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Home » Doug Lorimer Archive » The degeneration of the SWP in Building the Revolutionary Party: an introduction to James P Cannon
The degeneration of the SWP in Building the Revolutionary Party: an introduction to James P Cannon
Since the late 1970s the US SWP has degenerated into a bizarre political sect, which justifies its abstention from involvement in the mass working-class movement with the shibboleth that it is building a 'communist party of industrial workers', ie, of blue-collar workers.
The roots of the SWP's degeneration lie in the party 's departure from a central tenet of James P. Cannon's political methodology, namely, that party-building tactics must be decided not on the basis of speculative hopes about the future course of the class struggle, but on the basis of actually existing circumstances. As Cannon observed in his 1942 lectures on The History of American Trotskyism, "the most important of all questions for a political group or party, once it has elaborated its program, is to give the correct answer to the question: What to do next? The answer to this question is not and cannot be determined simply by the whim of the party or the party leadership. It is determined by the objective circumstances and the possibilities inherent in the circumstances." (p 118)
PROGANDISTIC STAGE OF PARTY-BUILDING
The central task facing any small revolutionary organisation is to recruit, educate and train cadres. As a consequence the aim of its activities must be propagandistic. On the most elementary level such activities include the educational work of oral political discussions with interested coworkers, the production and circulation of printed propaganda, public forums, internal educational classes, running candidates for public office and so on. They also include participation along with others in strikes, strike support activities, public rallies and street marches, etc, where the Marxist forces gain opportunities to demonstrate in practice the relevance and correctness of their strategy and their capacities as leaders of the mass movement. The key objective, however, is still that of accumulating cadres.
To transcend the propaganda stage of party-building, to reach the position of being able to bring the objective situation under the conscious control of revolutionary forces, requires winning over massive forces-numbers so great as to make a qualitative difference. Once this qualitative point is reached, activities having an aim qualitatively different from those of the propaganda stage become both possible and necessary. The struggle for state power, previously excluded, is placed on the agenda of the day. In April 1917, for example, when the Bolshevik party had some 80,000 members throughout Russia, Lenin emphasised that the party's central task was still that of conducting propaganda work, of "patiently explaining" to the masses the Bolsheviks' policies and of "preparing and welding" the cadres of a mass revolutionary workers' party. In the months preceding the October Revolution, Lenin stressed repeatedly that the Bolsheviks' tasks were limited to the propaganda work of "explaining" their policies and of "criticising and exposing" the errors of their political opponents in order to win over to their side a class-conscious and organised majority among the workers. Only when the Bolsheviks had achieved this did Lenin signal that qualitatively new tasks had become possible and necessary. On September 25-27, 1917 Lenin called on the Bolshevik party to launch a struggle for state power, stating his premise and conclusion in one sentence: "Having obtained a majority in the Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies of both capitals [ie, of Petrograd and Moscow], the Bolsheviks can and must take power into their hands." [19]
But a revolutionary party that lacks a mass base, which has not won over to its side the majority of the working class, still faces as its main task the recruitment and education of cadres through:
Consistent propaganda advancing basic revolutionary socialist ideas around the burning political issues of the day in opposition to all other political currents
Appropriate and timely agitation directed to the mass organisations of the oppressed for mass actions to win reforms under the capitalist system
Persistent attention to the organisation of the party itself, particularly the development of professional revolutionary propagandists, agitators and organisers educated in Marxist theory, strategy, tactics, and methods of organization
The objective of such activities is to expand the party and its influence. To accomplish this, its cadres must bring Marxist ideas into the spontaneous mass struggles of the oppressed, doing this as participants and not as outsiders. Since its central task at this stage of party-building is to recruit new members to its ranks, the focus of its work must be directed toward those social sectors that are most open to radical ideas and thus provide the best opportunities for recruitment.
REJECTING DOGMATIC SCHEMAS
This approach, which had guided the SWP since its foundation in 1938, was summed up as follows in the perspectives resolution adopted by its 24th National Convention in August 1971:
"In the final analysis, the decisive question is the construction of a mass Trotskyist party. We proceed from the recognition that the SWP is not yet that mass party. We are a small but growing nucleus of cadres formed around the revolutionary-socialist program necessary to build such a party. Thus recruiting, training and assimilating such cadres are the indispensable preconditions for building a mass workers' party. Today our immediate goal is the recruitment of more and more of the young militants radicalized in the current political struggles, and the transformation of these recruits through education and experience into Trotskyist cadres."
The resolution went on contrast the SWP's party-building approach to that of its opponents within the radical movement:
"All our opponents to one degree or another act as if they already were mass parties whose central problem is the deployment of their forces. Thus the Communist Party has launched a daily newspaper, with a circulation below that of The Militant [the SWP's weekly paper], as if their size and ability to directly influence all areas of the class struggle required a daily paper. Progressive Labor [the main Maoist formation) has for several years 'colonized' its members into various unions, under the illusion that they are going both to transform themselves into a mass proletarian organization by this and directly influence the course of the unions' development. The Workers League sect, which carries lack of appreciation of reality to the extreme, has formed committees of a few of its members previously 'colonized' in the unions to 'form a Labor Party now '...
"All revolutionary parties at different times selectively colonize members into promising political situations in industry. But the purpose of such colonization cannot be a shortcut in overcoming objective developments and artificially 'proletarianizing' the organisation by transforming colonized individuals into workers. The key to becoming a mass working-class party, in composition as well as in program, does not lie in such individual transformations. It lies in the recruitment of politicalized workers to a party that has proven itself in the political and social struggles that are occurring, that has geographically spread and grown to a size that it is seen as a revolutionary alternative to the parties of the rulers and the programs of the workers' misleaders.
"All of our opponents are wrong about the way a socialist party obtains working class cadres. Workers become politicalized by the struggles they engage in, and radicalized by the important social and political issues facing the country and at the center of the radicalization. As this occurs they begin to look for an alternative political organization to support. Our own recruitment of politicalized workers in the 1930s and 1940s confirms this.
"How many radicalized and politicized workers will be recruited in the future to a revolutionary program and organization or to a reformist or ultraleft dead end depends one key factor: the prior development of cadres capable of participating as revolutionary socialists in the struggles as they arise." 19
In a report on the draft of this resolution, adopted by the SWP National Committee in March 1971, Jack Barnes, then the SWP's national organisati on secretary, made the following criticisms of the approach advocated by the SWP's left opponents:
"Our opponents...all counterposed to our perspective what they must think is a new discovery. Their strategy for party building is what the CP calls an 'industrial concentration', what the IS calls 'workers work', what Wohlfarth modestly calls his 'proletarian orientation', what Progressive Labor calls the 'colonization of selected key plants', etc. There are different names for it. But what they all come down to are subjective and arbitrary shortcuts by a handful aimed at bridging the objective gap between the pace and characteristics of the radicalization of the decisive sections of the working class and the growing radicalization of other oppressed sections of the population...
"There are many rationalizations used and justifications raised by our opponents. One is what I call the 'miss the boat' theory. That is, if we don't take this step now of sending large numbers into the factories, we'll miss the boat. But the problem of the revolutionary proletarian boat is a more complex one than that. What we must build is a large enough cadre, politically homogeneous, with collective experience in leading real social and political struggles, who have gained a reputation in the fighting mass movements, and thus be able to attract politicalized and radicalized workers to their party. That's the boat not to miss. There's no danger of missing the boat, any more than there's the danger of us not responding if there is a concrete opening where we can do political work in industry, where we can recruit some cadres, where we can make some political gains. No problem at all. We have been doing so; we intend to continue.
''The second justification is what we call the 'class composition' justification. That is, the idea that the central problem of a small group of cadres trying to increase their size
and build the nucleus of a mass party is its class composition. The problem is 'solved' by telling everyone to get a job in industry. In other words, this is an attempt to solve the problem of building a proletarian party through taking a small group of cadres and substituting a transformation of the social composition of these cadres through colonization in industry, for the construction . . . of a large enough to be able to attract and recruit radicalized workers as the radicalization deepens, to be able to turn to real openings as they develop."20
By orientating toward the realities of the class struggle and toward those social sectors that were radicalizing during the 1970s the SWP increased its membership from less than 400 in 1970 to around 1800 in 1977.
THE TURN TO 'INDUSTRY'
Then, in February 1978, the SWP National Committee adopted a report presented by Jack Barnes (who had replaced Farrell Dobbs as SWP national secretary i n 1972) which proposed the party "subordinate everything else to immediately organizing to get a large majority of the membership of the Socialist Workers Party into industry and the industrial trade unions''.
This turn toward the rapid colonisation of the SWP's membership into blue collar jobs in industries producing and transporting commodities such as mining , manufacturing, construction and rail freight was not motivated on the basis that there existed greater opportunities to recruit to the party in these industries than in other sectors of the work force or among college students. Instead it was motivated by a version of the "miss-the-boat" argument the SWP leadership had rejected in 1971.
"Our judgment", Barnes said on behalf of the SWP Political Committee, "that this political move is necessary and timely flows from the big changes in the situation facing the capitalist class on a world scale, the need of the American ruling class to drive forward their offensive, to more and more make the industrial workers and their unions the target. Our judgment flows from the changes in the attitudes of the working class in response to this offensive.
"We are still in a preparatory period-not a period when we are leading mass class-struggle actions. We must make no mistake about that. But is it a preparatory period in which the center of America politics has shifted to the industrial working class. That's the central political judgment we put before the plenum."
Nowhere in the report did Barnes seek to justify this particular claim, or even what he meant by it. However, its implication was that the "industrial" workers were not only radicalising but were the social milieu where the best opportunities to recruit to a revolutionary party would soon exist. If the SWP did not rapidly get a large majority of its members into "industry" it would miss big opportuni ties to expand its cadre force. This was the impression Barnes sought to convey with his next comments:
"If we do not bring about a significant and rapid change in the composition of the party, we would place ourselves, now unnecessarily, outside of the arena in which the decisive changes and developments are happening in the class struggle. We would not have our hand on the pulse of the working class, the real rhythm of its developments and changes. By not making this move quickly, now, we would unnecessarily cut ourselves off from the center of American politics...
"If we fail to do this, the party will regress, it will slide back on it s accomplishments, and it will miss opportunities."
Elsewhere in the report, Barnes reinforced the impression that big opportunities for recruitment now existed in the blue-collar unions, which the party would miss out on unless it carried out a rapid and wholesale colonisation of these unions. He did this by arguing that such a move would have been a mistake if it been undertaken before the onset of the long depressive wave in the world capitalist economy in the early 1970s, which was definitely signaled by the 1974-75 world capitalist recession:
"To make the move we're now deciding prior to this fundamental change would have been a blunder. It would have been a gimmick. It would have disoriented the party. It would have been built on guesses, not tied to the real developments in the working class and the political life of the country. Prior to 1974 much of the political activity took a course around and not through either the industrial unions or the workers in industry. But following Nixon's 1971 wage-price freeze that changed. As we got closer to the 1974-75 depression it changed more and more. Prior to this though, the best arena for recruitment to our working-class program was not in these unions."21
Thus the implication was that these unions would now provide the "best arena for recruitment" to the party. However, lacking any evidence to support such a claim, Barnes sought to justify the coloni sation drive with the claim that the capitalist rulers would have to more and more centre their offensive against blue-workers since this was the section of the working class that directly produced surplus value, the source of capitalist profits. As the capitalists did this. The blue-collar unions would become the centre of resistance to the capitalist austerity drive against the working class as a whole, and thus, by impl ication , the centre of a new labour radicalisation. While denying that this prognosis was based on the 1977-78 110-day-long coal miners' strike, Barnes repeatedly utilised the coal miners' struggle to bolster his arguments in favor of a rapid and wholesale colonisation of SWP members into blue-collar jobs.
In his reply to the discussion on the report Barnes sought to assuage any concerns that the "industrial" colonisation drive would mean abandoning the work that the SWP was already doing among white-collar workers:
"Saying we are going into industry doesn't mean we are demeaning our AFSCME [American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees] or teachers work. To the contrary, by building a more powerful proletarian party, better equipped, we will be strengthening this work, making it better, and increasing the rate of recruitment in it. We will build bigger and better fractions. If out of all this, five years from now, three years from now, two years from now, we don't have a bigger and more powerful teachers fraction , or an AFSCME fraction, due to recruitment and increasing influence, then we've messed up."22
'PROLETARIANISING' THE PARTY
In his February 1978 NC report, Barnes stated: "What we propose is a political move, not a hygienic or therapeutic move for the party. We are not doing this to cleanse the party of petty-bourgeois elements or any such nonsense." By April 1979, however, the SWP leadership had decided that the "industrial" colonisation drive was indeed necessary for "hygienic" reasons. The draft perspectives resolution adopted by the April 1979 SWP National Committee plenum for submission to the party 's 30th National Convention stated:
"The SWP's turn to the new political openings in the industrial working class marks the end of the relative isolation from our class imposed upon us by the political retreat of labor that began in the late 1940s. We are becoming a party whose members live, work, and struggle each day as part of the working class. We are becoming a party of workers whose neighbors, friends, and political collaborators are workers...
"The proletarianization of the party is essential to the recruitment and development of a party whose membership and leadership are multinational in composition ...The proletarianisation of the party opens the door for growing numbers of socialist workers to bring a working-class strategy and political leadership to the struggles of the oppressed nationalities and women."23
The implication of these passages was that prior to beginning the drive to colonise its members into blue-collar jobs, the majority of the SWP's members had not been wage workers (which was patently false) or that the proletariat, the working class, consists only of blue-collar workers. That latter view began to be fostered from December 1978 on.
In a report to the December 1978 meeting of the SWP National Committee, Political Committee member Mary-Alice Waters claimed that since the late 1940s the SWP had been forced to live a "semi-sectarian existence" isolated from "our class" and its battles. At the same time she affirmed that throughout those decades the SWP had its "fingers on the political pulse of our class in every possible way, and we took advantage of every opening to build the party". But, she argued , "the conditions created by the postwar boom meant that confrontations between the real class giants-the industrial working class of the advanced capitalist countries and the imperialist rulers-were limited. Especially in the United States they were few and far between. After the postwar upsurge, the 1946-47 battles, we had to wait three decades for conditions to bring the giants into head-long collision again as they did during the coal miners' strike last winter." According to Waters, the 110-day coal miners' strike was "a taste" of the "class combat that is coming". In this context, "We need no longer be physically isolated from our class.24 Waters' thus implied that the term "our class" referred not to the US working class as a whole but only to a minority sector of it-the "industrial" or blue-collar workers.
In his report to the April I979 SWP NC plenum on the draft perspective resolution for the SWP's 30th national convention, Jack Barnes made an attempt to clarify what was meant by his February 1978 claim that the "industrial working class is at the center stage of American politics":
"Of course, it's important to understand what we mean when we say that the working class is moving to center stage in American politics. As we've explained,
in one sense it is the American ruling class that is at center stage. Because of the misleadership of American labor, the bosses still hold the offensive today ...
"When we say that American workers are moving to center stage, we mean two closely intertwined things. First, the industrial workers are the central target of the rulers' offensive. As we explain in the political resolution, that's who the employers are after. To drive up their profits they have to take on the big industrial unions which are the most powerful institutions of the oppressed and exploited.
"Second, we mean that the working class is moving to the center in the resistance to the offensive in the fight back."
More important than Barnes's sleight of hand in changing the formula from "the industrial working class is at the centre stage" to "is moving to centre stage", was his interchangeable use of the terms "working class," "American workers" and "industrial workers". Earlier in the report, Barnes had introduced the new "hygienic" justification for the colonisation drive:
"The tum is a vital necessity. A party that doesn't center its political work in the most powerfully organized and strategically located components of its class, when the possibility to do that exists, can only degenerate...
"Our overall goal in deepening the turn, of course, is for the turn to wither way.
It's a short-term tactic to accomplish a decisively important political goal: bringing the composition of our party into harmony with our proletarian program." 25
The colonisation of the SWP's members into blue-collar job s was thus dictated by the supposed need to safeguard the party from "degeneration" due to an alleged discrepancy between its "proletarian program " and the class composition of its membership. But since most SWP members, like most other US wage workers, were employed in non-blue-collar jobs, in order to justify such an argument it was increasingly necessary for the Barnes leadership to equate the blue-collar sections of the working class with the working class itself and all other sections of the working class with the petty-bourgeois middle-classes . The corollary of this thoroughly non-Marxist line of argument, of course, was that the rapid and wholesale colonisation of SWP members into blue-collar jobs would not be a "short-term" tactical move, which within a few years would enable it to recruit radicalising workers in other occupations and thus lead to a strengthening of its implantation in other sectors of the work force. Instead, the colonisation of its members into blue-collar jobs would become a permanent feature of the SWP's life.
'PETTY -BOURGEOIS PRESSURES' AND 'REVOLUTIONARY CONTINUITY '
As the unions began to retreat in the face of the intensification of the capitalist austerity drive and hopes of a mass labor fight-back, led by the blue-collar unions, began to fade, the "hygienic" justification for the colonisation of blue-collar jobs increasingly came to the fore in the reports of SWP leaders. For example, in a report to a November 1980 SWP NC plenum, Barnes explicitly stated that this was the main reason for the "turn" to colonise blue-collar jobs. He claimed that during the 1950s and 1960s the SWP "was not immersed in our class" and that since its big gains in recruitment in the late 1960s and early '70s had been among college students this had "led to a significant petty-bourgeois composition of the party", adding this "naturally created tension between our proletarian political program and inevitable pressures to look for petty-bourgeois nostrums
that seek to leap over the organization and consciousness of the working class." These pressures had been effectively resisted only thanks to the "leadership continuity of the SWP".26 This latter theme-that Barnes himself embodied the continuity of proletarian revolutionary leadership from the founding of the communist movement by Marx and Engels in the 1840s-would become a core article of faith within the SWP by the mid-1980s.
The rhetoric about the danger of degeneration stemming from petty-bourgeous political pressures transmitted via the alleged "petty-bourgeois composition" of the bulk of the SWP's membership recruited in the 1970s soon became a means to isolate any cri tics of the Barnes leadership. Since this leadership embodied "revolutionary continuity" anyone who disagreed with it must be acting as a transmission mechanism of non-proletarian political pressures on the party.
The rhetoric about "proletarianising" the party through colonising blue-collar jobs, also served another purpose: it became a means to justify overturning the democratic organisational norms and practices it had inherited from the period of Cannon's leadership. In a report presented to the SWP National Committee in March 1982, Barnes set down the rationale for this course by claiming that: "Until the conditions existed for us to be able to begin transforming the social composition of the party and ending the enforced isolation from the working class imposed upon us by the course of objective events, we could not possibly have known all of the aspects of party life, party institutions, and party functioning that we would have to transform and adjust in the process ."27 By the time of its 32nd national convention in August 1984, the SWP was a very different organisation from the one that Cannon had led in the 1930s and '40s. Despite its rhetoric about "revolutionary continuity" the Barnes leadership itself acknowledged that the "implementation of the tum to the industrial unions has resulted in some of the biggest changes in the Socialist Workers Party in its history."28 Despite having nearly all of its members in blue-collar jobs, its political influence within the union movement was negligible. Nor was this compensated for by expanding influence in any other sector of the working-class movement. Its main public activities were sales of books and pamphlets - an activity that would come to dominate its life in the 1990s and be rationalised as the fundamental task of "communists" confronting a world rapidly "marching to fascism and World War 3".
In a letter written in 1955, Cannon observed that "Every tendency, direct or indirect, of a small revolutionary party to construct a world of its own, outside and apart from the real movement of the workers in the class struggle, is sectarian. Such tendencies can take many forms, and we should not delude ourselves that the well-known illustrations exhaust the possibilities."29 Tragically, the party that Cannon founded has, under the leadership of Jack Barnes, provided another example of the sectarianism that can befall a small revolutionary organisation.
18 Lenin, Collected Works, Vol 26, p 19
19 "Perspectives and Lessons of the New Radicalization", International Socialist Review, Vol 32, No 10 (New York, November 1971).
20 Barnes, "Report to the SWP National Committee". ibid. p 55.
21 Barnes, "Leading the Party into Industry", Party Organizer Vol 2, No 2 (New York, April 1978)
22 Barnes, ibid
23 "Draft Political Resolution", SWP Discussion Bulletin, Vol 36,No 8 (New York, July 1979).
24 Walters, "Building Party Fractions in Industry", Party Organizer, Vol 3, No I (New York, March 1979).
25 Barnes, "A New Stage of Revolutionary Working-Class Pol itics", SWP Discussion Bulletin. Vol 36, No 6 (New York , June 1979).
26 Barnes, "Branches, Fractions and Party Leadershi p'', Party Organizer Vol 5, No I (New York, February 1981).
27 Barnes, "The Organizational Norms of a Proletarian Party'', SWP Internal Information Bulletin, No 1 in 1982 (New York, September 1982).
28 "Political Committee Draft Political Resolution.., SWP lnformation Bulletin, No 4 in 1984 (New York, July 1984), p 25.
29 Cannon, 'Engels and Len in on the Party", p 78 in Building the Revolutionary Party: an introduction to James P Cannon New Course Publications (1997).


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Born: 1888, All Saint's, Ipswich.
Died: 4th May 1915; age 27; KiA – near Ypres. Served 10 years & 220 days.
Enlistment Details: Location: Ipswich; Date: 27th September 1904; Age: 18 years; Religion: CofE. Height: 5ft 6ins, fresh complexion, hazel eyes & brown hair.
Service: Home – 27th September 1904 – 7th November 1905. Malta – 8th November 1905 – 26th December 1906.
Offences: 25th May 1907 – Falling out on the line of march without permission to obtain water – 8 days C.B.
2nd October 1907 – Found asleep on his post when on sentry – 168 hours detention – 7 days C.B.
Granted one G.C. Badge – 27th September 1906.
Appointed Lance Corporal – 24th September 1914.
Regiment: The Rifle Brigade, 1st Battalion.
Panel 46 – 48 & 50.
William was 3 years old and living with his parents & siblings.
Alfred Bloomfield, 27, a Shoemaker, born St. Nicholas, Ipswich.
Mary Ann Bloomfield (nee Staff), 27, born St. Peter's, Ipswich.
Alice Maud Bloomfield, 1, born St. Peter's, Ipswich.
Walter Robert Bloomfield, 9 months, born St. Peter's, Ipswich.
1901 43, Stoke Street, Ipswich.
William was 13 years old, an Errand Boy. He was living with his parents & siblings.
Ellen Gertrude Bloomfield, 5, born Ipswich.
Frederick Charles Bloomfield, 3, born Ipswich.
On the 25th December 1913, Ipswich Register Office, William married Emily Agnes Crapnell, born 1890, Swilland, Suffolk.
Agnes Mary Ellen Bloomfield, born July 1914, Madeley, Shropshire.
Mrs Emily Agnes Gough, received her late husband's 1914 Star at her home – 11, Wellington Road, Horsehay, Shropshire.
Soldiers' Effects to Mrs. Emily Agnes Bloomfield – widow.
William is also remembered on the Orwell Works Memorial Ransomes Sims & Jefferies Ipswich.


text:
New Mexico Bingo
New Mexico has a rocky gambling past. When the IGRA was signed by Congress in Nineteen Eighty Nine, it seemed like New Mexico would be one of the states to cash in on the American Indian casino bandwagon. Politics assured that wouldn't be the situation.
The New Mexico governor Bruce King announced a panel in Nineteen Ninety to negotiate a contract with New Mexico American Indian bands. When the panel arrived at an accord with 2 prominent local bands a year later, the Governor declined to sign the bargain. He held up a deal until Nineteen Ninety Four.
When a new governor took over in Nineteen Ninety Five, it appeared that Native gaming in New Mexico was now a certainty. But when the new Governor passed the contract with the Amerindian bands, anti-gambling forces were able to tie the contract up in the courts. A New Mexico court found that the Governor had out stepped his bounds in signing a deal, thereby costing the government of New Mexico hundreds of thousands of dollars in licensing revenues over the next several years.
It required the Compact Negotiation Act, signed by the New Mexico government, to get the ball rolling on a full compact between the Government of New Mexico and its Amerindian bands. Ten years had been squandered for gambling in New Mexico, which includes Amerindian casino Bingo.
The nonprofit Bingo industry has grown since 1999. In that year, New Mexico not for profit game owners brought in only $3,048. This number grew to $725,150 in 2000, and surpassed a million dollars in revenues in 2001. Nonprofit Bingo revenues have grown steadily since that time. 2005 witnessed the biggest year, with $1,233,289 earned by the providers.
Bingo is categorically favored in New Mexico. All sorts of owners try for a bit of the action. With hope, the politicians are through batting over gambling as a key issue like they did in the 1990's. That is probably hopeful thinking.
By Georgia	– December 1, 2019
« Iowa gambling dens Don't Have an Alcoholic Beverage … Play! »

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Papers to be submitted to JMMA are required to be typewritten in English, using the WORD or PDF template. All articles should contain the article title, all of the authors' names and full affiliations, abstract and keywords. Accepted papers will immediately appear online followed by printed hard copies by WORLD ACADEMIC PUBLISHING CO., LIMITED globally. Therefore, the contributions should not be related to secret. The author takes sole responsibility for his views.
Abstract:This paper presents a method for finding the most-squares solution for separating cars, and intends to develop technologies to be able to separate cars from compact and standards based on images taken from the camera. Two major methods are used basically: 1. convex hulls algorithms to obtain car's convex hull region and 2. classifying by separating cars into clusters regarding area and circumference of the regions obtained from car's convex hull. Finally, a numerical example is presented.
Abstract:The importance of intermittent motion in many equipment and machinery has called for the necessity to fully understand the various concepts of those systems where this type of motions are required in between continuous motions and also in those systems designed to perform automatic timing operations in robotic applications. This paper examines the kinematics analysis of a four (4) slot Geneva mechanism. The arbitrary model was developed and the effects of the force were neglected. The angular displacement of the wheel was investigated as is the function of crank angle and found to occur between ±π/4; 7π/4 to 9π/4; 15π/4 to 17π/4; 23π/4 to 25π/4 radians for the 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th revolutions of the crank angle respectively, in between these angles, there are dwelling periods. Also, for an assumed speed of the crank (12 rpm), the angular velocity of the wheel was obtained to be maximum and minimum between ± 3.0338 rad/sec at crank angles of 0°,2π,4π and 6π radians, for each of the 4 revolutions and that of angular acceleration was ±8.5161 rad/〖sec〗^2 at ±0.19,6.10 and 6.47,12.38 and 12.75,18.66 and 19.04 radians respectively. The timing of the tangent drive was expressed by the arc of each revolution of the driver or crank that the wheel was being indexed and the arc of each revolution that the wheel was at rest (idle).


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Tag archive for 'rape'
By The Dispatch On Monday, August 12th, 2019
ICE breaks up child exploitation ring in Tucson, arrested over 20 sexual predators
In May, the Tucson Police Department's Internet Crimes Against Children Unit invited several local, state, and federal agencies to participate in a multi-agency operation targeting sexual predators that prey on More...
By The Dispatch On Saturday, August 10th, 2019
Illegal Guatemalan pedophile, rapist Pascual Mas-Xocholij arrested in Baton Rouge by border patrol agents
U.S. Border Patrol (USBP) agents assigned to the Baton Rouge Station arrested an illegal alien Wednesday afternoon who is wanted in East Baton Rouge Parish for Felony Carnal Knowledge of a Juvenile and Forcible More...
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Jeffrey Epstein case: Trafficking list now includes Democrats George Mitchell, Bill Richardson and UK's Prince Andrew
Over 2,000 new documents were made public by the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of New York on Friday in the Jeffrey Epstein sex trafficking case, tying several high profile figures to the case: More...
By The Dispatch On Thursday, August 8th, 2019
Child molester Washington Silva-Santos, Convicted rapist Saul Sanchez Romero caught by border patrol
During two separate incidents, U.S. Border Patrol Agents working in El Paso Sector arrested and identified previously deported felons who were attempting to enter the U.S. from Mexico. On August 2, agents assigned More...
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Suneha Sajid, a 14-year-old Christian girl, was falsely accused of stealing gold worth about 1,500,000 PKR ($9,312.00 USD) by her Muslim employer in Shahdara, Lahore on July 8, 2019. photo Applysense Shamim, Suneha's More...
By The Dispatch On Tuesday, July 2nd, 2019
Pakistani Christian Teenager, Saima was Raped by Mian Jamil a Muslim Parliamentarian
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By The Dispatch On Wednesday, June 26th, 2019
Border patrol arrest sex offender sneaking back into the US via Texas
U.S. Border Patrol Agents arrested a previously deported sex offender as he attempted to enter the United States illegally near the Paso Del Norte Port Of Entry. Border Patrol Agents working near the downtown More...
By Kaye Wonderhouse On Wednesday, June 5th, 2019
As crime and the immigration crisis remains, University of New Mexico wants to add fence as 'security barrier'
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By The Dispatch On Tuesday, June 4th, 2019
Two more convicted rapists caught crossing the border into California
U.S. Border Patrol agents assigned to the El Centro Sector arrested two previously deported sex offenders on Saturday. photo/Ichigo121212 The first incident occurred at around 12:30 a.m., when agents assigned More...
By The Dispatch On Wednesday, May 22nd, 2019
Border patrol arrest Julianito De Jesus Diaz, a previously deported child molester in entering the US in El Paso
Julianito De Jesus Diaz U.S. Border Patrol Agents arrested a previously deported child molester as he attempted to enter the United States illegally near downtown El Paso, Texas. El Paso Sector agents see no More...
By The Dispatch On Wednesday, May 8th, 2019
Youth Basketball Coach, Gregory Stephen Sentenced to 180 Years for Sexual Exploitation of Children
On May 2, 2019, Gregory Scott Stephen, age 43, of Monticello, Iowa, was sentenced by United States Northern District of Iowa Judge C.J. Williams to 180 years – the maximum statutory penalty – in federal prison, More...
By Brandon Jones On Thursday, May 2nd, 2019
Alabama House passes bill to criminalize abortions with few exceptions, felony charges for abortionists
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Houston MassResistance exposes another 'Public Library Drag Queen' as a sex offender
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By Brandon Jones On Tuesday, April 23rd, 2019
Bernie Sanders says felons, the Boston bomber, sex offenders and rapists should still get to vote from prison
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By The Dispatch On Thursday, April 11th, 2019
Ecuador drops Julian Assange asylum status, the Wikileaks head is arrested immediately
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By The Dispatch On Monday, March 25th, 2019
FBI Launches Publicity Effort in 20 Year Cold Case Fugitive Hunt for Jean Leonard Faure
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By The Dispatch On Friday, March 22nd, 2019
California Man, Ronald Ean Taylor Pleads Guilty to Sex Trafficking of 6 Victims
A Sacramento, Calif., man pleaded guilty in federal court today to the sex trafficking of six victims. Ronald Ean Taylor, 45, pleaded guilty before U.S. District Judge Gary A. Fenner to six counts of the sex trafficking More...
By The Dispatch On Saturday, March 9th, 2019
Hector Sanchez-Morales Indicted for Kidnapping, Harboring an Illegal Alien, and Extortion
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By The Dispatch On Saturday, March 2nd, 2019
Nevada sued over legal prostitution: It promotes sexual exploitation, trafficking
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text:
Caravel, Ursuline both seek to atone
Caldwell knows the threat Hahn provides. The senior is averaging 19.1 points per game%2C and is a threat to fire from anywhere.
Both teams lost in the semifinals last year%2C with Ursuline falling to St. Elizabeth and Caravel coming up short against eventual champion Sanford.
Both Caravel and Ursuline have come close to winning the DIAA Girls Basketball Tournament the last two years.
On Friday night, one of them will finish the job at the Bob Carpenter Center. Tipoff is at 7.
Top-seeded Ursuline (22-1) rates as the favorite, ranked first in Delaware and 13th nationally by USA Today. The Raiders' only loss came in the Diamond State Classic to Cumberland Valley, which is 30-1 and ranked 11th nationally going into its Pennsylvania Class AAA quarterfinal game Friday night.
But second-seeded Caravel (16-7) has been hardened by a brutal schedule as well, with four losses to out-of-state foes. The Buccaneers appear to be playing their best at the end.
"They have total belief," Caravel coach Kristin Caldwell said of her team. "We're peaking at the right time. It's their mental toughness when people on the outside looking in were like, 'Man, you guys are losing some games.' They never lost faith in what we're doing here, and I just feel that we're stronger for it."
The Bucs will have to be at their strongest against an Ursuline team that is shooting for its 15th state title – but first since 2012. Current seniors Adrianna Hahn, Courtney Wallace, Lindsay Russell, Maddy Hughes and Dakota Raymond were freshmen then.
But Hahn, the two-time reigning Delaware player of the year, was the only freshman to see extended action in that game, starting and scoring 11 points in the 49-29 win over Sanford. Now, Hahn is the Raiders' only senior starter. They routinely go 11 deep, substituting liberally and coming at opponents in waves.
"I listened to them call our starting lineup tonight, and we have an eighth-, ninth-, 10th-, 11th- and 12th-grader out there," Ursuline coach John Noonan said after Wednesday's 61-43 semifinal win over St. Elizabeth. "So we're young. We played a monster schedule, as did [Caravel]. Our kids have risen to every challenge, so there's no reason not to expect the same thing on Friday night."
It will be the last stand for Caravel's Caroline Davis, Micah Morgan and Ky'Asia Stanford, three seniors who have led the Bucs to a 65-26 record in four years as starters. They reached the championship game as sophomores, losing to St. Elizabeth 60-46 in 2013.
"It's pretty awesome, being able to play for a championship," Davis said. "We've been there once before, and we definitely don't want it to end the same way."
Davis (Princeton), Morgan (University of the Sciences) and Stanford (Gardner-Webb) all will continue playing basketball in college. They combined for 40 points in Caravel's 52-35 semifinal win over Sussex Central.
"They have three Division I players," Noonan said. "You look at that, clearly we have to stop those three kids, contain those three kids."
That's why both coaches put little emphasis on Ursuline's 53-33 victory over Caravel during the regular season. Stanford missed that Jan. 22 game with a knee injury.
"They're a different team, obviously," Noonan said. "Stanford makes them a much better team. That probably helps them with their confidence, knowing that in a loss they were minus one of their best players."
And Caravel has been playing overwhelming defense. The Bucs have held their last seven opponents to an average of 28 points per game. They held Sussex Central 28.5 points below its season average in the semifinals.
"We've limited some really powerful offensive teams to low, low point outcomes," Caldwell said. "I'm really proud of that. I don't think we've shot the ball well at all yet in this tournament. So hopefully, we're saving that for Friday."
But Ursuline's up-tempo offense presents a unique challenge. And the Raiders make no secret about what they want to do.
"Transition," Hahn said. "We really want to push the ball and run and run. That's how we can get easy layups and easy points."
Caldwell knows the threat Hahn provides. The senior is averaging 19.1 points per game, and is a threat to fire from anywhere.
"We know they're going to pressure the ball," Caldwell said. "They can shoot the lights out. … Obviously, Adrianna Hahn is incredible. She can shoot it as soon as she walks over half court."
Both teams lost in the semifinals last year, with Ursuline falling to St. Elizabeth and Caravel coming up short against eventual champion Sanford. But now, it's time for one to go all the way.


text:
History of Parliament Online
Home Research > Members > 1820-1832 > LENNOX, Lord John George (1793-1873)
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LENNOX, Lord John George (1793-1873), of 79 South Audley Street, Mdx.
Published in The History of Parliament: the House of Commons 1820-1832, ed. D.R. Fisher, 2009
Available from Cambridge University Press
Biography Detail
Offices Held
1820-1832 Members
1820-1832 Constituencies
1820-1832 Parliaments
1820-1832 Surveys
22 Nov. 1819 - 1831
b. 3 Oct. 1793, 2nd s. of Charles Lennox†, 4th duke of Richmond (d. 1819), and Lady Charlotte Gordon, da. of Alexander, 4th duke of Gordon [S]; bro. of Lord Arthur Lennox* and Lord William Pitt Lennox*. educ. Westminster until 1811. m. 29 June 1818, Louisa Frederica, da. of Hon. John Rodney† of Armsworth, Hants. 5s. (2 d.v.p.) 3da. (2 d.v.p.). d. 10 Nov. 1873.
Cornet 13 Drag. 1811, 9 Drag. 1812; lt. 9 Drag. 1813; capt. 3 garrison batt. 1815, 9 Drag. 1816; maj. 1817; lt.-col. 1823 (half-pay); lt.-col. 6 Drag. 1830; ret. 1832.
Ld. of bedchamber to Prince Albert 1840-61.
In 1812 Lennox's great aunt noted of him that 'he has been very unwisely, in my mind, kept at Westminster school till 18 and ... I suspect there is a great deal to amend in his ideas, which have been allowed to run their own way as a full grown man at school in a metropolis'. He appeared to be 'handsome [and] pleasant', but was 'a little sudden and too tenacious of his opinions for good company, having a horror of being advised or directed'. Recalling his subsequent army career, which was distinguished by service in the Peninsula and at Waterloo, his brother William wrote that 'George was truly respected and beloved by all his brother officers for his downright honest John Bull manner, his sterling qualities [and] his kindly nature under rather a rough aspect'.1 He was returned for Chichester on the family interest following his eldest brother's succession as 5th duke of Richmond in 1819, and he was again returned unopposed in 1820 with the Tory minister Huskisson.2
He was an occasional attender who gave general but silent support to Lord Liverpool's ministry. He presented a Chichester petition in favour of restoring Queen Caroline's name to the liturgy, 24 Jan.,3 but voted in defence of ministers' conduct towards her, 6 Feb. 1821. He divided against Catholic relief, 28 Feb. He voted against repeal of the additional malt duty, 3 Apr., and Hume's economy and retrenchment motion, 27 June. He divided against parliamentary reform, 9 May, and the forgery punishment mitigation bill, 23 May 1821. His only known opposition vote in this Parliament was for Sir Robert Wilson's motion complaining of his dismissal from the army, 13 Feb. 1822. He voted against abolition of one of the joint-postmasterships, 14 Mar. He paired against relieving Catholic peers of their disabilities, 30 Apr. 1822. His placement on the army half-pay list in January 1823 had little apparent effect on his parliamentary attendance. He divided against repeal of the Foreign Enlistment Act, 16 Apr., and inquiry into the prosecution of the Dublin Orange rioters, 22 Apr. 1823. He voted against the abolition of flogging in the army, 5 Mar. 1824. He divided for the Irish unlawful societies bill, 25 Feb., and against Catholic relief, 1 Mar., 21 Apr., 10 May, presenting a hostile petition from Chichester's archdeacon and clergy, 18 Apr. 1825. On 16 Feb. 1826 he presented two Welsh anti-slavery petitions and one from West Sussex landowners against revision of the corn laws.4 At the general election that summer he was returned for Chichester at the head of the poll, as a friend of the government's 'liberal and enlightened' policies.5
He took a slightly more prominent role in the 1826 Parliament. He presented a Sussex petition against alteration of the corn laws, 8 Feb., and voted accordingly, 2 Apr. 1827. He presented a West Sussex landowners' petition against the importation of wool, 12 Feb.6 He divided against Catholic relief, 6 Mar. In his first recorded contribution to debate, 2 Apr., he decried as 'a measure most injurious to the town of Chichester and the western part of Sussex' the proposal to hold county elections in Lewes. He maintained that 'no riot or disorder' had occurred at the last county election, 9 May. He was granted two weeks' leave for urgent business, having served on an election committee, 3 Apr. 1827. He divided against repeal of the Test Acts, 26 Feb., and Catholic relief, 12 May 1828. He voted with the duke of Wellington's ministry against reduction of the salary of the lieutenant-general of the ordnance, 4 July 1828. In February 1829 Planta, the patronage secretary, listed him as being 'opposed to the principle' of Catholic emancipation, and he duly divided against it, 6, 18 Mar., paired against it, 27 Mar., and presented numerous hostile petitions. He clashed with his Whig colleague Poyntz over the division of opinion on the subject at Chichester, 9 Mar., and denied that he and Richmond had orchestrated the anti-Catholic petitioning there. He was a minority teller against the bill to disfranchise 40s. freeholders in Ireland, 19 Mar. 1829. His name does not appear in Sir Richard Vyvyan's* list of Ultra Tories that autumn. On 9 Feb. 1830 he introduced a bill to oblige smugglers sentenced to serve in the navy to maintain their families, rather than having them thrown on the parish; it gained royal assent, 8 Apr. (11 Geo. IV and 1 Gul. IV, c. 10). He voted against the transfer of East Retford's seats to Birmingham, 11 Feb. However, he opposed ministers by voting to restrict the grant for the army, 19 Feb., and against the Bathurst and Dundas pensions, 26 Mar. He presented a Chichester petition against the sale of beer bill, 27 Apr., and voted to prohibit on-consumption in beer houses, 21 June. He divided against Jewish emancipation, 17 May 1830. Contrary to speculation that his resumption of an active army career with a regiment in Ireland might cause him to retire from the Commons, he offered again for Chichester at the general election that summer. He pledged support for 'a very limited degree' of parliamentary reform, consistent with the security of traditional ruling institutions, the 'gradual emancipation' of colonial slaves, reform of the game laws and abolition of the death penalty for forgery, but he betrayed no great disaffection with Wellington's government; he was returned at the head of the poll.7
The ministry listed Lennox as one of the 'moderate Ultras', but it was noted that he 'always votes with us'. In fact, he voted against them in the crucial civil list division, 15 Nov. 1830. About this time Lord George Cavendish Bentinck* praised his 'firmness, skill and celerity' in helping to 'restore peace and good government in the Chichester district' following the 'Swing' riots.8 He was named to the Evesham election committee, 2 Dec., and called for the evidence of bribery and corruption to be presented to the House, 13 Dec., observing that this had made him 'a reformer to a large extent'. The fact that Richmond, who shared his disappointment at the passage of Catholic emancipation and his concern about agricultural unrest, had joined Lord Grey's ministry, doubtless also influenced his change of opinion. He declared that if the corruption at Evesham was 'as extensive as there is reason to believe, the franchise should be ... transferred to some other town', 16 Dec. 1830. He was granted three weeks' leave for urgent private business, 11 Feb. 1831, which he apparently used to visit his regiment in Ireland. He returned, as he had promised his brother,9 to praise the government's 'efficient' reform bill, 4 Mar., and expressed the hope that if it was rejected ministers would 'throw themselves upon the country and manfully appeal to it for support'. He presented a friendly petition from Chichester, 9 Mar., voted for the bill's second reading, 22 Mar., spoke at the Sussex county meeting convened in its support, 7 Apr.,10 and divided against Gascoyne's wrecking amendment, 19 Apr. He presented a Chichester petition for repeal of the coal duties, 9 Feb., called for the closure of a military riding establishment near Maidstone, 14 Mar. 1831, but warned next day that repeal of the timber duties would 'strike a fatal blow to one-fifth of our shipping interest and alienate the affections of our colonists'. At the general election that May he offered for the Sussex seat vacated by the death of Walter Burrell, which Richmond had long wanted him to fill, and the family's standing in the county and pro-reform stance ensured his unopposed return.11
In May 1831 Lennox, piqued at being overlooked for military promotion, unsuccessfully pressed on Richmond his claim to be appointed an aide-de-camp to the king, pointing out that he had seen service in 'seven general actions for which medals were given'. He also mentioned that he had voted for the reform candidates at the Dublin election and predicted their comfortable return.12 He divided for the second reading of the reintroduced reform bill, 6 July, and steadily for most of its details, though he diverged from the government line by voting for the complete disfranchisement of Aldborough, 14 Sept. He gained something of a reputation as a heckler of opponents, and one such incident, 19 July, sparked a furious row with George Bankes over who was more able to vote according to the dictates of his conscience. Next day he expressed support for the sweeping borough disfranchisements proposed for Sussex and stated that his recent extensive canvass there had shown overwhelming support for reform. He opposed giving two Members to Brighton on the ground that its population included many transients, 5 Aug. He informed The Times that he had voted with ministers on their proposed division of counties, 11 Aug.13 He ridiculed Hunt's claim to represent public opinion in his radical critique of the bill, 30 Aug. He divided for its third reading, 19 Sept., its passage, 21 Sept., the second reading of the Scottish bill, 23 Sept., and Lord Ebrington's confidence motion, 10 Oct. He spoke in favour of a close scrutiny of the pensions list, 19 July. He voted in the minorities to swear in the Dublin election committee, 29 July, and suspend the issue of a new writ, 8 Aug., when he denied that this would impugn the entire electorate. However, he voted to punish only those guilty of bribery and against the motion censuring the Irish administration, 23 Aug. He divided with the minority against issuing the Liverpool election writ, 5 Sept. He expressed sympathy for the plight of labourers thrown out of work as a result of the use of threshing machines, 13 Sept., but confessed himself 'at a loss ... to point out any effectual way of relieving them'. Writing from Dublin, where he was stationed with his regiment, 25 Nov., he told Richmond that he considered the early reconvening of Parliament to be 'a great bore',14 and he was absent from the division on the second reading of the revised reform bill, 17 Dec. 1831. He was in place to vote steadily for its details, and he divided for the third reading, 22 Mar. 1832, after being advised by Richmond that it would not be 'safe' to miss Parliament for the Lewes assizes.15 He was absent from the division on Ebrington's motion for an address asking the king to appoint only ministers committed to carrying an unimpaired measure, 10 May, but voted for the second reading of the Irish bill, 25 May, and against increased county representation for Scotland, 1 June. He voted with government on the Russian-Dutch loan, 26 Jan., paired with them on this issue, 12, 16 July, and voted with them on relations with Portugal, 9 Feb. He divided in the minority for printing a petition in favour of the abolition of Irish tithes, 16 Feb. Next day he pledged himself to introduce a bill to enable farmers to receive compensation for riot-damaged threshing machines, as manufacturers did in comparable circumstances. The bill was duly introduced, 1 Mar., and gained royal assent, 1 Aug. (2 and 3 Gul. IV, c. 72). He presented a Sussex petition calling for a rate to be levied to stimulate the employment of labourers, 10 Apr. He was added to the select committee on the renewal of the East India Company's charter, 23 Feb. On 23 May 1832 he voted for the Liverpool franchise bill and questioned the arbitrary manner in which the Sussex assizes had been moved from Horsham to Lewes. Next day he and his brothers voted for the immediate abolition of slavery, apparently to Richmond's displeasure.16
At the end of July 1832 Lennox retired from the army, his ambitions for promotion having been disappointed. This may have influenced his decision not to abandon his parliamentary career, as Richmond had earlier thought he might, and he was returned at the general election later that year for the western division of Sussex, which he represented until Richmond's heir came of age. After 1832 he displayed a greater degree of loyalty to the Liberal governments than did Richmond, which led to occasional friction in their relations.17 He died in November 1873.
Ref Volumes: 1820-1832
Author: Howard Spencer
1. Life of Lady Sarah Lennox ed. Lady Ilchester, ii. 256-7; W.P. Lennox, Drafts upon my Memory, i. 109.
2. Suss. Advertiser, 13 Mar. 1820.
3. The Times, 25 Jan. 1821.
4. Ibid. 17 Feb. 1826.
5. Brighton Gazette, 8, 15 June 1826.
6. The Times, 9, 13 Feb. 1827.
7. Chichester Election Procs. 1830, pp. 132-3.
8. Nottingham Univ. Lib. Portland mss PwH 150, Bentinck to Portland, 22 Nov. 1830; E. Hobsbawm and G. Rudé, Captain Swing, (1985), 85.
9. W. Suss. RO, Goodwood mss 1433, f. 156.
10. The Times, 9 Apr. 1831.
11. Goodwood mss 1433, ff. 202, 218.
12. Ibid. f. 274.
13. The Times, 16 Aug. 1831.
14. Goodwood mss 1451, f. 366.
15. Ibid. 1457, f. 236.
17. Ibid. 1486, f. 28; D.A. Smith, 'The Richmond Interest and Party Politics, 1834-41', Suss. Arch. Colls. cxvii. (1979), 213-15.
© Crown copyright and The History of Parliament Trust 1964-2020


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text:
echo "Updating package repo..."
apt-get update

echo "Installing web server software..."
# Install nginx
apt-get install -qy nginx php5 php5-fpm php5-gd php5-cgi php5-cli php5-curl

# Install PHP and dependencies
apt-get install -qy php5 php5-fpm php5-gd php5-cgi php5-cli php5-curl

# Install dependencies and other dev libraries
apt-get install -qy build-essential curl git libssl-dev ruby1.9.3

echo "Installing CloudFoundry CLI"
# Install CloudFoundary CLI
curl -L "https://cli.run.pivotal.io/stable?release=linux64-binary&source=github" | tar -zx
mv cf /usr/local/bin

echo "Installing let's encrypt ssl library..."
#Install let's encrypt so we can use free ssl: https://letsencrypt.readthedocs.org/en/latest/
git clone https://github.com/letsencrypt/letsencrypt /opt/letsencrypt

echo "Moving nginx config files into place…"
rm /etc/nginx/sites-enabled/default
cp /vagrant/vagrant/nginx/default.conf /etc/nginx/sites-enabled/
cp /vagrant/vagrant/nginx/dummy.* /etc/nginx/

echo "Moving php config files into place…"
mv /etc/php5/fpm/php.ini /etc/php5/fpm/php.ini.default
cp /vagrant/vagrant/php/php.ini /etc/php5/fpm/php.ini

echo "Starting services…"
service nginx restart
service php5-fpm restart

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Agreement Between Fatah and Hamas to End Palestinian Division
Cairo, 12 October 2017
Based on the importance of consolidating the principle of national partnership and giving precedence to the public interest to achieve the hopes and aspirations of the Palestinian people to end the division, strengthen the internal front and national unity, in order to achieve the national project, end the occupation, establish a sovereign Palestinian state over all the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967, with Jerusalem as its capital and the return of the refugees, abide fully by the Basic Law for preserving a single democratic and pluralistic political system, a peaceful alternation of power through elections, protect the independent national Palestinian decision-making and respect for the sovereignty of states, and welcome all assistance to the Palestinian people for reconstruction and development through the Palestinian government.
Fatah and Hamas held a series of meetings on 10-11 October 2017, under Egyptian auspices in Cairo, to deal with the issues related to national reconciliation. The two movements agreed on the following:
(1) To complete the measures empowering the national conciliation government to fully exercise its functions and carry out its responsibilities in Gaza as it does in the West Bank according to law and order no later than 1 December 2017.
(2) For the legal/ administrative committee formed by the national conciliation government to quickly complete its task of finding a solution to the issue of Gaza's civil servants, no later than 1 February 2018, with the participation of experts and specialists knowledgeable of the Gaza Strip. The government will ensure that the civil servants will continue to get their salaries during the work of the committee as of November 2017, once the government is empowered to carry out its administrative and financial powers, including tax collection.
(3) To complete the measures allowing the national conciliation government to take over all crossings of the Gaza Strip, including empowering the Palestinian Authority staff to manage these crossings in full no later than 1 November 2017.
(4) To order commanders of the official security services operating in the State of Palestine to go to the Gaza Strip to discuss ways and mechanisms for the reconstruction of the security services with experts in the field.
(5) To hold a meeting in Cairo during the first week of December 2017 to assess what progress has been achieved on the issues where agreement has been reached.
(6) To hold a meeting on 14 November 2017*, with the participation of all Palestinian factions that signed the agreement on "Palestinian National Conciliation" on 4 May 2011, in order to deal with all the reconciliation items that were referred to in that agreement.
For Fatah: Azzam al-Ahmad
For Hamas: Salah al-Arouri
Source: at palinfo.com. Translated by the Institute for Palestine Studies.
* The meeting was held on 21 November 2017, as announced by the Egyptian side on 12 October.
Fatah and Hamas Sign in Cairo an Agreement to End Palestinian Division
XIII. With a Growingly Intractable Deadlock, Whither Palestine?


text:
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text:
package net.cpollet.thorium.analysis;

import net.cpollet.thorium.analysis.listener.SemanticAnalysisListener;
import org.antlr.v4.runtime.tree.ParseTree;
import org.antlr.v4.runtime.tree.ParseTreeWalker;

/**
 * @author Christophe Pollet
 */
public class SemanticAnalyser {
    private final ParseTree tree;
    private final AnalysisContext analysisContext;

    public SemanticAnalyser(AnalysisContext analysisContext, ParseTree tree) {
        this.analysisContext = analysisContext;
        this.tree = tree;
    }

    public AnalysisResult analyze() {
        ParseTreeWalker walker = new ParseTreeWalker();

        SemanticAnalysisListener listener = new SemanticAnalysisListener(analysisContext);

        walker.walk(listener, tree);

        return new AnalysisResult(analysisContext.getTypesOfAllNodes(), analysisContext.getExceptions());
    }
}


text:
Q: Memcachier add-on for cloudcontrol is failing I followed the installation guide at https://www.cloudcontrol.com/dev-center/Add-on%20Documentation/Data%20Storage/MemCachier. The memcachier server is up and running, I tested it from the command line. But my cloudcontrol app isn't able to access it.
Here's the error in our logs:
Info MemcachedError: error 40 from memcached_set: FAILED TO SEND AUTHENTICATION TO SERVER, no mechanism available, host: [my-memcachier-server-url]:11211 -> libmemcached/sasl.cc:221
Notice No worthy mechs found

This seems to be a SASL-related issue. Is it possible that cctrl does not have the correct sasl2 libraries installed? Did anyone else experience this problem?
Further info:

*

*django-pylibmc==0.5.0 and pylibmc==1.4.1 in requirements.txt

*url and credentials are read from the cctrl environment correctly

A: This is caused by the libmemched version bundled with the buildpack missing a patch (https://bugs.launchpad.net/libmemcached/+bug/1381160). Because it is a stackoverflow bug, it can work systematically on your machine while it systematically breaks in the container. I will update the python buildpack to use the patched libmemcached library from the stack.
In the meantime you can try to achieve this manually by setting the LD_LIBRARY_PATH environment variable to /usr/local/lib either via config add-on or web: env LD_LIBRARY_PATH=/usr/local/lib <your_command> in the Procfile.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Essex County families may be eligible for financial assistance with the cost of child care through the New Jersey Cares for Kids program. Eligibility is determined by family size, employment and/or education hours, and income (click here for NJCK Income Eligibility chart).
Parents or guardians can call, visit, or write Programs for Parents to receive an application, or download an application and related documents (click here to download NJCK application). While instructions are included, Child Care Eligibility Representatives can provide assistance with the application process. Once approved for a subsidy, staff continues to assist parents with changes and any other areas that might affect their continued eligibility.
For additional information, please call us at (973) 297-1114.


text:
Reading the Internet
Civil Pleasures
Comment at Facebook
Daily Blague
Third Order Thinking:
Something Really New
At the dawn of the Twentieth Century, something really new was happening. It took a while to unfold, and in fact it is still unfolding. Let's call it "the Business of Motion Pictures." The more this business took definite shape, the clearer its unprecedented nature became. Everyone was distracted by the marvel on the screen, of course. But the moving of pictures to create an illusion of the real world was the easiest part of the magic to understand. More mysterious were the associated phenomena. Movies, as they came to be called in English — the unique resort to the vernacular, eschewing highbrow "cinema" and "film," is noteworthy — were shown in large, dark rooms that effaced the contradictory nature of the audience. The audience was made up of couples and family groups, on the one hand, and, at the same time, it was made up of perfect strangers. Some people went to the movies by themselves, certainly, but most people in the theatre were both known to a few and unknown to the rest. When the lights came up, you might recognize someone in a distant aisle, but for the duration of the movie, you shared a tiny island with locals like yourself, beyond which stretched a sea of transients.
I am not going to bog down in comparisons of the movies to stage drama. It's enough to suggest, as I think is quite true, that the latter brings foreign lands and people to us, where we live, while movies take us away. This may be no more than an effect of the light, which is dim to the point of darkness at the movies. One other point: it has always been a great deal cheaper to see a movie than to see a play. A great many more distinctions of nearly equal significance could be made, but these two will do. What we call "the theatre" calls for an education and a bankroll. If the movies are to be compared to anything that went before, it is the circus. Indeed, you might say that the movies succeeded because they repackaged drama in a form easily accessible to audiences familiar with nothing more imaginative than physical spectacles.
Movies were the first form of mass entertainment, preceding radio by a few years. By "mass," I do not of course mean that movies were made "for the masses," because, as I have pointed out, "the masses" were no more real than unicorns. I speak of mass entertainment because each individual movie could be shown to and enjoyed by thousands of people — millions. A massive audience. Local censorship aside — and this was uncommon, because movies that might invite local snipping were less profitable — individual movies were not adapted to suit particular audiences. What played in Seattle played it Atlanta. It might make more money in one town than in the other, but it was almost always the same movie.
The other "hidden" phenomenon associated with motion pictures was the business of making movies. Unlike the businesses of mounting plays or staging circuses, making movies was incredibly lucrative. Each movie was made once, in a relatively short space of time, and then exhibited everywhere, for as long as people would buy tickets. It is hard to think of another non-extractive line of business with such an exaggerated rate of return. Within a decade, a small clutch of anonymous retailers, furriers many of them, amassed pharaonic fortunes and founded the wonderland of Hollywood. At the same time, they acquired an expertise in producing profitable products. They did not do this by reading Shakespeare or Shaw. Their field of study was receipts. The proof was in the box office. It might be difficult to put the elements of profitable film-making into words, but if anything this made it easier for the largely uneducated producers to master what they had to learn and to keep the riches to themselves. You had to be a mogul, a chief executive, orbiting far above the peculiarities of individual screenplays and stars, in order to operate a money-making studio. An amazing number of these moguls spent their careers in New York offices and their time with bankers and other investors, paying as few condescending visits to California as possible.
Everybody wanted to produce a blockbuster, of course. But chasing blockbusters was a road to ruin. To succeed, you had to master the art of making lots of ordinary pictures that ordinary people wanted to see. What critics had to say was less than irrelevant. In short, you might not have to know much about making movies, but you had to know a lot about your audiences.
Who were the audiences? I'm not a scholar of the relevant demographics, but you don't have to be one to know that industrialists and their families, even industrialists and their families and retainers, did not sustain the movie business with their ticket purchases. If anything, industrials &c stayed away. Movies were widely regarded by the professional and upper classes as vulgar and even boring. Once you had experienced the medium's cheap thrills — gasping as the locomotive raced to the edge of the screen, delighting in the longed-for effectiveness of magic wands — you were done with the novelty element, because one of the first lessons mastered by Hollywood was the audience's well-established love of genre.What movie audiences demanded, it emerged, was the retelling, over and over, of the same stories, romantic, heroic, or terrifying, but with different stars in the leading roles and different wrinkles in the screenplay. A story set in ancient Egypt might be repurposed for the ante-bellum South. The same sorts of characters, hardly more varied than the stock figures of itinerant puppet theatre, reappeared in every show, doing the same things and coming to the same end. Cads never — never never — rode off into the sunset with the innocent maids. Nor did they hold on to their ill-gotten gains (they couldn't even hypothecate them). Something not entirely unrecognizable as justice inevitably prevailed.
Am I going to claim that the movie audience was primarily made up of Third-Order rumps? No, because I'm not sure that it was. But I do believe that the rumps were the movies' most reliable audience, and that the success of ironclad genres reflected the ironclad conformism that so confused social superiors into believing that peasants and their post-Revolutionary descendants constituted a "mass." The apparent paradox is easily explained. It existed only in the minds of the bourgeoisie, a class increasingly devoted to personal differentiation. At one time, the peasantry and the bourgeoisie alike (when they were both parts of the Third Order) shared an understanding that it was prudent to conform to general appearances, safe not to stand out. Standing out was left to the top two Orders. After 1789, however, the bourgeois increasingly fancied that it was taking the place of those Orders. There might still be princes and dukes, but the Rothschilds were richer, and a lot more powerful. The proletariat had no occasion to make such a change; nor, for a long time, did it have the resources to do so. Outward conformity was a simple and sure way of getting by — or at least of not standing in the way of getting by. Inwardly, peasants and proletarians were unique human beings, just like everybody else (another apparent paradox), and, if anything, more devoted to the rudimentary autonomy that made them fiercely reject political attempts to bundle them together in collectives. The movies reflected all of this. The story was always the same, the hero always somebody new. (Audiences were notoriously — inconveniently — avid for new faces.) The hero might, occasionally, be rich and powerful at the end — usually, he had to settle for getting the girl — but he was never rich and powerful at the beginning, not unless the story was going to strip him of worldly goods and oblige him to earn them all over again. Rich and powerful characters generally hugged the periphery of the tale. The bourgeoisie, as I have said, stayed away, preferring to patronise the "legitimate" theatre.
If the rumps did not constitute a genuine mass, movie audiences did. From the producers' standpoint, there were only two kinds of people, the ones who bought tickets and the others. The ones who bought tickets demonstrated satisfaction with an increasingly standardized product that in turn would have a standardizing impact on audiences. This reciprocal action would become more efficient in the later Twentieth Century, when an even newer medium freed conventional film to explore alternatives that would have been financially unrewarding earlier — alternatives inspired by the relatively small group of quirky movies, made at the height of the old Studio System, that came to be appreciated by new audience, the cinephiles. In discovering something "artistic" about the movies, cinephiles created a new film aesthetic, one that took as a point of departure (when it did not overlook it altogether), the old objective, known to audiences and producers alike as "entertainment."
What, analytically, is entertainment?
Drop me a line at rjk@dailyblague.com
This entry was posted on Wednesday, May 29th, 2019 at 4:49 pm.


Will 2018 be The Year of Augmented Reality?
If you build it, they will come. Or, in the case of augmented reality (AR), if you build an app to build it, they will come.
The truth is, if you want a technology to become mainstream, you need to let people play around with it to find out what works and what doesn't. That's why for me, the biggest news for AR this past year was the development of new hands-on, easy-to-use tools that give developers the chance to build apps with AR capabilities—and not just from one tech giant, but several. Apple created ARKit. Google has a similar development for its phones called ARCore. And in November Amazon joined the AR game by launching its own capability: Sumerian. My guess—and I'd bet on it—is that we're going to see way more sophisticated AR apps in the coming year. And not just tech-y or game-y ones, but apps people can actually use in their daily lives.
Case in point: IKEA is already using AR, powered by ARKit, to help customers visualize IKEA furnishings in their homes while shopping. One developer said it could estimate the size with 98 percent accuracy. No measuring tapes. No returns. No guessing. ARKit just helped take furniture shopping to a whole new level. And IKEA's not the only one to take advantage. Wayfair has also developed a similar app for its own shopping community using Google Tango.
What's the Big Deal About AR?
In case you missed the mass chaos created by Pokemon Go, AR is fun. It gives users a chance to see, imagine, and experience things in their own world in a way that's easy and mobile. It adds a new level to shopping and learning by providing a "multi-sensory" experience that's active and engaging. It's also believed AR can help customers build an emotional response to products. Case in point: it's far more difficult to say "no" when your child is asking for a puppy that he's already "seen" lying in his bed, walking on his street, and laying on his favorite sofa. AR can provide that "use case" for practically any type of sale.
Another reason AR is hot to trot in 2018? Virtual Reality (VR), its far more complicated cousin, has proved to be kind of a clunker. Most don't believe it will take off for at least a few more years. In the meantime, AR is ready to go, and now has a multitude of tools to help companies get there.
Beyond games and furniture shopping, what else is AR good for? The answer: a lot. The real estate industry has already jumped aboard with a few apps of their own to help buyers make even more informed home purchases. Homesnap, for instance, allows buyers to see property lines of a home as they are walking around it. PLNAR generates floor plans without having to measure—perfect for home renovations. And perhaps my favorite, Magicplan generates floor plans and tells you how much stuff (paint, flooring, etc.) you'll need to work on it. How much easier could home DIY projects get?
AR: Leading the Future of CX?
No, the development of ARKit in and of itself may not sound exciting. But when you imagine everything that's now possible—and probable—now that easy development software is in place, the opportunities are literally endless. I'd guess 2018 won't just be the year of AR. It will be the year AR becomes a standard for the most popular stores and mobile apps.


text:
Ajn Salih (arab. عين صالح) to miasto-oaza w centralnej Algierii. W starożytności na szlaku łączącym środkową i północną Afrykę. Obecnie mieszka tam około 20 000 mieszkańców.

Miasta w Algierii
Oazy w Algierii

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


In the ruined shell of Mt. Newberry, an easy nature trail tours the freshest lava flow in Central Oregon, a hill of shiny black obsidian glass. If you'd like to leave the tourists behind, hike a tougher trail around the obsidian flow to the desert of Pumice Flat, and up to the views atop cliff-edged Paulina Peak.
The Newberry Volcano is probably Oregon's strangest peak. It's the latest protrusion of a geologic "hot spot" that's been moving westward from Idaho for 10 million years, leaving a string of lava flows and volcanic buttes in its wake. Geologists theorize that North America's shearing collision with the Pacific plate has been stretching Eastern Oregon diagonally all this time, and lava has been leaking through the shifting cracks.
All that lava has made Newberry the state's most massive volcano, measured by volume. Countless thin basalt lava flows have built up its 25-mile-wide shield-shaped bulk over the past half million years. Like many aging volcanoes, Mt. Newberry's eruptions gradually contained more silica, making the lava thicker, glassier, and more explosive. The entire mountaintop has collapsed in Crater Lake fashion at least twice, leaving a gaping, 6-mile-wide caldera. The giant lake that once filled that caldera has since been split in two by lava flows. The largest of these flows, the Big Obsidian Flow, poured more than a square mile of black glass into the caldera just 1300 years ago.
Click here to see which wildflowers are blooming now in the Newberry Caldera area.


Carolyn Scott Photography | Family and Business Photographer | Raleigh - Durham, NC Design Gallery Salon // A Promo Shoot.
Design Gallery Salon // A Promo Shoot.
Doing promotional photography for local businesses is such a fun job. Not only do we get to meet new people and discover new places, but we get to help them promote themselves which enables them to be successful. Plus, all small business owners are kindred spirits, eh? So it's nice to be able to work for and with each other to promote everyone's work. It especially gives me joy when promoting other female business owners in the area, so it's with great pleasure that we introduce you to a wonderful downtown Raleigh business called The Design Gallery Salon! Heather and Lauren are the lady bosses there, and they have an incredible crew assembled with Casie (front desk multitasking genius), Terri (hair stylist who never complains), Lindsey (hair stylist with a fabulous sense of humor), and Neilie (esthetician who smiles a lot). They moved a few years ago from their previous location to a coveted spot in downtown Raleigh's City Market where they're quite established and have a loyal following of wonderful clients. We were brought in to take some updated pics of their crew and space, and we couldn't have had more fun working with these wonderful women! So if you're in the market for a trim downtown, visit http://www.designgallerysalon.com/. Also, much thanks and kudos to Erin Kelly Makeup for working with the ladies on the shoot!


At Greg Martineau we value your comments, insights and recommendations. And if you have any complaints or concerns about the installation of your windows, doors or siding, please contact us immediately at [email protected] or call 403-310-4734.
If you would like to share your experience with friends and family, please recommend us at HomeStars.
Everyone has been exceptionally nice to deal with and incredibly professional.
"Great options and ideas ..."
Did a great job. Sales rep gave us great options and ideas which made our house better. High quality, timely, and a very competitive price. We will be back!
Vic and Darren were absolutely a pleasure as installers: respectful, clean and did a superb job of installing windows.
"Excellent ... from quotation to install!"
"Done quickly ... excellent craftsmanship."
I am very pleased with the whole process of getting my windows replaced. The windows are exactly what I wanted. The installation was done quickly and with excellent craftsmanship.
"Casey and Matt did an excellent job ..."
Due to time restraints (ours) we had to delay install. This was a pain to all involved. We did not know there was mould, although we suspected one of our windows had a broken seal. Casey and Matt did an excellent job repairing the mould problem.
"The talk of the neighbourhood ..."
"Wouldn't hesitate to recommend ..."
Thanks again for all your personal efforts on our behalf with this project. I also wanted to say that, even with the issues that came up, this has been one of the best experiences we have ever had with a home renovation or relates service. It would be impossible to do much better than what you have done for us… We wouldn't hesitate for a second to contact you for future work or to recommend your company.
I wanted to thank you for the great service your company has provided us. From the initial meeting to replacing a faulty window, it was seamless, polite and professional service. Please put me on your website as a happy client.
"Like a new home ..."
I am very pleased and happy that I decided to have it done! It's like I have a new home.
The first job was done by Ben, Chris and Jack in September which took two days for the windows and patio doors to install. They did a SUPERB job and cleaned up after each day. Chris and Jack were careful to save special wallpaper from any rips around the bathroom window. We were happy to hear these guys liked working for Greg Martineau. Ben was especially great with his crew (very patient and wise). The only problem was a small rip on one of the screens and to our amazement the next day it was replaced. A big thank you to our installers we certainly got the best!


text:
A Pavia gli è stato intestato il "Vicolo del Senatore", tra "Corso Cavour" e "Via Parodi".

Biografia

La pergamena della fondazione del monastero
Conosciamo Senatore dal testo della donazione, forse apocrifa, di parte della propria abitazione alla Chiesa, affinché diventasse ufficialmente un monastero per le già monacate Liceria (sorella) e Sinelinda (figlia). Tale pergamena è una delle 70.000 giunteci dalle congregazioni lombarde soppresse da Napoleone.

Si tratta, però, di una fonte controversa (una carta ricordata dal Maffei, e data in dono dal Mascheroni al Lupi; da taluni, tra i quali il Luppi, creduto una copia, ed altri l'ebbero in sospetto di suppositizio per essere scritto in carattere minuscolo romano, e per l'eleganza dello stile [...] malgrado l'autorità di un Mabillone e di un Maffei, che lo riconobbero per sincero [...] il Muratori, che pubblicò varie delle pergamene di quel monastero, si era pur proposto di pubblicare anche questo documento, ma non lo fece).

Ricostruzione della vita, stando alla pergamena
Si deduce che Senatore fosse di origine romana dal nome del padre, Albino; secondo il Troya, invece, era piuttosto un longobardo convertitosi al Cristianesimo. Già esistevano all'epoca dei "Senatore" santi romani  (il San Senatore delle catacombe presso Albano Laziale e l'arcivescovo di Milano, san Senatore ‒ il quale a Pavia era noto dagli scritti di Ennodio e al quale, secondo il Troya, Senatore deve il nome).

Senatore sposò la longobarda Teodolinda, dalla quale ebbe Sinelinda. Non si hanno notizie di ulteriori eredi. Stando al Troya, Sinelinda e la zia Liceria presero i voti e, per provvedere a loro, Senatore e Teodolinda donarono tutto l'aver loro a quel Monastero, dicendo che le proprie sostanze venivano dalla successione de' parenti e dal dono de' Re, cioè i poderi coltivati dai servi.

Pare che il matrimonio abbia consentito a Senatore di appartenere alla nobiltà o di essere comunque un "guargango", cioè un protetto del Re con limitazioni giuridiche. La prima possibilità è confermata dalla possessione di gasindii, cioè di una guardia del corpo (aveva, però, anche dei liberti, secondo la tradizione romana). La seconda, tuttavia, è più plausibile: nel testo della donazione, infatti, Senatore "non può scrivere" (perché non possiamo scrivere, l'abbiamo convalidata col segno della Santa Croce di nostra propria mano), cioè non ha il diritto di farlo, mentre invece Teodolinda "sottoscrive colla propria mano" ‒ dunque, almeno lei, doveva necessariamente essere nobile. La nobiltà di Teodolinda e il favore di Senatore presso Liutprando sarebbero provate dai membri della sua corte scelti come testimoni (tra questi, il preside degli scarii, cioè di un ufficio di regia presidenza ... sotto la cui vigilanza poteva essere posta la corporazione che erigevano).

La "lastra del Senatore"
La lastra fu rinvenuta a metà XIX secolo a Villareggio, presso Zeccone (non lontano da Pavia): era stata capovolta e riutilizzata per la pavimentazione di un cascinale. Finemente contornata, riporta inciso al centro "B.M." ("Bonae Memoriae" o "Bene Merenti") ed un complesso monogramma che gli studiosi sono concordi ad interpretare "Senatore"; certi studiosi, poi, ne concludono che debba trattarsi del sigillo tombale del Senatore del monastero, altri, invece, che la lastra fosse per il filosofo "senatore" Severino Boezio, fatto condannare e dannare da Teodorico circa duecento anni prima della morte di Senatore.

Note

S


text:
Near & Far Aid Association
A long-time supporter of Person-to-Person, the Near & Far Aid Association awarded a $25,000 grant for the P2P Emergency Assistance Program. The Emergency Assistance Program is at the core of the P2P service offering, providing food, clothing, financial assistance, crisis counseling and referrals to clients.
With locations in Norwalk and Darien, P2P helps nearly 25,000 men, women and children each year. P2P Executive Director Ceci Maher highlights the fact that the high cost of living in Fairfield County makes it difficult for the working poor and those who have incomes above the Federal Poverty Level but below the basic cost-of-living threshold to cover basic expenses. "The good news is that grants such as the one we have received from Near & Far Aid enable us to help individuals and families struggling to make ends meet."
When Near & Far Aid President Joan Panagos informed P2P about the award, she noted that the all-volunteer fundraising and fund granting organization is dedicated to eliminating the causes and effects of poverty in Fairfield County. "We accomplish this mission by finding and funding programs that provide life's most basic necessities, as well as those that seek to achieve lasting change. Since the year 2000, Near & Far Aid has granted more than $15 million to the area's best non-profit agencies and programs that further our mission."
"P2P is grateful for the continuing commitment and support of Near & Fair Aid," says Maher, "which enables us to provide help, hope and opportunity to people living in Stamford, Norwalk, Darien, New Canaan, Weston, Westport and Wilton."


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