Theocracy and the Commandments – TRUE? GOOD? BEAUTIFUL?
Roy Moore has a number of claims to fame or infamy, depending on your religious orientation. He captures my interest for a number of reasons. I am deeply committed to clarity on moral epistemology, so his leadership of an organization called "The Center for Moral Law" must attract my attention. He has been a lightning rod in the culture wars as a candidate for the U.S. Senate from Alabama, two-time elected chief justice of the Alabama Supreme Court, and defender of Biblical truth. He ordered probate judges in the state to disregard Federal Court orders to perform homosexual marriages. You might remember his name from his 2003 refusal to remove a monument to the Ten Commandments from Montgomery's Supreme Court grounds. His is far from the only voice seeking to build a secular society on the Ten Commandments. After all, the U.S. Supreme Court building contains not one but two statues of Moses, both prominently featuring the stone tablets that were his gift to the Israelites and by implication to all of us. So we might be forgiven for asking why Judge Moore's efforts to place God's law front and center have produced so much heat from supporters and detractors. Do religionists think we need laws against stealing, killing, and libel? Do detractors think we don't need such laws? There is much more here than meets the eye.
I have previously explored the disconnect between the founders' vision for the U.S. government and the current moral grounding of the majority of its citizens. The authors of the U.S. Constitution embraced a moral neutrality that can only be comprehended by an expansive knowledge of the historical issue they faced (see "Premodern Authority") and the modernist innovation that resolved it by having citizens actively choose their own moral climate (see "Why Invent a Social Contract?"). As inheritors of these difficulties, we face the dilemma of having three irreconcilable approaches to public moral preference in constant tension (see "Belief in the Public Square"). Since cultures must use moral measures to resolve their individual public disagreements and move their representative government to actions they approve, we find a recurrent effort to revive religious authority as the source of moral comity (see "Tao and the Myth of Religious Return"). The exemplar of that effort is a desire by religionists to return to the moral commands of the Decalogue.
If we examine the commandments themselves, we find immediately a formal problem, as the relevant passages in Exodus are broken by various denominations in different ways, so that Orthodox Christians, Talmudic Jews, Roman Catholics, Lutherans, and Calvinists literally have different sets of the Decalogue. So the first challenge might be which actual sentences to enact into law. The Supreme Court neatly divides that baby by depicting the iconic tablets and an equally iconic Moses inspired by Michelangelo, but leaving the tablets conveniently blank. So the first question to pose to Judge Moore would have to be which set would you engrave into law? But this is not insurmountable. A generic formulation could easily be put together that gets to the gist of every denomination's values, provided none is too insistent on a literal reading of their own Scripture. I meant that as a joke.
Once we prepare to chisel them in stone, we face immediately our second challenge. Laws against murder, theft, libel and slander: these are easy. But what do we gain by erecting prohibitions against these offenses? We already have those enshrined in current law. We hardly need God's thunder to convince us that these acts are wrong. We can reason out the harms these violations do to a civil society, so we might in the interests of saving taxpayer dollars let the stonemason leave these aside. But in preparing the rest, we face problems of habeas corpus. For instance, consider the "coveting" proscriptions that make up either one or two commandments, depending on your denomination. As actually coveting is a sin committed in the darkness of the twisted heart, it would be a challenge to prove these a crime in a court of law, so again in the interest of avoiding expensive litigation that would make such laws unenforceable in the end, we might instruct our stonecutter to leave these off our tablets as well unless in erecting them he could also chisel out the fourth, fifth, sixth, and eighth amendments to the U.S. Constitution. We may assume that our deference to the Ten Commandments would already have removed the first.
Ridiculous? This cannot be what Judge Moore and his supporters really want, though it clearly is what they say they want. A moment's thought should help us see that instilling the Decalogue as the basis of law would be divisive as well as redundant, unenforceable, or unconstitutional. But if the supporters of this movement don't want that, they clearly want something like that. So let us interpret their desires figuratively yet respectfully.
It seems what these religious appeals truly aspire to is a more moral America, and religionists like Roy Moore are not ashamed to use positive law to achieve it. In this pursuit, they are already more honest– and more correct– than their postmodernist opponents. Religionists see the secular law as being a moral imperative. Their argument is that every law is also a moral injunction (see "The Foundations of the Law: An Appetizer"). "Thou shalt not run a red light!" Law prescribes an outcome that we consider to be a public good. At least some of religionists' opponents argue for the ridiculous assertion, "You can't legislate morality." Ironically, persons who say this are thinking of morality exactly as Mr. Moore would have them think: as something given from on high, something absolute, endorsed by the divine. As the examples taken from the Ten Commandments show, you certainly can't legislate some kinds of morality: those that concern the intentions of our hearts or those that can't be demonstrated to show clear public benefits. But as the overlay of religious proscriptions against murder, libel, and theft with their secular counterparts demonstrates, you certainly can legislate some morality (See "What Do We Mean by "'Morality'?"). In fact, legislating morality is all laws do. Even traffic rules that are purely conventional, like whether to drive on the left or the right-hand side of the road, assume a moral dimension when generalized in the public interest. Obviously, it could hardly matter less in itself which side we choose, so long as we all do the same thing. So some conventional laws in themselves have no inherent moral content. They differ from laws based on simple moral reasoning like those against murder or theft, which bind us, as it were, based on individual moral responsibility. Wanton killing would be wrong even if it were not against the law. Our reasoning about equity tells us that. Still, it is against the law because tolerating it would permit public harm, and in prohibiting public harm all laws, even conventional ones, have a moral component.
Postmodernists think all laws to be in essence like driving on one side of the road or the other. The notion that all laws are purely conventional and arbitrary, determined purely by societal agreement, is one that religionists understandably abhor, and so they seek the sanction of divine authority as a sign of moral heft, sincerely thinking morality itself would dry up and blow away if not reinforced by religion. Their fear is understandable. For most of human history, religious authority was indeed the only moral warrant available. Many persons, perhaps most persons, still see it that way (see "The Axioms of Moral Systems"). No doubt, fans of Mr. Moore see it that way. I certainly cannot doubt their sincerity. But I think their view is demonstrably in error as a matter of historical truth, moral judgment, and practicality (see "The Fragility of Religious Authority").
Defenders of a religiously based morality remind us that our Founding Fathers considered this a Christian nation founded on Christian principles. This is a half-truth or perhaps a meaningless one. Of course, the white, British, male creators of this nation were inescapably steeped in the culture that produced their consciousness, and that culture was Judeo-Christian by the traditions of two thousand years. By that standard even the most avowedly anti-Christian among them, Thomas Jefferson, acted "on Christian principles." One might with equal truth assert them all Greco-Roman on that basis, for these neoclassical, Enlightenment figures were as familiar with Epicurus as with Ecclesiastes. Though nurtured in the Christian tradition, they were anything but traditional in their view of it, at least as regards the authority of law (see "Modernism's Midwives"). Two proofs that the Fathers were not quite so Christian as Mr. Moore would prefer caution us against assuming a traditionalist Christian orientation as a basis of our nation's legal status.
First, their public pronouncements were far less explicitly Christian than religionists might like, though anyone can certainly cherry pick Christian comments in their letters and private communications. If they regarded divine command, and specifically Christian morality, to be necessary for the guidance of the nation, why did they not more explicitly set it in the town square? Why resort to what the Supreme Court prefers to call "formal religiosity" in their official commentary? Washington's first inaugural is a brief gem of public speaking that explicitly appeals to God's beneficence and guidance but fails to mention Jesus. It is likely that early patriots like John Adams saw no conflict between their faith and their reason and thought each sufficient to bolster the other in pursuit of public morals.
But if that were so, you might ask, why not explicitly summon both to the aid of the new nation in its battle against lawlessness and disunion at a time when its moral authority was in doubt among enemies at home and abroad? Any reading of their struggles in those dark years, first against the British and then against the collapse of their great experiment into factionalism and disunion, would argue for an explicit appeal not to some Deistic divine providence but to divine command, to Christian warrant for secular law. Yet instead we see the Establishment Clause. It is an antithesis, an explicit rejection of all governments' previous basis for legitimacy and a ringing rejection of Mr. Moore's appeals to divine command. Our Founding Fathers knew their Judeo-Christian heritage far better than we, and because they knew their history, they also knew that the one mighty pillar of law that this heritage utilized was God's mighty voice proclaiming absolute law. Why in heaven's name did they resort to the kind of Rotary Club generic religious appeal that Washington used in his First Inaugural? And why in God's name did they forbid using religion to fortify their novel and frequently besieged rule of law?
They knew something we may have forgotten. They knew it because it was fresh to their memories, and they wrote the Establishment Clause with this knowledge uppermost in their mind. It was knowledge both historical and moral.
The remembered the Reformation. Jefferson knew the punishment for atheism in Virginia was death. This was the consensual expectation of his time, for how could a common government rooted in denominational truth and goodness claims live in a society of religious diversity? Other founders' parents endured the sectarian power struggles of Catholic Maryland and Anglican Virginia, of Puritan Massachusetts and Baptist Rhode Island, of Quaker Pennsylvania and Anglican England. Their forebears suffered the persecutions of James I that forced the Pilgrims to the Mayflower or the scorched earth of Cromwell's invasion of Ireland, of Bloody Mary's purges and Henry VIII's loyalty oaths. And on the continent, the Huguenots and Dutch Reformed, St. Bartholomew's Day, and Wallenstein's cannons, all the way back to Luther and the Peasant's Revolt. Even further– these founders were educated men, remember– they recalled the Hussites and Torquemada and the Lollards. They had studied the decimation of the Knights Templar, the suppression of the Cathars, the Fourth Crusade. The whole sordid history of sectarian conflict was the bloodied soil into which they drove the stake of the Establishment Clause. Why else did they establish history's first experimental and consciously created state built on a novelty: moral appeal of the law based upon the rational consent of the governed rather than the command of God? Power flowing up from citizens rather than down from on high. No political entity before theirs had ever done that before. Why take the chance?
I have seen no condensation of their moral reasoning, so I will attempt it here. They recognized the Achilles' heal of divine command, of all religious authority. They could hardly fail to recognize what the bloodied history of the Reformation had finally made manifest. Religious authority could offer no constructive response to challenge. Why? Any investigation of the Reformation instead reveals a radical splintering of responses, of which the multiplicity (one educated estimate of the number of Christian denominations today is 10,000, but I have no idea of how that is compiled or whether it is accurate) of sects emerging from the Reformation are examples. Why is that? The answer revolves around the nature of warrant. Religious authority, the kind that justified both the divine command of dogma and the divine right of monarchs like Henry IV of France, and, obviously, the Ten Commandments, depends for its justification solely on the trust of those who accept it. That trust is a very weak kind of objective knowledge, easily disrupted by contrarian claims of competing authority that, if taken seriously, cannot fail to erode trust. However, religious trust is intimately linked to belief, a private conviction, leading to exaggerated claims to certainty that clash spectacularly when trust is weakened or belief is challenged, particularly by those who embrace other trust and belief in equally absolute but different sources of truth and goodness. So, though commitment to the truth and goodness claims of the authority might seem solid when trust is given, it can be easily revoked when trust is cast into doubt, and the belief in the linked truth and goodness claims of divine command is even more susceptible to doubt of the same nature (see "Knowledge, Trust, and Belief"). Note that other kinds of warrant: empirical, expertise, competence, and undistilled experience, do not suffer from the same kind of wobbly support but contain within their mode of warrant the means of settling disputes involving truth and goodness claims. For instance, two experts might discuss their findings and agree that one or the other possesses greater knowledge of the specifics of their disagreement and thus settle their dispute. Even undistilled experience allows us to revisit issues in doubt to throw further experience at the problem in an effort to resolve it peacefully. But two authorities in conflict cannot resolve disagreement without abandoning their own appeal, for both can offer no further proof of their case, and the presence of dispute itself, of course, tempts trust to weaken. Collapse follows quickly and catastrophically, often conducing to a transfer of trust to another authority. This is the story of the Reformation. It is also the story of the current conflict between Shi'ite and Sunni, between radical Islam and the secular West, as it must be in every conflict that disputes specific contents of divine command, as it would be in any effort to enshrine the Decalogue as the basis for civil society (see "Which Clash of Civilizations?"). Such crises of authority are epistemologically insoluble.
This lesson was difficult to learn. Ten generations of horrendous bloodshed in Europe were the price of learning that authority itself was the problem. Just as any posting of the Ten Commandments as a basis for positive law would instantly face insuperable issues of sectarian controversy, any appeal to Divine Command must fail in the face of anything but a religiously monolithic society.
Our Founding Fathers knew or intuited this. They established their experiment on a firmer ground than authority. In the spirit of the Enlightenment of which they were the representatives, they built a state upon the enlightened self-interest of their constituents. Their state with all its safeguards against unlimited power and lack of representation was a Rubik's Cube of rationality: a nation constructed of reason appealing unabashedly to reasonable citizens for its moral power rather than to the Almighty. It was unprecedented.
The era of the founding saw other formal attempts to build moral systems on reason and reasoned experience in explicit rejection of divine command and divine right. Three moral systems reliant on reason continue to vie for assent: virtue ethics, utilitarianism, and duty ethics (see "Three Moral Systems"). Other and more flawed appeals to reason derived from or trended toward postmodernism: social contract theory and pragmatism come to mind. These later experiments extended the founders' brave experiment and insured that there could be no return to an appeal to religious authority with all its certainty and unanimity, no matter how nostalgic that might prove.
Mr. Moore's quest to honor his religious beliefs is admirable, but his fears of a moral collapse are misdirected. The modernism that produced our form of government is not his enemy, though believers understandably believe it to be. They should refocus their opposition on the postmodern movement contemptuous of objective morality that seeks to equate all knowledge with opinion, all truth with culture, and all morality with nihilism (see "Toward a Public Morality").


Please join us in honoring Ofelia Valdez-Yeager as the recipient of the 2019 Frank Miller Civic Achievement Award. The award ceremony and celebratory dinner will take place on Wednesday, June 5, 2019 at the Mission Inn Hotel & Spa's Grand Parisian Ballroom. The event begins at 6:00 p.m. Seating is extremely limited and tickets are priced at $175 per person.
Ofelia has much in common with Frank A. Miller, founder of the Mission Inn. Mr. Miller believed in Riverside and all that it could become. He created opportunities for economic development. He was a tireless advocate for positive change.
The Frank Miller Civic Achievement Award was established in 1997 to honor individuals, couples or groups who have made significant contributions to the city and community of Riverside. Frank Augustus Miller's tradition of civic leadership and devotion to this community carries on in the efforts of many leaders and innovators working to promote and enhance the city of Riverside today. It is with Miller's life achievements in mind, that the Mission Inn Foundation presents the Frank Miller Civic Achievement Award.
The award also serves as a fund raiser for the Mission Inn Foundation as well as an opportunity to share and highlight with the community the activities, programs and achievements of the Foundation.
The success of this once-in-a-lifetime event honoring individuals who have provided outstanding civic leadership, service, and support is credited largely to our sponsors, who lend their names and financial support to the event. The funds we raise each year go toward youth educational programming in our local schools, preserving the history of the Mission Inn Hotel & Spa, and sharing the legacy of Frank Miller.
Past honorees include Knox Mellon, Tim Hays, Judge Victor Miceli, Peggy Fouke Wortz, Justice John Gabbert, Duane R. Roberts, Art Littleworth, Henry Coil, Jr., S. Sue Johnson, Gary Rawlings, Chuck Beaty, Ron & Marsha Loveridge, Judge Charles Field, Cindy Roth, Joe Tavaglione, Jack B. Clarke, Jr., and most recently Gordon Bourns in 2018.
Included in all event communications. Receive premier accommodations for up to two tables for 16 guests. Notable recognition during the event. Special acknowledgment in the printed event program. Acknowledgment in all printed and electronic media. Dominate logo listing on website and social media announcements. Commemorative program message.
Priority accommodations for up to 8 guests (1 table). Notable recognition during the event. Special acknowledgment in the printed event program. Acknowledgment in all printed and electronic media. Dominate logo listing on website and social media announcements. Commemorative program message.
Accommodations for up to 6 guests. Recognition during the event. Special acknowledgment in the printed event program. Acknowledgment in all printed and electronic media. Listing on website and social media announcements. Commemorative program message.
Table accommodations for up to 4 guests. Special acknowledgment in the printed event program. Acknowledgment in all printed and electronic media. Commemorative program message.
Two tickets to the event. Commemorative program message.
After purchasing, email trynoski(at)missioninnmuseum.org with your commemorative program message. Submission deadline is May 10, 2019, 50 word limit.


text:
O USS LST-1136 foi um navio de guerra norte-americano da classe LST que operou durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial.

1136

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Publisher: Argyll Etkin, London, 2006.
Auction catalogue, paperback, illustrated, 69 pages + colour plates, slight creasing to edge of rear cover and tops of a few pages, else in Very Good condition.
Scarce catalogue of the final portions of the famous collection formed by the late Ken Griffith. This catalogue features a small number of postal history items (the main philatelic collections having already been auctioned), followed by the amazing collection of historical artefacts and books relating to the Boer War, including maps, diaries, photographs, bronzes, paintings, etc. Well illustrated in black & white and with sixteen pages of colour plates.
Publisher: Arth鑝e Fayard, Paris, nd .
Hardback, original green cloth gilt, illustrated, 403 pages, text in French, some wear to spine and covers, front inner-hinge cracked, index-page coming loose, a rather worn copy but contents sound. In Fair condition.
Publisher: Buckingham & Co., London, 1873.
English edition, large hardback, original green cloth gilt, all page-edges gilt, unpaginated, 40 hand-coloured plates, spine and corners rubbed, head and foot of spine scuffed with slight loss, slight crack to front inner-hinge, repaired tear to title-page, some toning and occasional blemishes to margins, in Fair to Good condition.
Publisher: Alan Sutton, Stroud, 1991.
First edition, hardback, dustwrapper, xii + 179 pages + colour plates, page edges very lightly toned and top edge slightly spotted, else in VG condition.


Since the reign of Alessandro Michele, Gucci's clothing is reformulating the fashion industry. Celebrated for its timeless Italian craftsmanship and consciousness to detail, the brand's playful ready-to-wear collection is a definite must-have. Mytheresa has selected the most treasurable designs, manufactured from an assemblage of ravishing materials in a spectrum of bold tones.
Guccio Gucci started the company in 1921, in the heart of his hometown Florence. However, the story begins way before then and highlights the uniqueness of the brand. If you've ever pondered what the origin of the statement horsebit or green-red-green stripe is, the answer is England's beloved horse riding tradition. The equestrian inspiration originates from the time the label's founder spent working in an exclusive London hotel. It was also there, that his idea of luxurious luggage emerged. On returning to his hometown, he infused English sophistication with the exclusivity of Italian fashion, creating the foundations for one of the most renowned and luxurious fashion emporiums. The recognizable green-red-green striped band, derived from saddle 'webs', appears now on Gucci's handbags, shoes, accessories and apparel.
In 1994, Tom Ford stood as the creative director of Gucci; he crafted symbolic designs that gifted the wearer with an aura of charm and finesse. Today, Michele, the house's new leader, puts a whimsical spin on Gucci's classical pieces and adds a fun-loving beauty to the name. His usage of floral prints on delightful floor-length dresses and 80's inspired shoulder pads on jackets constructs part of the brand's stunning ready-to-wear collection. Michele still applies the infamous GG logo and iconic stripe design, yet has revamped them with a modern twist.
Follow Gucci's aesthetic of breaking down boundaries and team together clashing prints. Start by crafting a solid outfit foundation, consisting of a pair of tailored pants in a bold hue, add a Gucci tiger sweater and a set of biker boots. Be sure, to then depict your ladylikeness through the usage of floral patterned accessories, such as a Gucci Dionysus bag.
If you're looking for a simpler ensemble, then pair a Gucci hoodie with loose fitting tracksuit bottoms and a statement pair of sneakers for an eye-catching look. On the warmer days switch your sweatshirt for a Gucci t-shirt and dress with a pair of embroidered jeans and a set of Tod's shoes.
Fall in love with Gucci clothes online at Mytheresa and let our Customer Service team assist you in not only making your choice on what to acquire but also in propose other products from designers such as Givenchy, Prada and Dolce & Gabbana.


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but most of them have a larger value tag than the unhealthy, higher-fat foods. There are alternatives. If you shop wisely, you can eat healthier than you ever have just before and decrease your grocery bill at the identical time. Nutritious eating doesn't want to be pricey.
In deciding on healthful foods, keep in thoughts that you will automatically be spending significantly less than just before due to the absence of junk foods that you may possibly normally buy such as soft drinks, sugary snacks, and higher fat meats.
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Decreasing the quantity of meat you eat and replacing it with vegetables is a wonderful way to save funds. Fresh vegetables are not almost as high-priced as meat or poultry and your physique will thank you for it. Salad is one more cheap, wholesome meals. The pre-packaged salads will cost a bit a lot more than if you buy the lettuce and other vegetables separately and prepare the salad yourself.
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Healthy food does not have to be high-priced. You can purchase low-cost healthy foods and not only eradicate unhealthy fat and calories, but you can actually save cash if you shop wisely.


ISIS is known for its lone wolf attacks in the Western countries.
HYDERABAD: If the National Investigation Agency had not arrested Abdullah Basith, a Hyderabad youth, for his alleged links with ISIS modules in August 2018, he would have carried out a 'lone-wolf attack', similar to the one on CRPF convoy that a week ago at Pulwama in Jammu and Kashmir, according to sources.
Reportedly, after Basith informed his handler Hufaiza Bakistani of carrying out lone attacks targeting security agencies and members of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the latter assured him funds to purchase a huge vehicle to carry out the attack. The direction to administer the attack came to Basith after he refused to migrate -- or do 'hijrat' -- found investigators.
ISIS is known for its lone wolf attacks in the Western countries. As of yet, militant groups have used vehicles to carry out attacks 11 times in India. While Pulwama was the latest, the previous one was at Srinagar in 2009 when a police vehicle was blown up using a car bomb.
In November 2017, Basith came into contact with Hufaiza Bakistani through US-based teenager Matin Azizi Yarand, who was arrested by the FBI in May 2018. Reportedly, when Hufaiza asked Basith what he could do for Islam, Basith responded that he could not migrate to Syria as he had been arrested twice in 2014 and 2015 while attempting to do so.
Basith's handler later advised him to get weapons. Basith assured him that he would build contacts and procure weapons from Delhi, Punjab, and Bihar. Hufaiza also advised Basith to either carry out the lone wolf attack or stab people using knives. The latter was reportedly willing to target government employees, security forces, agencies, and RSS members. Hufaiza also instructed Basith to arrange money to fund ISIS cadre in India.
Later, in July 2018, Hufaiza directed Basith to a person with the Telegram ID 'C' and asked him to pay Rs 50,000 for procuring a weapon. However, the weapon did not reach Basith, as three boys from Delhi who were entrusted to collect the weapon from 'C' and hand the same over to Basith were nabbed by Special Cell of Delhi police.
The Delhi boys were also asked to administer a deal of purchasing two AK47s worth Rs 4 lakh and send them to ISJK (Islamic State of Jammu & Kashmir) in Kashmir. After their detention, Basith was worried about his impending arrest and asked Hufaiza to redirect him to members of the group in Kashmir so that he could join ISJK. However, Hufaiza rejected the idea and directed Basith to travel to Delhi instead. He was arrested soon afterwards.


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The Word, with Robert Randolph, Perform "New Word Order"
Led by steel guitarist Robert Randolph, gospel/blues jam band the Word have reunited after nearly 15 years to release their second studio album, Soul Food, which was released May 4.
Below, you can check out their performance of "New Word Order" from episode 97 of At Guitar Center. The band's At Guitar Center appearance features a bit of discussion and exclusive live performances.
At Guitar Center is an ongoing webseries created by Guitar Center that delivers music and the stories behind. The series features exclusive performance videos and audio of these interviews that aim to tell the stories of the artists, their background, their music and more.
For more information, visit gc.guitarcenter.com.


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Features » Literature
No one is indestructible
Just as we are unable to coherently piece together parts of our own lives, it is impossible to neatly assemble the pieces of this formidable novel - three books, thirty-nine chapters, 1724 pages with sudden breaks and links - which initially seems to be an irresponsible scattering of people and motifs. Because the many stories really do run parallel to each other, almost without beginning or end, the reader is initially frustrated and tries to find a linear thread, the outlines of heroes evolving throughout a narrative, a bird's eye view from which to view the entirety of the story. But finally, with a persistence that is most abundantly rewarded, the reader realises the great, ingenious architecture holding together figures and timelines.
© Barna Burger
Peter Nadas responds to questions about the structure of his novel by pointing to the chaos and lack of orientation which defines our lives. He works with "an open structure that does not aim beyond a world experienced as chaotic." This corresponds with his intention of "writing stories about people who have never encountered one another or who know each other only superficially and whose fates are nevertheless fundamentally bound to one another."
The novel has many elements which metaphorically convey this structure. Most vivid is the chapter "Hans von Wolkenstein", which tells about a boarding school for boys where the boys are measured for studies based on racial biology. Hans, who is under close scrutiny, comes from Annaberg, a region whose noble estates have been constructed on the local gneissic rock. The passage reads: "This very prevalent stone, though it is not easy to notice close to the earth's surface, can thank its mining and architectural career to the parallels that dominate its structure, which allow it to be split easily along its layers. Several varieties of its texture are known; in veined gneiss the mica are arranged in ribbons, in layered gneiss the ingredients change with each layer." The text continues: "Gneiss forms a large thick envelope around the globe. On it rest all sorts of deposits and sediments; when the magma moves underneath it and opens the structural cracks, the eruptive rocks burst to the surface through this three-thousand-meter stone casing."
At the core of the novel, which Nadas took 18 years to write, are the major catastrophes and upheavals of the last century. They are the magma that is always present but usually not visible. The book tells of deportations, the closing of a camp at the end of the war and marauding prisoners; both wars appear as traumatic memories for a number of protagonists, and anti-Semitism is shown in all its colourations. The Holocaust itself is not an explicit subject of the novel; neither are the waves of Stalinist terror. Nadas portrays the monstrosity of the century through its people, through the traces and scars it has left on their psyches and bodies. No one is indestructible in this book. They betray themselves and others, fight and love each other, wear themselves out. Everyone is frayed, terrible, maimed by this epoch.
"Parallel Stories" is primarily set in the region of Central Europe in the period between the two wars. The years 1938, 1945, the Hungarian uprising of 1956 and the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989 are the focal dates. The novel is many things - also a product of scholarly research. While a fellow at the Wissenschaftskolleg in Berlin, Nadas combed through pertinent archives on the Third Reich to the point of exhaustion, but also examined those on architecture, criminology, fashion, those pertaining to any and all questions of this period in history. This is most noticeable in the brilliant and biographically grounded portrait of Otmar Freiherr von der Schuer, to name one of the most striking examples, who was the Director of the Institute for Hereditary Research in Berlin. The perfect German soldier, educated, disciplined, von der Schuer (in real life: Freiherr von Verschuer) had given orders for massacres in World War I and had gone through experiences that had destroyed his view of people and the world. But he never admits to this kind of "internal haemorrhaging".
Now he is a scientist serving the Nazis, committed to racist doctrine, a cynic who wishes to compensate for the defeat of World War I with a primitive substitute religion. It is fascinating to follow the sharp analytical and psychological insights of the author, who states no opinion and makes no judgments but peers so intensively into this figure and its frayed psychotic and libidinous dimensions that the reader begins to understand this repugnant persona to an alarming degree. This fictive text is thoroughly empirically grounded. As Nadas once said himself, "he is knee-deep in experience." The seemingly endless maelstrom of information may recall Walter Benjamin's "Arcades Project" or Robert Musil's "The Man Without Qualities" but it undertakes expeditions deep into the landscapes of the soul to territories which even literary greats have seldom managed to penetrate.
This Freiherr von der Schuer has a Hungarian henchman, Istvan Lehr Lippay, who poisons the Hungarian chapter of the book with his deviant nationalism and racism. Already at the beginning of the novel he is lying in the hospital in agony, and although always in the background, he remains present throughout the entire novel in a moribund state. His wife, Erna Demen, an imposing figure of the Hungarian middle class and one of the six or seven central and highly complex characters of the novel, drives to the clinic on a stormy morning after learning of her husband's immanent death. Since her nephew Kristof does not wish to accompany her, she takes her son's lover with her, Gyongyver, an attractive young woman with a sinewy body, who has made her way from foundling beginnings into the homes of the educated classes and has trained as a opera singer.
Depicted in the smallest detail, this taxi ride from Pest to Buda is one of the crowning achievements of the novel. The physical attraction that Gyongyver arouses in Erna Démen confuses the older woman. The gloved hands of the two woman touch, as do their shoulders, their thighs. Another story inserts itself into the feelings which suddenly overwhelm Erna - the intimate embrace and the almost sensual-mystical experience with Geerte van Groot, a young Dutch woman in Groningen. While this distant memory surfaces in Erna and Nadas sounds out the deeper layers of feminine sexuality, the taxi driver suddenly recalls his amorous friendship with the male architect Madzar. For her part, Gyongyver makes comparisons between her young lover and his aging mother sitting beside her in the taxi and touching her. She recalls the physical union with Agost - how her fear had flown, replaced by an infusion of happiness as only this man had been able to give her. As if there were a path leading from the body of one person directly to the soul of another, as if she understood Agost's body better through the closeness of Erna.
Nadas masters this art of the imperceptible transition in a unique, virtuosic manner. Parallel stories play out not only in the minds of the two women but also in that of the driver Bellardi, and also within the minds of each individual there is a simultaneous flow of perceptions, conscious and unconscious thoughts, the past and the present. Nadas manages to merge and superimpose two same-sex love affairs - between Erna and Geerte, between Bellardi and Madzar - and the heterosexual relationship between Gyongyver and Agost. Here it becomes clear - and even more so in the mad chapter about Kristof cruising among the gays on Margaret Island - that for Nadas the same-sex relationship is deeper, more existential and also "blinder" than that between a man and a woman, since it is less coded and not fully ruled by the norms of polite society.
If chaos is the structure that the divisible layers of gneissic rock represent for the narrative structure of the novel, then the realm of the body serves as a fundamental metaphor for an eruptive force. The body is the epicentre of the novel. The way Nadas devotes so much time to the role of physical experience in literature - the body with all its wild and mute desires, its smells and excretions, it loveliness and infirmities - is the core and most revolutionary element of the novel. I know no other book that has probed so deeply what it means to be a human animal. The characters fuck, bleed, suck, sweat and shit - all in manic detail. In most novels we know the unconscious is a vassal of reason. In "Parallel Stories" the body itself comes to the fore, demanding a consciousness of its own, calling for its own place within a confusing tableau of memory and history. A prime example is the gigantic sex act between Agost and Gyongyver, which extends over four days and two hundred pages. The sex organs, their mechanics, their interlocking and the detached thoughts of the two lovers are described with almost hysterical meticulousness. "The shift in perspective is hard," comments Nadas on this long love scene, because up until the first orgasm I have the love act unfold sometimes from the perspective of the woman and sometimes from that of the man."
Not only these two people, but no single character is able to extract the soul from the weight of the body; fear, bitterness and terror have created minute fissures in all these bodies. These memories surface in the most "inopportune" moments, imposing themselves onto the present in the form of trauma or desire. The fine mechanics of all these interlocking cogwheels is stupendous. Towards the end of the extended coitus Gyongyver says to Agost: "You are like a technician." Nadas himself is also an technician, a technician with a magnificent obsession for detail, so that truly each and every one of his characters has a story of the body, a story of the soul and a story of social relationships, which suddenly glide from one narrative thread into another. The elongated conversation between the three friends Agost, Andre Rott and Hans von Wolkenstein in the Lukacs Bath in Budapest, the many times interrupted pursuit of a saleswoman from a coffee store by the bisexual Kristof - a chase that ends in an alcohol-saturated saturnalia - or the touchingly unconsummated love story between him and the married Jewish psychoanalyst Mrs. Szemzo are the high points of this narrative masterpiece, which forgoes all convention and tosses the reader into the flow of a current, in which, as in the opening quote from Parmenides, the source and end are one and the same.
Nadas is a precision engineer of the emotions, and also a composer. "Parallel Stories" is a major musical-linguistic project. A "silent poetic structure" underlies the text. Nádas understands this as being everything not described but nevertheless entailed in the text: the fabric of his decisions which gives the text form - when to use literary language, when to use slang, the proportion and intensity of the individual narrative threads. For example, long paragraphs are repeatedly interrupted by short sentences equating a poetic jolt or prick, which give the reader a wonderful feeling of movement and expansive rhythm. To have psychologically, physiologically and historically penetrated the last century with such linguistic acumen, this is in every respect the outstanding achievement of this colossal novel.
The article was originally published in Der Freitag on 20 February 2012.
Joachim Sartorius, born 1946, is a poet and editor of the collected works of authors such as Malcolm Lowry and William Carlos Williams. He has translated the works of John Ashbery, Wallace Stevens and E.E. Cummings. After serving as a diplomat in New York, Istanbul, Prague and Nicosia, he subsequently held the position of General Secretary of the Geothe Institute. From 2001 to 2011 he was the Director of the Berliner Festspiele.
Translation: ls
Road tripping across the ideological divide
The USA and the USSR should not simply be thought of as arch enemies of the Cold War. Beyond ideology, the two nations were deeply interested in one another. Ilya Ilf and Yevgeny Petrov were thrilled by the American Way of Life in 1935/6, John Steinbeck and Robert Capa praised the sheer vitality of the Russian people in 1947. Historian Karl Schlögel reviews a perfect pair of travel journals. Photo by Ilf and Petrov.
Language without a childhood
Turkish-born author, actor and director Emine Sevgi Özdamar was recently awarded the Alice Salomon Prize for Poetics. Coming to West Berlin in 1965, Özdamar first learned German at the age of 19. After stage school she went on to become the directorial assistant to Benno Besson and Matthias Langhoff at the Volksbühne in East Berlin while still living in West Berlin. Harald Jähner warmly lauds the author's uniquely visual sense of her acquired language and her ability to overcome the seemingly insurmountable dividing line through the city.
Friendship in the time of terror
Nadezhda Mandelstam's personal memories of the Russian poet Anna Akhmatova, her intimate friend, offer a unique and moving testimony to friendship and resistance over decades of persecution. Published only after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, the text is still unavailable in English but has recently been translated into German. A unique historical document, celebrating an intellectual icon in an age of horror. Portrait of Akhmatova by Kuzma Petrov-Vodkin.
Just one drop of forgetfulness
Thursday 8 December, 2011
This year is the 200th anniversary of the death of German writer Heinrich von Kleist. The author Gertrud Leutenegger has a very Kleistian afternoon on Elba, when she encounters the Marquise von O in the waiting room of a very strange eye doctor.
German Book Prize 2011 - the short list
Tuesday 4 October, 2011
Eugen Ruge has won the German Book Prize with his novel "In Zeiten des abnehmenden Lichts" (In times of fading light), an autobiographical story of an East German family. The award is presented to the best German-language novel just before the start of the Frankfurt Book Fair. Here we present this year's six shortlisted authors and exclusive English translations of excerpts from their novels.
Torment and blessing
Chinese dissident Liao Yiwu escaped into exile in Germany in July this year. His new book about his life in Chongqing prison has just been published in German as "Für Ein Lied und Hundert Lieder". Both book and author have a life-threatening odyssey behind them. I am overjoyed that Liao Yiwu is here with us and not at home in prison. By Herta Müller
In the vortex of congealed time
Monday 12 September, 2011
No other European city suffered more in World War II than Leningrad under siege, when over a million people lost their lives. Russian literature delivers a rich testimony of the events which have been all but forgotten by the West. Only a few works, though, also do the disaster aesthetic justice. By Oleg Yuriev
My unrelenting vice
Tuesday 6 September 2011
In this apology for the vice of reading, Bora Cosic describes the magnificent and fantastic discoveries of one of its practitioners – revealing how texts contain what we bring to them, how we sometimes read without reading and how books are not only found in books but many other places.
Potential market, no buyers
The most successful Croatian book of 2008 sold exactly 1,904 copies. Not what one could really call a market, although together the successor republics represent a single language community. A look at the situation of publishers and authors in the former Yugoslavia. By Norbert Mappes-Niediek.
Head versus hand
Monday 27 June, 2011
This year's German International Literature Award goes to "Venushaar", a Russian novel that starts out as a dialogue between an asylum seeker and an immigration officer, and opens into a vast choir of voices. A conversation with its author Mikhail Shishkin, a literary giant in his own country, and his German translator Andreas Tretner. By Ekkehard Knörer. (Image: Mikhail Shishkin © Yvonne Böhler)
Cry for life
Monday 20 May, 2011
Algeria's youth: Frustrated, isolated and in the stranglehold of clandestine political structures. Young Algerians are rebelling against being locked in traditional political and social structures, but have no chance of a national uprising like that in Tunisia, says Algerian author Boualem Sansal. An interview with Reiner Wandler.
Witness to intellectual suicide
Tuesday 3 May, 2011
On what would have been Romanian philosopher E.M. Cioran's 100th birthday, Suhrkamp has published a volume of his essays from the 1930s, "Über Deutschland". Effervescing with enthusiasm for Hitler and fascist ideas, they cast a dark shadow over his later writing. Fritz Raddatz wishes he'd never had to read such abominations and bids a former companion a bitter farewell. Photo: E.M. Cioran © Surhrkamp Verlag
RIP Andre Müller
Wednesday 13 April, 2011
Andre Müller Germany's most insightful and most feared interviewer is dead. Elfriede Jelinek said of him in her obituary: "Andre Müller goes all the way into people and then he makes them into language, and only then do they become themselves." Read his interviews with Ingmar Bergman and Hitler's sculptor Arno Breker in English. Photo courtesy Bibliothek der Provinz
A country on the edge of time
Monday 4 April, 2011
Serbia was the country in focus at this year's Leipzig Book Fair – its extensive literature seems to be bound up in the straitjacket of politics. Serbia is having a hard time with Europe, and Europe is having a hard time with Serbia. Although there are signs of a softening stance, the country is still locked up in the self-imposed nationalist isolation into which it manoeuvred itself as the aggressor in the Yugoslavian war of secession. A visit there inspires mixed feelings. By Jörg Plath
Photo: Sreten Ugricic

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Vitiligo is found affecting most people all over the world and hence it has been attracted by many professionals in the field. This video is about the experience and experiments of one such professional who has treated many patients suffering from vitiligo. He explains all about vitiligo the causes, symptoms, types of it and also some possible treatments that can bring back pigmentation. Vitiligo conditions are not similar for every person and here he explains what conditions of vitiligo are curable and what are not. Some conditions of vitiligo even if stays uncurable they can be controlled by certain procedures.


text:
Q: Reg Expression javascript I need to validate a string to have only letters, digits up to 4, '.', and '_';
Right now I am using
if(/^[a-zA-Z0-9_.]+$/.test(testString))
{
     console.log("Valid string");
}

testString = test.com // (must be valid)
testString = Te_St.com // (must be valid)
testString = Te_St1.com // (must be valid)
testString = Te_St12.com // (must be invalid because has 12 in it and is higher than 4)
testString = Te_2St1.com // (must be valid)
testString = Te_24St1.com // (must be invalid because has 24 in it and it higher than 4)
testString = Te_2$St1.com // (must be invalid because has ilegal character $)

A: You can try the pattern below:
/^[a-z._]*(?:[01234](?:[a-z._]+|$))*$/i

but note that this pattern succeeds with an empty string. To prevent this, you can test the string length before or add a lookahead at the start of the pattern:
/^(?=.)[a-z._]*(?:[01234](?:[a-z._]+|$))*$/i

A: ^(?!.*[1-9]\d)[a-zA-Z0-4_.]+$

Try this.See demo.
https://regex101.com/r/wU7sQ0/12

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Sinn Féin challenge status quo
Sinn Féin Fermanagh South Tyrone MP Michelle Gildernew speaking at a debate in UCD on the motion that 'That Moderate Parties No Longer Have A Role To Play in Northern Politics' with SDLP leader Mark Durkan and British Secretary of State Paul Murphy has said that Sinn Féin are committed to challenging the status quo.
Ms Gildernew said:
"We do not accept that the majority of Northern nationalists who voted for Sinn Fein in the last election are extremists.
"We do not accept the basic premise of that the Ulster Unionists and SDLP are moderates.
"We support women's rights; we support gay and lesbian rights; we support the rights of the travelling community. We support the rights of disabled people; we support the right to a decent health service regardless of ability to pay We support the right of people to buy a home at a reasonable price; and we support the idea of an equitable taxation scheme where millionaires are made to pay their fair share of the tax burden.
"The reason that our critics like to give the impression that we are just two sets of Extremists fighting it out 'up there' doesn't have anything to do with the North. It is because the establishment fears the growth of Sinn Fein and because it fears real change. And they are right.
"The motion of this debate implies that just a few years ago, there were loads of moderates in the six counties - but just who were these moderates? The Orange Order is one of the lifebloods of Unionism and it can hardly be described as moderate.
"Then there are those other moderates, the British Government. The British Government have portrayed themselves as honest brokers but are they as moderate as they would have us believe? The British state is heavily implicated in state violence and collusion.
"If by moderate you mean keeping the status quo, then Sinn Fein are not moderate. We do want change.
"If moderation is not wanting change then I am no moderate - and I have no problem being a radical, wanting equal opportunities, wanting Unionist councils to end discrimination, wanting playgrounds in Catholic areas as well as Protestant ones, wanting to see an end to police harassment." ENDS
Full text of speech
That This House Believes That Moderate Parties No Longer Have A Role To Play in Northern Politics.
It's a great pleasure to be here tonight.
It is also a pleasure to discuss a motion which, in however a backhanded way, acknowledges the great successes that Sinn Fein has made in the Six Occupied Counties which by the way if we keep growing as a party will soon be that statelets official name before it becomes part of a United Ireland.
We have now more than 200 elected representatives across the island - 4 MPs elected to Westminster, 5 TDs in the Irish Parliament, 2 MEPs to the European Parliment, 24 MLAs in the Six County Assembly and over 250 representatives on local Councils. In terms of the popular vote in the North we have won almost everything but Big Brother, although given that British Securocrats ensure that everything we do, from holding a meeting, to going to the toilet is kept under constant audio and video surveillance I wouldn't rule us out of success in even that arena.
However ladies and gentlemen we do not accept the basic premise of this motion: that the Ulster Unionists and SDLP and of course the Alliance are the only moderates in the Six Counties.
We do not accept that David Trimble, a man who supported the Ulster Workers Council strike, a man who threw himself into the activities of Vanguard, a right wing Unionist pressure group of the Seventies, and a man who danced his way down the Garvaghey Road hand in hand with Ian Paisley, is a moderate while we, we, are the extremists.
We do not accept that majority of Northern nationalists who voted for Sinn Fein in the last election are extremists.
Indeed Sinn Fein's supposed extremism is a strange kind of extremism indeed:
We support women's rights
We support gay and lesbian rights.
We support the rights of the travelling community.
We support the rights of disabled people.
We support the right to a decent health service regardless of ability to pay
We support the right of people to buy a home at a reasonable price
We support the idea of an equitable taxation scheme where millionaires are made to pay their fair share of the tax burden
And we support the right of people who have fled persecution abroad to find sanctuary here.
If that is extremism then yes ladies and gentlemen we are extreme and I pray to God that you are too!
However it is in our critics interests to portray us as some sort of mirror image of the DUP, to suggest that Gerry Adams is a Catholic version - if you can in fact have such a thing - of Ian Paisley.
This is despite the fact that Dr. Paisley doesn't have what you would call a great record on women's rights, isn't interested in house prices in Stillorgan, loathes homosexuals and despite his title hasn't even done much for sick people.
But the reason that our critics like to give the impression that we are just two sets of Extremists fighting it out "up there" doesn't funnily enough have anything to do with the North. It is largely because of the politics of this state. The southern establishment fears the growth of Sinn Fein in this state - because it fears real change. And they are right ladies and gentlemen. For make no mistake about it the Ireland that we want to pass on to the next generation is not an Ireland that has been shaped by Michael McDowell, ladies and gentlemen.
Nor - and this goes double - is it an Ireland shaped by Paul Murphy or any other British Secretary of state - no matter how nice their accent.
The motion of this debate also implies that just a few years ago, there were loads of moderates in the six counties - but just who were these moderates? The Orange Order is one of the lifebloods of Unionism and it can hardly be described as moderate. In the past few days it has emerged the Orange Order has been linked to an organization whose sole purpose is to buy land to prevent Catholics buying it. Members of the Orange Order believe it is their right to walk down the "Queens Highway" as they call it, but it is not their right to put communities under siege which is what they have been doing. Nor is it right that on the 12th of July the vast majority of Catholics have to clear out of the six counties so that Unionists can dominate the place like they did in the golden days of bigotry. So much for Moderate Unionism.
Then there are those other moderates, the British Government. The British Government have portrayed themselves brilliantly as honest brokers but are they as moderate as they would have us believe? The British state is heavily implicated in state violence and collusion and it's not just bloody Sunday we're talking about here, it's thousands of others, not least the suspicion of collusion in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings. Of course I'm not saying that every piece of dirty tricks is ratified in 10 Downing Street, but the fact is that British PM after British PM allowed the Unionist administration of the six counties to continue on it's merry way of discrimination and bigotry towards Catholics in housing, jobs and just about every sphere of life. Many British Prime Ministers were just Pontius Pilates who simply allowed the execution of innocents, but there are others with more to answer.
Christy Moore sings a song called Ordinary Man and just like lots of Ordinary Irishmen he was stopped by the British security forces at a port and held for two hours - as was his driver. I won't speak for Christy Moore he's much more eloquent than I could ever be but I will speak for my constituents who, on a regular basis are stopped on their way to matches or business appointments and held for hours on end, often with the intention of stopping them going to games or meetings.
If by moderate you mean keeping the status quo, then Sinn Fein are not moderate. We do want change, we don't want to see the border blighting lives and we don't want to see continued police harassment.
There are some people in the 26 counties who wish Nationalists in the North would just shut up and get on with our Unionist neighbours. Well we do want to get on with our Unionist neighbours but we won't shut up. The National Statistics Office has just published figures which reveal that both Catholic men and women are twice as likely to be unemployed than their Protestant counterparts. We won't just accept this because it was accepted for so long.
If moderation is not wanting change then I am no moderate - and I have no problem being a radical, wanting equal opportunities, wanting Unionist councils to end discrimination, wanting playgrounds in Catholic areas as well as Protestant ones, wanting to see an end to police harassment. If you want to see change I ask you to vote Sinn Fein in the next elections North and South, vote for the only All-Ireland party in this country."


text:
Жуа́н Арту́р Ро́за А́лвиш (; род. 18 августа 1980, Шавиш) — португальский футболист, полузащитник. Провёл 3 матча за сборную Португалии.

Воспитанник клуба «Шавеш», там же начал взрослую карьеру, проведя 10 матчей в высшей португальской лиге в сезоне 1998/99, по результатам которого клуб вылетел из высшей лиги; в последующие 5 сезонов Жуан выступал за «Шавиш» во втором по силе дивизионе страны, будучи игроком основного состава. Затем выступал в высшей лиге за «Брага», по ходу сезона 2005/06 перешёл в лиссабонский «Спортинг», где провёл два сезона, по результатам обоих его клуб становился вторым в высшей лиге страны. В сезоне 2005/06 выходил на поле в составе «Спортинга» регулярно, затем потерял место в составе, проведя в сезоне 2006/07 лишь две игры в первенстве. Летом 2007 года перешёл в «Виторию», затем занял в её составе третье место в первенстве страны 2007/08.

Примечания

Ссылки

Футболисты Португалии
Игроки сборной Португалии по футболу
Игроки ФК «Шавеш»
Игроки ФК «Брага»
Игроки ФК «Спортинг» Лиссабон
Игроки ФК «Витория» Гимарайнш
Игроки ФК «Омония» Никосия
Игроки ФК «Академика» Визеу
Игроки ФК «Фреамунде»


Cirque du Soleil is Demand based pricing and is subject to change without notice.
After directing her daughter's coming of age ceremony, honoring femininity, renewal, rebirth and balance, Queen Prospera causes a storm.
The cast of Amaluna comprise a majority of female, including a 100% female band.


text:
How Oxfam let key activists know about its new campaign first
Oxfam are due to launch a new global campaign tomorrow (June 1st – although it seems that the BBC have jumped the gun by reporting on it a day early), and we're promised that we should be prepared for a 'impending wonk, campaign, celeb and media fest around Oxfam's campaign launch tomorrow. Biggest thing ever; simultaneous launches in 45 countries; bigger (at least in ambition) than Make Poverty History or Make Trade Fair'
While it'll be interesting to watch how the campaign develops and the tactics they use, especially with so many countries involved, as a campaigner I've also been interested in following the way that Oxfam GB have already soft launched the campaign to key activists around the country.
For example a colleague forwarded me an invite to a supporter phone briefing the activism team hosted on May 17th. It's the first time I've come across the idea of such a call, but it seems like a really inspired and practical idea. The call involved speakers from the Oxfam GB's Campaigns and Policy team, alongside representatives from the Events team with practical suggestions about what people could do.
Looking at the Cover It Live conversation from the call it looks like those who participated had a really lively conversation. For me, using such an innovative tool has a number of advantages;
It builds a sense of ownership – For those invited to be part of the call to allows them to feel that they're the first to know, that they've got a responsibility to promote the campaigns to their own networks when it goes live.
It equips people and provides a space to ask the difficult questions – It's easy to launch a new campaign with the accompanying policy report, but the reality is that most activists don't have time to sit down immediately to read and digest it. A call like this allows the opportunity for supporters to feel like they've had the opportunity to ask before they're hearing about it on the news.
It builds loyalty – by breaking down the divide between staff and supporters, especially by actively asking for suggestions and ideas, it makes Team Oxfam bigger. They also actively encouraged those on the call to join a group on their 'enabler' site to keep the conversation going.
In the past, the cost of hosting such a call would have been prohibitive but here are a few ways that other campaigns looking to try the idea could do it for almost nothing;
PowWowNow is a free conference call service, which can facilitate 'event calls' for up to 300 people.
Cover It Live is an excellent interface for facilitating live discussion between a group. It's free and you can use it to display images, carry out polls and can even include live video from a webcam if you're prepared to pay a little extra.
What other free technology exists that could enhance a call like this? Have you seen other organisations use similar tools to keep key supporters informed?
Filed under: organisations, tools | Tagged: activism, oxfam, tools |
« Campaign Totals – Department of Health Campaign Totals – Department for Transport »
RESULTS are based on this big phone call model – or at any rate they used to be, and I think they still are. It works well for them.
Kimberly Bowman, on June 1, 2011 at 9:08 am said:
I used to work in Canada, and had volunteers across Canada and the USA. With that size of territory (think 5 time zones) online organizing was a pretty important tool.
I've used webinar services (GoToMeeting, WebEx) to hold interactive online sessions with volunteers. With CUSO-VSO (the North American organization that's part of VSO) we tried holding recruitment information events online, which were moderately successful. (Higher time cost per attendee than an urban in-person meeting, but how else do you reach people in Alaska?) Having a call-in-only option was important.
Skype also works well, for much smaller groups and more collaborative (less presentation-focused) events.
tombaker, on June 1, 2011 at 7:45 pm said:
Thanks for the comment….good to hear how its worked for others. Will look into GoToMeeting as another option.


text:
from iptest.assert_util import *

add_clr_assemblies("loadorder_3")

# namespace First {
#     public class Generic1<K, V> {
#         public static string Flag = typeof(Generic1<,>).FullName;
#     }
# }

import First

add_clr_assemblies("loadorder_3d")

# namespace First {
#     public class Generic2 {
#         public static string Flag = typeof(Generic2).FullName;
#     }
# }

AreEqual(First.Generic1[str, str].Flag, "First.Generic1`2")
AreEqual(First.Generic2.Flag, "First.Generic2")

from First import Generic1

AreEqual(Generic1[str, str].Flag, "First.Generic1`2")
AssertError(NameError, lambda: Generic2)

from First import Generic2

AreEqual(Generic1[str, str].Flag, "First.Generic1`2")
AreEqual(Generic2.Flag, "First.Generic2")

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Back to school for Parata
Meatworkers win
Written By: Eddie - Date published: 7:21 am, May 22nd, 2012 - 38 comments
Categories: capitalism, class war, Unions, workers' rights - Tags: AFFCO, meatworkers union, talleys
News in that Talley's/AFFCO and the Meatworkers reached an agreement at 5am this morning. The workers will keep their wage and job security provisions and still be covered by a collective contract. These things are never a complete victory but Talley's appear to have won little for a dispute that has cost them and their workers' families millions. Next time, they'll think twice before attacking their workers.
The strength of spirit of the thousand plus workers and their families have displayed to stand strong while one rich family tried to bully and extort them into handing over some of what little wealth they have is astounding. I know the tens of thousands of dollars donated by New Zealanders up and down the country, along with payments from their union brothers and sisters via the CTU, have been absolutely vital in keeping these families going. As has the support of iwi, who have not only provided practical support to the families but have flexed their economic muscle as well by threatening a boycott of Talley's/AFFCO by Maori farmers and even mooted setting up a competing network of meatworks.
At the end of the day, a dispute like this comes down to who can take the pain longer, and who has most to lose. The workers had the most to lose because accepting the bosses' demands would have been the end of the union and a ticket to lower wages and casualisation. With the help of iwi, the union movement, and ordinary New Zealanders, they have shown they could bear the pain longer than Talley's/AFFCO could bear to lose millions in revenue.
And we owe our thanks to the meatworkers, as well as the wharfies at Ports of Auckland. There's no doubt that these two vicious attacks on workers by their bosses were the opening salvos in a broader attack on workers' rights, supported and abetted by National with further undermining of our work rights.
Both Talley's/AFFCO and Ports of Auckland have come away with bloody noses and the reputations of their senior managers in tatters. That will be noted by bosses up and down this country. Had Talley's/AFFCO and PoAL won, it would have been open season on workers' rights and pay. Instead, the lesson is: don't mess with unions and don't mess with workers.
The bosses and their shills should take some time to absorb that lesson before they attack New Zealand's working families again.
And the meatworkers should stand a little taller today as they return to work today. They have done themselves and all working New Zealanders proud.
Kia kaha.
38 comments on "Meatworkers win "
Great news now watch shonkey and the hollowmen proxies makes moves on the law to weaken the unions and alter the outcome next time this happens. It's a learning game to them whereas it's the only game to the workers, be vigilant people.
Well done to everyone involved, a fight that had to be won for the workers.
Hateatea 2
Excellent news to log on to but I think that I will continue to boycott Talleys. The damage done to those whānau and their communities will be felt for many, many more months and I am sure no compensation will be paid by Talleys to get people back on their feet
felix 2.1
muzza 2.2
Because Talleys are made in NZ, I bought their frozen vege to support NZ made over those that are not…
Anyone know which other frozen veges are made in NZ, who don't treat their workers with utter disrespect?
Pleasing to see this outcome, however this is not where it will rest!
tc 2.2.1
watties owned by heinz treats it's workers better than Talleys I'm told.
felix 2.2.1.1
23 May 2012 at 10:07 am
Just about every employer does.
Rodel 2.3
Hateata Me too. Wouldn't touch Talleys after what I've learnt from this site.
burt 2.4
Boycotting Talleys could result in workers being laid off. A well organised effective mass boycott could possibly get most of them laid off in less than 6 months.
I get the boycott when the workers are on strike or locked out – but the workers via their union have accepted the deal so solidarity, and all that, surely says you should now bite down on it.
felix 2.4.1
The issues with Talleys go a lot deeper than one lockout burt.
And what happened to your free market principles? If consumer choices really do hurt Talleys so much that they can't stay in business, then they obviously shouldn't be in business and someone else will fill the gap in the market to meet demand.
mickysavage 3
Good stuff. But you can bet the Tallys, like rust, will not sleep.
They may see National's proposed Industrial Relations law changes as another way to achieve what they want.
Wrecking collective agreements in the name of "flexibility" is what they want to achieve.
It is great that the Trade Union movement has won this particular battle but the war is not yet over …
Great news about one battle won. Take time to celebrate, and then regroup – it's only just begun.
Draco T Bastard 5
Next time, they'll think twice before attacking their workers.
No they won't. What they'll do is lobby this government for a law change that will put more power in their hands and probably get that law change and then they'll attack again.
The we get a change of government and the legislation swings back the other way and non-union people say; "What they'll do is lobby this government for a law change that will put more power in their hands and probably get that law change and then they'll attack again.".
Matthew Whitehead 5.1.1
Fat chance. Labour has never adequately undone the damage previous National governments do to employment law.
fatty 5.1.1.1
Too true…the ERA 2000 that replaced the ECA 1991 did little more then entrench the loss of employment rights. I hate the concept of good faith bargaining…its a sham
Such fantastic news. Shoutout to everyone who held the line.
Interesting interview with a Talley's worker just on RNZ. She said she was a little nervous about going back to work, but was glad it was over. She'd been planning to head to Aussie if the dispute wasn't settled, like many others in her area.
Great – Greedy corporates and their government backers, pressuring workers to leave for Aussie where workers have stronger unions.
So once workers are driven away from NZ in certain sectors…what happens once the tide goes out in OZ? Be interesting to see how strong unions remain in OZ once the sucking effect hits them properly!
Western countries with labour laws, health and safety laws and the like, can't compete now, so they won't be able to compete in future either!
Who will turn this around?
Colonial Viper 7.1.1
No one. All the political parties are capitalist and free market leaning. The markets and the margins for the few come first, communities and societies come a poor second.
muzza 7.1.1.1
Indeed, and yet still people are desperately engaging into a system in the hope that it might change direction.
I wonder when people will start to accept that the wholesale co-opting of global governments and the systems that are meant to support the people of those countries, is not that difficult to have achieved…and it happened while they continue to think, its all just "stuff" that happens!
Some people still can't get their heads around the simple truth that the banking system is the root cause of almost every problem going around!
Control the money, control "everything"!
Tiger Mountain 7.1.1.1.1
The corporates can run but they can't hide forever. When the BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, China) workers get substantially organised, and the US and Europe re-organised our capitalist friends will be stuffed, but can that happen before the planet is stuffed, is the question.
Luk 8
Finally some good comes out of the Iwi Leaders Group, thought they were a total bunch of government hacks, but this shows they have some links back to the flaxroots. Or am I being sucked in by the PR and they were a convenient way for Affco to lose without saving face.
Maybe the cynic in me says Affco figured fight not worth it when govt is changing law soon to make it much easier for them
Malcolm 9
Hi Eddie,
Can I point out that you have fallen into the same pattern as the bourgeois media by reporting on this dispute as all settled. The proposed agreement needs to be ratified by union members. They may or may not agree that they have quite won yet.
[cheers but I'm well aware the agreement needs ratification, that's why I said an agreement had been reached between the union and the bosses, not that the dispute is settled. The union members interviewed across media have all expressed support for it. Ratification seems extremely likely. It's like the budget. When English presents it on Thursday, we'll all say 'the govt has presented its budget' and analysis it as if it is what the actual budget will be for the next year. of course, the budget won't pass until its third reading if a majority of the house backs it some weeks later and, in theory, National MPs or their support partners could cross the floor and vote it down. But it would be bizarre to not cover the budget until the third reading on that basis. Eddie]
Matthew Whitehead 9.1
Aren't votes for the budget done by party, Eddie? If so National MPs cannot cross the floor.
I would love to be wrong about that though! 🙂
Malcolm 9.2
By all means cover it but I think it needs pointing out it is not settled until ratified. I couldn't see any mention of this in your post. (Having just re-read it I still can't.) The way your post is worded make it seem like it is all done and dusted. This can also be said about lots of other comments made by sympathetic commentators yesterday morning. I understand people are happy about a possible settlement and want to celebrate but it should be done a bit more cautiously. We don't know what the membership feels about the proposed deal yet. No doubt they are very keen to get back to work but they may not like it at all …..
Guest 10
What the Ports of Auckland and Talleys didn't realize is the level of support the workers would get from the Union and the public.
Dv 10.1
What has happened in the POA dispute?
It has gone very quiet.
Malcolm 10.1.1
MUNZ and CTU have put this out:
http://dl.dropbox.com/u/18076151/SaveOurPort%20book.pdf
Psycho Milt 11
I think National's planned labour law changes demonstrate that the lessons have already been learned and future union-busting activities will rely on the govt's heavy weaponry for success.
tc 11.1
Yup, more lessons learned so next time the NACT gov't big guns can be used by the owners and management to their own end.
Psycho Milt 11.1.1
That's what I'm thinking. For the employers, the obvious lesson to draw from these two disputes is that they're likely to fail expensively when trying to break a union under labour law that's still largely as Labour left it, so it's time to start bending the ears of their (and I mean "their") representatives in govt about the need for that law to get friendlier to union-busting employers.
Matthew Whitehead 11.1.1.1
All the more reason to change the government before anyone gets seriously hurt under employment law.
Stephen D 12
I remember being in the Meat Workers union back in the 1970s.
Makes me proud to once have belonged.
Kevin 13
Excellent news for the workers and the families who have been affected by this lockout and a great result for the team who negotiated this return to work, special mention to Tainui for playing an integral role in getting the parties talking.
higherstandard 13.1
"….special mention to Tainui (and others) for playing an integral role in getting the parties talking."
You're on to it, without the intervention of the likes of Ken Mair, Tukoroirangi Morgan and Sonny Tau there wouldn't have been any progress.
Union Hard 14
I would like to thank all the people on this site with their words of support and donations of money which helped us during the lockout ,we could not not have done it without your help
THANKS!!!!!!!
BillODrees 15
POL 0. Union 1
Talleys 0. Union 1
Natz. 0. Union 1
Self interest 0. Collective Interest 1
Te Reo Putake 15.1
Like those numbers!
weka to Molly on
AB on
weka to Maurice on
weka to fender on


text:
Agecroft Colliery
An excerpt from the book - The Last Pit in the Valley by Paul Kelly - Available to buy from the IVMP store
Agecroft Colliery stands no more. This coal mine has disappeared from the skyline of Salford.
The former collieries winding wheels, which were enclosed in concrete towers reached a height of 200 feet and covered the number 4 and number 5 shafts. The towers were demolished using explosives in January 1991. The towers which had stood for over 30 years disappeared in seconds.
This signified the end of deep coal mining in the Irwell Valley which had lasted for about 250 years. The colliery buildings were bulldozed and flattened into history. The site was cleared in months without ceremony, to be replaced by warehouses and offices and the area renamed The Agecroft Commercial Park.
No monuments or memorials were erected to the memory of the coal miners who worked at the pit, many of whom paid the ultimate price. All their work and sacrifice was forgotten.
I wrote this book with the hope that it will educate, enlighten and remind people that not so very long ago this area had a thriving mining community. A community that took great pride in the coal mining industry and the work it provided. I hope to remind readers that it was coal which was the source of energy that powered the industrial revolution and made this country great.
This book is dedicated to all the men, women, boys and girls who toiled in the coal mining industry and worked to bring light and warmth for all. Our pits and our way of life may be gone but our memories live on
Paul Kelly, former miner at Agecroft Colliery, 1978-1990
Projects and news updates
135 year anniversary of the Clifton Hall colliery disaster
On Thursday the 18th June we held a small gathering to remember the 178 men and boys who died in the Clifton hall colliery disaster. It was the 135 anniversary of the tragedy which devastated the communities of Pendlebury, Clifton, Pendleton and the surrounding local areas.
We had the gathering at St Augustines church, Pendlebury (known as the miners cathedral).
A monument to the tragic events of that days stands in churchyard and 64 victims are buried in a mass grave.
We maintain the monument and have made a small memorial garden and care and maintain it on behalf of St Augustines Church.
Sadly due to the current situation we could not hold the workers memorial event this year at the Agecroft colliery memorial garden. We had planned to erect two plaques on the monument to remember the men and boys some aged just 10 years old who had died at the pit from the early 1800's to the late 1920's.
We now intend to erect the plaques on the 24th April 2021 Starting at 12:45 pm to begin at 1 pm at the Agecroft colliery memorial, Agecroft road former pit entrance.
Take care in these troubled times, Hope to see you next year. Everyone is welcome and best wishes from us all at the Irwell Valley Mining Project.
2 minutes silence Rememberance Day !!
Coal Miners Rememberance Day !!
We would like to invite you all to the Rememberance day 2 minute silence to remember the local miners who died in the first world war 1914-1919. We will be assembling at the war memorial on Agecroft road at 10:45 on Monday 14th November.
Hope to see you all there.
Salford histories festival Saturday 22nd September 2018.
Ivmp will be attending the Salford histories festival with the mining exhibition.The event opens at 10am and closes 5pm. Free to attend history stalls, cafe, talks and lots of great local history memorabilia books. Remembering Salford great history.
Hope united reform chapel, Chapel street, Salford next to the Salford arms public house 2 minutes walk from Salford train station.
Friday, June 18, 2021 - 13:00 Annual worker memorial event.
Saturday, April 24, 2021 - 20:30 Agecroft colliery
Thursday, November 14, 2019 - 10:45 Coal Miners Remembrance Day
IVMP Tweets
IVMP are holding an exhibition on 7-12 March 10am 6pm at Swinton gateway Library, hope to see you all there. — 5 years 10 months ago
Durham miners Gala will be held on the 9th July 2016, hope to see you all there !!! — 5 years 11 months ago
Great miners strike exhibition opens Tuesday the 13th Jan at 2pm. working class movement library Salford. Wed 1-5pm and Fri 1pm-5pm. — 7 years 1 week ago
Sat 4th August 6pm Soma turkish benefit night http://t.co/Mz22odr1Qk for more info, all welcome — 7 years 6 months ago
Don't forget Durham miners gala Saturday 12th July 2014, for more information please see http://t.co/0pqf5FRvAP — 7 years 6 months ago


text:
S.M.S
Home > History > Marques > S.M.S
Jeff Sparrowe built his 500, Sparrowe's Motor Special in early 1948. It used a Rudge TT engine, mounted at the rear in a lowered Austin Seven chassis with an Austin split axle. Jeff made his debut at Stanmer Park, near Brighton, in June achieving a creditable sixth fastest time. At Prescott and Great Auclum in July, he improved to fifth. Boscombe and the Brighton Speed trials proved frustrating partly due to the lack of power from the Rudge compared to the JAP. The September Prescott meeting proved disastrous, Jeff finding himself in hospital after rolling at the Semicircle. Further disappointments happened at Shelsley in September, after an off and Silverstone, where he was unable to start due to a damaged engine. For 1949, it seems the first car passed to a Mr Fisher and Jeff adopted a second SMS, in fact a modified Marwyn. The reputation of the Marwyn suggests that this wouldn't have been an improvement on his own effort. Jeff Sparrowe died in February 2001.
Reviewed in Iota, March 1949, a month later the editor had to apologise for the inappropriate headline!


U.S. home prices rose at a solid pace in July, as would-be buyers competed for a diminished supply of available housing.
The Standard & Poor's/Case-Shiller 20-city home price index climbed 5 percent in July from a year earlier. That's up from a 4.9 percent annual pace in June.
Home prices rose in all 20 cities over the past 12 months. San Francisco posted the biggest gain of 10.4 percent, followed by Denver with 10.3 percent.
Steady job growth and an economic recovery in its seventh year have encouraged more Americans to buy homes. That lifted sales to an eight-year high in July. Yet those buyers have bid up prices in many areas because the number of homes for sale remains limited.
The current housing inventory is equal to 5.2 months of sales, below the six months that is typical in a balanced housing market.
Price gains were much smaller in many Eastern and Midwestern cities. Home prices were just 1.7 percent higher in Washington, D.C. compared with 12 months earlier, only 1.8 percent higher in Chicago, and up just 1.9 percent in New York.
Svenja Gudell, chief economist at real estate data firm Zillow, said the housing market is continuing to improve despite some conflicting trends. New home sales jumped to a seven-year high in August even as existing home sales slipped. Mortgage rates remain low, though it can be difficult for first-time buyers to qualify for a loan.
"The market is continuing to heal and find its footing in a new environment, one where highly local factors ... matter more than national trends," she said.
Consistent price gains can make homeowners feel wealthier and more likely to spend, providing a boost to the economy. Higher home values also reduce the number of Americans who owe more on their mortgages than their homes are worth, a condition known as being "under water."
Still, housing faces several challenges in the coming months. Prices are rising at more than double the rate of wages, which have increased just 2.2 percent in the past 12 months. That is likely pricing many would-be buyers out of the market.
And while mortgage rates are still low, they could be headed up soon. Federal Reserve Chair Janet Yellen has indicated that the Fed may raise short-term rates for the first time in nine years before the end of the year. That would eventually push up mortgage rates.
Those trends may already be weighing on sales of existing homes. They slid nearly 5 percent in August from July's eight-year high to the lowest level since April, the National Association of Realtors said last week.
And fewer Americans signed contracts to buy homes in August. That suggests sales may slip further in the coming months. A signed contract typically precedes a completed sale by one or two months. Still, existing home sales are 6.2 percent higher than a year ago.


text:
package de.uniulm.omi.cloudiator.lance.deployment.self;

import de.uniulm.omi.cloudiator.lance.lifecycle.LifecycleHandlerType;
import de.uniulm.omi.cloudiator.lance.lifecycle.language.CommandResultReference;
import de.uniulm.omi.cloudiator.lance.lifecycle.language.CommandSequence;
import de.uniulm.omi.cloudiator.lance.lifecycle.language.CommandSequenceBuilder;
import de.uniulm.omi.cloudiator.lance.lifecycle.language.command.SetFilePropertiesCommand;

public class DockerDeployment {

    private DockerDeployment() {
        // no instances of this class //
    }

    public static CommandSequence create() {
        CommandSequenceBuilder b = new CommandSequenceBuilder("deploy and configure docker");
        b.setPhase(LifecycleHandlerType.PRE_INSTALL);
        CommandResultReference ref = b.download("https://get.docker.com/");

        b.setPhase(LifecycleHandlerType.INSTALL);
        // CommandResultReference f =
        b.setFileProperties(SetFilePropertiesCommand.SetFilePropertiesCommandConstants.ALL_ACCESS, SetFilePropertiesCommand.SetFilePropertiesCommandConstants.FILE_ALL, ref);
        b.executeOnShell(ref);

        b.setPhase(LifecycleHandlerType.POST_INSTALL);
        b.replaceFileContent(DockerConfigFileLocation.INSTANCE, "^#DOCKER_OPTS.*$", "DOCKER_OPTS=\"-H tcp://0.0.0.0:2375 -H unix:///var/run/docker.sock\"");

        b.setPhase(LifecycleHandlerType.START);
        b.configureSystemService("docker", "restart");
        return b.build();
    }
}