text:
"The Black Power Mixtape" Movie is a Disgrace to African People
The so-called documentary "The Black Power Mixtape" is often hailed by the white left as the defining educational statement on the U.S. Black Power movement of the 1960s and 70s. White scholars have written volumes about the documentary and white left organizations often organize viewing of the film as if it is some sort of Bible on the movement. Meanwhile, no one has paid much attention to the fact very few if any African organizations, meaning no Black Nationalist organizations, Pan-African organizations, or even former Black Power movement activists/organizers, are lifting up this movie in the same fashion as the white left. Why?
Because the movie is terrible, that's why. Organized by some racist idiots from Europe, the film is a series of errors, miss-information, and caricatures. We won't even dwell on the obvious. The scene where the Scandinavian tour bus drives through Harlem while the racist narrator talks about the neighborhood being unsafe and "the Black man's" ghetto." Or, the ignorance of the man interviewing Angela Davis who herself becomes extremely annoyed at the man's complete lack of understanding of the African experience in the U.S. (we won't even get into the contradiction that Angela Davis herself was a member of the Communist Party USA at the time and besides being supportive of the Black Panther Party, wasn't even an active participant in the Black Power movement, but she was African, active, and famous, which appears to have been the only requirement for these filmmakers).
Instead we will challenge the ignorance of our own African celebrity narrators who took part in the movie. I realize the presence of Talib Qweli and Ahmir Thompson (Questlove) gives the movie credibility to lots of Europeans, many who believe their assignment as accomplices to African liberation is to listen to any African who has an opinion about white supremacy. And, from a musical standpoint, I'm a big fan of Qweli and Questlove's band "The Roots." That doesn't mean I'm going to depend on or rely on them to give me a proper analysis of my history and movements. That would be like them relying on me for lyrical and/or musical advice. That's why they are artists and we are activist/organizers. For example, Qweli kicks off this headache of a movie by narrating the first segment on 1967. The focus is on Kwame Ture who was then known as Stokely Carmichael. The movie doesn't provide viewers any history or context of what Ture actually did in the movement besides showing up for events, conferences, and speeches. And then, to astonishingly and officially confirm it, Qweli even ignorantly states that he was at a loss as to why the U.S. power structure was so concerned about Ture since "all he did was give speeches." This is why people need to read. Kwame Ture, as Stokely Carmichael and as Kwame Ture, did so much more than give speeches. Here was a man who engaged in on the ground organizing in some of the most dangerous terrain in this entire country. He organized for the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) in Mississippi and Alabama during a time when doing so was tantamount to having a death wish. The systemic white violence against activists is well documented. Ture was arrested 26 times between 1961 and 1966 for this work and his participation and leadership in the historic 1966 "March against Fear" in Mississippi (the famous Black Power march where the slogan was launched and became a national movement) is historic. The Black Power movement launched that June of 66 in Mississippi is the movement where African people decided that we were going to stand strong and proud as we are, regardless of whether white America liked it, was comfortable with it, or accepted it or not. If you understand the importance of that movement, which Ture/Carmichael was a central leader, than you realize that without it, there would not have been a Brown pride movement, Women's Liberation Movement, an LGBTQI movement, an ableist movement. American Indian Movement co-founders, the recently departed Dennis Banks, and Clyde Bellecourt, stated in 1968, that their movement was inspired by the Black Power movement. Ture/Carmichael was a central leader of the Lowndes County Freedom Organization in Alabama in 1965 which became better known as the original Black Panther Party that influenced the Oakland, California launched version that started a year later. Without all of this, there certainly would be no Black Lives Matter movement, no Afrocentric movement, none of it. Yet, none of this was even broached in the movie. Ture was just a guy who gave speeches. And, then to add insult to injury, Qweli, someone who himself has a cultural name, calls Ture Stokely Carmichael all throughout the segment when he must know that Ture changed his name back in 1977. If you don't know, for those of us who have seriously (not just here today gone tomorrow) taken on our African cultural names, its without question a sign of disrespect to continue to call us by our slave names that we have replaced. Something we expect from the white power structure, but definitely not something that should exist in a movie that is supposed to represent our movement and history.
Probably the biggest weakness of the film was its inability to tie the Black Power movement to our broader struggle for human rights and dignity as a people. Instead, the movie delves into a racist depiction of the problems that continue to plague African people like drug abuse etc. Its not to diminish these very real problems. The point is the movie depicts these issues as if the movement came, went, and these problems remain when the truth is the problems are clearly a reflection of the system's efforts to sabotage and destroy the movement. Heroin and cocaine are drugs that are systemically shipped into this country from other countries. Even the criminal Federal Bureau of Investigation confirms today that 50% of the heroin sold on U.S. streets today comes from Afghanistan. African people own no planes or boats. Most of us don't even know how to kayak so even a third grader could figure out that the drug epidemic is something that has been imposed on us for a higher objective. That objective is to crush the potential for an African led revolutionary movement in this country. If people are high they aren't going to organize. The Black Power movement represented the potential for that movement and the system moved, in many ways, to circumvent that. The movie missed all of this. Its as if the makers of the movie were only interested in viewing African people as a fetish.
Of course, the problem is any serious students of the Black Power movement must accept that you cannot gain an acceptable understanding of the movement by watching movies, even documentaries. You have to make a commitment to engage in serious study. And, there is so much out here that you can review. Any of the books of speeches by Malcolm X (there are several). There are a number of books about SNCC like "In Struggle" as well as books by and about Kwame Ture, Cleve Sellers, Huey P. Newton, Bobby Seale, Elaine Brown, Assata Shakur, Geronimo Ji Jaga, Jamil Abdullah al Amin (H. Rap Brown), Muhammad Ahmad (Maxwell Sanford), Elijah Muhammad, and all of the frontline participants in the African liberation movement of the 1960s. If you are ignorant enough that you thought the Black Power Mixtape was an excellent display of the Black Power movement, you have no one to blame for your ignorance except your own political laziness. Get to work. When you start engaging in this serious study you will come to realize that the Black Power movement didn't exist in a vacuum. It happened, just like the civil rights movement and the African independence movement that inspired all of it, for a reason. The fact African people are the people who engage in spontaneous urban revolt, instead of other communities, happens for a reason. Those reasons are that capitalism is built and maintained on our oppression meaning the wealth of this society is produced based on the blood of Africa. No European produced documentary is going to provide you with that type of education and analysis. It will only come from the source. If you are serious about receiving that real education, you will start out 2018 with a different focus and seek it out.


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Q: CSS vw and percentage value convert to pixel value How do we know that how many pixels in width:100%  and width:100vw ?
Situation
body{
 width:100%;
}
.container{
  width:1000px;
}

How do i get exact value ?
balanceWidth = bodywidth - containerwidth

I know about css calc width: calc(100% - 1000px);  ,  I need to get exact pixel value

A: For this:
balanceWidth = bodywidth - containerwidth

You can use calc method:
width: calc(100% - 1000px);

When you have 1000px wide element you assume the percentage wide is 100% and for 1% you can calculate taking 1000px dividing by 100.

A: Suppose you width of container is 1000px and you css vw value is 10vw it means 10% of your container width it is very similar to using 10%.
So taking example of 10vw it means 10%.
Reference : https://css-tricks.com/viewport-sized-typography/

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Tim Coleman
John (Tim) Coleman was born in Kettering on 26th October 1881. He played local football before joining Northampton Town in 1901. The following season he was transferred to Woolwich Arsenal. He joined a team that included Jimmy Ashcroft, Roderick McEachrane, William Linward, Tommy Briercliffe, Tommy Shanks and Percy Sands.
Coleman was an immediate success and in his first season he broke the Arsenal league goal scoring record by netting 17 times in 30 games. He developed a great partnership with Tommy Shanks and in the 1903-04 season the club won promotion to the First Division. Shanks was the club's leading scorer with 25 league goals and Coleman got 23 in 28 games.
Arsenal did reasonably well in the First Division finishing in 10th place (1904-05) and 12th (1905-06). The club also had a good FA Cup run that season beating Watford (3-0), Sunderland (5-0), Manchester United (3-2) before losing to Newcastle United 2-0 in the semi-final with Jimmy Howie and Colin Veitch getting the goals. That season Coleman scored 15 goals in 34 appearances.
Arsenal finished in 7th place in the 1906-07 season. Once again they had a good cup run beating Bristol City (2-1), Bristol Rovers (1-0) and Barnsley (2-1) before losing to Sheffield Wednesday 3-1 in the semi-final.
Coleman won his first and only international cap for England against Ireland on 16th February. The England team that day also included Joe Bache, Bob Crompton, Sam Hardy, George Hilsdon and William Wedlock. England won the game 1-0.
In February 1908 Coleman was sold to Everton for a fee of £700. While at the Woolwich Arsenal he had scored 79 goals in 172 league games.
In the 1908-09 season Coleman helped his new club to finish in 2nd place in the First Division. Coleman had scored 30 goals in 71 games. He later played for Sunderland (20 goals in 32 games), Fulham (45 goals in 94 games) and Nottingham Forest (14 goals in 37 games).
Coleman's professional career ended during the First World War. After the war he played in Holland.
Tim Coleman died in November 1940.
Col. Elena Andreeva received her B.A. and M.A. degrees in Middle Eastern Studies at Moscow State University and her Ph.D. at New York University. She is an Associate Professor of History at Virginia Military Institute where she teaches classes on Iran, the Middle East and World History. Her research focuses on the interaction between East and West, Iranian history and culture in the 19th and early 20th centuries, and aspects of colonialism and imperialism in the Middle East and Asia. She has published articles on Persian and Dari literature, on Russian Orientalism, and on Russians in Iran. She is the author of Russia and Iran in the Great Game: Travelogues and Orientalism (2007). Dr. Andreeva's current projects examine the "Orient" in Russian arts, including music, painting, and literature.
Office hours: 12:30 p.m. - 2:05 p.m., MW & 10:50 a.m. - 1:00 p.m. TR
Maj. Jochen S. Arndt, Ph.D.
Ph.D. - University of Illinois at Chicago
519 Scott Shipp Hall
arndtjs@vmi.edu
Dr. Jochen S. Arndt teaches advanced courses in African history and a two-semester freshmen course in World history. Geographically anchored in Africa in general and South Africa in particular, his research emphasizes global themes, notably the encounters between Africans and non-Africans and the dynamics unleashed by these encounters in terms of knowledge production and racial, ethnic and linguistic identity formation. With funding from a Social Sciences Research Council International Dissertation Research Fellowship and an American Historical Association's Bernadotte Schmitt Research Grant, he is completing his book manuscript Tribal Divide: The Making of Zulus and Xhosas in South Africa. He also serves as an Honorary Research Scholar at the Archive and Public Culture Research Initiative at the University of Cape Town.
Maj. Christopher M. Blunda, Ph.D.
Ph.D. - University of California, Berkeley
blundacm@vmi.edu
Christopher M. Blunda teaches advanced courses on the history of the ancient Mediterranean and the two-semester World History course. Before joining the History Department at VMI, he received a bachelor's degree in Classics from Cornell University, a master's degree in the History of Christianity from Harvard Divinity School, and a doctorate in History from the University of California, Berkeley. His research focuses on the cultural and intellectual history of the late Roman Empire, particularly asceticism in southern Gaul during the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries A.D. He is the coeditor, with Susanna Elm, of The Late (Wild) Augustine: Context and Consequences (Ferdinand Schöningh Verlag/Brill, forthcoming).
Ms. Mariko A. Clarke
M.A. - Fort Hays State University
clarkema@vmi.edu
Col. Bradley L. Coleman, Ph.D.
Director of John Adams Center
Ph.D. - University of Georgia
colemanbl@vmi.edu
Bradley Lynn Coleman is the director of the John A. Adams '71 Center for Military History & Strategic Analysis at the Virginia Military Institute. He graduated from the Virginia Military Institute, Temple University, and the University of Georgia. Between 2007 and 2012, he served as command historian at U.S. Southern Command, the U.S. Department of Defense headquarters for U.S. forces in Latin America and the Caribbean. He is the author of Colombia and the United States: The Making of an Inter-American Alliance, 1939-1960 (2008).
Col. Timothy C. Dowling, Ph.D.
Holder of the Burgwyn Chair in Military History
Editor, Journal of Military History
Ph.D. - Tulane University
dowlingtc@vmi.edu
Timothy Dowling has been teaching history at the Virginia Military Institute since August 2001. Since that time, he has authored a book on the Brusilov Offensive of 1916, edited a two-volume set entitled Russia at War as well as two volumes of Personal Perspectives on the world wars, contributed numerous articles to encyclopedias, and published book reviews in the Journal of Military History, the Canadian Journal of History, Mars & Clio, Global War Studies, and for the H-German electronic network. He is currently working on a second book concerning the Battle of Mukden during the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905).
Before moving to Lexington, Dr. Dowling taught at the Vienna International School in Austria and served as an adjunct assistant professor at Old Dominion University in Norfolk, Virginia. He earned his doctoral degree from Tulane University in New Orleans in 1999, writing a dissertation on the planned city of Eisenhüttenstadt as a model for constructing socialism in the German Democratic Republic. From 1989 to 1993, he worked at the American Embassy in Moscow, Russia, and traveled extensively through the former Soviet Union. Dr. Dowling has lived for extended periods in Tokyo, Vienna, Berlin, and Munich. He frequently leads VMI study abroad programs to Budapest, Hungary, and he recently completed a semester as a visiting Fulbright Scholar at the National University of Public Service there. He also serves as the book review editor for the Journal of Military History.
Col. R. Geoffrey Jensen, Ph.D.
Holder of the John Biggs '30 Cincinnati Chair in Military History
Ph.D. - Yale University, History
jensenrg@vmi.edu
As the holder of the John Biggs ´30 Chair in Military History, Professor Jensen teaches courses on modern Europe, modern Spain, European warfare, and the history of insurgency. He is the author of Irrational Triumph: Cultural Despair, Military Nationalism, and the Ideological Origins of Franco´s Spain (2002), Franco (2005), Cultura militar española (2014), and various articles and book chapters. He also edited Warfare in Europe, 1919-1939 (2008) and co-edited (with Andrew Wiest) War in the Age of Technology: Myriad Faces of Modern Armed Conflict (2001). His current research topics include Spain in North Africa and U.S. foreign policy in Equatorial Guinea.
Col. M. Houston Johnson V, Ph.D.
Ph.D. - University of Tennessee
johnsonmh@vmi.edu
M. Houston Johnson V specializes in the history of the 20th century United States, with an emphasis on aviation history and the New Deal era. He teaches courses including The Progressive Era, The New Deal, War and Society in 20th Century United States History, The Vietnam War, and Historical Methodology. He has published articles on aviation infrastructure in the Journal of Policy History and the Journal of East Tennessee History his book, Taking Flight: The Foundations of American Commercial Aviation, 1918-1938, is forthcoming with Texas A&ampM University Press. Johnson also served as the Associate Editor of the Sage Encyclopedia of Military Science.
Johnson came to VMI in 2012, after receiving degrees from Roanoke College and the University of Tennessee. He has received the Institute Wilbur S. Hinman, Jr. '26 Research Award (2017), and serves as the faculty advisor for the VMI chapter of the Phi Alpha Theta history honor society, among other activities.
Col. Turk McCleskey, Ph.D.
Ph.D. - College of William and Mary
mccleskeynt@vmi.edu
Professor Turk McCleskey received his doctorate from The College of William and Mary in 1990 and joined the VMI faculty in 1994. His 2014 book, The Road to Black Ned's Forge: A Story of Race, Sex, and Trade on the Colonial American Frontier (University of Virginia Press), is about the first free black landowner west of the Blue Ridge Mountains. The Road to Black Ned's Forge won the 2014 Virginia Historical Society's Richard Slatten Award for Excellence in Virginia biography, was one of three finalists (and the only work of history) for the 2015 Library of Virginia Literary Award in Nonfiction, and was one of the final twelve books considered for the Pulitzer Prize in History in its year. His present research is a statistically intensive social analysis of civil litigation in colonial Virginia, from which he has published five juried journal essays in the last four years.
In addition to both semesters of the Introduction to United States History, Professor McCleskey teaches courses entitled Historical Methodology, Colonial America, African American Experience, and Applied History. He offers capstone seminars for seniors on the American Revolution and North American Indians. His teaching and contributions to the Virginia Military Institute have been recognized with the VMI Foundation's Award for Distinguished Teaching (1999), the Faculty Mentor Award (2002), the VMI Achievement Medal (2005), the Matthew Fontaine Maury Prize for Excellence in Research (2016), and the Wilbur S. Hinman, Jr. '26 Research Award (2018).
Lt. Col. Eric W. Osborne, Ph.D.
Ph.D. - Texas Christian University
osborneew@vmi.edu
Lieutenant Colonel Osborne teaches a two-semester freshmen course on World history as well as advanced courses on British history, European History, World War I, the Indian sub-continent, and sea power. The latter topic comprises two classes being 1588-1905 and 1905 to the present.
Lieutenant Colonel Osborne's research focuses primarily on the impact of sea power in war and peace, particularly in the twentieth century. He has published four books, among them being Great Britain's Economic Blockade of Germany in World War I, 1914-1918 and The Battle of Heligoland Bight that were published in 2004 and 2006 respectively. He has also appeared in eleven encyclopedias, writing on topics in naval warfare, imperialism, and diplomacy. Additionally, he has authored several articles while an additional one on the 1680-1707 Mughal-Maratha Wars will appear in April 2020 in the series Small Wars and Insurgencies published by Routledge. Currently, Lieutenant Colonel Osborne is working on a book concerning the 1918 Battle of Megiddo of World War I, being the last great cavalry operation in the history of warfare.
Dr. Madeleine Forrest Ramsey
Visiting Assistant Professor
Ph.D. - University of Arkansas
ramseymf@vmi.edu
Maj. Liz Elizondo Schroepfer, Ph.D.
Ph.D.- University of Texas at Austin
schroepferle@vmi.edu
Liz Elizondo Schroepfer attained a bachelor's degree in Business Information Systems and a bachelor's degree in Latin American Studies from California State University-Chico a master's degree in Latin American Studies from San Diego State University and a doctorate in History from the University of Texas at Austin.
She teaches the two-semester World History course as well as upper-division classes on the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands and Latin America.
Her scholarly work primarily focuses on the interplay between race, gender, and sexuality on the northern frontier of the Spanish Empire, present-day Texas and Northern Mexico. Her current book project, Sex, Deviance, and Drama: Socio-Racial Relationships in the Texas-Coahuila Borderlands, investigates the multitude of ways officials and community members handled sexual transgressions.
Before joining the faculty at VMI, she taught at Valencia College.
Deneise P. Shafer
shaferdp@vmi.edu
Timothy Colman
Colman is from the Colman's mustard family. His father was Geoffrey Colman. [2] He was educated at the Royal Naval College, Dartmouth, and joined the Royal Navy, leaving as a lieutenant in 1953, before commencing a business career. [3] He subsequently joined the Castaways' Club. Colman was chairman of the Eastern Counties Newspaper Group from 1969 to 1996. [4] He was appointed a Knight of the Order of the Garter in 1996. [5]
Colman was a yachtsman, and claimed the record for the world's fastest yacht at 26.3 knots with Crossbow, a proa outrigger, at the inception of the World Sailing Speed Record Council in 1972. He increased the record to 31.2 knots three years later, and then in 1980 his catamaran Crossbow II extended the record to 36 knots. [6] It held the record for six years until being beaten by the sailboard of Pascal Maka of France. [7] Colman is a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron.
He was married to Lady Mary Colman (née Bowes-Lyon), niece of the Queen Mother, and lives in Bixley Manor near Norwich. [8] Lady Mary died on 2 January 2021. [9]
Colman's children include Sarah Troughton, who was appointed as Lord Lieutenant of Wiltshire in 2012. [10]
Coat of arms of Timothy Colman
Notes Knight since 1996 Crest Upon a rock proper, a three-pointed star Or between two wings Argent each charged with an estoile Sable Torse Mantling Gules doubled Argent Escutcheon Ermine on a pale indented Or between two crosses fleury Sable a lion rampant Gules armed and langued Azure. Orders The Order of the Garter circlet. [11] [12] Banner The banner of Sir Timothy Colman's arms used as knight of the Garter depicted at St George's Chapel.
^Lord-Lieutenant for NorfolkArchived February 5, 2007, at the Wayback Machine
^"Profile: Geoffrey Russell Rees Colman". www.thepeerage.com . Retrieved 2018-09-23 .
^ Who's Who 1987, p. 355
"bizonline". Archived from the original on 2007-08-07.
"Buckingham Palace press releases > New members of the Order of the Garter". Royal.gov.uk. Archived from the original on January 16, 2013 . Retrieved 2013-02-05 .
"Crossbow I and II on the Dave Culp SpeedSailing site". Dcss.org . Retrieved 2013-02-05 .
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What's Intersectionality? Let These Scholars Explain the Theory and Its History
W omen&rsquos History Month has been observed in the United States in March for decades, its date unchanging. But as this month draws to a close, it&rsquos worth noting that the women whose stories comprise that history have changed.
The movement to expand feminism beyond the provincialism of mainstream discourse is now in its sixth decade. One place where that change is clear is at the Feminist Freedom Warriors Project (FFW) at Syracuse University, the brainchild of transnational feminist scholars Linda E. Carty and Chandra Talpade Mohanty. Their 2015 survey of transnational feminism was the foundation for FFW, a first-of-its-kind digital video archive focused on the struggles of women of color of the Global South (Africa, India and Latin America) and North (U.S., Canada, Japan). &ldquoFFW is a project about cross-generation histories of feminist activism,&rdquo its founders, Carty and Mohanty, said in an email, &ldquoaddressing economic, anti-racist, social justice issues across national borders.&rdquo
These scholar-activists crisscrossed state and national borders to engage in &ldquokitchen table conversations&rdquo with 28 distinguished feminists ranging from Beverly Guy-Sheftall to Angela Y. Davis, to bring together the stories of &ldquothese sister-comrades whose ideas, words, actions and visions of&rdquo economic and social justice &ldquocontinue to inspire us to keep on keeping on.&rdquo These women are representative of the trailblazers and torchbearers who challenged the conventional wisdom of mainstream American feminism that came out of the 1960s and &lsquo70s.
Key to that challenge was the idea of intersectionality, a concept that remains confusing to some despite steadily growing awareness of it.
Mainstream 20th century American feminism &mdash led by people like Betty Friedan, a co-founder of the National Organization for Women (NOW) and bestselling author of The Feminine Mystique, and inspired by the idea that &ldquothe personal is political&rdquo &mdash made people across the country rethink issues like gender diversity in higher education and reproductive rights. But that feminism was also in dire need of diversity, as it was based on the cultural and historical experiences of middle- and upper-class heterosexual white women. Consequently, issues of race, class, sexuality and ableism were ignored. (Also ignored were issues of immigration, which are personal and political to Carty, a Canadian of Caribbean descent, and Mohanty, from India.)
So, during the 1970s, black feminist scholar-activists, a number of whom were also LGBTQ, developed theoretical frameworks to serve as a model for other women of color, to broaden feminism&rsquos definition and scope. Throughout the final decades of the 20th and the first decade of the 21st centuries, women of color published many groundbreaking works that highlighted these dynamics. In doing so, they exposed the interlocking systems that define women&rsquos lives.
The theory of those systems became known as intersectionality, a term popularized by law professor Kimberlé Crenshaw. In her 1991 article &ldquoMapping the Margins,&rdquo she explained how people who are &ldquoboth women and people of color&rdquo are marginalized by &ldquodiscourses that are shaped to respond to one [identity] or the other,&rdquo rather than both.
&ldquoAll of us live complex lives that require a great deal of juggling for survival,&rdquo Carty and Mohanty said in an email. &ldquoWhat that means is that we are actually living at the intersections of overlapping systems of privilege and oppression.&rdquo
To take an example, they explain, think of an LGBT African-American woman and a heterosexual white woman who are both working class. They &ldquodo not experience the same levels of discrimination, even when they are working within the same structures that may locate them as poor,&rdquo Carty and Mohanty explained, because one can experience homophobia and racism at the same time. While the other may experience gender or class discrimination, &ldquoher whiteness will always protect and insulate her from racism.&rdquo
Failing to acknowledge this complexity, scholars of intersectionality argue, is failing to acknowledge reality.
Marie Anna Jaimes Guerrero poignantly highlights the importance of intersectionality or &ldquoindigenisms&rdquo for American Indigenous women in an essay in Mohanty&rsquos book Feminist Genealogies, Colonial Legacies, Democratic Futures. &ldquoAny feminism that does not address land rights, sovereignty, and the state&rsquos systemic erasure of the cultural practices of native peoples,&rdquo states Guerrero, &ldquois limited in vision and exclusionary in practice.&rdquo
The FFW video archive and its companion book, Feminist Freedom Warriors: Genealogies, Justice, Politics, and Hope, chronicle the decades long scholar-activism for a more expansive and inclusive feminism &mdash and that includes women&rsquos history. &ldquoGenealogies are important,&rdquo say the FFW founders, &ldquobecause we are made by our histories and contexts.&rdquo But they&rsquore also, they say, motivated by providing a service for those feminists of the future.
&ldquoThe core of intersectionality then,&rdquo they say, &ldquois coming to appreciate that all women do not share the same levels of discrimination just because they are women.&rdquo FWW is their &ldquodeep commitment to gender justice in all of its intersectional complexity.&rdquo
The original version of this story included a photo caption that misstated the photographer&rsquos name. It is Kim Powell, not Taveeshi Singh.
Historians' perspectives on how the past informs the present
COLEMAN Genealogy
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The Crime
On March 24, 1985, 24-year-old Texas Tech student Michele Mallin was parking her car in a church parking lot across from her dormitory in Lubbock, Texas, when an African-American man approached her and asked her to help him start his car with jumper cables. When she said she didn't have cables, the man reached in through her window and unlocked the door. The woman screamed and bit the man's thumb, but then noticed that he had a knife. Holding the knife to her throat, he forced her to lay down in the car while he moved into the driver's seat.
He drove to a vacant field outside of town, where he forced her to perform oral sex and then vaginally raped her. The perpetrator then drove the car back to Lubbock, where he took $2 in cash, a ring and a watch from the victim and left on foot. Mallin then called police and reported the attack.
Mallin, who is white, described the perpetrator to police as a young African-American man wearing a yellow shirt and sandals, but didn't give many other details. She said the perpetrator had smoked cigarettes throughout the attack.
Police believed at the time that Mallin's attacker may have been an unknown serial rapist known at the time as the "Tech Rapist" and suspected in four other attacks, and nine officers began conducting surveillance around campus. Composite sketches based on the descriptions from the victims appeared in the Texas Tech campus newspaper.
Cole was a 26-year-old Army veteran studying business at Texas Tech in 1985. On the night Mallin was raped, he had studied at home, where his brother was hosting a card game.
Two weeks after Mallin was attacked, Cole went to a pizza restaurant near the Texas Tech campus. The restaurant was also just a few blocks from the scene of the attack, and Cole spoke with a female detective outside of the restaurant. This conversation made him a suspect, and a detective went to Cole's house to take a Polaroid photo of him.
Detectives then showed Mallin a photo lineup including six photographs. Cole's was the only Polaroid the other five were mug shots. Cole was looking at the camera in his photo while the subjects in the five mug shots were facing to the side. According to police, Mallin was immediately sure that Cole was her attacker, saying: "That's him."
The next day, police conducted an in-person lineup with Cole and four prisoners. Mallin again identified Cole, but victims from the similar December and January rapes also viewed the lineup and did not identify him as the attacker.
Based on Mallin's identification, Cole was arrested and charged with aggravated sexual assault.
The Trial and Forensic Evidence
Cole was tried by a jury in Lubbock 1986 for the rape of Mallin a year earlier. He was never charged with committing the other rapes.
Mallin testified for the state and identified Cole in court as the perpetrator. A forensic examiner from the Texas Department of Public Safety testified that an analyst in his lab had examined the rape kit collected from the victim at the hospital after the attack. He said the tests had determined that sperm was present on the swabs from the victim's body. Serology testing found evidence of a Type A secretor on the swabs, and the analyst told the jury that both Mallin and Cole had type A blood. Mallin is a secretor, he said, meaning her blood type can be determined from bodily fluids other than blood. Cole's secretor status was unknown.
The analyst also testified that his lab had compared foreign pubic hairs collected from the victim's underwear and body during her hospital examination. He testified that the hairs had similar characteristics to Cole's pubic hair, but said the analyst conducting the tests could not make a firm conclusion.
Because there is not adequate empirical data on the frequency of various class characteristics in human hair, the analyst's assertion that hairs are similar is inherently prejudicial and lacks probative value.
Cole's attorney presented an alibi defense – that Cole was studying at home, where his brother was playing cards with several friends, on the night of the crime. His brother and friends testified that Cole had been at the apartment at the time of the attack. Cole also presented evidence that he had severe asthma and did not smoke cigarettes.
Cole's attorney attempted to enter evidence that similar attacks had continued to occur in the months after Cole's arrest, but the judge refused to allow most mentions of the uncharged crimes before the jury. Cole also attempted to present evidence that a very similar attack had occurred one month before the assault for which Cole was charged, and that fingerprints from the victim's car in that case did not match Cole's fingerprints. The judge also did not allow this evidence before the jury.
After six hours of deliberation, the jury convicted Cole. The next day, he was sentenced to 25 years in prison.
Post-Conviction Appeals and Exoneration
Cole's initial appeals were denied. In 1995, after the statute of limitations on the 1985 rape had expired, a Texas prisoner named Jerry Wayne Johnson wrote to police and prosecutors in Lubbock County that he had committed the rape for which Cole had been convicted. Johnson was serving a 99-year sentence after convictions for two sexual assaults with similar characteristics to Cole's conviction.
Johnson's letters were not acknowledged. Cole died in 1999 without ever learning that Johnson was attempting to confess to the crime. The year after Cole died, Johnson wrote again to a supervising judge. This time, the case was moved to a different judge and rejected without comment. Eventually, however, Johnson's confessions reached the Innocence Project of Texas and Cole's family. Attorneys at the Innocence Project of Texas sought posthumous DNA testing in the case and Lubbock prosecutors cooperated. DNA testing conducted on semen from the crime scene excluded Cole and implicated Johnson as the perpetrator. Cole was cleared by DNA tests in 2008, and at a hearing in February 2009, Johnson again confessed to the crime before a judge, Cole's family, and Mallin. The Innocence Project joined with the Innocence Project of Texas as co-counsel on the case, and a Texas judge officially exonerated Cole at an unprecedented posthumous hearing on April 7. 2009.Texas Gov. Rick Perry pardoned Cole on March 1, 2010.
Since Cole's posthumous exoneration, the state of Texas has passed the Timothy Cole Act, increasing compensation paid to exonerees to $80,000 per year served, expanding services offered to the exonerated after their release and adding compensation for the family of an exoneree if cleared after death. The state also created the Timothy Cole Advisory Panel on Wrongful Convictions in 2009 to study the prevention of wrongful convictions across the state.
The victim in the case, Michele Mallin, speaks and writes about the case to raise awareness about misidentifications and wrongful convictions. "I was positive at the time that it was him," she said at a recent speech at the Georgetown University Law Center. "I was shocked when I found out it wasn't him. I joined Tim's family in working to exonerate him because it was the right thing to do. Timothy didn't deserve what he got."
Jan 9 in Germany – Feigenbutz and De Carolis To Settle Score
This coming Saturday, January 9th, the stage is set at the Baden Arena in Offenburg, Germany for a re-match between Vincent Feigenbutz and Giovanni De Carolis. The highly anticipated re-match is set to air on SAT.1 in Germany, and Feigenbutz will once again be defending his GBU and interim WBA World titles at Super Middleweight.
The first meeting between the two was less than three months ago, on October 17th and that meeting saw Feigenbutz controversially edge De Carolis on the judge's cards by scores of (115-113, 114-113 and 115-113). De Carolis scored a flash knock down in the opening round, and he appeared to outbox Feigenbutz in the early going, but the 20 year old German champion came on in the later rounds.
The first bout is described as one of the most crowd-pleasing bouts of the year in Germany, and De Carolis and many observers felt that the Italian had done enough to win.
De Carolis told German language website RAN.DE that he was more prepared for the re-match, and that due to the arrogance Feigenbutz displayed in the aftermath of the first fight, he was confident that he had won over some of the audience. Though De Carolis fell short of predicting victory, he promised a re-vamped strategy tailored to what he has learned about Feigenbutz, whom he termed immature and inexperienced.
The stage is set for Feigenbutz vs De Carolis 2, this Saturday January 9th in Offenburg, Germany. If you can get to the live event do it, if not you have SAT.1 in Germany airing the fights, and The Boxing Channel right back here for full results.
Company-Histories.com
http://www.coleman.com
Public Subsidiary of Sunbeam Corporation
Incorporated: 1900 as the Hydro-Carbon Light Company
Employees: 4,700
Sales: $1.02 billion (1998)
Stock Exchanges: New York Pacific Midwest
Ticker Symbol: CLN
NAIC: 33992 Sporting & Athletic Good Manufacturing 335129 Other Lighting Equipment Manufacturing 333912 Air & Gas Compressor Manufacturing 335312 Motors & Generator Manufacturing 421910 Camping Equipment & Supplies Wholesaling
Company Perspectives:
"Don't let life put you back on your heels. Lean into it." Sheldon Coleman's mantra still guides the company--it continues to lean into the future. It is still a company with an uncanny ability to adapt to change. A company with an intimate understanding of the consumer. A commitment to research and development that breathes vitality into every aspect of the business. A company that sets industry standards.
The Coleman Company, Inc. is one of the most famous and successful manufacturers of camping equipment and outdoor recreational products. The well-known Coleman lamp was invented by 1909 and the lantern in 1914, and since that time more than 50 million of the lanterns have been sold throughout the world. Coleman is the market leader in lanterns and stoves for outdoor recreational use, and it has created a loyal consumer following for a broad range of insulated food and beverage containers, sleeping bags, backpacks, tents, outdoor folding furniture, portable electric lights, and other recreational accessories. The company's Powermate unit produces portable generators and portable and stationary air compressors. Coleman also makes and markets book bags, backpacks, and related products under the Eastpak and Timberland brand names. Coleman products are sold in more than 100 countries worldwide, with international sales accounting for about one-third of overall revenues. Although its stock is publicly traded, the Coleman Company is controlled by Sunbeam Corporation, which owns 79 percent of the company.
The founder of the company, William Coffin Coleman, was born to a young couple who migrated west to Kansas from New England in 1871. Coleman became a schoolteacher in Kansas and later entered the University of Kansas Law School. Shortly before receiving his degree, however, Coleman ran out of money, and he became a traveling typewriter salesman. Working the southern part of the United States, he found himself in Brockton, Alabama, a poor coal mining community with dirt streets and wood sidewalks.
According to company lore, as Coleman was taking an evening walk down one of the town's streets, he noticed the intense white glow of a lamp in a drugstore window. The lamp, which was powered by gasoline, was so bright that even with his bad eyesight Coleman was able to read under it easily. Since most people at that time used flickering gaslights, smoky oil lamps, or dim carbon filament light bulbs, Coleman immediately saw the lamp as an important step forward.
Coleman arranged to sell this new type of lamp for the Irby-Gilliland Company of Memphis, and traveled to Kingfisher, Oklahoma, to begin his new venture. Unfortunately, he had sold only two lamps at the end of the first week. The lack of sales dismayed him, but he soon discovered that another salesman had previously sold dozens of lamps to the town's shopkeepers. Since the lamps could not be cleaned, they clogged with carbon deposits which snuffed the light out after a short time. The salesman had left a bit too quickly, and the shopkeepers felt swindled.
Unable to sell his lamps, Coleman hit upon the idea of leasing them for $1 per week and servicing them himself. If the lamps failed, the customer did not have to pay. Revenues skyrocketed. In order to remain competitive almost all the town's shopkeepers purchased his lighting service. The business flourished as Coleman reinvested profits and branched out into neighboring communities. Not long afterward, he founded the Hydro-Carbon Light Company.
With the demand for his lamps and lighting service increasing, Coleman received $2,000 from his two brothers-in-law for an eight percent interest in the company. In 1902 requests for his lighting service were so numerous that he decided to move the business to Wichita, Kansas, and establish a permanent headquarters. One year later, Coleman bought the rights to the Efficient Lamp, improved its design, and began selling it as the Coleman Arc Lamp. Ever on the lookout for original ways to market his lamps, Coleman in 1905 arranged for the Arc Lamps to provide the lighting for a night football game.
By 1909 Coleman had invented a portable table lamp with a gasoline tank designed as a small fount with a flat base. Bug screens were later added to protect the mantles during outdoor use. In 1914 the company developed the Coleman gasoline lantern for use in inclement weather. When World War I broke out, the Allies requested U.S. wheat and corn to replenish their food supplies. Realizing the need for a reliable, bright, and portable light for farmers carrying out the tasks necessary to aid the Europeans, the American government declared the Coleman lamp essential for the wartime support effort and provided Coleman with both money and materials to produce the lanterns. During World War I, the company made over one million lamps for American farmers.
The company grew steadily in the 1920s. Although electricity came to the smaller towns across the United States, most rural areas had to wait. Coleman thus found its largest markets in rural areas, with ever increasing sales of gasoline stoves, used both as camp stoves and cook stoves, and lamps and lanterns. The company also established international operations with a manufacturing plant and headquarters in Toronto. Locating an office in Canada was a smart move on the part of Coleman, since the British Commonwealth gave preferential tariffs and duties to products made in member nations. By the end of the 1920s the reputation of the Coleman lantern was firmly established, and various accounts of its use were reported: Admiral Byrd used the lantern on his trip to the South Pole on Pitcairn Island the descendants of British mutineers from the Bounty and their Tahitian families illuminated primitive homes with Coleman lanterns and Coleman lantern-lit runways in the Andes made emergency landings possible.
The company was not entirely successful in developing new products and markets. During the late 1920s, Coleman made a line of waffle irons, coffee percolators, toasters, and electric irons. Coleman could not, however, compete with Westinghouse Electric Corporation and General Electric Company and withdrew these product lines quickly. William Coffin Coleman (known as W.C. to the rest of the company) designed a coffee maker for restaurants and hotels. Although it brewed excellent coffee, the machine was complicated to handle and difficult to clean. It was commercially unsuccessful and the company halted its production.
Coleman was hit very hard when the stock market crashed in 1929. During the next two years, the Great Depression severely affected almost every industry in the nation. The demand for Coleman products declined rapidly, mainly due to the searing poverty and inability of many people in rural areas to purchase anything other than food. Inevitably, the company experienced financial losses, but a good working relationship with a number of banks helped Coleman to overcome the worst years of the depression. In 1932 the company's sales totaled a mere $3 million, but a small profit was made.
After Franklin Delano Roosevelt was elected to the U.S. presidency in 1932, he launched a massive program for rural electrification, and Coleman was faced with a decline in its market for gasoline stoves and lights. Nevertheless, Coleman found two potentially profitable markets, oil space heaters and gas floor furnaces, and by the end of the decade the company was the leading manufacturer of both products. At the same time, Coleman's portable stove and lantern business was making headway in the camping equipment market, and the international operation was beginning to reap significant profits. In 1941 the company reported annual sales of $9 million.
When World War II began, Coleman was called upon to manufacture products for the various branches of the U.S. armed services, including 20-millimeter shells for the Army, projectiles for the Navy, and parts for the B-29 and B-17 bombers for the Air Force. In June 1942 the company was notified by the Army Quartermaster Corps with an urgent request--field troops needed a compact stove that could operate at 125 degrees above and 60 degrees below zero, was no larger than a quart bottle of milk, and could burn any kind of fuel. Moreover, the Army wanted 5,000 of the stoves delivered in two months.
Coleman worked nonstop to design and manufacture a stove to the Army's specifications. The end product was better than the Army had requested: the stove could work at 60 degrees below and 150 degrees above Fahrenheit it could burn all kinds of fuel it weighed a mere three and one-half pounds and it was smaller than a quart bottle of milk. The first order for 5,000 units was flown to U.S. forces involved in the November 1942 invasion of North Africa. Ernie Pyle, the famous World War II journalist who wrote about the common man's experience in the war, devoted 15 articles to the Coleman pocket stove and considered it one of the two most important pieces of noncombat equipment in the war effort, the other being the Jeep.
When the war ended, Coleman's business boomed. Since the company had been manufacturing products for the armed services during the war, there was an enormous backlog of demand for its regular products, which had been off the market. Sales rose to $34 million by 1950, while profits also substantially increased. At the start of the decade, there were four main divisions of Coleman products: oil space heaters accounted for 30 percent of sales gas floor furnaces, 30 percent camp stove and gasoline lanterns, 20 percent and military contracts to supply Boeing Co. with airplane parts for the B-47 bomber, 20 percent.
Camping and Recreational Product Focus: 1960s-70s
In the early 1950s, Coleman was the leader in sales in each of its civilian product lines. At the end of the decade, however, sales for oil heaters and gas floor furnaces alone dropped a whopping 85 percent, and by 1960 the company suffered an overall loss of 70 percent in sales volume. The U.S. military had also phased out Coleman's contracts for airplane parts. In response, Coleman developed its camp stove and lantern products into an extensive line of camping equipment. The company's portable ice chests and insulated jugs quickly became leaders in the field of outdoor recreation products. Coleman also expanded its line of oil, gas, and electric furnaces to manufacturers of mobile homes, and began designing air conditioning equipment and furnaces for onsite homes.
During the 1960s, Coleman continued to expand its product lines in the field of camping, adding sleeping bags, tents, and catalytic heaters Coleman soon became the leading manufacturer of camping equipment. Growing along with the mobile home industry, Coleman supplied 40 percent of the specialized furnaces and 50 percent of the air conditioning equipment for mobile homes. Sales grew from $38 million in 1960 to $134 million by 1970, and during the same period net profits increased dramatically from $278,000 to $7 million.
The two leaders of the company were Sheldon Coleman, who replaced his father as chairman of the board in 1941, and Lawrence M. Jones, a longtime employee of Coleman who possessed a doctorate from Harvard University. Sheldon had hired Jones as president of the company in 1964, and the two men collaborated on product development and market strategy. Their joint effort resulted in the manufacture of adjustable backpack frames, a compact cooler, a small backpack stove, canoes made from a petroleum-based substance that created a quieter ride than aluminum, Crosman air guns, and camping trailers. In 1977 Coleman's success continued unabated, with sales reaching $256 million. The company's outdoor recreation business seemed to be recession-proof, and profits from its mobile home products kept increasing.
Ownership Changes: 1980s-90s
For more than three-quarters of a century, Coleman had worked hard to establish and maintain a reputation for high quality products sold at reasonable prices. This reputation paid off handsomely during the 1980s as both profits and sales increased steadily. According to Fortune, however, the Coleman family, who owned 25 percent of the company's stock, began withdrawing profits rather than reinvesting for product development and market expansion. Sheldon Coleman, Jr., replaced his father as chairman of the board in 1988, and only one year later he decided to privatize the company in order to reap an even larger profit--the pension plan of the company was overloaded by approximately $30 million.
The new chairman floated an offer of $64 per share for the company's stock. The bid proved too low, and ill-timed as well. Instead, New York financier Ronald Perelman entered the scene and purchased Coleman for $545 million, or $74 per share, in a 1989 leveraged buyout through his company MacAndrews & Forbes Holdings Inc. Together, Perelman and Jones sold the heating and air-conditioning business, shut down an obsolete factory, and implemented a strategy that improved efficiency and ultimately reduced inventory costs by $10 million.
Through a comprehensive restructuring of its operations, the company increased productivity significantly in 1991, and Coleman's sales reached $346.1 million by the end of the year. In 1992 sales increased to $491.9 million, proof that the company's concentration on manufacturing products in growing recreational markets was paying off. Perelman took Coleman public again during 1992 but retained an 82.5 percent stake in the company. In late 1992 Coleman reacquired the Coleman Powermate line of gasoline-powered electrical generators and high-pressure power washers. The following year the company aimed to bolster its overseas sales through acquisitions. Coleman had encountered difficulty over the years in Europe selling its propane-based camping appliances because Europeans generally preferred products running on butane gas. The purchase of British and Italian camping equipment makers in late 1993 led to the launch of dozens of Coleman brand butane products in Europe.
At the beginning of 1994 Jones retired and was replaced as chairman and CEO by Michael N. Hammes, who had been vice-chairman of the Black & Decker Corporation and president of its worldwide power tools and home products group. Acquisitions continued under the new executive. Added in 1994 were Sanborn Manufacturing Company, whose portable and stationary air compressors were folded into the Powermate division and Eastpak, Inc., a maker of book bags, daypacks, and related products. The following year Coleman purchased Sierra Corporation of Fort Smith, Inc., maker of portable outdoor and recreational folding furniture under the Sierra Trails brand. In early 1996 the company expanded its Eastpak division by licensing the Timberland brand for a new line of packs. Coleman also acquired the France-based Application des Gaz, a leading European camping equipment maker under the Camping Gaz brand. Meanwhile, the 50 millionth Coleman lantern rolled off the assembly line in 1995.
The company's aggressive pursuit of acquisitions did not come without a cost. By 1996 Coleman had shown tremendous growth since being acquired by Perelman, as revenues reached $1.22 billion, three-and-a-half times the level of 1991--but the company also posted a net loss of $41.8 million. The loss was largely attributed to higher than expected costs related to integrating overseas sales forces following the purchase of Camping Gaz. Another key factor was mounting debt stemming from the string of acquisitions--the debt level having reached $583.6 million by the end of 1996.
On the heels of the announcement of the 1996 loss, Coleman replaced Hammes, installing Jerry W. Levin as acting CEO in February 1997. Levin had previously run the company from 1989 to April 1991 when he became CEO of Revlon Inc., another Perelman-controlled company. Under Levin's leadership, Coleman moved quickly to turn its fortunes around through a number of cost-cutting initiatives. The company closed its administrative headquarters in Golden, Colorado, and a regional headquarters in Geneva, Switzerland. The 7,000-person workforce was cut by ten percent. Four factories, three domestic and one international, were closed. Certain noncore product areas were divested, including power washers and portable spas. Finally, one-third of the company's SKUs were eliminated, greatly streamlining its product offerings.
In March 1998, with the company verging on a turnaround, Perelman sold his 82 percent stake in Coleman to Sunbeam Corporation for $1.6 billion plus the assumption of about $440 million in debt. At the same time Sunbeam announced two other purchases: Signature Brands USA Inc., maker of such household products as Mr. Coffee coffee makers and Health-o-meter scales and First Alert Inc., a maker of residential safety products, including smoke alarms and fire extinguishers. Charges of accounting irregularities and misleading earnings reports led to the ouster of Sunbeam's CEO, "Chainsaw Al" Dunlap, in June 1998. Soon thereafter, Perelman, who had gained a 14 percent stake in Sunbeam as part of the sale of his Coleman stake, installed a new team at Sunbeam, including naming Levin as CEO. Dunlap had evidently laid plans to sell off Coleman's backpack and compressor businesses, plans that were quickly abandoned once Levin took over at Sunbeam. Nevertheless, with its new parent in extremely shaky financial condition, including being burdened by $2.2 billion in debt, Coleman faced a very uncertain future at the dawn of the 21st century.
Principal Subsidiaries: Application des Gaz, S.A. (France) Australian Coleman, Inc. Kansas Bafiges S.A. (France) Beacon Exports, Inc. C C Outlet, Inc. C M O, Inc. Camping Gaz do Brasil (Brazil) Camping Gaz Great Britain Limited (U.K.) Camping Gaz (Poland) Camping Gaz Suisse AG (Switzerland) Camping Gaz CS, Spol. SRO (Czech Republic) Camping Gaz GmbH (Austria) Camping Gaz International Deutschland GmbH (Germany) Camping Gaz Hellas (Greece) Camping Gaz International (Portugal) Ltd. Camping Gaz Kft (Hungary) Camping Gaz Philippines, Inc. Camping Gaz Italie Srl (Italy) Campiran SA (Iran) Coleman Argentina, Inc. (U.S.A.) Coleman Asia Limited (Hong Kong) Coleman Country, Ltd. Coleman (Deutschland) GmbH (Germany) Coleman do Brasil Ltda. (Brazil) Coleman Europe N.V. (Belgium) Coleman Holland B.V. (Netherlands) Coleman International Holdings, LLC Coleman International SARL (Switzerland) Coleman Japan Co., Ltd. Coleman Lifestyles K.K. (Japan) Coleman Mexico S.A. de C.V. Coleman Powermate Compressors, Inc. Coleman Powermate, Inc. Coleman Puerto Rico, Inc. Coleman SARL (France) Coleman SVB S.r.l. (Italy) Coleman Taymar Limited (U.K.) Coleman U.K. Holdings Limited Coleman U.K. PLC Coleman Venture Capital, Inc. Eastpak Corporation Eastpak Manufacturing Corporation Epigas International Limited (U.K.) General Archery Industries, Inc. J G K, Inc. Kansas Acquisition Corp. Nippon Coleman, Inc. Pearson Holdings, Inc. Productos Coleman, S.A. (Spain) PT Camping Gaz Indonesia River View Corporation of Barling, Inc. Sierra Corporation of Fort Smith, Inc. Sunbeam Corporation (Canada) Limited TCCI Management Inc. Taymar Gas Limited (U.K.) Tsana Internacional, S.A. (Costa Rica) Woodcraft Equipment Company.
Brannigan, Martha, "For Perelman, Sunbeam Stake Turns a Bit Pale," Wall Street Journal, June 4, 1998, p. C1.
Brooks, Rick, and Greg Jaffe, "Sunbeam's Not So Odd Couple," Wall Street Journal, March 3, 1998, p. B4.
Coleman Company, Portrait of the Coleman Company: The First Hundred Years, Wichita, Kans.: Coleman Company, 1999.
Coleman, Sheldon, and Lawrence Jones, The Coleman Story: The Ability to Cope with Change, New York: Newcomen Society, 1976, 28 p.
Doherty, Jacqueline, "Bulletproof Billionaire?," Barron's, May 19, 1997, pp. 18, 20.
Dorfman, Dan, "Coleman: No Happy Campers," Financial World, April 15, 1997, p. 28.
----, "Coleman Seen Following Marvel As Perelman's Next Disaster," Financial World, March 18, 1997, p. 14.
Dumaine, Brian, "Earning More by Moving Faster," Fortune, October 7, 1991, pp. 89--94.
Gallagher, Leigh, "Coleman Brass Flexes Muscle and Stakes Out New Terrain," Sporting Goods Business, April 1996, p. 28.
----, "Coleman Shutters CO Office in Cost-Cutting Strategy," Sporting Goods Business, May 12, 1997, p. 18.
----, "The SGB Interview: Jerry W. Levin," Sporting Goods Business, August 7, 1997, pp. 32--33.
Geer, John F., Jr., "Coleman: Hiking Nowhere?," Financial World, April 22, 1996, p. 17.
Labate, John, "Growing to Match Its Brand Name," Fortune, June 13, 1994, p. 114.
Laing, Jonathan R., "Into the Maw: Sunbeam's 'Chainsaw Al' Goes on a Buying Binge," Barron's, March 9, 1998, p. 13.
----, "Now It's Ron's Turn: Sunbeam Shareholders, Beware," Barron's, October 12, 1998, pp. 31--32, 34--35.
Lipin, Steven, "Sunbeam Plans $1.8 Billion in Acquisitions: Deals to Include Coleman, First Alert, and Maker of Mr. Coffee Machines," Wall Street Journal, March 2, 1998, p. A3.
McEvoy, Christopher, "Acquiring Minds," Sporting Goods Business, August 1995, pp. 44&plus.
Weimer, De'Ann, Gail DeGeorge, and Leah Nathans Spiro, "Chainsaw Al Goes to Camp," Business Week, March 16, 1998, p. 36.
Weisz, Pam, "Camp Giant Coleman Goes Electric," Brandweek, November 27, 1995, p. 6.
"Will Sunbeam Make the Cut Following Coleman Co. Buy?," Sporting Goods Business, March 25, 1998, p. 18.
Source: International Directory of Company Histories , Vol. 30. St. James Press, 2000.
Coleman was born in New York, the son of Norman Bertram Coleman Sr. and his wife, Beverly (Behrman). [1] His family is Jewish, his paternal grandfather having changed the surname from Goldman to Coleman. [2] He was a graduate of James Madison High School in Brooklyn and Hofstra University on Long Island.
At college Coleman was an active member of the 1960s counterculture and a liberal Democrat. "Carting a bullhorn around campus, he'd regularly lecture students about the immorality of the Nixon administration and the Vietnam War." [3] He was elected president of the student senate during his junior year. Under Coleman, the senate refused to ratify the newspaper's editor and her co-editor and cut some funding to the newspaper. But after refusing to swear in the editor on four different occasions, the senate finally backed down. [3] He celebrated his 20th birthday at the Woodstock Festival, and later admitted to smoking marijuana in his youth. [4] [5] He worked as a roadie for Jethro Tull and Ten Years After, among others. [5]
Coleman attended Brooklyn Law School from 1972 until 1974 but received his Juris Doctor from the University of Iowa College of Law in 1976. [6]
After graduating from law school, Coleman joined the office of the Minnesota Attorney General as a prosecutor, eventually rising to chief prosecutor and then solicitor general. Coleman left the Attorney General's office upon being elected mayor of St. Paul. [7] One of his first acts as mayor was the elimination of underfunded retirement health benefits for city workers. [8]
One of Coleman's accomplishments as mayor of Saint Paul was to bring professional ice hockey back to Minnesota. In 1993 the Minnesota North Stars moved to Dallas, Texas. On June 7, 1997, the NHL awarded Saint Paul an expansion franchise, later named the Minnesota Wild, that would play in a new arena downtown at the site of Civic Center Arena. The new arena, later named the Xcel Energy Center, was built through a public-private partnership, with $65 million from state taxpayers and $30 million from the city of Saint Paul. [9] [10]
Coleman also successfully fought property tax increases, freezing property tax rates [8] for the eight years he served as mayor. During Coleman's mayoralty St. Paul's job rate grew by 7.1 percent and 18,000 jobs were added. [8]
While many praised him for his "pragmatic" [8] leadership style and successes in revitalizing St. Paul, critics labeled him an "opportunist" and Coleman frequently found himself at odds with the Democratic Party's more liberal members. In 1996 he was sometimes booed at party events or excluded from them altogether. [11]
Coleman joined the Republican Party in 1996 and was reelected mayor of St. Paul in 1997, defeating Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party nominee State Senator Sandy Pappas. [12] He is, as of 2020, the last Republican mayor of St. Paul.
1998 gubernatorial campaign Edit
Coleman's role in bringing professional hockey back to Minnesota and his popularity in St. Paul helped fuel a run for governor in 1998. He easily secured the Republican nomination, facing just token opposition in the primary. He faced DFL candidate Hubert H. "Skip" Humphrey III and Reform Party candidate Jesse Ventura in the general election. Polls had Coleman and Humphrey running even, [13] but Ventura won the election in an upset.
U.S. Senate, 2003–2009 Edit
Coleman made plans for a second run for governor in 2002, but Karl Rove and George W. Bush persuaded him to challenge incumbent Senator Paul Wellstone in that year's election instead. Coleman easily won the Republican nomination.
Coleman and Wellstone were neck-and-neck in most polls for most of the campaign. [14] On October 25, Wellstone died in a plane crash. The Democrats chose former Vice President Walter Mondale to replace Wellstone on the ballot. Mondale had held the same Senate seat from 1964 to 1977. Coleman defeated Mondale by just over 61,000 votes out of over 2 million cast. He succeeded Dean Barkley, whom Ventura had appointed to serve the remaining two months of Wellstone's term.
In April 2003, Coleman told a Capitol Hill reporter that he was a "99% improvement" over Wellstone because he had a better working relationship with the White House. Many Wellstone supporters found this offensive and insulting, and at least one member of Congress urged Coleman to apologize. Coleman issued an apology, explaining that he was referring specifically to the reporter's question about the differences between his and Wellstone's relationship with the White House, and saying in part, "I would never want to diminish the legacy or memory of Senator Paul Wellstone, and I will accept full responsibility for not having been more accurate in my comments." [15] In 2004 Coleman campaigned for the chairmanship of the National Republican Senatorial Committee (NRSC), but was defeated for the post by North Carolina Senator Elizabeth Dole in a 28–27 vote. [ citation needed ]
2008 reelection campaign Edit
In 2008, Coleman's opponents for reelection were Dean Barkley and the DFL nominee, former Air America host and comedian Al Franken. On the day after the election, Coleman led in votes and claimed victory in the race. Minnesota law requires an automatic recount when the margin between the leading candidates is less than 0.5% of the vote, [16] and the margin between Coleman and Franken was about 0.01%. Barkley came in third with 15%.
The initial results of the recount put Franken ahead by 225 votes out of almost 2.9 million votes cast. [17] On December 24, 2008, Coleman's lawyers said it was a "virtual certainty" that he would contest the results of the election. [18]
Coleman's term expired on January 3, 2009. [19] On January 5, Franken was certified as the winner of the recount by 225 votes. Coleman filed a legal challenge of the results [20] on January 6, [21] [22] and a three-judge panel was seated. [23]
On February 3, the panel allowed Coleman to introduce evidence that as many as 4,800 absentee ballots were wrongly rejected and should be counted. The Franken campaign had tried to limit Coleman to bringing evidence on only the 650 absentee ballots cited in the initial court filing. [24]
On April 1 the panel ordered that an additional 400 absentee ballots be examined. [25] After examining the 400 ballots on April 6, the panel ordered that an additional 351 ballots be opened and counted. [26] On April 7 the additional 351 ballots were opened and counted before the panel and a packed courtroom. [27] Franken got an additional 198 votes, Coleman gained 111, and other candidates received 42, increasing Franken's lead to 312 votes.
On April 13, the three-judge panel issued its final ruling, sweeping aside all of Coleman's legal claims and declaring Franken the winner of the race by 312 votes. In its unanimous decision, the panel said, "The overwhelming weight of the evidence indicates that the November 4, 2008, election was conducted fairly, impartially and accurately", and that Franken should be issued a Certificate of Election. [28] [29] The panel ruled that Coleman had failed to prove that mistakes or irregularities in the treatment of absentee ballots had changed the outcome of the election. [30]
Coleman appealed to the Minnesota Supreme Court, which heard oral arguments on June 1. [31] On June 30, the court unanimously ruled in Franken's favor, declaring him the winner of the election, whereupon Coleman conceded. [32]
Deep Marine Technology and corruption allegations Edit
While running for reelection in 2008, Coleman was mentioned in a Texas lawsuit by Paul McKim, CEO of Deep Marine Technology (DMT), against Nasser Kazeminy. Kazeminy was a longtime Coleman supporter who owned a controlling share of DMT. [33] The petition alleged that Kazeminy had used DMT to funnel $75,000 or more to Laurie Coleman through her employer, Hays Companies, in order to enrich Senator Coleman. McKim's petition covered several issues, of which the Coleman matter was only one. Coleman's 2009 Senate financial disclosure form disclosed that Laurie Coleman received a salary from Hays Companies, but Senate rules do not require the salary amount to be revealed. [34] Neither Coleman nor his wife was named as a defendant in the suit. [33] On October 31 a related suit was filed in Delaware Chancery Court by minority shareholders in DMT. The Delaware suit also alleged that Kazeminy had used DMT to funnel unearned funds to Laurie Coleman through Hays Companies. As in the Texas case, the Colemans were not named as defendants. [35]
Coleman was not charged with any crime regarding allegations of corruption in receiving gifts of $100,000 from Kazeminy. Doug Grow, a MinnPost columnist, expressed skepticism about Coleman's attorneys' claim that the lack of charges meant that Coleman and Kazeminy were not guilty of any wrongdoing. [36] [37] Coleman responded with a campaign ad in which he denied the allegations and blamed them on Franken. [38]
In June 2011 the U.S. Justice Department decided not to file charges against Coleman or Kazeminy. [39] Louis Freeh, an attorney for Kazeminy and a former FBI Director in the Clinton Administration, said he learned the Justice Department had ended the investigation in a February 24 meeting with Andrew Levchuk of the department's Public Integrity Section in Washington. [40] [41]
Kazeminy hired Freeh to conduct an independent investigation of all charges. He concluded that there was no wrongdoing or impropriety by the Colemans or Kazeminy. [41] Freeh said both his investigation, and a separate Deep Marine board investigation, concluded McKim had made false claims in an attempt to force a larger severance package out of Deep Marine. [41] The Intercept, questioning Freeh's impartiality, reported that nine days after Freeh's investigation cleared Kazeminy of wrongdoing, Kazeminy gave Freeh's wife a one-half ownership stake in a Palm Beach property valued at $3 million. [42] McKim's allegations were repeated hundreds of times in local and national media reports during the waning days of the 2008 election in what Coleman called "multi-million-dollar attacks against my family and Nasser Kazeminy". [43]
Freeh says McKim later prepared an affidavit that would have recanted his allegations against the Colemans and Kazeminy in exchange for a financial settlement. He concluded that McKim had a clear motive to use false allegations as leverage to enrich himself. [44] McKim still questioned the legitimacy of insurance payments and said he had done nothing wrong, but another of Kazeminy's attorneys said his client had not ruled out future litigation against McKim. [45]
A columnist at The Weekly Standard wrote, "it is possible that the allegations against Coleman may have handed victory to Al Franken." [44]
2009 and beyond Edit
In January 2009, Coleman became an adviser to and board member of the Republican Jewish Coalition. [46] [47]
After sitting Minnesota Governor Tim Pawlenty announced that he would not seek reelection in 2010, it was widely anticipated that Coleman would run for governor. Polls in late 2009 showed him as the favorite among Republicans. [48] [49] But on January 17, 2010, Coleman announced that he would not run, saying, "The timing on this race is both a bit too soon and a bit too late. It is too soon after my last race and too late to do a proper job of seeking the support of delegates who will decide in which direction our party should go. The commitments I have to my family and the work I am currently engaged in do not allow me to now go forward." [50] In 2010 Coleman became chairman and CEO of the American Action Network, which he co-founded. [51]
Coleman was considered a front-runner for the Republican National Committee's chairmanship. He said he would not run against Michael Steele should Steele seek reelection to that position when Steele announced his candidacy for reelection in December 2010, Coleman said that he would not run for the chairmanship. [52] In April 2011 Coleman joined Hogan Lovells, an international legal practice, as senior government advisor in its Washington D.C. office. [53]
Coleman stepped down as leader of the Government Relations and Public Affairs practice at Hogan Lovells in January 2020, [54] but remains a senior counsel. [55]
Coleman is on the National Advisory Council for the U.S. Global Leadership Coalition, a bipartisan committee that promotes international engagement and includes every living former U.S. Secretary of State. [ citation needed ] He also works as a lobbyist on behalf of the government of Saudi Arabia. [56]
Coleman's politics have changed dramatically during his political career.
College Edit
In college Coleman was a liberal Democrat and actively involved in the antiwar movement of the early 1970s [57] [58] he was once suspended for leading a sit-in protest. [59] He ran for student senate and opined in the school newspaper that his fellow students should vote for him because "These conservative kids don't fuck or get high like we do (purity, you know) . Already the cries of motherhood, apple pie, and Jim Buckley reverberate through the halls of the Student Center. Everyone watch out, the 1950s bobby-sox generation is about to take over." [58] [60]
Becoming a Republican Edit
While running for mayor in 1993, Coleman wrote in a letter to the City Convention Delegates: "I have never sought any other political office. I have no other ambition other than to be mayor." In the letter he wrote:
I am a lifelong Democrat. Some accuse me of being the fiscal conservative in this race—I plead guilty! I'm not afraid to be tight with your tax dollars. Yet, my fiscal conservatism does not mean I am any less progressive in my Democratic ideals. From Bobby Kennedy to George McGovern to Warren Spannaus to Hubert Humphrey to Walter Mondale—my commitment to the great values of our party has remained solid.
In 1996, Coleman chaired Wellstone's Senate reelection campaign. In his nomination speech at the 1996 state DFL convention, Coleman said, "Paul Wellstone is a Democrat, and I am a Democrat." Tensions were so high between Coleman and the DFL party at the time that a number of convention delegates loudly booed Coleman's speech. [61]
In December 1996, Coleman announced he was leaving the DFL to join the Republican Party. He cited his frustrations with the Democratic Party and his belief that the Republican Party offered the best chance to continue his efforts to hold the line on taxes and grow jobs. [62] [63]
Coleman's critics, mostly DFL party leaders, speculated that his switch was motivated by his aspirations to statewide office. [64] As an abortion opponent and a frequent adversary of public employee unions, Coleman was at odds with the DFL leadership in Minnesota. In a letter to supporters announcing the switch, he wrote, "while the political party I belong to changes, nothing about how I govern or what I believe changes at all." [65] He was reelected mayor of St. Paul in 1997 with nearly 60% of the vote.
As senator Edit
Coleman was a member of the Republican Main Street Partnership. In March 2007 National Journal ranked him the fourth most liberal Republican in the Senate. GovTrack, an independent tracking website, also described Coleman as a "moderate Republican". [66]
In September 2008 Coleman joined the bipartisan Gang of 20, which was seeking a solution to the American energy crisis. The group pushed for a bill that would encourage state-by-state decisions on offshore drilling and authorize billions of dollars for conservation and alternative energy. [67]
Coleman received a 14% progressive rating from Progressive Punch [68] and a 73% conservative rating from the conservative SBE Council. [69] Minnesota's other senator at the time, Democrat Mark Dayton, received ratings of 90% progressive and 9% conservative from the same groups. [68] [69]
Specific issues Edit
Energy independence Edit
Coleman was a strong supporter of bipartisan efforts to create American independence from foreign sources of energy. [70] This included development of alternative sources of energy such as wind, ethanol, and biofuels.
In 2005, Coleman led a bipartisan coalition of 34 senators in securing a renewable fuels package as part of the 2005 Energy Policy Act, which included new standards for renewable fuels and an extension of tax credits for biodiesel, small ethanol producers and wind and livestock waste.
Coleman supported additional oil exploration in the outer continental shelf, but maintained a campaign promise to oppose drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR). [71]
On December 11, 2005, Coleman voted in favor of invoking cloture on, thus advancing, a defense appropriations bill that included oil exploration in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. Critics viewed this as a violation of his pledge to oppose such drilling. [72] Coleman said he did so because although he planned to vote against the bill, he did not believe that a filibuster was warranted. His vote notwithstanding, the filibuster held, and Coleman voted to strip the ANWR provision from the bill in a subsequent vote. [73] [74] [75] [76] [77]
Coleman received a score of 33% for 2007 from the League of Conservation Voters, [78] [79] in their view taking the pro-environment position in just five of 14 cases.
Agriculture Edit
As a member of the Senate's Agriculture Committee, Coleman played an important role in agriculture policy. In 2008 he helped author the Farm Bill. Coleman was praised for his efforts to improve the bill's provisions with regard to sugar, a mainstay of northwestern Minnesota's economy, as well as the bill's dairy program. [80] Coleman also worked for the inclusion of a permanent agriculture disaster assistance program [81] and hailed the bill's investments in conservation, nutrition, and renewable energy. [82] Coleman broke with his fellow Republicans in several instances over agriculture policy, notably by voting for the bill to move forward, [83] and ultimately played a critical role in breaking the stalemate that had delayed Senate consideration of the bill. [84]
Coleman twice voted to override President Bush's veto of the Farm Bill. [85]
Coleman expressed reservations about supporting DR-CAFTA (Dominican Republic – Central America Free Trade Agreement) unless the interests of the domestic U.S. sugar industry (including Minnesota's sugar beet industry) were accommodated. [86] [87] [88] He voted in favor of DR-CAFTA after obtaining quotas imposed on foreign sugar until 2008. He stood behind President Bush on August 2, 2005, as the trade agreement was signed into law. "This is a 3-year insurance policy that I have purchased for my sugar farmers," he said. [89]
Fiscal issues Edit
Coleman was generally regarded as a fiscal centrist who supported increasing the minimum wage and safeguarding pensions while at the same time supporting broad tax relief and the line-item veto.
Coleman played an important role in the passage of the Pension Protection Act of 2006. In addition to safeguarding the pensions of all Americans, the legislation is credited with saving the pensions of over 24,000 Northwest Airlines employees and retirees in Minnesota. [90]
Coleman consistently voted to increase the minimum wage as senator. [91]
Coleman had a consistent record of voting for broad tax reform. He supported reductions to the capital gains tax and the marriage penalty, and supported doubling the child tax credit. Coleman also supported elimination of the AMT and death tax. He supported efforts to make permanent the tax cuts enacted by the Economic Growth and Tax Relief Reconciliation Act of 2001 and the Jobs and Growth Tax Relief Reconciliation Act of 2003. [92]
As a member of the Small Business Committee, Coleman opposed eliminating the Microloan program, supported funding for Small Business Development Centers and the HUBZone program, successfully extended tax relief for Section 179 expensing, and cosponsored an amendment to increase funding for the SBA by $130 million. [93]
Coleman is a longtime supporter of the line-item veto, calling it a "no-brainer, the right thing to do." [94]
Iraq, Iran, and Israel Edit
Coleman was a strong supporter of the Iraq War from the start. In 2008, he was still a supporter of the war, generally tending to agree with the Bush administration. He was in favor of the eventual removal of U.S. troops from Iraq, but did not support any kind of timetable for their removal until the situation stabilized. An August 2008 MinnPost article summarized his position as: "He believes the prospects are good for a drawdown of U.S. troops, but it must be done based on conditions on the ground as reported by commanders in the field, not according to an 'arbitrary' timetable set for 'political' reasons in Washington." [95]
Coleman was also outspoken about the threat Iran poses to Western democracies. He sponsored numerous Congressional Resolutions aimed at Iran, including measures condemning its violations of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and other international obligations. Coleman led an effort to bring worldwide pressure on Iran to stop its attempts to enrich uranium, which many believed was the final step in an effort to gain offensive nuclear weapons capabilities. [96]
Coleman co-sponsored several pieces of legislation to increase sanctions on Iran, including divestment of American pension funds in companies that do business with Iran and sanctions against countries that provide it with nuclear technology. In 2007 Coleman said, "For the sake of our national security, the U.S. must ensure that the sensitive nuclear technology that we share with partner countries does not fall into the hands of the Iranians." [97]
Coleman is an outspoken defender of Israel. He was a co-sponsor of the Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act of 2006 [98] and sent then Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice a letter urging her to investigate Egypt's smuggling of arms to Palestinian terrorists in the Gaza Strip. [99]
Immigration reform Edit
Coleman was a strong supporter of President Bush's 2006 and 2007 attempts to pass comprehensive immigration reform in the U.S. Senate, one of the few Republicans to do so as many in the GOP called it "amnesty for illegal aliens".
Drug control Edit
Coleman admitted to using marijuana as a youth, and he advocated its legalization while in college. He has said that maturity led him to understand that his drug use was dangerous and has repeatedly stated his opposition to legalized drugs, including marijuana. [4] He has said, [ when? ] "I oppose the legalization of marijuana because, as noted by the Office of National Drug Control Policy, marijuana can have serious adverse health effects on individuals. The health problems that may occur from this highly addictive drug include short-term memory loss, anxiety, respiratory illness and a risk of lung cancer that far exceeds that of tobacco products. It would also make our transportation, schools and workplaces, just as examples, more dangerous." [100]
Social issues Edit
Coleman has campaigned as an anti-abortion candidate since at least 1993. [101] He attributes this position to the death of two of his four children in infancy from a rare genetic disease. He supports limiting stem cell research to adult stem cells and stem cells derived from umbilical cord blood, and in July 2006 voted against lifting restrictions on federal research dollars for new embryonic stem cell lines. [102] [103] Coleman is a member of the Republican Main Street Partnership, which supports embryonic stem cell research. [104] He voted in favor of legislative intervention to prolong the life of severely brain-damaged Floridian Terri Schiavo. [105] [106] [107]
Coleman opposes recognition of same-sex marriages by either the federal or state governments. [108] In his 2002 Senate campaign he pledged support for an amendment to the United States Constitution that would ban any state from legalizing same-sex marriage. [ citation needed ] In 2004 and 2006 he voted in favor of such an amendment. [109]
As mayor Coleman refused to sign a city proclamation celebrating the annual gay pride festival, explaining his opposition: "What we have had in St. Paul and Minneapolis for many years is signing a joint proclamation making it gay/lesbian/bisexual/transgender month. I will say that I support human rights . And of course that includes sexual orientation. On the other hand, I've felt very strongly that it wasn't government's responsibility to give proclamations for people's sexuality. I don't think government has a responsibility to issue awards for one's sexuality." [110] [111] Coleman hired Susan Kimberly, a trans woman, as deputy mayor in 1998. Kimberly also worked as state legislative director in Coleman's Minnesota Senate office. [112]
Social Security Edit
Coleman supported allowing workers to divert a portion of their Social Security contributions to the creation of individual accounts to be invested in the stock market, a variation of a general plan supporters call "personal accounts," historically known as privatization. [113] [114] [115] He agreed with President Bush's statements that the contribution changes would apply to those younger than 55. [116] "The Social Security system for those folks 55 and over will not change in any way, shape or form—no ifs, ands, or buts," he said.
Relationship with the Bush administration Edit
In 2002, the Bush administration persuaded Coleman to run against Wellstone rather than for governor. [117] [118]
In December 2005, Coleman voted for a budget bill that cut funding from a number of programs but kept funding for sugar beet farmers in Minnesota after Rove asked him to support the administration's position on the issue. Coleman told Congress Daily that he would not vote for a bill that cut sugar beet funding but "Karl Rove called me and asked what I wanted. A few hours later it was out of the bill." [119]
On March 14, 2006, Coleman called on Bush to replace or reorganize his staff, saying that they did not sufficiently have their "ears to the ground" on matters like Hurricane Katrina, Harriet Miers's failed Supreme Court nomination, and the Dubai Ports World controversy, and accusing the administration of having a "tin ear." [120] He said they showed inadequate "political sensitivity" in their handling of the issues.
On January 22, 2007, Coleman and fellow Republican Senators John Warner and Susan Collins joined Democrats in opposing Bush's planned troop increase in Iraq. [121]
United Nations reform Edit
Coleman worked relentlessly to root out corruption at the United Nations, targeting the so-called "oil-for-food" program. [122]
In May 2005, the Senate's Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, chaired by Coleman, held hearings on their investigation of abuses of the UN Oil-for-Food program, including oil smuggling, illegal kickbacks and use of surcharges, and Saddam Hussein's use of oil vouchers to buy influence abroad. These Oil-for-Food Program Hearings covered corporations (including Bayoil) and several well-known political figures of various nations (including Vladimir Zhironovsky), but are best remembered for the confrontational appearance of British politician George Galloway, then a Member of Parliament (MP) for the RESPECT The Unity Coalition (Respect). Coleman accused Galloway of abuses that Galloway provably denied. [123] [124]
The previous year, Coleman had called on UN Secretary-general Kofi Annan to resign for other alleged program abuses. On June 2, 2006, Coleman responded to criticism that he had insufficiently investigated the Australian Wheat Board (AWB) for sanctions busting, saying that there were legal and cost hurdles. [125] Then Prime Minister of Australia, John Howard, was a supporter of the invasion of Iraq. The Australian ambassador to the U.S., Michael Thawley, met with Coleman in late 2004 to lobby against any investigation of AWB. [126] [127]
Coleman was selected to be a delegate to the U.N. 61st General Assembly in New York, where he pressed for reform and action on Darfur and Iran. [128]
Government infrastructure Edit
On February 10, 2006, in a meeting of the Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs of which Coleman was a member, during testimony of former Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) director Michael D. Brown, Coleman attacked Brown for poor leadership during Hurricane Katrina disaster relief efforts, saying, "you didn't provide the leadership, even with structural infirmities", "you're not prepared to kind of put a mirror in front of your face and recognize your own inadequacies", and "the record reflects that you didn't get it or you didn't in writing or in some way make commands that would move people to do what has to be done until way after it should have been done." [129] Brown responded combatively, "well, Senator, that's very easy for you to say sitting behind that dais and not being there in the middle of that disaster, watching that human suffering and watching those people dying and trying to deal with those structural dysfunctionalities". [130] and implored Coleman to stick to questions. [131] He later likened Coleman's charges to a "drive-by shooting." [132] Brown had recently said that he notified the Department of Homeland Security and the White House of the tremendous scale of Katrina flooding earlier than had been previously reported. [133]
On March 14, 2006, Coleman introduced a bill that would ban foreign companies from operating ports in the United States. [134]
In March 2007, Coleman introduced legislation (S. 754) [135] to kill the Defense Travel System, [136] a program intended to automate the purchasing of travel services by the U.S. Department of Defense, which accounts for more than half of the federal government's total outlays of around $11 billion annually for travel, including transportation, lodging, and rental cars. Shortly after he filed the legislation, Coleman received a generous contribution from the CEO of Carlson Companies, which owns Carlson Wagonlit Travel, a business travel management firm whose CW Government Travel unit provides travel management services for some federal agencies. The Carlson Companies are based in Minnesota. Over the years, Coleman has received tens of thousands of dollars in campaign donations from people connected with Carlson Companies. [137]
Coleman married actress Laurie Casserly [138] in 1981. The couple have two children, Jacob and Sarah. Two other children died during infancy (Adam, 1983 Grace, 1992) from a rare genetic disorder known as Zellweger syndrome. [60] In 2016, Jacob Coleman announced his candidacy for an open state senate seat held by Julianne Ortman, but did not win the Republican endorsement and chose to support the endorsed candidate.
Coleman is a member of the Freemason fraternity, having been made a Mason at sight in 2003 by then Grand Master of Masons in Minnesota Neil Neddermeyer. [139]
Coleman was on the America Abroad Media advisory board. [140]
On September 11, 2009, Coleman announced he had been diagnosed with Bell's palsy. Doctors told him that he should fully recover from it. [141] On August 14, 2018, Coleman announced that cancer he had been battling in his neck and throat had spread to his lungs. [142] [143]
Coleman Family History
Irish: Anglicized form of Gaelic Ó Colmáin 'descendant of Colmán'. This was the name of an Irish missionary to Europe, generally known as St. Columban (c.540–615), who founded the monastery of Bobbio in northern Italy in 614. With his companion St. Gall, he enjoyed a considerable cult throughout central Europe, so that forms of his name were adopted as personal names in Italian (Columbano), French (Colombain), Czech (Kollman), and Hungarian (Kálmán). From all of these surnames are derived. In Irish and English, the name of this saint is identical with diminutives of the name of the 6th-century missionary known in English as St. Columba (521–97), who converted the Picts to Christianity, and who was known in Scandinavian languages as Kalman. Irish: Anglicized form of Gaelic Ó Clumháin 'descendant of Clumhán', a personal name from the diminutive of clúmh 'down', 'feathers'. English: occupational name for a burner of charcoal or a gatherer of coal, Middle English coleman, from Old English col '(char)coal' + mann 'man'. English: occupational name for the servant of a man named Cole. Jewish (Ashkenazic): Americanized form of Kalman. Americanized form of German Kohlmann or Kuhlmann.
Source: Dictionary of American Family Names ©2013, Oxford University Press
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A teenager from Birmingham has told a court how her mother threatened to tear up her passport if she did not marry a man by whom she had become pregnant at the age of 13.
The girl, who is now 19, said she cried through a wedding ceremony and begged her mother for help after being forced into the 2016 marriage in Pakistan, four years after her pregnancy.
She told jurors that prior to the event her mother, who is charged with two counts of forced marriage, also bribed her with a smartphone. She claimed her mother became angry when she told her she did not want to marry the 33-year-old Pakistani national – a man by whom she had become pregnant on a previous visit in 2012 when she was 13 and he was 29.