top (2014) exhibition interrogates the stereotyped female position by challenging societal norms and patriarchal narratives which diminished women's visibility in her paintings, mixed-media and installations. Some Zimbabwean art practices, therefore, do challenge patriarchy through the exposure and inclusion of women participating in public art.
The significance of one's gender and socio-political location and its embodiment in visuality need to be taken seriously. Visual representations that challenge the status quo are salient in the context of the decolonial project that seeks to contest social injustice, inequality, exclusions and oppression based on race, gender, class, sexuality and culture.
The interpretation of artworks suggests that the problem of gender stereotyping may be addressed during the formative years, and therefore working with the youth may help to question and challenge problematic and entrenched views of women. We recommend that engaging in feminist pedagogy at all levels of education can, certainly, contribute to solving unequal relations and discriminatory structures and practices in society and, in doing so, create socially equitable environments. Critical dialogue should continue to find solutions to issues such as pedagogical approaches that could be used to create conditions that enable women artists to transform from passive positions to active critical engagement. Teachers can be used as agents to promote social change through their teaching practices. The classroom provides a conducive environment for sensitisation on gender injustices, awareness and activities about gender equality. Teachers are re-contextualising agents and can function as transformative, intellectual role-models who can exercise influence over content and curriculum transformation and shifts in pedagogic practice and choices about which or whose knowledge(s) are privileged.
In encoding and decoding art, we propose visual analysis models that embrace diversity, inclusion and neutrality which inherently challenge segregation, erasure and oppression. We should seek to imagine and probe forms of collegiality, knowledge sharing and creative engagement fostered within exhibition spaces open for all genders and sexes on national and international levels. This involves continued efforts in deliberately creating and providing more favourable and safe spaces for women artists to express their viewpoints, protests and resistance without fear and intimidation in formal gallery environments. Women's voices, experiences, challenges and needs can be rendered worthy of scholarly engagement, in particular a society that tends to marginalise and exclude them from certain spheres.
This article engaged with the notions of patriarchy and colonial vestiges present in society and visual production, highlighting these issues together with exploring efforts at decoloniality and gender liberation that women can bring to works of art, films and advertisements. Patriarchal beliefs are fundamental to cultural hegemony and the notion of the male gaze. Zimbabwe's patriarchal society is known to privilege men and subordinate women. This entrenched gender polarisation has a bearing on the production of reception of visual representations that need to be challenged. This article, therefore, explored a number of prejudices associated with Zimbabwe's patriarchal society that can be gaged from visual interpretations by artists, actors and the viewers privileging the male gender in Zimbabwe. However, the decolonial project is subverting these art practices by providing spaces for women to challenge colonial vestiges as well as patriarchy. The oppressive, diminishing, abusive and marginalising narrative can be altered, subverted and reconstructed with the aim of achieving equality.
The authors have declared that no competing interest exists.
All authors contributed equally to this work.
This article followed all ethical standards for carrying out research.
The research received no specific grant from any research agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated agency of the authors.
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The Journal for Transdisciplinary Research in Southern Africa | ISSN: 1817-4434 (PRINT) | ISSN: 2415-2005 (ONLINE)


Coached by Bobby Banck since August 1997...Married Tony Godsick on April 8, 2000...Father, Jose, is a retired attorney and owns a real estate firm in South America; mother, Sylvia, is a real estate broker; has an older sister, Sylvia, brother-in-law, Chris, and nieces, Megan and Carolina...Father was born in Spain and mother is from Cuba; they met when Jose was in Cuba for business...Mary Joe's name is a translation from her Latin Christian name of Maria-Jose...Graduated from high school in 1989; maintained an "A" average...Hobbies include golf, wave running and water skiing...Enjoys being outdoors...Her superstition is to not step on the lines on the court...In 1993, contributed a women's tennis scholarship to Florida International University in Miami; in 1994, became national spokesperson for Cities In School/Burger King Academy program aimed at school drop-out prevention...Was the 1998 spokesperson for Will to Win, a scholarship program for senior high school athletes with asthma...Appeared in 2003 American Heart Association got milk? print advertisement with former world No. 1 Chris Evert and former world No. 1 Monica Seles.
Winner (7): 1997 - Berlin; 1995 - Indian Wells, Brighton; 1994 - Strasbourg; 1993 - Indian Wells; 1990 - Tokyo [Dentsu], Filderstadt.
Finalist (9): 1996 - Eastbourne; 1994 - Sydney; 1993 - Roland Garros; 1992 - Australian Open, Essen; 1991 - Houston, Tokyo Nichirei; 1990 - Australian Open; 1989 - Filderstadt.
Winner (19): 1997 - Hilton Head (w/Hingis), Madrid (w/Sanchez Vicario); 1996 - Roland Garros (w/Davenport), Tour Championships (w/Davenport), Olympics (w/G. Fernandez), Sydney (w/Davenport), Oakland (w/Davenport); 1995 - Delray Beach (w/Novotna), Strasbourg (w/Davenport), Tokyo [Nichirei] (w/Davenport); 1993 - Lucerne (w/Sukova); 1992 - Tokyo Nichirei (w/R. White), Olympics (w/G. Fernandez); 1991 - Australian Open (w/Fendick), Miami (w/Garrison Jackson), Tokyo [Nichirei] (w/Shriver); 1990 - Tokyo [Dentsu] (w/R. White), Filderstadt (w/Garrison Jackson); 1989 - Dallas (w/Nagelsen).
Finalist (24): 1999 - Sydney (w/Huber), Indian Wells (w/Novotna), Miami (w/Seles); 1998 - Boston (w/de Swardt), Tokyo [Toyota] (w/Sanchez-Vicario); 1997 - Roland Garros (w/Raymond); 1996 - Australian Open (w/Davenport), Hilton Head (w/G. Fernandez), Montreal (w/Sukova); 1995 - Sydney (w/Fendick); 1994 - Brighton (w/Novotna); 1993 - Rome (w/Garrison Jackson); 1992 - Australian Open (w/Garrison Jackson), Sydney (w/Garrison Jackson), Eastbourne (w/Garrison Jackson); 1991 - Tokyo [Pan Pacific] (w/R. White), Houston (w/Fendick), Philadelphia (w/Garrison Jackson); 1990 - Australian Open (w/Fendick), Worcester (w/Novotna); 1989 - US Open (w/Shriver), Boca Raton (w/Durie), Los Angeles (w/Kohde-Kilsch), Tokyo [Pan Pacific] (w/Kohde-Kilsch).
United States Fed Cup Team 1991, 1994-98. United States Olympic Team 1992, 1996.