text:
Drug use monitoring in Australia: 2011–12 report on drug use among police detainees
Site Results: Adelaide
During 2011–12, 984 detainees were interviewed at the Adelaide city police watchhouse. The average age of detainees was 32 years; 85 percent of detainees were male. On average, female detainees were two years older than male detainees (34 cf 32 years; see Table 15).
From 2011 to 2012, there was a small increase in the number of detainees interviewed (n=489 cf n=495). However, by comparison with earlier collection periods, there was a decrease in the number of detainees processed during 2011–12.
In both 2011 and 2012, the average age of Adelaide detainees was 32 years; this is consistent with the average age of detainees recorded in the 2009–10 period. In 2011 and 2012, the average age of female detainees was 35 and 32 years of age respectively. In both 2011 and 2012, the average age of male detainees was 32 years.
Offending
In 2011–12, Adelaide detainees were arrested and detained on a total of 1,745 charges. Consistent with previous years, the average number of charges per detainee was two. In 2011–12, charges for violent offences were most commonly recorded among the Adelaide sample, comprising 23 percent of total charges recorded. This was followed by charges for property offences (21%), breach offences (17%), disorder offences (15%), traffic offences (9%), drug offences (7%) and drink driving offences (1%). A further seven percent of charges were recorded as 'other offences' not otherwise falling into the categories listed above (see Table 16). From 2011 to 2012, the percentage of offences recorded in each category was relatively stable, with the exception of breach offences. From 2011 to 2012, there was a six percentage point rise in the number of breach offences recorded (14% cf 20%).
To facilitate comparison between detainees, each detainee is categorised by the most serious offence for which they are being held under charge at the time of interview. In 2011–12, 29 percent of Adelaide detainees were classified as violent offenders (an increase of 4 percentage points from 2009–10), 20 percent were property offenders, 17 percent were disorder offenders, 16 percent were breach offenders, eight percent were traffic offenders, seven percent were drug offenders and one percent were drink driving offenders. A further two percent were recorded as 'other offenders' not otherwise falling into the categories listed above (see Table 16).
From 2011 to 2012, the most notable difference was a six percentage point increase in offenders categorised, by most serious charge, as breach offenders (13% cf 19%); this increase mirrors the aforementioned increase in the percentage of total charges that were for breach offences. In addition, from 2011 to 2012, there was a four percentage point decrease in traffic offenders (10% cf 6%). This is the lowest percentage of traffic offenders observed since collection began for Adelaide in 2002. In 2011–12, the percentage of property offenders interviewed was also a historical low (20%).
In 2011–12, different patterns of offending were observed between males and females. Male detainees were most likely to be categorised, by most serious offence, as a violent offender (31%), disorder offender (19%), property offender (17%) or breach offender (16%). Female detainees were most likely to be categorised as a property offender (36%), violent offender (18%), or breach offender (15%). From 2009–10 to 2011–12, there was a five percentage point rise in the females in custody on property offences (31% cf 36%). This finding is contrary to the overall downward trend in property crime at this site since collection began in 2002.
Prior criminal justice contact
In 2011–12, for almost half of all Adelaide detainees, the current episode of contact with police was not an isolated incident; 45 percent had been charged on at least one separate occasion in the previous 12 months (see Table 17). From 2011 to 2012, there was a five percentage point increase in recidivism among Adelaide detainees (43% cf 48%). However, in 2011–12, the proportion of detainees who reported a prior history of police contact was lower when compared with earlier years. Male detainees were slightly more likely than female detainees to have been charged on a separate occasion in the previous 12 months (46% cf 42%).
Approximately one in every 10 (12%) of Adelaide detainees reported having spent time in prison in the previous 12 months. This figure was notably lower than the first Adelaide collection period in 2002 (23%) but was consistent with the 2009–10 collection (12%). In 2011–12, male detainees were twice as likely as female detainees to report a recent prison history (13% cf 6%; see Table 17).
Education, housing and employment
In 2011–12, Year 10 was the highest level of education attained for 36 percent of Adelaide detainees (see Table 18). Although this figure is up by one percentage point since the 2009–10 collection, there has been a gradual decline in this category since 2002. From 2011 to 2012, there was a decrease in the percentage of detainees who had attempted or completed a post-secondary TAFE or university qualification (43% cf 38%). The 2011–12 collection period figure for post-secondary TAFE or university qualification was down slightly from 2009–10 (40% cf 42%). In 2011–12, males were more likely than females to have completed Year 11 or 12 (25% cf 20%).
Three in four Adelaide detainees (84%) reported residing in stable accommodation for most of the time in the 30 days prior to their arrest. A small percentage of detainees (9%) reported having no fixed address or living in emergency accommodation (see Table 18). From 2011 to 2012, the most notable difference was a decrease in the percentage of detainees who reported residing in accommodation that they owned or rented, from a private owner or social housing (47% cf 42%). However, compared with earlier years, there were no notable differences in the housing and accommodation status of Adelaide detainees.
Housing for male and female detainees differed considerably. A greater percentage of females reported living in stable accommodation that they owned or rented, either from a private owner or from social housing, than males (59% cf 43%), while males were more likely than females to report living in a residence owned or rented by someone else (41% cf 26%). While there was little difference between the percentage of males and females reporting no fixed address (7% cf 6%), females were slightly more likely than males to be living in emergency accommodation (4% cf 2%).
Twenty-four percent of Adelaide detainees reported being in full-time employment at the time of their arrest, while one in 10 detainees (10%) reported being in part-time employment (see Table 18). The remaining 651 detainees (66%) were not working at the time of their arrest and of these:
22 percent were looking for work (n=215);
18 percent were not working either because they were on leave from work or due to illness, disability or the seasonal nature of their employment (n=181);
17 percent were not looking for work (n=166);
six percent were retired or studying (n=60); and
three percent were full-time homemakers (n=29).
From 2011 to 2012, the pattern of employment among detainees remained relatively stable. The 2011–12 detainee employment pattern was also comparable with previous years.
Examining employment by gender, there were a number of differences. Males were almost twice as likely to be employed full-time or part-time (37%) when compared with females (17%). Females (45%) reported higher rates of unemployment than males (38%). Consistent with expectations, females were more likely to report employment as a full-time homemaker (13%) than males (1%). Caution should be taken when interpreting gender comparisons due to the overrepresentation of males in the sample.
From 2011 to 2012, there were some changes in the employment status of female detainees. The percentage of female detainees unemployed and not looking for work increased by eight percentage points (24% cf 32%) and the percentage working part-time increased by five percentage points (11% cf 16%). From 2011 to 2012, there was also a six percentage point decrease in female detainees unemployed and looking for work (20% cf 14%) and an 11 percentage point decrease in the number of female detainees not working because of their role as a full-time homemaker (18% cf 7%). Conversely, from 2011 to 2012, there were no substantial differences in employment status for male detainees. In 2011–12, there was a 10 percentage point decrease compared with 2009–10 in the number of female detainees defining their employment as a full-time homemaker (23% cf 13%).
Urinalysis screening was conducted for five drug classes—amphetamines, benzodiazepine, cannabis, cocaine and opiates—and secondary screening tests were conducted for the opiate pharmacotherapy substances methadone and buprenorphine. In addition, confirmatory analysis was conducted for samples testing positive to amphetamines and opiates (not including pharmacotherapies). Opiates were than classified as either heroin or other opiates (including prescription opiates). Amphetamines were classified as methamphetamine, MDMA, or other amphetamines (including prescription amphetamines). In the 2011–12 collection period, the rate of urine collection was reduced compared with earlier collection periods; urine samples were collected for all four data collection quarters in 2011 and two out of the four data collection quarters in 2012.
Of the 451 detainees who provided a urine sample, two-thirds (66%) tested positive to at least one drug type. While this percentage is higher than in 2009–10 (60%), it remains substantially lower than the percentage that tested positive to any drug prior to 2009–10 (ranging from 69% in 2007 to 83% in 2004). This may be partly attributed to the decline in cannabis use by Adelaide detainees prior to 2009–10 (currently at 43%), dropping by 22 percentage points from its peak of use in 2004 (63%). Despite its decline in use, cannabis continues to be the drug most commonly detected among Adelaide detainees. In 2011–12, the next most commonly detected drug was benzodiazepines (25%), followed by amphetamines (23%; including 22% methamphetamine and 1% MDMA—detainees can test positive to more than one substance) and opiates (19%; including 7% heroin, 7% methadone, 9% buprenorphine—detainees can test positive to more than one substance; see Table 19). Since 2009–10, there haas been a three percent decrease in heroin use and a three percent increase in buprenorphine use.
In 2011–12, female detainees were more likely than males to test positive to amphetamines (28% cf 23%), opiates (41% cf 16%), and benzodiazepines (47% cf 22%), whereas male detainees were slightly more likely than females to test positive to cannabis (44% cf 40%).
Between 2011 and 2012, there was a seven percentage point decrease in positive heroin tests (10% cf 3%), a five percentage point decrease in buprenorphine positive tests (11% cf 6%) and a three percentage point increase in positive amphetamine tests (22% cf 25%). From 2011 to 2012, there were no substantial changes in the test positive results of benzodiazepine (25% for both years) or cannabis (43% cf 42%).
Self-reported alcohol use
Alcohol use among detainees cannot be reliably tested using urinalysis. Instead, the DUMA survey relies on a range of questions regarding recent and lifetime alcohol use, including whether the detainee had consumed alcohol in the 48 hours before their arrest. In 2011–12, 46 percent of Adelaide detainees reported drinking in the previous 48 hours (see Table 20); this represents a five percentage point decrease from 2009–10 (51%). Since 2002, the prevalence of alcohol consumption in the 48 hours prior to arrest has steadily increased within the Adelaide detainee sample (39% in 2002). In 2011–12, male detainees were notably more likely than females to have been drinking in the 48 hours prior to their arrest (48% cf 38%).
Alcohol consumption patterns
In 2011–12, 70 percent of detainees reported consuming at least one alcoholic drink in the 30 days prior to their arrest (see Table 20). On the last occasion of drinking, 30 percent of these detainees had consumed beer only, 16 percent had consumed wine only, 31 percent had consumed spirits only and the remaining 23 percent had consumed at least two types of alcohol (referred to in the discussion below as mixed drinks) on the last occasion.
By quantity, the average number of standard drinks consumed on the last occasion of drinking was 21, a notable increase in the reported average number of drinks since 2009–10 (14 standard drinks). Beer-only drinkers consumed on average eight standard drinks, while wine-only drinkers consumed on average 21 standard drinks and spirit-only drinkers consumed on average nine standard drinks on the last occasion of drinking. Those who mixed drinks tended to have the highest consumption rate at, on average, 35 standard drinks (up from an average of 26 standard drinks in 2009–10). Although these figures are high, it is important to note that the length of time spent drinking on the last occasion would have varied from person to person and in some cases would have involved drinking sessions that lasted more than one day.
In 2011–12, differences between genders were seen in the type of alcohol consumed most recently. Females were more likely than males to have consumed spirits only (44% cf 29%) or wine only (33% cf 14%) on the last occasion. Male detainees were more likely than females to have consumed beer only (33% cf 11%) and mixed drinks (25% cf 12%). Between 2011 and 2012, the percentage of female detainees drinking wine decreased by 18 percentage points (42% down to 24%), while the percentage of female detainees consuming mixed drinks increased by 10 percentage points (7% up to 17%). The quantity of alcohol consumed on the last occasion was, on average, higher among male detainees than females across all alcohol types except for mixed drinks (see Table 20).
Drug and alcohol treatment and mental health
In 2011–12, 93 Adelaide detainees reported that they were in drug or alcohol treatment at the time of their arrest. This figure represents approximately 16 percent of detainees who reported using alcohol or drugs in the previous 12 months and is consistent with 2009–10 data. Treatment options included support groups, counselling and pharmacotherapy. A further 157 detainees (27%) had previously been in a treatment program but were no longer in treatment at the time of their arrest. Of detainees currently in treatment, 15 percent (n=14) had been referred by the courts or as a result of a legal order. The remaining 85 percent (n=79) were either self-referred or referred by a health practitioner (see Table 21). From 2011 to 2012, treatment access was consistent and it was not notably different when compared with previous years.
Detainees were asked whether they had ever been diagnosed with depression, anxiety or any other mental health-related issue (ie not just in the previous 12 months). In 2011–12, almost half (46%) of Adelaide detainees reported having been diagnosed with a mental health-related issue (see Table 22); this represents a three percentage point decrease since 2009–10. Female detainees were more likely than males to report a mental health diagnosis (62% cf 44%). Between 2011 and 2012, there was a rise in the percentage of female detainees reporting a mental health diagnosis (59% cf 65%); there was no notable change in the mental health status of male detainees across this period.
Linking drugs and crime
The link between drugs and crime is measured in the DUMA study using a range of indicators, including the extent to which drug use varies between offenders of different offence types and the extent to which an offender reports that drugs or alcohol were a contributing factor in their most recent offending.
Of the 451 detainees who provided a urine sample, two-thirds (66%) tested positive to at least one drug type (see Table 23). From 2011 to 2012, the test positive rate remained unchanged. In 2011–12, the prevalence of recent drug use varied by most serious offence type, with drug offenders most likely to test positive to at least one drug type (91%; n=31). Test positive rates by most serious offence classification are:
79 percent for traffic offenders (n=30);
76 percent for property offenders (n=73);
73 percent for breach offenders (n=45);
56 percent for violent offenders (n=74); and
51 percent for disorder offenders (n=40).
Caution should be exercised when making comparisons between offending categories and across collection periods due to the presence of small cell sizes. In addition, in 2012, substantial changes were made to the DUMA methodology with regards to urine collection, limiting comparability of findings with previous collection periods.
DUMA detainees are asked specific questions to identify the relationship between substance use and the commission of the offence(s) for which they are held in custody at the time of interview. In 2011–12, 41 percent of Adelaide detainees reported that substance use contributed to their current offending. By most serious offence, drug/alcohol attribution rates were:
60 percent for disorder offenders (n=102);
59 percent for drug offenders (n=38);
44 percent for violent offenders (n=125);
29 percent for breach offenders (n=46); and
17 percent for traffic offenders (n=13).
Alcohol was more likely than drug use to be identified by detainees as a contributing factor for violent, drink driving, disorder and breach offences, while drug use was more likely than alcohol to be identified as a contributing factor by drug and property offenders (see Table 23).
Table 15 Adelaide DUMA sample, by age and gender, 2011–12
Age (yrs)
18–20 117 14 16 11 133 14
36+ 282 34 60 42 342 35
Total 841 143 984
Min/max age 18/79 18/65 18/79
Mean age (median) 32(30) 34(33) 32(30)
Note: Percentages may not total 100 due to rounding
Source: AIC DUMA collection 2012 [computer file]
Table 16 Adelaide DUMA sample, by offence and gender, 2011–12a
Detainees most serious offence
Charges recorded
Violent 365 24 259 31 29 12 26 18 394 23 285 29
Property 261 17 145 17 100 41 51 36 361 21 196 20
Drug 113 8 50 6 17 7 14 10 130 7 64 7
Drink driving 15 1 8 1 3 1 1 1 18 1 9 1
Traffic 139 9 63 8 23 9 15 10 162 9 78 8
Disorder 236 16 160 19 21 9 11 8 257 15 171 17
Breach 262 17 136 16 38 16 21 15 300 17 157 16
Other 110 7 16 2 13 5 4 3 123 7 20 2
Total 1,501 837 244 143 1,745 980
a: Sample size may vary, as cases may have been excluded due to missing data
Table 17 Adelaide DUMA sample, by criminal history and gender, 2011–12a
Prior charge history (past 12 months)
Yes 310 46 49 42 359 45
No 362 54 69 58 431 55
Prior prison history (past 12 months)
Yes 89 13 7 6 96 12
No 607 87 116 94 723 88
Table 18 Adelaide DUMA sample, by education, housing, employment and gender, 2011–12a
Year 10 or less 304 36 49 35 353 36
Year 11 or 12 207 25 29 20 236 24
TAFE/university not completed 129 15 24 17 153 16
Completed TAFE 154 18 28 20 182 19
Completed university 47 6 12 8 59 6
Owned or rented by self 358 43 84 59 442 45
Someone else's place 343 41 37 26 380 39
Shelter or emergency 15 2 6 4 21 2
Incarceration facility/halfway house 15 2 0 0 15 2
Treatment facility 9 1 3 2 12 1
No fixed residence 59 7 8 6 67 7
Other 42 5 5 3 47 5
Full-time 228 27 6 4 234 24
Part-time 80 10 19 13 99 10
Have job but out due to illness/leave/strike/disability/seasonal work 151 18 30 21 181 18
Looking for work 190 23 25 17 215 22
Not looking for work 126 15 40 28 166 17
Full-time homemakers 11 1 18 13 29 3
Retired or studying 55 7 5 3 60 6
Table 19 Adelaide DUMA sample, by urinalysis test results and gender, 2011–12
Provided urinea
Cannabis 171 44 23 40 194 43
Cocaine 5 1 0 0 5 1
Amphetaminesb 89 23 16 28 105 23
Methamphetamine 85 22 16 28 101 22
MDMA 6 2 0 0 6 1
Other amphetamines 1 0 0 0 1 0
Opiatesc 62 16 24 41 86 19
Heroin 27 7 6 10 33 7
Methadone 22 6 10 17 32 7
Buprenorphine 25 6 16 28 41 9
Other opiates 8 2 5 9 13 3
Benzodiazepines 85 22 27 47 112 25
Any drug 251 64 46 79 297 66
Any drug other than cannabis 172 44 41 71 213 47
Multiple drugs 111 28 34 59 145 32
a: Percentages have been calculated for the quarters in which urine samples were requested, which in 2011 was all 4 quarters and in 2012 was 2 out of 4 quarters
b: Includes methamphetamine, MDMA and other amphetamines
c: Includes heroin, methadone, buprenorphine and other opiates
Table 20 Adelaide DUMA sample, by self-reported alcohol use and gender, 2011–12
Past 48 hoursa 400 48 54 38 454 46
Past 30 days 598 72 86 62 684 70
Alcohol type consumed on last drinking occasion
Beer only 196 33 10 11 206 30
Wine only 82 14 29 33 111 16
Spirits only 176 29 39 44 215 31
Mixed drinksb 149 25 11 12 160 23
mean (median)
Quantities consumed on last drinking occasion (standard drinks)
Beer only 191 8(5) 10 5(5) 201 8(5)
Wine only 82 21(15) 29 20(15) 111 21(15)
Spirits only 173 9(5) 39 7(3) 212 9(5)
Mixed drinksb 149 35(27) 11 38(30) 160 35(27)
a: Only if consumed alcohol in the past 30 days
b: 'Mixed drinks' refers to consuming more than one type of alcohol
Table 21 Adelaide DUMA sample, by drug and alcohol treatment and gender, 2011–12a,b
Never been in treatment 284 59 37 41 321 56
Been in, but not currently in treatment 129 27 28 31 157 27
Currently in treatment 68 14 25 28 93 16
Treatment referral of those currently in treatment
Drug court requirement 4 6 0 0 4 4
Court diversion scheme 3 4 0 0 3 3
Police diversion scheme 0 0 0 0 0 0
Other legal order 6 9 1 4 7 8
Otherc 55 81 24 96 79 85
a: Treatment options include detoxification, rehabilitation program/therapeutic community, outpatient/counselling services, support groups (Alcoholics Anonymous, Narcotics Anonymous etc), methadone maintenance, naltrexone, buprenorphine and general practitioners
b: Only of those who had used drugs or alcohol in the past 12 months
c: 'Other' refers to 'referral from general practitioner or health professional' and 'self-referral'
Table 22 Adelaide DUMA sample, by mental health and gender, 2011–12a
Ever been diagnosed or received treatment for depression, anxiety or any other mental health-related issueb
a: Sample sizes may vary, as cases may have been excluded due to missing data
b: Includes developmental, somatoform, dissociative, sexual or gender identity, paraphilia, eating or adjustment disorders
Table 23 Adelaide DUMA sample, by urinalysis test results and drug–crime attributions by most serious offending, 2011–12a
Urinalysis results
Cannabis 49 37 47 49 14 41 1 20 19 50 32 41 31 50 1 17 194 43
Cocaine 0 0 1 1 1 3 0 0 0 0 3 4 0 0 0 0 5 1
Amphetaminesb 23 18 27 28 20 59 1 20 13 34 10 13 10 16 1 17 105 23
Opiatesc 17 13 35 36 9 26 0 0 8 21 3 4 12 19 2 33 86 19
Benzodiazepines 33 25 37 39 6 18 0 0 7 18 9 11 17 27 3 50 112 25
(Any drug) 74 56 73 76 31 91 1 20 30 79 40 51 45 73 3 50 297 66
(Any drug other than cannabis) 53 40 59 61 25 74 1 20 21 55 21 27 30 48 3 50 213 47
(Multiple drugs) 36 27 49 51 12 35 1 20 13 34 13 16 19 31 2 33 145 32
(Total urine samples) 131 96 34 5 38 79 62 6 451
Self-reported drug–crime attributiond
Alcohol 94 33 23 12 0 0 7 78 6 8 96 56 28 18 8 40 262 27
Other drugs 39 14 44 22 38 59 1 11 7 9 16 9 18 11 0 0 163 17
Any attribution 125 44 65 33 38 59 8 89 13 17 102 60 46 29 8 40 405 41
(Total detainees interviewed) 285 196 64 9 78 171 157 20 980
d: Missing data excluded from analysis
Figure 6 Test positive trends, males by drug type, Adelaide 2002–12 (%)
Note: Data was not collected at this site during quarters 2 and 4, 2012
Figure 7 Test positive trends, females by drug type, Adelaide 2002–12 (%)
In this publication
xx | Foreword
DUMA program overview: 2011–12
National DUMA summary 2011–12
Addenda results
2011–12 DUMA findings: Site results
Site Results: Darwin
Site Results: East Perth
Site Results: Footscray
Site Results: Kings Cross
Site Results: Parramatta


text:
A 62. évi Arany Glóbusz, azaz Golden Globe-díjátadóra 2005. január 16-án kerül sor. A legtöbb, hat jelölést a Aviátor kapta, melyből hármat váltott díjra.

A szórakoztatóiparban tett komoly munkáért járó Cecil B. DeMille-életműdíjat ebben az évben Robin Williams kapta.

Kategóriák és jelöltek

Mozifilmek

Legjobb film (dráma)
 Aviátor
 Én, Pán Péter
 Hotel Ruanda
 Kinsey
 Közelebb
 Millió dolláros bébi

Legjobb film (musical vagy vígjáték)
 Egy makulátlan elme örök ragyogása
 A Hihetetlen család
 Kerülőutak
 Az Operaház fantomja
 Ray

Legjobb színész (dráma)
 Javier Bardem (A belső tenger)
 Don Cheadle (Hotel Ruanda)
 Johnny Depp (Én, Pán Péter)
 Leonardo DiCaprio (Aviátor)
 Liam Neeson (Kinsey)

Legjobb színész (musical vagy vígjáték)
 Jim Carrey (Egy makulátlan elme örök ragyogása)
 Jamie Foxx (Ray)
 Paul Giamatti (Kerülőutak)
 Kevin Kline (De-Lovely – Ragyogó évek)
 Kevin Spacey (A tengeren túlon)

Legjobb színésznő (dráma)
 Scarlett Johansson (Bobby Long)
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 Imelda Staunton (Vera Drake)
 Hilary Swank (Millió dolláros bébi)
 Uma Thurman (Kill Bill 2.)

Legjobb színésznő (musical vagy vígjáték)
 Annette Bening (Csodálatos Júlia)
 Ashley Judd (De-Lovely – Ragyogó évek)
 Emmy Rossum (Az Operaház fantomja)
 Kate Winslet (Egy makulátlan elme örök ragyogása)
 Renée Zellweger (Bridget Jones: Mindjárt megőrülök!)

Legjobb mellékszereplő színész
 David Carradine (Kill Bill 2.)
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 Jamie Foxx (Collateral – A halál záloga)
 Morgan Freeman (Millió dolláros bébi)
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Legjobb mellékszereplő színésznő
 Cate Blanchett (Aviátor)
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Legjobb rendező
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Legjobb forgatókönyv
 Aviátor
 Egy makulátlan elme örök ragyogása
 Én, Pán Péter
 Kerülőutak
 Közelebb

Legjobb eredeti betétdal
 Alfie – "Old Habits Die Hard"
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 Polar Expressz – "Believe"
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 Millió dolláros bébi
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Televízió

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 24
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 Az ítélet: család
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 Amerikai család
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 Az oroszlán télen
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 Vasakaratú angyalok

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 Michael Chiklis (Kemény zsaruk)
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 James Spader (Boston Legal)

Legjobb színész, televíziósorozat (musical vagy vígjáték)
 Jason Bateman (Az ítélet: család)
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 Charlie Sheen (Két pasi – meg egy kicsi)

Legjobb színész, televíziós minisorozat vagy tévéfilm
 Mos Def (A "Kék baba"-műtétek)
 Jamie Foxx (Redemption: The Stan Tookie Williams Story)
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 Geoffrey Rush (Peter Sellers élete és halála)
 Patrick Stewart (Az oroszlán télen)

Legjobb színésznő, televíziósorozat (dráma)
 Edie Falco (Maffiózók)
 Jennifer Garner (Alias)
 Mariska Hargitay (Különleges ügyosztály)
 Christine Lahti (Jack és Bobby)
 Joely Richardson (Kés/Alatt)

Legjobb színésznő, televíziósorozat (musical vagy vígjáték)
 Marcia Cross (Született feleségek)
 Teri Hatcher (Született feleségek)
 Felicity Huffman (Született feleségek)
 Debra Messing (Will és Grace)
 Sarah Jessica Parker (Szex és New York)

Legjobb színésznő, televíziós minisorozat vagy tévéfilm
 Glenn Close (Az oroszlán télen)
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 Julianna Margulies (The Grid)
 Miranda Richardson (Az elfelejtett herceg)
 Hilary Swank (Vasakaratú angyalok)

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 Sean Hayes (Will és Grace)
 Michael Imperioli (Maffiózók)
 Jeremy Piven (Törtetők)
 Oliver Platt (Huff)
 William Shatner (Boston Legal)

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 Drea de Matteo (Maffiózók)
 Anjelica Huston (Vasakaratú angyalok)
 Nicollette Sheridan (Született feleségek)
 Charlize Theron (Peter Sellers élete és halála)
 Emily Watson (Peter Sellers élete és halála)

Kapcsolódó szócikkek
 Golden Globe-díj
 77. Oscar-gála

Golden Globe-díj
Goldenglobe

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Rubens Self Portrait from Rubens House restored in London
Self Portrait by Rubens from the Rubens House in Antwerp restored in London
The Self Portrait by Rubens that graces the Rubens House is being restored. Visitors wishing to view the painting should do so by 7 September 2014; after that, the painting will travel to the National Gallery in London for restoration. The work will return in 2015 for the exhibition Rubens in Private. The master portrays his family, after which it will resume its usual place in the gallery.
From the Rubens House website, 26 August 2014
Rubens' Self Portrait is one of the Rubens House's most notable paintings. It is of iconic value to Antwerp and rarely leaves the museum. The painting will soon be restored for the upcoming exhibition Rubens in Private. The master portrays his family, which offers a glimpse of Rubens as his family's portraitist.
The restoration
The Conservation Department at the National Gallery in London will restore the Rubens House's Self Portrait for the exhibition. The work will first undergo an extensive technical investigation. The results of that study may provide greater insight into Rubens' technique and the panel's construction. Though Rubens was extremely careful and competent in every aspect of his craft, he had the habit of constructing the panels for his personal paintings — such as landscapes and family portraits — from multiple pieces of wood. As a result, the panels are more fragile than usual, which has inevitable consequences for their conservation. For example, the works are difficult to transport; every joint is a potential risk. The Self Portrait is also composed of multiple boards. The scientific investigation will shed useful light on the painting's construction. In addition, previous retouching will be removed and the work will receive a new coat of varnish.
The Conservation Department at the National Gallery is famed for its skill. The studio previously restored the portrait of Margaret van Eyck on display in the Groeninge Museum in Bruges.
Previous: Job offer: The Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten in Antwerp is looking for a new director
Next: Netherlands Yearbook for History of Art / Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek (NKJ) is now available

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
package com.cummins.cs.iot;

import java.io.IOException;
import com.microsoft.azure.eventhubs.*;
import com.microsoft.azure.servicebus.*;

import java.nio.charset.Charset;
import java.time.*;
import java.util.function.*;

public class HSDConsumer {

	private static String connStr = "Endpoint=sb://iothub-ns-tsp-device-173741-ce950a26f2.servicebus.windows.net/;SharedAccessKeyName=iothubowner;SharedAccessKey=C+IipH2ZdaX6MgibSJNCc6LUt9ZyQHgFDanQWT64Vio=";
	private static EventHubClient receiveMessages(ConnectionStringBuilder connStr, final String partitionId)
	{

	  EventHubClient client = null;
	  try {
	    // client = EventHubClient.createFromConnectionStringSync(connStr);
		client = EventHubClient.createFromConnectionStringSync(connStr.toString());
	  }
	  catch(Exception e) {
	    System.out.println("Failed to create client: " + e.getMessage());
	    System.exit(1);
	  }
	  try {
	    client.createReceiver(
	      EventHubClient.DEFAULT_CONSUMER_GROUP_NAME,
	      partitionId,
	      Instant.now()).thenAccept(new Consumer<PartitionReceiver>()
	    {
	      public void accept(PartitionReceiver receiver)
	      {
	        System.out.println("** Created receiver on partition " + partitionId);
	        try {
	          while (true) {
	            Iterable<EventData> receivedEvents = receiver.receive(100).get();
	            int batchSize = 0;
	            if (receivedEvents != null)
	            {
	              for(EventData receivedEvent: receivedEvents)
	              {
	                System.out.println(String.format("Offset: %s, SeqNo: %s, EnqueueTime: %s",
	                  receivedEvent.getSystemProperties().getOffset(),
	                  receivedEvent.getSystemProperties().getSequenceNumber(),
	                  receivedEvent.getSystemProperties().getEnqueuedTime()));
	                System.out.println(String.format("| Device ID: %s", receivedEvent.getSystemProperties().get("iothub-connection-device-id")));
	                System.out.println(String.format("| Message Payload: %s", new String(receivedEvent.getBody(),
	                  Charset.defaultCharset())));
	                batchSize++;
	              }
	            }
	            System.out.println(String.format("Partition: %s, ReceivedBatch Size: %s", partitionId,batchSize));
	          }
	        }
	        catch (Exception e)
	        {
	          System.out.println("Failed to receive messages: " + e.getMessage());
	        }
	      }
	    });
	  }
	  catch (Exception e)
	  {
	    System.out.println("Failed to create receiver: " + e.getMessage());
	  }
	  return client;
	}

	public static void main( String[] args ) throws IOException{
		final String namespaceName = "iothub-ns-tsp-device-173741-ce950a26f2";
		final String eventHubName = "tsp-device-hub";
		final String sasKeyName = "iothubowner";
		final String sasKey = "C+IipH2ZdaX6MgibSJNCc6LUt9ZyQHgFDanQWT64Vio=";
		ConnectionStringBuilder connStr = new ConnectionStringBuilder(namespaceName, eventHubName, sasKeyName, sasKey);

		EventHubClient client0 = receiveMessages(connStr, "0");
		EventHubClient client1 = receiveMessages(connStr, "1");
		EventHubClient client2 = receiveMessages(connStr, "2");
		EventHubClient client3 = receiveMessages(connStr, "3");

		System.out.println("Press ENTER to exit.");
		System.in.read();
		try
		{
		  client0.closeSync();
		  client1.closeSync();
		  /*client2.closeSync();
		  client3.closeSync();*/
		  System.exit(0);
		}
		catch (ServiceBusException sbe)
		{
		  System.exit(1);
		}
	}
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
A selection of minor party leaders who probably won't be on TVNZ's debate stage this election (Image: Tina Tiller)
PoliticsAugust 4, 2020
Minor parties hit out at exclusion from TVNZ multi-party debate
With the election campaign about to get under way, minor party leaders are furious at being shut out of one of the biggest possible stages for their policy platforms. Alex Braae reports.
TVNZ's multi-party election debate is once again the subject of controversy, not because of who will be on the stage, but who won't.
In an announcement today, TVNZ said that its multi-party debate will include NZ First, the Green Party, and Act – all of whom are currently represented in parliament. But other parties that have turned up in the polls this year will not be invited, including the Māori Party, New Conservatives, and The Opportunities Party.
Māori Party co-leader John Tamihere said plans were being made now to challenge the decision, on the grounds that Māori candidates with a credible path to parliament would be excluded. "Māori are always treated as second class citizens. Brown voices matter."
Tamihere contended that it was a "straight Bill of Rights Act and Human Rights Act matter," and that TVNZ had a responsibility "to reflect Māori perspectives, as laid out in ministerial direction."
Opportunities Party leader Geoff Simmons was equally scathing, describing it as a "kick in the nuts for democracy."
He said by excluding parties outside of parliament, voters were being denied the opportunity to be exposed to new policies. "Since MMP came in, all new political parties have been offshoots of existing ones. If we want new ideas in Parliament, we need to give a platform to new parties.
"There are ideas out there – plenty of them – but they are not seeing the light of day. That is because they are all being put forward by minor parties."
New Conservative leader Leighton Baker implied there might be more sinister motives for the exclusion. He said it was "not surprising that some media feel they should control what people hear rather than facilitate the sharing of ideas. Probably why they require government intervention to stay viable."
In response, TVNZ's editor of news gathering Phil O'Sullivan said none of those factors applied when it came to the decision for the broadcaster, because above all they needed to apply the criteria fairly.
"We know people are going to be displeased, and that's always unfortunate in a democracy. The intention of these debates is to try and improve people's abilities to make sensible decisions in an election. But being fair doesn't always mean being popular."
On the specific point about including Māori perspectives, O'Sullivan said the Māori Party itself didn't meet the criteria. "But that's not to suggest that stories about the Māori Party aren't being reflected in One News' wider election coverage," he said, noting several recent stories and interviews that had been broadcast on various news programmes. He also pointed to TVNZ's recently announced Vote Compass site which will include parties polling above 1%.
United Future leader Damian Light, Maori Party co-leader Marama Fox, ACT leader David Seymour and Green Party leader James Shaw meet for the 2017 TVNZ minor parties debate. (TVNZ)
The TVNZ multi-party debate resulted in somewhat farcical scenes in 2017 because of the inclusion of relative unknown United Future leader Damian Light, on the grounds that former leader Peter Dunne held a seat in parliament which he was weeks away from retiring from.
The inclusion criteria was either polling at or above 3% or a seat in parliament, and these criteria will again be used this year. Last time around, this meant then-TOP leader Gareth Morgan wasn't invited, despite his party polling better than the Māori Party, Act and United Future, who were all on the stage. Morgan took legal action against the exclusion, which failed.
Previous attempts by parties to use the courts to force their way onto the debate stage had been successful, including Peter Dunne and Progressive Coalition leader Jim Anderton in 2005, and Conservative party leader Colin Craig in 2014.
This time around, Opportunities Party leader Geoff Simmons said the party would not be mounting a legal challenge to its exclusion, but was still in talks with TVNZ.
None of the three largest excluded parties have been polling at a level this year that would have allowed them a place on stage in 2017. However, in the most recent One News Colmar-Brunton poll, the New Conservatives at 1.2% were a relatively small margin behind NZ First, at 2.0%.
The Māori Party and Opportunities Party performed less well in this poll, securing 1.0% and 0.1% respectively. Out of all polls taken this year by Colmar-Brunton, their best results are 1.2% and 0.5% respectively.
There are a wide range of other parties also standing in the election who have appeared in Colmar-Brunton polls this year, including Legalise Cannabis, the One Party, Social Credit and the Outdoors Party.
There will also be an opportunity for other parties to force their way into the debate if they score a 3% result in the next Colmar-Brunton poll, which will be the final poll conducted before the debate. "But it'd be fair to say at this stage, it's going to be quite difficult for them," said O'Sullivan, noting that there are currently eight registered parties polling below the threshold.
Advance NZ has also not been invited to participate in the debate, despite party co-leader Jami-Lee Ross being in parliament – though he is listed on the parliamentary website as an independent MP. His co-leader Billy Te Kahika, who joined as part of the merger between Advance NZ and the NZ Public Party, recently got 0.7% in the Colmar-Brunton's preferred PM stakes.
Incidentally, one of the excluded parties might find a stage on a rival channel. Three's Newshub Nation will be hosting a 'power-brokers' debate, which will be open to all parties that have had seats in parliament over the last two terms, meaning the Māori Party will be invited to participate.
2nd January, 2022
Opinion: My opinion on NZ's Covid strategy is bold, unwavering and probably wrong
The truth is that I didn't know what an 'R number' was a year ago.
Thirteen wild predictions for the political year 2022 AD
From the cautiously optimistic to the terrifyingly dystopian.
By Group Think
A bunch of people
The greatest Koru Lounge scandals in New Zealand political history – ranked
From Key to Ardern to Collins, Air NZ's airside oasis is a mainstay of our great political story.
By Toby Manhire
Editor-at-large
Politics in 2021: How to describe the year in one sentence?
Summing up the hellscape of a year that was 2021.


How to eliminate Regclean Pro from my computer?
Home »	Anti-spyware software » How to eliminate Regclean Pro from my computer?
The regular uninstall from Microsoft does not work to uninstall this program. I have used Malwarebytes, Unhackme and CCCleaner to uninstall this PUB, but still it doesn't uninstall. It resides in my ApptData/Roaming file and even though I delete it from there, it still comes back. So how do I get rid of this annoying scan.
After that, scan yur PC with Reimage to make sure that all suspicous registry entries and files, that may be hidden by this program on your computer, are gone.
I need help to get rid of this annoying RegCleanPro from my pc. It is driving me nuts and I have tried everything I have been told to do. It is a nightmare. HELP !!!


text:
PREVIOUS NEXT CONTENTS SUMMARY ISSUE HOME
6. Archaeological Discussion and Priorities for Future Research
6.1 Evaluation of Research Methods in the light of the project results
6.1.1 Excavation
The excavations primarily targeted field boundaries that appeared substantial enough to preserve buried soils and therefore to provide environmental information as well as understanding of the nature of the boundaries themselves. This proved successful at Cwm Cilio and Fronhill but at Braich y Gornel the boundaries were very slight and that chosen for excavation did not preserve a complete buried soil. In terms of purely environmental information, it would have been more useful to excavate part of the wall of the nearby roundhouse where the previous excavations recorded that a pre-existing soil had been incorporated into the wall core (Gresham 1972, 56). However, that would not have provided information directly related to the field boundary.
In terms of understanding boundaries, it would be preferable to excavate examples of several in the same field system to include contour and cross-contour boundaries as well as simple terraces.
Small soil test pitting proved useful to record the variation in depth and soil type within and outside fields. This could be extended to advantage by more widespread gridded pitting or just soil augering, and even more so by gridded sampling which could be analysed to create phosphate and magnetic susceptibility plots, which have proved informative in studies of early field systems elsewhere (Clark 1990).
Clearance cairns, which here occurred only at Fronhill, provide another possible source of buried soils, which might show evidence of cultivation as well as possibly dating their origins.
For a more comprehensive study it would be desirable to carry out some excavation of any associated settlement although that would extend the work considerably.
Excavation to test adequately for features of cultivation would require identification of areas where preservation is good, and the opening up of reasonably large areas.
In lowland settings, unlike the examples here, field boundaries are generally accompanied by drainage ditches which might show up on aerial photographs or geophysical survey and which can show stratigraphic relationships with later ditches or earthworks.
6.1.2 Palaeobotanical study by Astrid E. Caseldine
Some pollen was found in the buried soils as well as charred wood, providing useful environmental information as well as material for radiocarbon dating. This information was made much more relevant when combined with a wider environmental picture, over a long timeline provided by pollen from peat cores close to Cwm Cilio and Braich y Gornel and, for Fronhill, from earlier environmental work accompanying the excavations of the Erw Wen and Mole y Gerddi Iron Age settlements.
6.1.3 Soil micromorphology by Richard I. Macphail
This proved very productive although the buried stony soils were difficult to sample for thin-sectioning. Most soils sampled were those buried by, and so predating, the field boundaries. It would have been ideal to find soils that were contemporary with use of the early fields but had since been undisturbed, for example buried by clearance cairns or other later earthworks.
6.1.4 Geophysical survey by David Hopewell
The programme of geophysical survey was designed to investigate the usefulness of fluxgate gradiometer survey in assessing prehistoric field systems. In most cases features visible as earthworks or walls produced clear anomalies that sometimes revealed additional structural information. The survey also revealed buried features such as earlier phases of boundaries, settlement sites, and various phases of ploughing. Surveys covering larger areas were shown to be particularly effective. Large surveys tend to reveal not only a wider range of features but also complete features. This allows better interpretation and provides a well-integrated survey covering all the elements of a field system including any associated settlement. This approach proved to be very effective in the Roman Fort Environs Project (Hopewell 2005) where surveys including the forts and all associated extra-mural features provided a great deal of new information about the sites examined. Small, targeted surveys as part of the same project tended to miss features that were not in easily predictable positions and did not produce a clear picture of the wider Roman military landscape.
A recommended outline methodology for gradiometer survey of prehistoric field systems can be proposed as a result of this project. It is usually advisable to survey a small test area in order to assess the quality of results that can be expected from a larger survey. Results can be very variable and depend on many factors including the local geology and levels of magnetic material in the soil. If the test area produces acceptable results, the entire field system, or at least a significant sample in the case of very extensive sites, should be surveyed. This should include, where possible, associated settlement, and a wide range of features in order to provide comparative and contextual information. The initial survey should be carried out at standard resolution (i.e. at traverse interval of 1m and a sample interval of 0.50m or 0.25m). This can be followed by targeted high-resolution survey at 0.50m by 0.25m, in areas such as settlements, where more detail is required. High-resolution survey could also provide more information about areas of possible early cultivation marks.


text:
Published in hardback by Phoenix House (Orion) in June 1999- Southern Arts Writer's Bursary – Adapted for BBC Radio
"Heyman has produced a riveting blend of wit and poignancy, harmonic in structure, that triumphantly confirms her reputation as a great literary entertainer."
– Scotland on Sunday
"The powerful spell the past can cast on the future, particularly when it is not acknowledged, is beautifully worked in this colourful and compassionate tale. And Heyman's impressively chameleon writing—now sparkling, then striking, twisting to ticklingly humoruous, then gently poetic—shines a bright light on the past itself in vivid, revelatory flashbacks…. It is brilliant."
– Scotsman
"The myth that second novels never match up to that eye-catching, prize-nominated debut permeates the publishing industry, and it's a myth that Heyman's powerful follow-up to The Breaking dismisses with ease… Keep Your Hands on the Wheel shows Heyman really growing into a writer of distinction… This is a remarkable novel, funny and heartbreaking at the same time."
– Glasgow Herald
"Here is writing of the most assured kind….'
– The Australian
"I loved it. I was swept along by its exuberance—and like all true comedies, sensed the underlying sadness, so subtly touched upon… very deft, never lost momentum at all."
– Margaret Forster
"Keep Your Hands on the Wheel skillfully employs the suburban Australian argot while bouncing around a number of pop-cultural themes. These form the building blocks of a story told in three voices, those of the two sisters and a not-so-omnipotent third-person narrator, standing in for the unstable jumble of childhood memory. The reader negotiates a maze of issues pertaining to a familybreakup and a mysterious incident that is at the heart of the sisters' estrangementfrom each other and their home. The suspense involved in this slowly unfolding revelation is ironically parallelled by preparations for the wedding… Heymaneventually extricates her characters from their predicaments in a way that insultsneither the reader's intelligence nor good humour."
– Toronto Eye (Canada)


West Coast Logistics supplies our client sites with highly trained safety professionals to administer hazard prevention programs.
Our Safety Supervisors provide Client policy orientation to all contractor personnel and oversee compliance of these safe work requirements. We conduct daily safety tool box meetings, assist with the onsite permitting process, and administer the safety reporting programs.
Many of our Safety Supervisors are Emergency Medical Responders and act as first responders on site until certified medical personnel arrive. They may also hold a T2 certificate and serve as Production Safety Technicians.


Cette maison est un havre de paix ! Elle est très bien située à 3 kms du centre de Trani (vous pouvez vous y rendre à pieds!) et est aussi dans un endroit très au calme. Son état était impeccable, la maison est spacieuse et Paolo, le propriétaire a été très sympathique et de très bons conseils. Nous recommandons vivement cet endroit merveilleux où vous allez passer un séjour inoubliable !
Villa confortevole ideale per soggiorni in piena tranquillità. La villa e' attrezzata di tutti i confort. Siamo pienamente soddisfatti!!
Stupenda villa con un fantastico panorama!! immersa nel verde, ideale per una vacanza in tranquillità. La casa è molto pratica con tutti i confort possibili. Fantastica vacanza!!!
Wir waren im August zu zehnt Gäste dieser wundervollen Villa Gemma. Sie liegt idyllisch zwischen den Olivenhainen und der große Garten ist wunderbar angelegt und fasziniert mit atemberaubenden Palmen, Oliven-, Zitronen- und Orangenbäumen. Die Villa ist vollendet ausgestattet, liebevoll eingerichtet und befindet sich in einem hervorragenden Zustand. Die Bilder hier sind zwar sehr schön, können aber den Charme der Villa nicht ganz einfachen. In Echt ist sie noch viel schöner.Paolo ist ein zuvorkommender, vollendeter Gentleman. Sehr hilfsbereit und hat uns wertvolle Tipps über Restaurants und sonstige Attraktionen gegeben. Selbst als wir in mitten in der Nacht telefonisch erreichen musste, weil wir ihn als Übersetzer in der Klinik brauchten war er erreichbar. Ich kann die Villa von Herzen weiterempfehlen. Vielen Dank nochmal für alles, lieber Paolo!
We have just returned from a fantastic,memorable week at Villa Gemma. The owner Paolo is a true gentleman! On arriving we got a bit confused with directions and at 12am he came out to meet us. There was,a lovely welcome basket of local olive oil, biscuits, pasta sauce and wine and also 6 large bottles of water in the fridge. The villa itself was beautiful. It was furnished with traditional furniture and very tastefully decorated. There was plenty of room for the 6 of us with 4 large double rooms and 3 bathrooms. The grounds that the villa sits in are very well kept and there is a gas bbq and a traditional pizza oven on the rear terrace. As the weather was unseasonably hot (38 degrees) most days, air- conditioning would have been nice, but there were floor standing fans for each bedroom. There is also a resident cat that we named Frank! He doesn't belong to the villa but I think he just craved a bit of attention and was there to greet us every morning and evening! During our stay we managed to get a parking ticket and had trouble with the instructions (in Italian) on how to pay it. I text Paolo and he graciously came to our rescue and helped us to sort it out. A really genuine and lovely guy. If you are thinking of holidaying in the Puglia region of Italy, then please do yourself a favour and book Villa Gemma. You will not be disappointed!
Ein großzügiges Haus in wunderschönem Anwesen. Umgeben von Oliven-, Zitronen- und Orangenbäumen. Von mehreren Terrassen, auch vom Dach, blickt man auf Trani und das Meer. Zahlreiche gut modernisierte Bäder machen den Aufenthalt auch für größere Gruppen komfortabel. Hinter dem Haus sitzt man sonnig und kann grillen. Für Kinder ist im Gelände unendlich viel Platz zum Spielen. Einfach herrlich!
The Villa Gemma was a great place for two families to spend a holiday. Quiet, natural, and relaxing- but close enough to Trani and Bari to make day trips. We appreciated Paolo- he hosted us like a member of his own family. I would recommend this Villa for anyone who seeks to decompress from busy urban life for a week or two. Paolo will take care of you!
We were a large family group of nine who stayed in villa Gemma in June/July. The villa was everything we had hoped for and was very spacious and well equipped. There were large grounds and a lovely view from the roof of Trani, the nearest town about 2 miles away. The house had wifi and satellite TV but did not have air conditioning. A car with sat nav is a must for getting around.Paolo was very professional flexible and helpful, and spent lots of time showing us around on our arrival. Would definitely recommend this villa as a base for exploring the area.


text:
Identity Resolution Leader Versium Expands Its Global Reach With Datarade Partnership
Collaboration helps businesses significantly improve marketing results through Versium's identity and insights data technology
Today, Versium announced its partnership with Datarade. The partnership will bring together Versium's identity technology and Datarade's data marketplace.
Versium helps customers gain greater value from their first party data, making it more effective, and better utilized for significantly more marketing impact. The company accomplishes this by delivering powerful data enrichment solutions leveraging the company's identity resolution technology and proprietary identity and insights data – that can be associated with first-party data. The end result is a better understanding of who a customer is based on their characteristics, for both businesses and consumers, and additional contact points for more effective ability to reach them across all marketing channels.
"We are very excited to be working with Datarade. The company is doing a fantastic job reaching businesses that want to improve their data driven marketing through advanced identity technology and power data. With third-party cookies going away, it's crucial that businesses fortify their first-party data in order to compete," said Chris Matty, chief revenue officer and co-founder, Versium.
Datarade is building the world's first Data Commerce Cloud™(DCC), enabling data providers to drive revenue with a new, omni-channel Data Shopping Experience. Datarade's platform has helped thousands of data buyers find the right data for their business, effortlessly. More than 2,000 data providers across 500+ data categories are already listed on Datarade, enabling organizations across industries to connect with trusted providers and access the best datasets and APIs
"Our partnership with Versium is an important one. By marrying their data enrichment solutions with Datarade's Data Commerce Cloud marketplace, we create a powerful offering for businesses wanting to easily expand their data-driven marketing efforts and improve their connection to customers," said Richard Hoffmann, chief customer officer, Datarade.
Versium is a data technology company that enables B2B and B2C marketers to better identify, understand and reach their ideal prospects across multiple digital touch points and marketing channels. Versium's industry leading identity resolution and insights engine powers a suite of solutions that help marketers greatly improve their reach by as much as 5X. Versium's proprietary data assets include over 2 billion contact points and over 2 trillion insights attributes, creating the industry's richest B2B2C identity graph and data technology platform that empowers marketers to win customers. For more information, please visit http://www.versium.com.


Jaguar will be releasing a third addition to the sedan line-up which features premium performance and innovative driving technology for a driving experience like no other.
Santa Barbara, CA July 2015 – Jaguar will be releasing the Jaguar XE in 2016 which promises to deliver a more dynamic driving experience for drivers looking for an elevated level of handling, control, and precision performance. The Jaguar XE was built to redefine the sport sedan experience courtesy of a new aluminum intensive design and streamlined body structure.
"Thanks to the advanced lightweight construction and precision design, the Jaguar XE performs at a higher rate of efficiency while still offering incredible power and control," shares Jaguar Santa Barbara General Sales Manager, Scott Westbrook.
The Jaguar XE was built to complete the Jaguar sedan offering below the XF and XJ models. The car is capable of 340hp thanks to a supercharged 3.0 liter V6 engine. Not for the faint of heart, drivers can race from 0-60mph in a rapid 4.9 seconds. The body of the car features a low profile and long wheelbase for optimal handling and minimal drag. Additionally, the XE will be available in a premium S model which features large front air intakes, chrome side vents, and a discreet rear spoiler for peak performance. Jaguar continues to implement aluminum construction technology with the XE to provide a lightweight yet durable foundation.
Jaguar Santa Barbara will keep drivers abreast of new information all year long as we anticipate the Jaguar XE release in 2016. A true driver's car, the Jaguar XE is expected to be a popular new addition to the Jaguar sedan line-up.
Santa Barbara Auto group is proud to be an authorized Jaguar dealer located just off the 101 and S Hope Ave. The Jaguar team at Santa Barbara Auto Group is strongly committed to delivering an exceptional buying experience. The sale staff offers many years of experience satisfying customers' needs. Furthermore, the Santa Barbara Auto Group offers a wide array of new and pre-owned Jaguar vehicles which customers may view online or on-site at the dealership.
The Santa Barbara Auto Group is dedicated to providing the best sales and service experience in Southern California. To learn more about any of the popular Jaguar models including the new Jaguar XE or Jaguar F-TYPE, feel free to call, email, or stop by for friendly personal service.


Here is a group photo of our trip to the cathedral last week.
Despite some rain in the afternoon we had a great day at Chessington on our final outing this year. Everyone agreed that the Dragon Fury rollercoaster was the best ride of the day! Here are some photos.
Here are a couple of photos of all the students at the school on Friday 5th August.
Yesterday we made our way from Wimbledon to see the paintings at the National gallery in Trafalgar Square. After some lunch in St. James' Park we went to Madame Tussauds at Baker Street for some celebrity spotting!
Last Wednesday in the afternoon some students went to play football in the park. Here are some photos of the teams and game.
Today after classes we made our way up to Waterloo for a sunny afternoon. Here are some photos of our ride on the London Eye, and the street acts on the South bank.
Here are a few photos of our Beginners class last Friday. We were learning some vocabulary to do with school. Check back soon for another photo of the whole school (plus teachers!) from last Friday.
Friday 19th August: End of term!
Our school term ended last Friday. After morning classes we had a farewell party and took plenty of photos. See you again next year!


text:
PhilosophyTop Section
Amnesiac Nostalgia
Jacob Phillips
Peter Owen / Flickr
I'd been attending mass for about three weeks. Before that I'd only set foot in a Catholic church as a tourist. I knew next to nothing about Catholic tradition. I'd recently mentioned in passing to an acquaintance that I'd started attending church. She was appalled. I didn't understand at first why she'd reacted so strongly, but she wasted no time in telling me. Being far more apprised on ecclesial matters than I, she pointed out something of which I'd been unaware up to that point. That this church could not have women priests.
I'd never given the idea of female priests any thought. Encountering any kind of priest was completely strange and unfamiliar to me. I knew nothing of the debates surrounding priesthood itself. My response to the issue was knee-jerk. I assumed that considering the priesthood to be distinctly male was just some residual leftover from a bygone age now superseded, something that would inevitably change sooner or later. I assumed all human practices must modernize and adjust themselves to suit the morality of the present. Beneath these assumptions, was a confidence that the present age is the most secure vantage point. Even though I was ignorant of the background to this issue around women priests, I presumed to know myself what must be discarded from the past now humanity had made its way home to liberal modernity.
That Sunday, the mass reached its usual peak of liturgical intensity. Three priests were stood facing east at the high altar, dressed in ornate liturgical robes. The flames from six large candles were flickering and dancing in a line above their heads. The candles caused little shimmers of light to ricochet back and forth from the gold brocade on the richly colored vestments, to the bejeweled chalices and sacred accoutrements on the altar. Plumes of sweet-smelling incense soared upward, and hung in the air above the sanctuary, collecting in dreamy pools of mist around a crucifix hanging high on the east wall. Beams of sunlight from the narrow rooftop windows entered the sanctuary in warm, criss-crossing lines. The choir finished their plainsong, and the last lingering 'amen' tapered-out until one solitary soprano's voice neatly dissolved into the pregnant silence, seeming to hang in the air like the clouds of fragrant smoke. The priest at the center of the scene raised up the sacred host. All those present fell to their knees in reverent devotion.
It was precisely then that I remembered the previous day's conversation about the impossibility of Catholic priestesses. Looking at the epiphany before my eyes, I found myself cut adrift from the morality of the present, from the values in which I'd made my home. A key-tenet of the morality of the present-age had suddenly vanished. To my surprise it seemed perfectly right at that moment, to conclude that certain vocations are intrinsically gender-specific. It wouldn't be the same, I thought to myself, if this scene was changed to suit a change in values.
When previously unquestioned presuppositions come up against ancient customs, the effect is like déjà vu. One innately recognizes the old ways as familiar, as 'fitting,' even though they are completely foreign and new. Déjà vu disorientates. Feeling intimidated by it dreamlike qualities, some immediately dismiss its peculiar impressions from their mind, to try to stay grounded in the here and now. I didn't dismiss the disorientation, but nor did it throw me into free-fall. On the contrary, I entered into it. Then I disembarked onto solid ground. I was in a place at once completely foreign and new, yet intangibly familiar and almost eerily primordial. I was aligned with a custom to which I'd never been accustomed. I was at home, but in some strange and unrecognisable place.
Déjà vu can only be like coming home, for those who have lost their home and no longer recognize it. Homelessness is often treated as a benchmark of society's ills. Spikes in rough sleeping are presented as a surefire indicator of some weakness on the part of the state to ensure baseline wellbeing for its citizens. But a homeless person is not homeless just because they have nowhere to stay. People sleeping in hostels or night shelters are still classed as homeless, because their place of stay lacks stability. Some of the more disturbing aspects of long-term homelessness are not just physical, but involve an ongoing disintegration of character that follows from the loss of an enduring, core stability. This stability comes from having a consistent space in which to belong; a centre of gravity, if you will, enabling one to be orientated properly in life.
The activities of the home – sleeping, eating, daily interaction with an inner circle – define the unseen coordinates of how people relate to the world. That relationship becomes unworkable when people have no home. This enduring, core stability is closely related to memory. The present is sedimented into the past through rest, through sleep, through extended interaction on events, and through reflecting about them. This is stuff people tend to do at home. We all know that severe trauma cannot be straightforwardly assimilated into memory, and that the trauma lives on, tormenting the present. It is no coincidence that long-term homelessness and serious psychological trauma often coincide. The victim of trauma cannot be 'at home' anywhere. The assimilative sedimentation of memory is then ever-fragmented, always disrupted, and becomes malformed. Homelessness is both inward and outward.
Inward homelessness was perceptible in during an explosion of squatting among the young, political malcontents of 1990s London. Squatting was thought to be an exemplary example of standing outside the system. This came through abstaining from monetary exchange for property, of course, and this was based on the idea that everything is 'a common treasury for all' in any case, not just for those who could afford it. Homes previously occupied by others would be broken open by those seeking to make their home there, and the debris of that home's past quickly cleared away. The buildings were sometimes places that nature had reclaimed and made its own home in. Branches from trees and shrubs grew through half-rotten window frames which looked out onto wildly overgrown gardens. Mice or rats were common, but these were easy to deal with, unlike pigeons, who left their crusted feces on the floor and severely damaged the plasterwork of the ceilings and the timber in the roofs.
The first job of an incoming squatter was to clear away the deposits of the past. Sometimes, deposits of a human past were left in dusty old cupboards or forgotten rooms. These were usually items of no value today, like a broken old pedal action sewing machine, or a box of VHS videos. In one house, there were little spyholes so one could see inside some of the bedrooms from the hallway. After much deliberation, it was concluded this had once been a brothel, and these spyholes were a primitive means of surveillance for the madam or the pimps. Strange findings like these left an impression that lingered on in the place, surreptitiously affecting the atmosphere. They continued to characterize life in the building, although the new inhabitants had not experienced that past. It is as if the building had its own trauma, perpetually tormenting its present, still misshaping the lives of those who lived in it.
The second job of an incoming squatter was to change the locks. Then, a 'Section 6' notice would be pasted to the front door. This was supposed to notify any unwelcome neighbor or landlord of the squatter's rights then enshrined in British law. After quoting the relevant sections and subsections of various legal documents, it said: 'This is our home and we intend to stay here'. But it wouldn't be a home for all sorts of reasons, not least because you might have to leave at very short notice, at any time. Squats couldn't function as a genuine inward center of gravity, because they were entirely provisional and temporary. Sometimes an unwelcome knock on the door would come quickly, and some murky looking characters would just disregard the Section 6 notice and remove the inhabitants on threat of violence. More commonly, a landlord would have his own legal paperwork delivered, which trumped the Section 6 and gave a date for the inevitable eviction.
The best scenario was when a landlord appeared after a few months and offered a cash sum for everyone to leave there and then. He thus saved on his lawyer's and bailiff's fees, and the squatters got a few quid to move on and attempt to construct another makeshift home somewhere else. But whatever the circumstances, the tenuous nature of these dwellings contributed to an inward homelessness that hung on those houses like a melancholy marshland mist haunting reclaimed land. No protestations of 'this is our home and we intend to stay here' could counter the fracturing of character that went on inside. It was as if the inner life of individual inhabitants was also under threat of being moved on by bailiffs knocking at the door, the present was no longer a product of the past, and so the past lingered on menacingly in the background like a disowned, vengeful sibling always peering through the windows.
After EU migration exploded in the UK from 2005, the squatter-friendly laws were pushed to the limit. The press was full of stories of Eastern Europeans taking over honest citizens' homes while they were away on holiday, and then wielding Section 6 legislation while refusing to leave. The laws changed and squatting is now far more difficult. This is ironic given how many squatters supported free movement. Many of the original political malcontents left the old lifestyle and became rent payers, entering normal work and moving into a reliable home. For some, however, the inward homelessness persisted, following them into normal living. In a few cases, regular life even seemed to lead them deeper into that pervasive sense of homelessness and inner disquietude that had long-since haunted the old squats. Having stood outside the system, the nascent presuppositions of today's social structures couldn't convincingly hold things together in the way it did for others. Mainstream culture seemed painfully hollow and vacuous, and a social circle of co-workers left them aching for genuine community.
Considering the psychological pathologies wreaking havoc in the West, one needn't think too hard to conclude that inward homelessness affects modern life more generally. In recent decades, previously immovable facets of human existence have been rent apart and begun to disappear. One of the most fundamental of these facets is the human relationship with place. Peoples have nearly always been formed by the place they inhabit. Identity and culture have been inextricable from topography. They have been products of geography, climate, landscape, and history. Now social, economic, and cultural forces strike forcefully at the roots of any sense of spatial belonging. The interconnection between human brain-mapping and spatial orientation is so mutually extensive that this loss is a significant trauma. In not being addressed, this trauma perpetuates itself yet deeper and menacingly torments the present.
Place is the enduring core of human integrity and character. One's 'orientation' is at once both a moral and spatial term. Proper decision-making is described in spatial terms (having a moral compass), as indeed is consistency of character (knowing where one stands on things). The nomadism of a globalized world thus profoundly decenters and bewilders the human constitution. Brad Gregory claims that in the hyper-plurality of "Walmart capitalism and consumerism," all "Westerners live in the Kingdom of Whatever." We can just as easily think here in terms of the 'Kingdom of Wherever'. This wherever is the non-place alluded to Éric Zemmour, who observes that images on the coins and notes of the EU lack any historical or geographic references. As put by Mark Lilla, on this currency you see "only bridges that connect nowhere with nowhere, and architectural elements that float in vacant space." Today's people are now able to locate themselves instantly anywhere with handheld satellite technology, but have completely lost sight of where they are. A generation that only travels by sat nav will never find its way home. If you bypass spatial orientation, you get washed up wherever you end up.
That we drift from nowhere to nowhere today, was recognized by Susan Sontag. She speaks of a neuralgic sense of what she, too, calls homelessness. She draws attention to today's 'inhuman acceleration of historical change,' which she claims 'has led every sensitive modern mind to the recording of some kind of nausea'. In seeking to define what exactly this nausea is, the obvious answer would be that it is some kind of homesickness. This would be a yearning for the cessation of inner homelessness, a longing for a home that's been lost But the deeper into the Kingdom of Wherever we travel, and the more we ricochet from nowhere to nowhere and fall further into vacant space, the more it becomes apparent that today's homesickness is a yearning for a home that people have never encountered. We are therefore dealing with a very strange type of homesickness today; a longing for a home-not-known.
Homesickness is a longing to return in the future to the place where you were before. Pining for a home-not-known is much more peculiar. It is to float in freefall, to be sucked into an unending spiral – it is an asymptotic homesickness, never making contact with the firm boundaries that give the defining contours which cause people be fully formed. This freefall happens on the other side of that precipice of malfunctioning hardware that can no longer do a system restore. It is asymptotic because there are no default settings, no base orientation. And when the home screen can no longer be accessed, the only possible route of recovery is to tamper with things in BIOS mode. Today's public discourse is BIOS communication: strange memetic signifiers with massively condensed power skip across the screen in hyperspeed, and only the initiated can decode them and harness their force to manipulate outcomes. Base instincts are wrenched from unspoken dimensions and writ large in the public sphere, shouting in block capitals and feeling uncannily like a 1980s futuristic dystopia, with the screen filling-up with an incontinent gushing stream of meaningless characters.
Asymptotic homesickness takes many different forms. Two are perhaps most prevalent today. The first of these is a wrongheaded grasping for some kind of home, and the second, a grasping for what home provides, namely identity. In the first place, a wrongheaded grasping for home can be seen with the perversions of 'blood and soil' nationalism. But more subtly, it is behind a sudden prevalence of ambiguous, half-formed value systems. Hasty, impetuously formed and rapidly all-encompassing worldviews are a sure indication of a grasping for a home-not-known, for a pseudo-home that is only a place to stay.
Much of today's unquestioned opining on collective morality would have meant nothing only 10-years ago. Long-standing worldviews have been treated like makeshift shelters that can be pulled down at a moment's notice, the bailiffs of acceptable opinion swarming menacingly at the gates, or the brokers of global capital paying people off for a quick eviction. But genuinely worthy convictions take root and form human beings over many years. They need to be tried and tested in the unbudging reality of lived experience. The result of this testing is tradition. Tradition is the sedimented wisdom of ages: a deposit left behind by generations hammering out their ideas in blacksmith's furnace of embodied life. Tradition is wisdom which has been banked as the reserved collateral of enduring peoples. It was on this basis that Alain Badiou could rationalize the extreme violence of the Chinese Cultural Revolution. It was a consequence of what Sontag called "the inhuman acceleration of historical change," or, in Badiou's words, the result of losing "a residue of the old world." For this residue orientates morality, and when it has gone, malformed spectres take its place.
Shared history and a shared past function like a home. They are the places where experience is assimilated, and they give form to character. They are storehouses of memory, silently conditioning the present. Without this historical process, ideas and worldviews cannot function as homes. They cannot become proper structures of an inner sanctum, nor effective means of orientation. Without history, these makeshift shelters lack foundations, and no amount of placards erected to defend such dwellings ('This is our home and we intend to stay here') can circumvent their provisionality. Impetuously formed systems of morality invariably try to compensate for their rootlessness with ever-louder and less-compromising protestations of their rectitude, and ever harsher treatment of those who cannot subscribe to them. But sheer protestation can never remove the need for the steady weight of tradition, nor undo the nauseous homesickness that results from tradition being uprooted and decapitated. We live today in the midst of amnesia. It is prescient that the word nostalgia actually means, literally, homesickness. For home is where the past is.
A second example of today's homesickness is the grasping for what a genuine home provides: identity. The word identity originally meant the quality of things being the same, i.e. being identical. Only recently did it develop broader means, via the psychology of Erik Erikson, who coined the term 'identity crisis' in 1954. The ego suffering such a crisis, Erikson writes, has not been able to develop properly, and so has no real sense of who he is or where he belongs. Even here, the word identity was meant to point to sameness, to the recognition of all the facets of one's life as belonging to one's own self, belonging in the identity of one subject.
Erikson's coining of the word identity points to how concepts become current and receive attention when they become problematic. People only started trying to define authentically British values after society had fragmented to the point of producing homegrown jihadis. Similarly, Erikson's personal identity becomes a thing when people seem incapable of developing it. There was no need for a word to describe 'identity' as something separate from 'place' before then. The two were broadly the same thing, one's identity could be named as the place which was home. To speak of a man's character, it was once enough to call him a Southerner, a Parisian, or a Cockney.
But bringing out unarticulated dimensions of self-understanding can intensify the problems yet further. When something is abruptly redefined, it develops a shallow, artificial quality. Articulation kills. Identity was once simply 'there'. It was latent and sleeping, people's characters and qualities grew out from it unknowingly. It slept peacefully in an inner sanctum, and was slowly matured through the ages. Now, people append seemingly arbitrary notions to the word, and it is one of the most contentious concepts of our age.
Identity has become a register, not of sameness, but of difference: this is how I'm different to others. But when that difference is shared with others, further differences are needed to find oneself. Then the terms are refracted further through intersecting them with other registers of difference, and so on, perpetuating the freefall into empty space. The result is an endlessly splintered self, because rather than finding identity with others, it arrives only at more differences. People end-up cut through by this ever-more complexly ruptured reaching for some kind of belonging. It is as if, eventually, people hope they'll glimpse themselves with all the clarity, symmetry, and order of an assault rifle's crosshairs.
But instead, these endless intersections cause people to become woke. Let's interpret this term literally. To be woke is to have lost the place of inward slumber. One is not 'awake,' because the present needs to grow from the past to be truly present. Instead, the alienated past lingers on and torments the present – and so the word has slipped into the past-tense. Being woke means to be deprived of a past, to be living in a tortuously enduring state of having always just-this-second awoken. It is to live in those dread infinitesimal first milliseconds of the morning, before you can remember the day before or what lies in store for the day ahead. It is to be disorientated, unkempt, and squinting under the merciless strip lights of a world which aborts itself in every moment. It is no coincidence that the Jacobins declared Year 1 after the French Revolution, or that the agitators at the barricades in 1851 dated all their correspondence with the date of those disturbances for the rest of their lives. To call something 'progressive' is to secure a vantage for the present which rudely cuts out the past. But the past will never go quietly.
Religious conversions are notoriously difficult phenomena to understand. But what happens when something 'wholly other' assails one's existence and ushers in some permanent transformation is not of concern here. Given the complexities of the 21st Century West, having one's existence assailed by a transcendent power is actually the easy bit. Today, what can be far harder to cope with is what happens when something perennial clashes with contemporary social norms. This can just as likely happen through things like literature or philosophy than with religion. It happens when the structures on which society is built are suddenly exposed as not being structures at all. When this happens, people can find they are innately accustomed to practices which have long-since ceased to be customs. They find themselves in a place with an acutely personal significance, but with no memory to connect it to, no framework to give it meaning. But then, this disruption can function like someone with chronic amnesia entering their childhood home, and sensing some inarticulable intimation of its primordial familiarity for the very first time. Wherever becomes somewhere, and then their amnesiac nostalgia can taper-out into purposeful silence.
Jacob Phillips is an academic living in London. He tweets at @Counteredlogos.
TagsCatholicismJacob PhilipsReligion
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© Jacobite 2017


A heads up to those planning their stay in Thailand which includes 1 June.
That day (Visakha Bucha / Vesak Day) is one of four Buddhist holidays when bar closures are certain.
Bar Closure means restrictions on the sale of alcohol and playing music.
Some bars may remain open, but will not be serving alcohol.
Some bars may still serve alcohol, but usually using a different protocol, e.g. no bottles in the open and/or pay as you go.
Retail outlets such as supermarkets and convenience stores likely will not sell alcohol, but some independent liquor stores may.
Plan ahead for that day and expect many venues to hold off and not make an announcement till the inevitable letter from the police has been presented a day or two before.
Nothing is ever so bad that it is not good for something.
Just need to find a nice little cutie for some LT action. Take a night off from binge drinking at the bars, buy a bottle or two, to to a Thai BBQ and binge drink in the room with your girl.
So will bars etc close at midnight on May 31st... and open again at midnight 24 hours later?
My first trip to Patts included a bar closure day but it was actually no harm, went out the next night raring to go again after some great sleep and weird dreams.
So I take it you didn't panic.
I've asked this somewhere else as well, but still haven't got a reply. I might go LLT for two days to be safe.
Last edited by Bacon; 17th May 2015 at 14:08.
The fact that there will be bar closure is a certain as death, taxes and amen in church.
The exact interpretation leaves a little room.
For example closure just past midnight in to the calendar day of the holiday did not used to matter much.
Lately it has.During Makha Bucha on Mar 4th this year the "earliest of hours" in Pattaya was observed widely on Walking street, but I was in a go-go till near 2AM and the MO there was, close when asked directly.
On the contrary as the day-time hours and evening of the holiday are enforced, many bars and go-go's simply call it a night as opening at 12AM is after most revenue is gone anyway and perhaps the order may just be that.
Phuket differs on the last point as areas like Bangla doesn't really get going till 10PM (if not 11PM), so opening at may still midnight makes sense.
On the double holiday (Asalha Puja Day and Wan Khao Phansa) there has been cases where Patong police as allowed openings as early as 10PM, meaning (near) business as usual for Bangla Rd. That PM ruling has, however, not been the case in the past couple of years.
In Patong at least, I think the uncertainty from the bars arrives from the local BIB, who seem to be very very slow at indicating whether everyone should be closed or not, so if there is little to no notification, bars will just open and pray.
On most occasions I've seen, it has been a midnight shutdown for 24hrs, therefore a midnight opening. Also some bars might not open at midnight depending on the type of holiday and/or staff available (if a lot of the girls go home then there's not much point).
Also some bars might not open at midnight depending on the type of holiday and/or staff available (if a lot of the girls go home then there's not much point).
On Bangla most will get staff and girls in at 9 pm and open at 10 pm and not sell booze (so literally strictly soft drinks) or have the music too loud until midnight then its all green.
That is one benefit of Bangla being a "late starter" and for most just an hour or two is lost the evening of.
As far as BIB being slow, make no mistake that four Buddhist holidays (maybe five starting this year) are closure days based in Thai law and is not a decision that local police can make.
Past midnight from the day before indeed has been subject to inconsistent calls.
So are barfines and prices reduced before Midnight?
Just applying the basic "logic" used to justify them 555!
After all it's not a "full service venue" is it.
Will water and soft drinks still be 150 baht?
Will clothes be on or off?
OMB I miss the " bad old days".
Well.... if they do (literally) the full 24 hr day... as soon as the clock strikes midnight (on the 31st) everything gets shut down so it's really at the whim of the local BiB.


Hard to believe anyone would make fun of actress Ashley Benson, but the Pretty Little Liars star and Teen Vogue cover girl reveals, "I was picked on."
"I got made fun of," she said. "I was always left out." She may have not been in the popular crowd in middle school, but she certainly is now. Ashley is dating former Justin Bieber 'swag coach' Ryan Good and has become good friends with Justin and his GF (and her new Spring Breakers co-star) Selena Gomez.
"We were messing around, being absolute idiots to this Carly Rae Jepsen song, 'Call Me Maybe,'" Ashley told Teen Vogue about her now famous viral video. "Ryan was slapping his face with pancakes and Justin wanted to videotape it. I was like, whatever. When he got home, Justin calls and says, 'Can I please tweet that video?' Now it's everywhere!"
Although she's deeply in love with her famous BF Ryan, it wasn't always easy for the traveling couple. "The first couple of months, it was all Skype."
"He was in Japan, Europe, everywhere. I'd have to wake up at two in the morning to talk to him. It's hard being in this industry. You're always away from your family and friends and boyfriend."
They are both living in California now (Ryan no longer works for Justin full-time), but would they move in together? Don't count on it. Ashley says, "I don't think I could live with anybody. I had roommates, and it's not for me. I like my space!"
Ashley also says she wants to depart from the 'popular' girl roles she's been playing. "I always get offered the pretty, popular girl roles," she told the mag. "But I want to do something dark, really challenge myself and get out of my comfort level."
Sounds like Spring Breakers could be it! Just don't expect her to follow down the 'party girl' path. "I've seen a lot of people — for example, Lindsay Lohan — who got into the wrong crowd. I always have my eye on what I want. And I don't want anything to distract me from that."


Guinea pigs have biological similarities to humans, which make them useful in many fields of research. They have been used as experimental animals for centuries; hence the term 'guinea pig' for a human experimental subject. The Spanish conquistadors brought guinea pigs to Europe from South America, where they had been bred domestically, 400 years ago. Since vitamin C was discovered through research on guinea pigs, they have been important in nutritional research, and were also crucial to the development of: vaccines for diphtheria, TB, replacement heart valves, blood transfusion, kidney dialysis antibiotics, anticoagulants and asthma medicines.
Guinea pigs were used in less than 13,000 scientific experiments in the UK in 2012, representing less than 1% of total animal research. The use of guinea pigs has fallen by over three-quarters since 1988, mostly due to a reduction in their use in safety testing. A recent contribution to this reduction has been the introduction of a milder test for the potential of chemicals to cause allergic skin reactions (skin sensitisation), which uses mice instead of guinea pigs. However, guinea pigs remain essential in many areas of research.
Numerous developments have used guinea pig intestine at some point in their development, for example the anti-nausea drugs used by cancer patients and the identification of naturally occurring pain killing substances known as enkephalins. Guinea pig intestine has also been extensively used to study the 'little brain' in the gut, which contains as many nerve cells as the spinal cord. This has given giving insights into not only the control of the gut itself but also the workings of nerve circuits. The information gathered from these studies is being used to develop computer models.
The extreme allergic reaction, anaphylactic shock, has been studied extensively in guinea pigs, which display this reaction more readily and strongly than most other species. Guinea pigs' airways are sensitive to allergens, so it has been widely used in asthma studies. The inhaled medications that are the mainstays of asthma treatment were developed using guinea pigs as were orally-active drugs for asthma such as montelukast. Guinea pigs continue to be useful for the development of improved treatments for asthma, and they are also used in the testing of vaccines against anthrax, currently an important area of biodefence research, and new medicines to treat drug-resistant tuberculosis.
As well as requiring Vitamin C in their diet, guinea pigs also need high levels of folic acid, thiamine, arginine and potassium, which make them useful in nutrition studies. They also carry most of their plasma cholesterol in low density lipoprotein, so they are also useful in the study of cholesterol and lipoprotein metabolism.
The structure of the guinea pig ear is similar to that of humans, meaning that their hearing range is also similar. Guinea pigs also display the Preyer reflex used in checking for deafness, in which the outer ear moves in response to a whistle. Guinea pigs are therefore a preferred animal model for studying auditory systems, and in 1961 Georg von Békésy was awarded a Nobel Prize for describing the mechanical mechanisms of the cochlea in guinea pigsANCHOR.
Hair cells are sensory cells of the auditory system, which convert sound into an electrical signal. This signal can then be communicated through nerve cells. These cells do not re-grow when damaged, and loss of hair cells often leads to deafness as we age. The first successful attempt to regenerate hair cells in the inner ear of a mammal, announced in 2003, was achieved in guinea pigsANCHOR.
In 1919 research showed that inoculation of guinea pigs with a small amount of blood from Yellow Fever patients produced a mild reaction in the animals. The same animals were later resistant to infection with Leptospira icteroides, while animals which had received no previous inoculation, or which had been inoculated with blood from malaria patients, died. The guinea pigs were said to have 'Aquired Immunity' to L icteroidesANCHOR.
The long gestation period of 59–72 days and mature central nervous system at birth means that guinea pigs are important in safety testing, particularly to prevent birth defects. However, it is the similarity of their immune system, and particularly their skin sensitivity, that led to their widespread use to test for allergic skin reactions.This use of guinea pigs to test for skin allergies has now been largely replaced by the milder local lymph node assay (LLNA), which uses mice and fewer of them. In 1999 many of these tests were carried out on guinea pigs, mostly for non-medical products. Now guinea pigs are rarely used.


2012.07.20 Accepted papers list available.
2012.03.08 CICLOPS 2012 will feature an invited presentation by Tom Schrijvers : Tor: Modular Search in Prolog.
Prolog has a depth-first procedural semantics. Unfortunately, this procedural semantics is ineffective for many programs. Instead, to compute useful solutions, it is necessary to modify the search method that explores the alternative execution branches. Tor is a well-defined hook into Prolog disjunction that provides this ability. It is general enough to mimic search-modifying predicates like ECLiPSe's search/6. Tor's light-weight library-based approach puts these search methods at the fingertips of every programmer in any program. Moreover, Tor supports modular composition of search methods and other hooks, and obtains efficiency through program transformation. The Tor library is currently available for SWI-Prolog and B-Prolog.
Co-located with ICLP 2012 , Budapest, Hungary.
This workshop aimed at discussing and exchanging experience on the design, implementation, and optimization of logic, constraint (logic) programming systems, and other systems based on logic as a means of expressing computations. Experience backed up by real implementations and their evaluation was given preference, as well as descriptions of work in progress in that direction.
Sequential implementation schemes (abstract machines, translation to other languages, etc.).
Implementation of concurrent and distributed logic and constraint programming systems.
Implementation of type inference and type checking systems for logic and constraint programming languages.
Compile-time analysis and its application to code generation.
Balance between compile-time effort and run-time machinery, dynamic compilation.
Interaction between high-level optimizations / transformations / specialization and low-level issues.
Memory management and garbage collection issues.
Indexing techniques and optimizations for large size programs.
Optimizations for program generated logic and constraint programs.
Implementation of logic engines in functional and object oriented languages.
Embedding of logic and constraint programming engines in multi-paradigm systems.
Implementation techniques for alternative logic engines and inference mechanisms (ASP, SAT, QSAT, DL etc.).
Implementation of theorem provers, proof assistants and logic based natural language processing systems.
Implementation of object and agent-oriented extensions to logic and constraint programming languages.
Design and implementation of declarative I/O concepts for logic and constraint programming languages.
Implementations and ports of logic and constraint programming systems for mobile phones and netbooks.
Documenting, debugging, testing, and profiling tools for logic and constraint programming systems.
Our intent was to bring together, in an informal setting, people involved in research on sequential and parallel implementation technologies for logic and constraint programming languages and systems, in order to promote the exchange of ideas and feedback on recent developments. The workshop has indeed provided a meeting point for people working on implementation technology for different aspects of logic and constraint-based languages and systems.
CICLOPS'12 continued a tradition of successful workshops on Implementations of Logic Programming Systems, previously held in Budapest (1993) and Ithaca (1994), the Compulog Net workshops on Parallelism and Implementation Technologies held in Madrid (1993 and 1994), Utrecht (1995) and Bonn (1996), the Workshop on Parallelism and Implementation Technology for (Constraint) Logic Programming Languages held in Port Jefferson (1997), Manchester (1998), Las Cruces (1999), and London (2000), and more recently the Colloquium on Implementation of Constraint and LOgic Programming Systems in Paphos (2001), Copenhagen (2002), Mumbai (2003), Saint Malo (2004), Sitges (2005), Seattle (2006), Porto (2007), Udine (2008), Pasadena (2009), Edinburgh (2010) - together with WLPE, Lexington (2011).
Authors were invited to submit PDF files of papers written in English and not exceeding 15 pages using LNCS LaTeX format. Submissions were handled by the EasyChair system at the URL http://www.easychair.org/conferences/?conf=ciclops12.
The informal workshop proceedings are available on-line at the Computing Research Repository. An electronic copy was distributed during the conference.