And left his locks to grow.
That was a pretty play.
And used me like a child.
And mottoes on the rim.
How her pride was hurt!
Forty years past and more.
Who called me cher ami.
When life was hard to bear.
Yet friends we ever parted.
This homage to my friends.
"A Rhyme Of Friends" Poetry.net. STANDS4 LLC, 2019. Web. 24 Apr. 2019. <https://www.poetry.net/poem/31094/a-rhyme-of-friends>.


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Kenneth Horn and his four children moved into New Hope Housing in Houston in January 2019.
After six months of keeping his family inside the apartment, Kenneth took a chance and ventured out to the Buckner Family Hope Center across the street.
Kenneth found community at Buckner Family Hope Center
Kenneth is an enthusiastic, active participant in the Family Hope Center. He is president of the Resident Advisory Council and a graduate of the nurturing parenting series. He also is a member of a few men's groups.
"The past two years have been spent figuring out what's next for me and my family. I'm starting to see some glimpses of good things to come," Kenneth said.
Escaping generational pitfalls
Today, Kenneth passes on the truths he learned from Buckner to his children. He reminds them how important school is and encourages them to be anything they want to be.
"My kids are getting to witness that we can take matters into our own hands," he shared.
The positive changes Kenneth has made to his own mindset is affecting his children's as well. His children will never grow up knowing the life he grew up with.
"Kenneth has changed the outlook for his next generation," said Dior Burns, Family Hope Center director at Reed Road.
Becoming a leader for vulnerable families
Kenneth recently started a job with New Hope Housing through University of Houston and the city of Houston. In this role, he supports vulnerable families in the community in similar ways the Family Hope Center once provided him.
"I'm so thankful to have been a part of Kenneth's journey," shared Shawn Owens, Buckner family coach. "You meet somebody, you hand them the baton, and not only do they run, they run and hand that baton to other people – that really is our goal and dream. And now, we get to work together in this space."
For Kenneth, his journey has come full circle.
"Hopefully I'll run into somebody like myself who just needs some encouragement, a little love and some motivation," he said.
Learn more about the Buckner Family Hope Center and how you can help vulnerable families in your community.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Q: How to implement a real eraser in my drawing app? I am creating a simple drawing app using kotlin. I want to implement an eraser and was not able to find any proper solution for this. Every solution either uses white color as a substitute for eraser or completely resets the canvas after clicking on eraser button. As I have also implemented the feature of importing background images from the gallery, I can't use white color as eraser.

A: There is no magic eraser in canvas, because erasing is nothing but drawing something onto the canvas. You can't set the paint color to Transparent and draw on canvas to erase what is already drawn. This simply draws something that is transparent, which is basically nothing.
So you will need to implement an eraser by using a Color. Normally this is white, because the background is usually set to white. So this gives the appearance of erasing the content.
In your case, you have a background image. To implement an eraser for this, you will need 2 canvas. The background image will be drawn in the 1st canvas. All the other content (drawCircle, drawRect, drawPath, etc...) are drawn onto the 2nd canvas. Now, you could take the bitmap out of the 2nd canvas and draw that in the 1st canvas (drawBitmap). This gives the final appearance.
Now, in this setup, you could use "White" as a color to erase from the 2nd canvas. While drawing 2nd canvas content onto the 1st, use one of the PorterDuff mode, so that the "White" goes away.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


What are the Advantages of normalization?
What are the disadvantages of normalization?
Database normalization is a process in which we modify the complex database into the simpler database.
Data consistency means that the data is always real and it is not ambiguous.
Non-redundant means that only copy original copy of data is available for each user and for every time. There are no multiple copies of the same data for different persons. So when data is changed in one file and stay in one file. Then of course data is consistent and non-redundant. Here redundant is not the same as a backup of data, both are different things.
Insertion anomaly is an anomaly that occurs when we want to insert data into the database but the data is not completely or correctly inserted in the target attributes. If completely inserted in the database then not correctly entered.
Deletion anomaly is an anomaly that occurs when we want to delete data in the database but the data is not completely or correctly deleted in the target attributes.
Updation anomaly is an anomaly that occurs when we want to update data in the database but the data is not completely or correctly updated in the target attributes.
When we normalize the database, we convert the large table into a smaller table that leads to data and table compaction. Compaction means to have the least and required size.
Database normalization, Advantages of Normalization, Disadvantages of Normalization.


On some mornings I walk to my language class. It's about a 25 minute walk, but saves me 8 pesos each way. Every time I make this walk I notice something along the way that has never caught my attention before.
The goats were one of the first things I noticed on the walk. There are goats everywhere! I have noticed that they are all baby goats however, and kind of wonder where the grown up goats are. Actually I don't wonder, but rather try not to think about where they have all ended up.
One of the things that I didn't notice until the other day were the cows along the road. I know, what's so hard to notice about a cow, but really what went un-noticed was the way they're secured. No sissy lassoing here! I did a double take the first time I realized that Bessie was tied to the tree with a rope knot through the nose. I still scrunch up my nose every time I think of how they must have put it through there the first time. Ouch!
So yeah, every walk brings a new idea to my head. It's never a dull walk to class!
That poor cow! Diane says cut the rope! That would never fly here in the US.
OH! My nose just hurts thinking about it!


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22 Oct Don't look now: How a robot's gaze can affect the human brain
Posted at 15:53h in cybersecurity	by	SOS Support
It has long been known that making eye contact with a robot can be an unsettling experience. Scientists even have a name for the queasy feeling: the "uncanny valley"..
Now, thanks to researchers in Italy, we also know it's more than just a feeling.
A team at the Istituto Italiano Di Tecnologia (IIT) in Genoa have shown how a robot's gaze can trick us into thinking we are socially interacting and slow our ability to make decisions..
"Gaze is an extremely important social signal that we employ on a day-to-day basis when interacting with others," said Professor Agnieszka Wykowska, lead author of the research, published on Wednesday in the journal Science Robots.
You may find interesting this: A shocking number of companies have fired workers for Zoom "incidents"
"The question is whether the robot gaze will evoke very similar mechanisms in the human brain as another human's gaze would."
The team asked 40 volunteers to play a video game of "chicken" – where each player has to decide whether to allow a car to drive straight towards another car or to deviate to avoid a collision – against a humanoid robot sitting opposite them.
Between rounds players had to look at the robot, which would sometimes look back and other times look away.
In each scenario, the scientists collected data on behaviour and neural activity via electroencephalography (EEG), which detects electrical activity in the brain.
"Our results show that, actually, the human brain processes the robot gaze as a social signal, and that signal has an impact on the way we're making decisions, on the strategies we deploy in the game and also on our responses," Wykowska said.
"The mutual gaze of the robot affected decisions by delaying them, so humans were much slower in making the decisions in the game."
The findings have implications on where and how humanoid robots are deployed in future.
"Once we understand when robots elicit social attunement, then we can decide it which sort of context this is desirable and beneficial for humans and in which context this should not occur," said Wykowska.
According to a report by the International Federation of Robotics, worldwide sales of professional service robots had already jumped 32% to $11.2 billion between 2018 and 2019.
Source: Don't look now: How a robot's gaze can affect the human brain
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Fialho's farewell
Outgoing city manager on Pleasanton's evolution during tenure, the decision to step down and what's next for him
by Jeremy Walsh / Pleasanton Weekly
Uploaded: Wed, Nov 24, 2021, 11:57 am 2
Updated: Thu, Nov 25, 2021, 8:22 pm
City Manager Nelson Fialho, seen here in the heart of downtown Pleasanton, is nearing his last day on the job next week. He sat down with the Weekly this month to reflect on his 17 years leading the city and his plans for life and career ahead. (Photo by Cierra Bailey)
Walking into the Pleasanton city manager's office this month presented quite a different scene from prior years in Nelson Fialho's administration. The walls were mostly bare, save the nails on which photographs and plaques once hung; no large piles of paper on the desk; fewer mementos and books on the shelves.
Nelson Fialho. (Photo by Jeremy Walsh)
The chapter is closing for Pleasanton's longest-serving city manager. Fialho is stepping down next Tuesday after 17 years leading the city government and more than three decades working in civic service overall.
"I feel like I should have a better reason, but the reality is 25 years is a long time in one city," Fialho told the Weekly during a sitdown interview on Nov. 12. "I've been in local government for 31 years, and I feel in light of everything in regards to the pandemic and entering into a new calendar year that now is the right time to make a transition."
"I was 100% all-in to this community, and I always put the community's best interests at the forefront all the time. Some would argue sometimes maybe not in my best interests, but I felt strongly that that's how we should lead and guide," the 53-year-old said as he approached a retirement from public employment that is not necessarily a retirement from "working" -- and certainly not one from community service.
"I'm going to still be involved in some way in the community, just in a different way ... And I'll still be here in Pleasanton living; you'll see me on Main Street, at Peet's, hiking, enjoying the amenities that we have here in town."
A San Leandro native educated at Cal State East Bay, Fialho arrived in Pleasanton in his late 20s with work experience from the cities of Hayward, San Dimas and Campbell under his belt.
He began as assistant to the city manager, followed by promotions to director of human resources and labor relations and deputy city manager before he competed for and earned the city manager position in 2004.
Reflecting on the breadth between those bookends, Fialho viewed the biggest difference for the city from 17 years ago to today as lying with housing and development.
"I would say that what was central back then was a mindset, a very strong mindset and rightly so, of slower development. That was sort of the political philosophy of the time, which is to try to figure out a way to preserve the small-town feel and to ensure that development didn't outpace our infrastructure's ability to support and sustain it," he said.
"Housing was a concern 17 years ago, but now housing remains a concern but a different kind of concern," he added. "No. 1, I think every city including Pleasanton is struggling with affordable housing and how to produce it and how to do it the right way ... now, we're trying to maybe not slow it but try to find a way to do it right and do it so that it can be impactful for those who need it."
The second key factor now at play in the housing debate, in Fialho's mind, is "17 years ago we didn't have state intrusion into local control."
"All the legislation that really incentivizes housing production for the purposes of creating housing, and some affordable housing, and that's a challenge that wasn't as significant as it is today," he said. "Not only the volume that we have to accommodate, but also the erosion of local control that's occurred over the years because of state legislation."
Fialho also pointed to the community's shift demographically during his tenure -- "I think that's probably a source of strength of Pleasanton; it was less diverse 17 years ago."
Pressed to pore over his nearly two decades leading Pleasanton and select a single proudest professional accomplishment, Fialho barely hesitated.
"If I look back on my legacy, it's going to be the people that we've employed here at the city, that we've trained and developed, that we've promoted over time and at the end of the day those individuals build the culture and build the capacity for us to do a lot of things as a city," he said, adding:
"We're Pleasanton because of the people who work here and support not only the city manager, but the mayor and the council and the community. That to me is what I'm really proud of, and that's what I'm going to miss most."
Picking a favorite project came after more of a pause, with Fialho framing it as "the most interesting project" he worked on -- the city-owned Callippe Preserve Golf Course.
"Because it's so much more than just a golf course. It's an open space preserve, it's a residential development project, it's a golf course, it's a trail," he said. "It was done partly to create a golf course amenity for our community, but it was also designed to stop future development beyond Pleasanton's urban growth boundary for the area that we call Happy Valley."
"When people go out there, they see a golf course. But I see a lot more to it," Fialho said.
Other memorable "interesting" projects off the top of his head included the Firehouse Arts Center, Patelco Sports Complex in Bernal Community Park and the Castleridge land acquisition.
City Manager Nelson Fialho will step away from the city on Nov. 30. (Photo by Cierra Bailey)
"Financially, we're in a great spot," he added. "Our philosophy of not relying on debt, accelerating the payoff of our obligations like PERS and OPEB, and putting money aside for our reserves really put us in a good position to not cut services during the height of the pandemic or cut staff like police and fire and public works."
The coronavirus pandemic was front-of-mind for Fialho too when discussing the tough moments at the helm.
"If you had asked me this question 18 months ago, I would have said my biggest challenge was navigating the housing cap lawsuit and getting to the point that we had resolution," Fialho said. "We had to fast-track that effort ... We were very intentional and accelerated in our actions."
"We were dealing with things like a voter-approved housing cap that got undone by a court, and we had to not only fix it but we also had to educate the community about why we had to undo it and blow through, for planning purposes, what the housing cap suggested we would never do as a community," he continued:
"We were dismantling the holy grail of Pleasanton urban planning. That was hard, on multiple fronts: politically, legally, community-wide, organizationally."
... "But the pandemic has been the hardest thing."
"There was nothing that we could look to for guidance," Fialho said looking back on those early months of the COVID-19 pandemic last year. "Everything was changing by the day, weekly. We were responding real-time on social media and with information on our website. We went from 500 people here daily, to most of them being at home."
"And so pivoting to a virtual environment, keeping the lights on and the lawns mowed during the height of the pandemic was a surreal experience, but we've gotten through it and we're coming out of it," he added.
Perhaps the only bit of unfinished business as he departs, he said -- "the full reopening and restoration of city services is the work that still needs to be done."
Nelson Fialho poses in the conference room outside of the city council chambers at the Pleasanton Civic Center. (Photo by Jeremy Walsh)
Fialho addressed head-on some of the speculation out there from people wondering why he'd step away from the city manager post at his age.
"Well, I'm not leaving because of state intrusion. I have the capacity to get through all of that if I wanted to," he said. "I'm not leaving because there's a change in the political majority of the City Council. That is the environment that good city managers expect. You don't pick your council members, the community does, and you're expected to transition through that over time."
"I'm leaving because 25 years is a long time, and 17 years as a city manager is a long time," Fialho added. "And I think I have an opportunity, while I'm still young, to take a short break -- which I'm going to do -- and then pursue some other interests in the community but also professionally."
The options he's actively considering include lending his expertise to local nonprofits, pursuing teaching opportunities at the college level and private consulting either on his own or by joining an established firm.
"I'm treating this as: I'm taking December and January off, and then come February I'll reassess and decide what I want to do," Fialho said.
As for the future of the city government, council members have tapped assistant city manager Brian Dolan to lead on an interim basis until they complete a nationwide recruitment for a permanent city manager during the next four to six months with the help of a consultant firm.
"Brian Dolan is a fantastic administrator. He's going to be able to steer the ship in partnership with the mayor and council in a very good way," Fialho said. "He's also supported by a great group of department heads who are experts."
"Given what we're going to be dealing with -- like the Housing Element, the Climate Action Plan, district elections -- he's in the best position to navigate that while the council does the recruitment," Fialho said of Dolan. "I have 100% confidence in him."
And now that the final chapter is all but written, how should Nelson Fialho's 17-year tenure as Pleasanton city manager be judged?
"That's hard for me. To say anything else sounds egotistical, right?" he said before obliging.
"I think it's been wildly successful. I mean, if you look at the metrics, we've done really well. We're on a bunch of recognition lists and our surveys consistently come out well. We've had stability administratively, and even politically. Our infrastructure is good. Our park amenities are great. And it's like one of the darlings of the Bay Area. But I also think that others might be more objective if you ask them that question," Fialho added, finishing with a grin.
"I walk out feeling pretty good."
Nelson Fialho is in his final week as city manager, stepping down next Tuesday after 17 years leading the Pleasanton city government. (Photo by Cierra Bailey)
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Uploaded: Wed, Nov 24, 2021, 11:57 am
FrankB
Vintage Hills
on Nov 26, 2021 at 10:29 am
FrankB, Vintage Hills
Nelson has been a great asset to the city of Pleasanton. He carefully and professionally managed the city through challenging times. His fiscal policies have positioned the city for a prosperous future. He will be missed.
Afolson
Afolson, Ironwood
It's difficult to see Nelson Fialho step down as our City Manager. Having spent four years on our City Council I met with Nelson almost weekly to discuss issues important to the City at the time. I came to view Nelson as the City's CEO. Nelson leaves Pleasanton in a strong financial position. My advice to our present City Council, hire someone with relevant experience as a City Manager in California who has exercised conservative financial management. My advise to a new incoming City Manager, get to know Nelson and keep his contact info in your phone. Because once Brian Dolan has retired considerable institutional knowledge has left the building.
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Interview with Unity & Struggle
An interview with Unity & Struggle, from Viewpoint Magazine's "Strategy After Ferguson" collection.
Submitted by R Totale on February 24, 2018
What is the history of your group? What actions have you organized, how has your group changed, and what are your plans for the future?
Unity and Struggle is a small communist collective, primarily located in Atlanta, Houston, and New York City. We have reformed and reshaped our grouping many times over the years, though our lineage goes back to Love and Rage Anarchist Federation in the 1990s. Our group has shifted most sharply around Marx's ideas; we spent the last several years grounding ourselves in a Marxist framework. Unity and Struggle is primarily a propaganda circle, but it is expected that our members engage in organizing projects and study. We've been involved in a wide variety of projects over the years, including student struggles around Palestine solidarity, anti-austerity, and worker/student campaigns; queer liberation struggles; antifascist organizing; immigrant organizing; and tenant, neighborhood and workplace organizing.
Most recently, we participated in the Black Lives Matter (BLM) wave, starting with Trayvon Martin but really gearing up during Ferguson. On the local level, we're working to transition the initial crest in BLM activity into sustained organizing in different cities, in whatever form(s) that may take. Our members are currently helping to build small fighting organizations that challenge policing in our neighborhoods by building milieus, hosting Know Your Rights trainings and anti-police educational events, developing solidarity networks, etc. We have discussed the possibility of organizing around the demand to "Disempower, Disarm and Disband" police everywhere. Nationally, we will be connecting with others involved in BLM through writing projects, coordinating events, traveling to cities with new radicalizing layers and coordinating organizing projects regionally and nationally.
On September 25, 2013, a 12 year old black girl named Laporshia Massey died of asthma in a Philadelphia school, since there was no nurse there to treat her. She died saying "I can't breathe." She was only one of several children in Philadelphia who have died as a result of systematic, racialized poverty and the city budget cuts that have recently deepened it. This is a kind of murder by poverty and urban segregation; it hasn't received as much attention in the national media as the recent police murders, but it's a fundamental and ongoing element of American racism. What is the strategic value of centering antagonism towards the police? How have you been able to link up this movement against the police to other related struggles, such as the Fight for $15, anti-gentrification, anti-austerity, and prison abolition work?
These are always guesses, but many of us have a sense that anti-police work is strategic because (1) police brutality is a site of class struggle that is shared across a growing swath of the working class, and (2) police brutality is a mechanism the system cannot help but continue to employ for the foreseeable future, thus trapping itself between a rock and a hard place.
In the first place, the historical origins of the police as slave catchers and strike breakers indicates their ongoing role in capitalist accumulation. The police have been the means to attack and discipline the social and political power of the proletariat and oppressed people, and ultimately, determine the overall conditions of labor. In our current moment, the economic crisis is forcing ever greater numbers of us into potential conflict with the cops, which thus appears as the first sign of the objective power of capital over our lives. The police have been the blunt end of the shift toward precarity as a universal social condition. Of course cops have been there for at least a century, backing up the manager and the boss. But to the degree deepening inequality and class antagonism are accompanied by widespread precarity, lumpenization (hustling on the side to survive), and "team management" bullshit in many workplaces, police may become the most explicit form of appearance of the capital relation.
The police are therefore something widely encountered across the proletariat, the key mechanism that ensures the reproduction of class relations by force. Here we vibe a bit with Théorie Communiste, when they say "the police is the force which, in the last instance, is our own existence as a class as limit." Police prevent us from simply taking the means of subsistence and production we need to survive, and thereby abolishing ourselves as a class. Of course this is not the only way class struggle is expressed in our moment – there are mass strike waves happening in East and Southeast Asia, sparked by confrontations with employers – but it is a major dimension of the proletarian experience right now from Rio to Cape Town to Mumbai.
Secondly, the U.S. ruling class will have a hell of a time reforming the police in a manner sufficient to contain the unrest. True, there is a "decarceration" tendency in the progressive ruling class, which aims to lower the prison population and shift funding toward alternatives to incarceration, compulsory job and housing placements, and individualized monitoring and surveillance. This program could conceivably synch up with "community policing" reforms, and dampen the revolt against police violence and mass incarceration. But realizing this tendency would require a huge overhaul of police, penal, and welfare agencies, and it might introduce more social instability in the process. Also, at least for the black struggle, there exists no adequate "patronage system" to broker such a transition. The old civil rights leadership is aging out, and the new black petit-bourgeoisie and bourgeoisie is separated geographically, culturally, and institutionally from the black proletariat, leaving in their wake a gaping crisis of legitimacy.
Of course, anti-police work contains its own limits – this connects to the question about linking up different movements. For most of Unity and Struggle, connecting movements is not only about relating to them rhetorically ("cops taze people on the street, and students get tazed on campus") or analytically ("the surplus value workers make in factories is tapped by merchants in sales and landlords in rent"), though these are important. It is also very practical and relational: how do we weave together the milieus that develop around our different areas of work? How do we connect people who have radicalized in one context – say, BLM protests – and introduce them to new and different kinds of activity, as things pop off in different areas and around different issues? Unity and Struggle members generally believe "activity precedes consciousness": our sense of ourselves as members of a global working class is shaped through practical experiences of collective coordination and power, and not simply through reasoned argumentation or propaganda. So cultivating collaboration between, say, people fighting police violence and people fighting slumlords – and through it imagining how these struggles might influence one another materially – is one way to lay the seeds for class unity to emerge in the future.
In Houston, this has involved inviting folks we met in the streets during the Ferguson protests to accompany us when we visited pickets during the February oil strike, and to get involved in a local solidarity network that can pivot between anti-boss, -landlord, and -cop organizing. The goal remains to develop continuity between waves of struggle by connecting organic militants we meet in struggles and developing ties across different sectors. The older syndicalist, socialist and communist tradition had its set of organizational forms to do this, and we need new forms to do so across struggles at different points of production and reproduction. We are playing with S. Nappolos' "intermediate organization" idea to help us think through doing this today. "Intermediate" groups bring together committed revolutionaries and working class militants beyond the single-issue or single-sector focus of mass organizations, like trade unions or activist coalitions. They may operate within existing mass groups (like independent workplace committees within a union) or on their own as independent collectives. In an era where union density is declining, while small autonomous groups are able to initiate and drive activity using the internet, we can explore "intermediate" groups as a type of organization with their own potentials.
An important turning point for the black freedom struggle in the 1960s were the urban rebellions in Watts, Detroit, Newark, and dozens of other cities, which involved a great deal of property destruction and looting. Much has changed since then, but the political economy of urban development is still a central dynamic of racial inequality in places like Baltimore, Oakland and Ferguson. Are riots also still politically relevant, or has their meaning changed? And what about those places with similar conditions where major riots have not happened, like New York or Philadelphia? What other metrics might we use to measure the development of struggle beyond street militancy?
Most of us have partial agreement with Blaumachen's "Era of Riots" thesis, in the sense that urban riots are a major dimension of class struggle in the current period (taking into account the varying development and class composition around the globe, and their different tactical repertoires). We think these riots are politically relevant in the U.S. because they send shockwaves across the society; they fracture dominant ideology, and spark mass questioning of the system beyond their immediate social base; they expose internal divisions within the class, and point to their possible resolution. Of course riots do not immediately produce class unity – depending on the staying power of (white) workers' reformism, internal divisions could even deepen. But they establish the conditions for a higher unity to emerge, and for class recomposition to occur. We agree with C.L.R. James that autonomous black struggle has the potential to "bring the proletariat on the scene."
Still, riots only create openings. People have to build around that opening and develop the ability for struggles to deepen and broaden. We don't mean this just in a military sense, in terms of what tactics we use in the streets, but also in a political sense. To prevent the class base that launched a riot from being outright repressed, or simply contained, exhausted and co-opted, we need to help riots sustain in time, leap across sectors (like when the urban rebellions of the late 1960s fueled the wildcat strike waves of 1970 and 1974), and take on a "combined and uneven" character of riots, strikes, occupations at once. This involves all kinds of organizational, strategic and tactical challenges, but also political ones. How do we seed the kind of class consciousness that will facilitate these leaps when they are possible, and unveil the ways our lives are bound together under the forms of appearance imposed on us by capital?
In terms of the political economy of urban development, there have been some good posts on this. We've seen flashpoints in "weak links" like Ferguson, and suburbs like McKinney or where Trayvon was killed. All these were racial border zones outside the urban cores, which brought white security forces into contact with the black proletariat and petit-bourgeoisie in new ways. Similar things could happen in sprawl cities like Houston, where the development of the black political elite has not kept up with the growth of the city. Existing patronage networks there are fixed to historically black neighborhoods, whose proletarian black population is being pushed into other areas, such as southwest Houston. This creates potential openings for struggle that can't be immediately subsumed by the black political elite.
In Baltimore by contrast, rioting broke out in a black urban center – one of the most immiserated on the East Coast – but it was contained by black middle class leadership (the Nation of Islam, black politicians, the young black state prosecutor who brought charges against the cop, with whom many people sympathized). Places like New York City haven't even seen that much, because while you have a brutal police-army, you also have a robust NGO complex with a still hegemonic petit-bourgeois left, and a "progressive" multi-racial city bureaucracy with its patronage systems still fairly intact. The social decay is more contained in there, despite flashpoints like the 2013 Flatbush riot. In Atlanta, black respectability politics still dominates much of the discourse of the media and political elite. Although this is being challenged by an increasingly radicalized BLM movement, there is a strong precedent of respectable protesting and "shouting truth to power." Similarly in Philly you have a very long-established black political elite, and a police chief (Ramsey) renowned as a velvet glove specialist – though Philly is crazy immiserated, so a Baltimore scenario could be possible there too.
Regarding metrics for struggle, most of us would agree you have to measure movements by more than their street militancy. We would say you also have to look beyond the numbers of members in established left organizations. Some criteria for a growing movement might be the amount of independent organization and class consciousness it's leaving in its wake: how many new grouplets mushroomed up in the course of the wave? How many have persisted? How profound is the sense that "something is wrong with this society," and how deeply are people searching for political answers? How much did people develop a sense that, collectively, we can drive the course of history?
The movements of the 1960s and 1970s against racism and police violence led to the emergence of new kinds of organizations – including, just to name a few, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Revolutionary Action Movement, the Black Panther Party, the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, the Third World Women's Alliance, and, for white radicals, the Students for a Democratic Society. In the 1970s these groups transformed into new revolutionary organizations, which were often multi-racial alliances between black, [email protected], Puerto Rican, and Asian groups. Do you see new organizations emerging today, and if so, what is their relationship to the broader Black Lives Matter movement?
New kinds of organization inevitably emerge in a mass movement, although, given the recent lull in activity, the trajectories of the new groups formed out of BLM aren't entirely clear. To make our best guess at where things will head, we have to be attuned to the objective basis of these new forms of organization, and understand how their development unfolds in different conditions than the 1960s and 1970s.
Historically, like all mass movements in capitalist society, the black struggle has had contradictory expressions. On the one hand, black movements have been struggles for entry into the wage relation, the labor market, and civil society. On the other hand, they have revealed the arbitrary and historical character of race and the social and political institutions that reproduce it, and so have drawn modern capitalist society into question. In each period of black struggle, from the slave revolts, to Reconstruction, to the Great Migration, to Civil Rights, these contradictory potentials have been continually re-presented.
We've written a bit elsewhere about the dual character of the black movement from the 50s-70s, and how it played out. Suffice it to say, this movement destroyed Jim Crow, and gave rise to the so-called "post-racial" situation we have today. This new era was characterized by the haphazard entry of some blacks into factory, public sector, and white collar jobs, followed by downsizing; the breakout of black capitalists into integrated markets; and the formal acceptance of black politicians into the political system. In the process, the old black community, shaped by decades of legal and de facto segregation, was riven with growing class antagonism. Some people moved on up, while the black working class endured deindustrialization, white flight, the drug war, mass incarceration, and resurgent precarity.
Today a reinvented "colorblind racist" discourse surrounds the black working class, whose class position is rationalized as a result of their nature as inherently criminal, unemployable, shiftless, incapable of maintaining nuclear families, etc. The black upper-middle class and bourgeoisie encounter prejudice in the integrated universities, professions, and neighborhoods they have gained access to. They occasionally catch shit from institutions geared toward repressing the black proletariat (for example, when New York Times columnist Charles Blow's son, a student at Yale, was stopped by campus security with guns drawn). The universities and NGOs bring these layers together, in different combinations.
There are many small groupings developing out of the BLM movement, and all of them are shaped by these conditions, and express their contradictions. That said, the movement is still unfolding and its trajectory is open. No single political perspective or class fraction holds hegemony. While young middle-class people are shaping the movement's direction nationally (outside moments of rioting), this layer itself is internally contradictory, and pulls in different directions.
Some of the new groups are more working class or lumpen in character (say, Lost Voices in Ferguson), while some are more middle class in character (some of the "official" #BLM groups, it seems to us, are comprised of grad/students or people with some connection to nonprofit staff). Some are exclusively black, while others are multiracial in composition, if usually majority non-white. Across the board, the new groups are autonomous from the old black patronage system forged out of Civil Rights, and rely on their disruptive potential in the streets for political leverage, rather than the city, state, or federal political connections employed by the old guard. They have been acting as "networked Leninists" (see Rodrigo Nuñes 1, 2) by jump-starting mass protests through loose networks, and driving popular discussion.
Progressive capitalists have already made overtures to draw these new groups into the fold: Soros donated $33 million to BLM groups last year, for example. So far their control is weak, and the recent statement repudiating the Democratic Party is a good sign. Nevertheless, we find many BLM groups operating outside the nonprofits still reproduce their logic in rhetoric and strategy. For example, many new groups are doing direct actions, but remain stuck in a moral critique of racism and capitalism that leaves room for the parties and NGOs to step in with "real" solutions. We saw this in the backstage discussion with Hillary.
So young people have leapt beyond the parties and NGOs in the streets, but they don't yet have a revolutionary analysis of society to definitively separate themselves from the latter, and they aren't yet able to consolidate their own fighting organizations. In the vacuum, possible political differences continue to emerge. One emerging divide is a between black feminist, queer and trans politics on the one side, and a kind of pseudo-black nationalist patriarchal politics on the other. We saw this play out in the #SayHerName protests, especially in Philly, and in the critique of hotep dudes online.
Unity and Struggle is trying to keep track of this dizzying and uneven development across the country, and highlight any lines of coherence that tend in a revolutionary direction. We have been working with the "Disempower, Disarm and Disband" slogan as one way to encapsulate the revolutionary perspective that is out there right now, but has yet to cohere in a distinct pole. Of course, disarming and disbanding the police is a long-term goal (while we could see de-militarization, and the disbanding of particular units, sooner). But "disempowering" the police is already happening on a mass level, for example in the video of the women in New York City preventing a young girl from being arrested. And this emerging militancy is reflected in the "official" BLM movement too, for example in the de-arrest that happened at their conference in Cleveland. We can help this activity spread and formalize.
Generally, we see the role of revolutionaries being to recognize this pole in formation, and help it cohere politically and organizationally across the country. Our hunch is, the contours of this pole include some kind of anti-capitalism, a rejection of bourgeois parties, and an attempt to grapple with race and white supremacy as a system endemic to capitalism.
Since the uprising in Ferguson, we've seen racist, right-wing terrorism flare up with the bombing of an NAACP office in Colorado and the tragic and murderous attack on a historic Black Church in South Carolina. The shooting of two police officers in New York seems to have encouraged NYPD members to openly defy the city's mayor, hamstringing his own agenda. And elsewhere, politicians and police have started to use the specter of Ferguson and Baltimore to justify preemptive police repression and mobilize support for curfews. Might these movements and uprisings provoke a right-wing resurgence? Do you see examples of this happening where you organize? What can we do to rout these efforts?
Polarization is definitely part of the dynamic right now, with resurgent black and left-wing movements prompting a right-wing response in turn. It has a contrapuntal character: the BLM movement crests and begins to fall, and then a conservative reaction happens. At times the reaction is premised on individuals who haul off and shoot cops for a variety of reasons, maybe related to mass frustration at the inability of the movement to achieve deep gains (cop shootings like this happened after the BLM crest in NYC, but also LA and recently Texas).
Part of the reaction comes from within the state itself, with politicians calling for the movement to discipline itself under respectable leadership, and police agencies rolling out new surveillance programs. But part of it also emerges "from below" and is semi-autonomous from the state. This includes the rank-and-file rebellion within the police unions, isolated fascist shooters like Dylan Roof, organized fascist activity like the Nazis in Olympia or the Klan in Charleston, and broader right-populist mobilizations like the Oath Keepers going to Ferguson.
In this area, we are still establishing a common framework to discuss the questions at hand, and comparing conclusions from practice and study. One line of discussion we are having relates to the concept of the "united front," and another relates to the political dynamics of right-populism.
The "united front" discussion is about how to smash the far right, without being isolated and targeted by the state, nor being absorbed by the liberal response to the right. This includes strategic and tactical questions like: what is the best balance between smashing fascists militarily vs. out-organizing their base? How to avoid state repression of revolutionary antifascism? When and how to cohere a broad front against right-wing attacks, including liberals? How to pivot from defensive moments, where we are fending off right wing attacks, to offensive moments, where we emerge as a strengthened, independent revolutionary pole? We haven't come to a common position on these questions yet. But we are learning in practice through successive moments of right-wing reaction, and through historical study of "united fronts" in the communist and anarchist traditions.
Another discussion is about how we should understand the populist right, particularly the broad Patriot movement. One perspective says the Patriot movement is more dangerous than the ideologically committed fascists, because of their broader political legitimacy, and their open use of arms in the streets. On top of this, we are also weighing the significance of the internal contradictions within the Patriot movement, and whether any fragments of it could potentially swing to the left – and if so, how we should then confront Patriots in the streets. Finally, we are wondering if there is a possibility of an alliance between elements of the Patriot movement and conservative black groups like the New Black Panther Party or Detroit 300, like a contemporary mutation of the historical talks between Garvey and the Klan. We're paying close attention to developments like the recent split in the Oath Keepers over the proposed black open carry protest in Ferguson, and listening to what the rest of the revolutionary antifascist left is saying. We don't have a common position on these questions yet, either.
Last May, we published an analysis of the uprising in Baltimore, focusing in on the dynamics of white solidarity. The essay confronted a tension pervasive throughout the movement, on the simultaneous necessity of strategic alliances between different struggles of oppressed and exploited peoples, and the possibility that including other groups might obviate the specificity of anti-Black racism. As the movement has developed, it's proven to have strong resonances with non-black people, drawing in participation and support from a range of different sectors and struggles and sometimes offering models for others. How do we maintain the resonance between different struggles with shared antagonisms, without effacing what is specific to this movement?
Most of Unity and Struggle agrees there are differences of power within the working class, with some sections (men, whites, citizens, etc.) able to gain benefits at the expense of other sections, but at the cost of class solidarity and posing a challenge to capitalism as a whole. The autonomous movement of black proletarians, even as it prompts the black bourgeoisie and political elite to make their own moves, also challenges these internal divisions within the class, and so lays the groundwork for a renewed struggle against both race and capital.
Non-black working class people thus have reason to support and participate in black struggles – not only from an ethical perspective, but also in order to realize their class interests, which requires abolishing race as we have known it. We vibe with Sojourner Truth Organization's ideas from back in the day: rather than calling for "black and white, unite and fight" as if both sides were equal players in a given whole, we say the specific struggles of black proletarians are in all of our interests, and make it possible for us to win together, and we relate to them as such.
Our take on non-black participation in the BLM movement jumps off from this perspective. If the BLM movement inspires non-black people to participate, they can and should do so, while highlighting how the success or failure of the black struggle bears on their own liberation. They can and should discuss any disagreements they have, if they believe these ideas undermine the self-movement of the black proletariat, and therefore, the class struggle. They can and should connect the black movement (rhetorically, analytically, practically) to other areas of organizing, while confronting any developments that would undercut the black movement in turn.
Most of us think "ally" politics is too limited to capture this: it assumes a liberal horizon of rights and inclusion, reifies racial categories, and lends legitimacy to black bourgeois forces. From this perspective, black groups calling for black-owned businesses ought to be supported unquestioningly by white allies. Non-black militants supporting black youth in the streets against NGOs should be "called out" for endangering the directly affected. All of us should "stay in our lane" based on our identity category, with a fixed tactical playbook assigned accordingly.
We generally support autonomous organization based on shared experience, as a way to develop new theory and practice that the broader movement has undermined. At the same time, we hold up the usefulness of multi-racial, multi-gender organization as a venue to synthesize autonomous experiences. These are moments that move back and forth, dynamically and historically. There will be periods of discontinuity and tension between black and non-black militants, so long as the real differences between us aren't yet undermined in practice and struggle. But there will also be times when unified action, or the initiatives and ideas of non-black people, will be useful for the black movement.
There is no "one size fits all" way white people should relate to black struggles, or vice versa. As Selma James described very well, there is instead a continual process of development, that creates the possibility for ever higher levels of unity and struggle.
Book traversal links for Interview with Unity & Struggle
Strategy After Ferguson
Interview with Ann Arbor Movement for Black Lives
Unity & Struggle
2014 Ferguson unrest
Black Lives Matter movement
Ben Mabie
Joohyun Kim
Rather than calling for 'black and white, unite and fight' as if both sides were equal players in a given whole, we say the specific struggles of black proletarians are in all of our interests, and make it possible for us to win together, and we relate to them as such.
Interview with Qilombo
Interview with Qilombo, from Viewpoint Magazine's "Strategy After Ferguson" feature.
Interview with Trayvon Martin Organizing Committee/Action Against Black Genocide
Interview with George Ciccariello-Maher, of the Trayvon Martin Organizing Committee/Action Against…
Interview with Wyldfire! Collective
Interview with Abdul, Baaseiah, and Nayef of the Wyldfire! Collective, from Viewpoint Magazine's "Strategy After Ferguson" feature.
Contribution from Advance the Struggle
A report by Advance the Struggle on the movement in Oakland's school system following the Ferguson Uprising, from Viewpoint Magazine's "Strategy…


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text:
Q: What's the use of textStyle property in ElevatedButton? ElevatedButton(
  onPressed: () {},
  style: ElevatedButton.styleFrom(
    textStyle: TextStyle(color: Colors.black), // Not working
  ),
  child: Text('Hello'),
)

There's textStyle property in the styleFrom method but when I provide a color to it, it doesn't change the color of the Text supplied. So, what's the use of that property?

A: First of all, sorry if i am a bit inaccurate on some technical aspects on Dart and Flutter: i am new to these technologies :)
Short answer
The use of textStyle property in the styleFrom method is to set the style of the text on the button. Nevertheless, even if the use of color property in textStyle is to set the color of text, it is primarily for the use of Text Widget. In Buttons, foregroundColor has preference. Other than that, style set in textStyle is applied to the button's text (fontWeight, etc.)
Set foregroundColor to null and color property from textStyle will be taken instead (keep reading for details!).
Long answer
So, after i double read your question i got intrigued and went to the documentation. There i found that

[foregroundColor property] is typically used instead of the color of the textStyle.
All of the components that compute defaults from ButtonStyle values
compute a default foregroundColor and use that instead of the
textStyle's color.

Ok, but when i tried to retrieve the foregroundColor property from a button that has called styleFrom method, i got null
...
ElevatedButton(
  // prints null
  onPressed: () {
    print("foreground is ${ElevatedButton.styleFrom(textStyle: TextStyle(color: Colors.black)).foregroundColor}");
  },
...

and still, the color property of textStyle is ignored, so there had to be something else...
It was then that i realized that in the docu for styleFrom they write

The onPrimary, and onSurface colors are used to to create a
MaterialStateProperty ButtonStyle.foregroundColor value

And further, looking at the implementation of ElevatedButton i found that there is a method called defaultStyleOf, which

Defines the button's default appearance.

And even further, its implementation had this line
...
return styleFrom(
  primary: colorScheme.primary,
  onPrimary: colorScheme.onPrimary,
...

where
final ThemeData theme = Theme.of(context);
final ColorScheme colorScheme = theme.colorScheme;

So i realized that behind the scenes, foregroundColor might be assigned to the value of onPrimary set by the defaultStyleOf method which is taken from Theme.of(context).
With this knowledge i decided to make an experiment and create a custom button which would extend ElevatedButton and which overrides defaultStyleOf with onPrimary set to null. By doing this, the button's foregroundColor is set to null, and then the color from textStyle should come into play, so i wrote
import 'package:flutter/foundation.dart';
import 'package:flutter/material.dart';

void main() {
  runApp(MyApp());
}

class MyApp extends StatelessWidget {
  @override
  Widget build(BuildContext context) {
    return MaterialApp(
      home: MyHomePage(),
    );
  }
}

class MyHomePage extends StatefulWidget {
  @override
  _MyHomePageState createState() => _MyHomePageState();
}

class _MyHomePageState extends State<MyHomePage> {

  @override
  Widget build(BuildContext context)
  {
    return MyElevatedButton(child: Text("Hello"), textStyle: TextStyle(color: Colors.black),);
  }
}

@immutable
class _ElevatedButtonDefaultBackground extends MaterialStateProperty<Color?> with Diagnosticable {
  _ElevatedButtonDefaultBackground(this.primary, this.onSurface);

  final Color? primary;
  final Color? onSurface;

  @override
  Color? resolve(Set<MaterialState> states) {
    if (states.contains(MaterialState.disabled))
      return onSurface?.withOpacity(0.12);
    return primary;
  }
}

@immutable
class _ElevatedButtonDefaultForeground extends MaterialStateProperty<Color?> with Diagnosticable {
  _ElevatedButtonDefaultForeground(this.onPrimary, this.onSurface);

  final Color? onPrimary;
  final Color? onSurface;

  @override
  Color? resolve(Set<MaterialState> states) {
    if (states.contains(MaterialState.disabled))
      return onSurface?.withOpacity(0.38);
    return onPrimary;
  }
}

@immutable
class _ElevatedButtonDefaultOverlay extends MaterialStateProperty<Color?> with Diagnosticable {
  _ElevatedButtonDefaultOverlay(this.onPrimary);

  final Color onPrimary;

  @override
  Color? resolve(Set<MaterialState> states) {
    if (states.contains(MaterialState.hovered))
      return onPrimary.withOpacity(0.08);
    if (states.contains(MaterialState.focused) || states.contains(MaterialState.pressed))
      return onPrimary.withOpacity(0.24);
    return null;
  }
}

@immutable
class _ElevatedButtonDefaultElevation extends MaterialStateProperty<double> with Diagnosticable {
  _ElevatedButtonDefaultElevation(this.elevation);

  final double elevation;

  @override
  double resolve(Set<MaterialState> states) {
    if (states.contains(MaterialState.disabled))
      return 0;
    if (states.contains(MaterialState.hovered))
      return elevation + 2;
    if (states.contains(MaterialState.focused))
      return elevation + 2;
    if (states.contains(MaterialState.pressed))
      return elevation + 6;
    return elevation;
  }
}

@immutable
class _ElevatedButtonDefaultMouseCursor extends MaterialStateProperty<MouseCursor?> with Diagnosticable {
  _ElevatedButtonDefaultMouseCursor(this.enabledCursor, this.disabledCursor);

  final MouseCursor? enabledCursor;
  final MouseCursor? disabledCursor;

  @override
  MouseCursor? resolve(Set<MaterialState> states) {
    if (states.contains(MaterialState.disabled))
      return disabledCursor;
    return enabledCursor;
  }
}

class MyElevatedButton extends ElevatedButton {

  final TextStyle textStyle;
  final Widget child;

  MyElevatedButton({required this.textStyle, required this.child}) : super(child: Text("topo",), style: ElevatedButton.styleFrom(textStyle: textStyle), onPressed: () {});

  static ButtonStyle styleFrom({
    Color? primary,
    Color? onPrimary,
    Color? onSurface,
    Color? shadowColor,
    double? elevation,
    TextStyle? textStyle,
    EdgeInsetsGeometry? padding,
    Size? minimumSize,
    Size? fixedSize,
    BorderSide? side,
    OutlinedBorder? shape,
    MouseCursor? enabledMouseCursor,
    MouseCursor? disabledMouseCursor,
    VisualDensity? visualDensity,
    MaterialTapTargetSize? tapTargetSize,
    Duration? animationDuration,
    bool? enableFeedback,
    AlignmentGeometry? alignment,
    InteractiveInkFeatureFactory? splashFactory,
  }) {
    final MaterialStateProperty<Color?>? backgroundColor = (onSurface == null && primary == null)
        ? null
        : _ElevatedButtonDefaultBackground(primary, onSurface);
    final MaterialStateProperty<Color?>? foregroundColor = (onSurface == null && onPrimary == null)
        ? null
        : _ElevatedButtonDefaultForeground(onPrimary, onSurface);
    final MaterialStateProperty<Color?>? overlayColor = (onPrimary == null)
        ? null
        : _ElevatedButtonDefaultOverlay(onPrimary);
    final MaterialStateProperty<double>? elevationValue = (elevation == null)
        ? null
        : _ElevatedButtonDefaultElevation(elevation);
    final MaterialStateProperty<MouseCursor?>? mouseCursor = (enabledMouseCursor == null && disabledMouseCursor == null)
        ? null
        : _ElevatedButtonDefaultMouseCursor(enabledMouseCursor, disabledMouseCursor);

    return ButtonStyle(
      textStyle: MaterialStateProperty.all<TextStyle?>(textStyle),
      backgroundColor: backgroundColor,
      foregroundColor: foregroundColor,
      overlayColor: overlayColor,
      shadowColor: ButtonStyleButton.allOrNull<Color>(shadowColor),
      elevation: elevationValue,
      padding: ButtonStyleButton.allOrNull<EdgeInsetsGeometry>(padding),
      minimumSize: ButtonStyleButton.allOrNull<Size>(minimumSize),
      fixedSize: ButtonStyleButton.allOrNull<Size>(fixedSize),
      side: ButtonStyleButton.allOrNull<BorderSide>(side),
      shape: ButtonStyleButton.allOrNull<OutlinedBorder>(shape),
      mouseCursor: mouseCursor,
      visualDensity: visualDensity,
      tapTargetSize: tapTargetSize,
      animationDuration: animationDuration,
      enableFeedback: enableFeedback,
      alignment: alignment,
      splashFactory: splashFactory,
    );
  }

  @override
  ButtonStyle defaultStyleOf(BuildContext context) {
    final ThemeData theme = Theme.of(context);
    final ColorScheme colorScheme = theme.colorScheme;

    final EdgeInsetsGeometry scaledPadding = ButtonStyleButton.scaledPadding(
      const EdgeInsets.symmetric(horizontal: 16),
      const EdgeInsets.symmetric(horizontal: 8),
      const EdgeInsets.symmetric(horizontal: 4),
      MediaQuery.maybeOf(context)?.textScaleFactor ?? 1,
    );

    return styleFrom(
      primary: colorScheme.primary,
      onPrimary: null,//colorScheme.onPrimary,
      onSurface: colorScheme.onSurface,
      shadowColor: theme.shadowColor,
      elevation: 2,
      textStyle: theme.textTheme.button,
      padding: scaledPadding,
      minimumSize: const Size(64, 36),
      side: null,
      shape: const RoundedRectangleBorder(borderRadius: BorderRadius.all(Radius.circular(4))),
      enabledMouseCursor: SystemMouseCursors.click,
      disabledMouseCursor: SystemMouseCursors.forbidden,
      visualDensity: theme.visualDensity,
      tapTargetSize: theme.materialTapTargetSize,
      animationDuration: kThemeChangeDuration,
      enableFeedback: true,
      alignment: Alignment.center,
      splashFactory: InkRipple.splashFactory,
    );
  }

}

and voilá! the color from TextStyle was used!

A: To change the textColor by setting the properties of elevated button you need to set onPrimary property as per docs the purpose of it is to style the text but the thing is the overlay onPrimary is used for purpose of giving effects or button feel which inturn affects on the color provided by text style:

Specify a value for onPrimary to specify the color of the button's
text and icons as well as the overlay colors used to indicate the
hover, focus, and pressed states. Use primary for the button's
background fill color and onSurface to specify the button's disabled
text, icon, and fill color.
Follow here

ElevatedButton(
      onPressed: () {},
      style: ElevatedButton.styleFrom(
          onPrimary: Colors.black, //adding this would work
      ),
      child: Text('Hello'),
    )

Another way you can do is directly add the property to the text which is a workaround:
 ElevatedButton(
      onPressed: () {},
      style: ElevatedButton.styleFrom(

      ),
      child:Text('Hello',style:TextStyle(color:Colors.black)),
    )

A: Came to the same challenge as you have, using Flutter 2.5.3..
I have used foregroundColor property for a button, instead of textStyle property.
The solution should be the following:
ElevatedButton(
    style: ButtonStyle(
      foregroundColor: MaterialStateProperty.all(Colors.black),
      backgroundColor: MaterialStateProperty.all(Colors.lightBlue), //optional
        ), //ButtonStyle
    child: Text("Hello"),
    onPressed: null) //ElevatedButton


ELLENTON, Fla. (AP) — A traffic accident left a truck partially dangling over a Gulf Coast bridge and backed up traffic for miles on one of Florida's busiest highways.
The accident on Friday morning left the cab of the truck dangling over the JD Young Bridge and shutdown northbound lanes of Interstate 75 north of Sarasota, Florida.
Fox 13 News in Tampa reports that the accident backed traffic up for miles during the morning rush hour.


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text:
Catching up with TTAB cases
The Trademark Trial and Appeal Board has seen a slew of unusual cases this year, according to John Welch, an attorney with Wolf Greenfield
By Natalie Rahhal
The Trademark Trial and Appeal Board (TTAB) has seen a slew of unusual cases this year. John Welch, an attorney with Wolf Greenfield in Boston who writes about the TTAB on his appropriately named site The TTABlog, will this afternoon at the AIPLA Annual Meeting discuss a number of interesting and precedential cases, from motion to marijuana and fire power to fraud.
In the In re Loggerhead Tools decision the TTAB upheld the denial of Loggerhead's attempt to register a trademark for the motion of the jaws of a wrench or crimper opening and closing. Loggerhead tried a number of novel arguments about its design patents, but ultimately these failed the Board's four-part Morton-Norwich test. "The Board said, 'Sorry, there's a patent on this," says Welch, "this is a function of a device, and a trademark can't be for something that's functional." Welch will delve more deeply into the intricate crossovers of design and utility patents and trademarks at play in the case.
As marijuana becomes legal or decriminalized in an increasing number of states, the issue is drifting into the TTAB too. But applicants for marijuana-related marks face sticky issues when trying to register nationally-recognized marks for marijuana because the product is still illegal in most states. That leaves the booming marijuana industry to either attempt to circumvent Trademark Act provisions, or "would leave them to get state registrations, but in states where they can't get a Federal registration," says Welch.
Some surprising registrations have survived the TTAB this year too, such as a color mark for "white" for "preformed gunpowder charges for muzzleloading firearms" in the In re Hodgdon Powder Company decision. As Welch comments on his blog, "I can't remember the last time that a single-color mark passed muster at the TTAB." As if that weren't novel enough, the color wasn't even a true color and the product is another subject of legal contention. Welch will explain how a trademark for a single color could be issued on the grounds of being an anomaly.
Welch will also discuss a fraud case handed down from the TTAB in September. Since the laws governing fraud in the TTAB were changed in 2009 (following In re: Bose), only once such case has been upheld by the TTAB. This case, involving an auto dealer, was no exception to the rule that "it's still very hard to prove fraud," as Welch says, and the details of the case that he will unpack will demonstrate why.
The TTAB this month published a notice of final rule making of its "Miscellaneous Changes to Trademark Trial and Appeal Board Rules of Practice."
The amended rules require all plaintiffs to file complaints through the Electronic System for Trademark Trials and Appeals, with the exception of ex parte appeals. The Board also shifted the responsibility for serving the defendant with a complaint back from the plaintiff to the Board itself. Now, however, this service, as well as all other correspondences and stipulations, will be done online, through email or online links, and not through mail.
The new rules require all discovery to be served in time so that the responses are submitted before the discovery period is over. This deprives practitioners of a tactical tool, but it is hoped that the discovery period will be prevented from bleeding over into the testimony period, which "kind of screws up everything and causes delays," says Welch. In the final rule, parties are limited to 75 requests for admissions and document production and all discovery must be done in a six-month discovery period.
The amendments also allow plaintiffs to submit a declaration or affidavit for their testimonies. "Once you get this sort of canned declaration, you can use it over and over again," says Welch, "so you don't have to go through the rigmarole of live testimony every time."
The amendments are meant to streamline and make TTAB proceedings more efficient, but that doesn't necessarily mean they will move any faster. The new rules are "more efficient in the sense that less effort has to go into it to get through the hoops," says Welch. "But it's still the same hoops, more or less, in the same order, with the same timing."
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TTAB issues final rules to increase efficiency
The top recent TTAB decisions and trends to watch
By Michael Loney
This content is from:
A year in trademarks: Functionality, dilution… and goats
By Eileen McDermott
TTAB rule changes having an impact


text:
Tencent restructures, creates two new business divisions
Tencent Holdings has announced its first restructuring in six years, closing three business divisions and opening two new ones in their place
Its three closed businesses, Mobile Internet Group, Online Media Group, and Social Network Group, will be rolled into its two new divisions: Cloud and Smart Industries Group (CSIG), and Platform and Content Group (PCG).
The firm said that no layoffs are planned as part of the restructure.
CSIG "will emphasize Tencent Cloud, Internet plus, smart retail, education, healthcare, security and LBS (location-based services) related industry solutions," according to TechNode.
Baidu's super app mini-programs score 100mn monthly users in just two months
Tencent Music aiming to raise US$2bn for US IPO
To watch: five Asian tech CEOs under 30
PCG, meanwhile, will be tasked with integrating social media and networking platforms into Tencent's technology and content, comprised of news, sports, video, music, literature, anime, and more.
The Chinese tech giant, whose largest business is in the video game industry, has been under increased regulatory pressure from the Chinese government as it cracks down on children's ease of access to games.
Since March this year, the Central Propaganda Department has not approved licensing for any new video games, and Reuters reported that the crackdown is the likeliest culprit for Tencent's "first quarterly profit fall in nearly 13 years."
Reuters said that Tencent's biggest game this year, PlayerUnknown's Battlegrounds Mobile, has not had its in-game purchases approved by Chinese authorities, meaning that Tencent has not been able to make money from the game.
ChinaSocial MediaTencent HoldingsVideo games
How Chinese companies can strengthen digital transformation
5 Mins With: Jeff Li, founder and CEO of Shoplazza
Meet Vipshop – China's best and most sustainable employer
Asia is world's most expensive continent, with Hong Kong top


In a large bowl, combine flour, baking powder, 2 tbsp sugar, saffron water, ghee and salt. Mix well.
Add water little by little. Knead it to make a smooth dough.
Cover it with a wet cloth and rest for 20 minutes.
Divide the dough into 20 portions, by which make 20 equal flat balls and set those aside.
In a pan, crush mawa or khoya. Add ½ Cup warm water, nutmeg powder, Sugar in it.
Heat the pan and keep stirring continuously for about 6-7 minutes or till the mixture thicken. Switched off the flame once done.
Add raisins to the mixture and mix.. Keep it aside and let it cool down a little.
Heat a pan and add 1 cup sugar and ½ cup water in it.
Mix rose essence and let it boil.
Two String consistency of syrup is required for this sweet.
In the mean time, flat a ball by sprinkling little flour and make poori approx 4" diameter circle or oval.
Take a spoonful filling and place at the center of the circle.
Fold from two opposite sides.
Lastly, with your wet fingertips, fold from the remaining opposite ends to make a pocket.
Wrap the edges with little water and insert a clove to seal the pocket, so that the pocket won't open easily.
Heat enough oil in a wok for frying labongo latika on medium low flame.
Slowly add 4-5 pockets in it.
Fry slowly till both sides turn into golden brown.
Remove them from the oil and dip in thick sugar syrup for 4-5 minutes.
Make sure that both sides of labongo latika are getting drenched in sugar syrup.
Remove from syrup and arrange on serving plate.
Sending this recipe to SNC Challenge - January Month 2014.
Beat Sugar and Butter together until they turn light and fluffy.
Add vanilla essence and water or Milk.
Beat for few more minutes and add the flour.
Mix well and form into a smooth dough.
Roll the dough using rolling pin and cut into desired shape using cookie cutter.
Arrange the unbaked cookies in a baking tray lined with baking sheet.
Bake it for 18- 20 mins in a pre-heated oven at 180 degree C.
Linking this recipe with Home Bakers Challenge and Love2Bake.
Happy Pongal to all my Dear Friends!
Ven pongal is my family's most favorite breakfast recipe. Piping hot pongal with a tsp of ghee on top of it reminds me of my childhood days and chennai mylapore karpagambal mess. Roasting moong dal gives yummy aroma and it enhances the flavor of pongal.
Dry roast moong dal and keep aside.
Mix both rice and dal, wash and add the measured water and cook it for 5-6 whistles by adding salt and turmeric powder.
Once the pressure subsides, open and mash the rice.
Heat ghee in a small pan or kadai and add cumin seeds followed by peppercorns, cashews, crushed ginger, curry leaves and crushed pepper corns.
Add the seasoning to the mashed rice and mix well.
Adjust salt and add extra ghee for the flavor.
Serve hot with sambhar / gosthu and coconut chutney.
I am very happy to be part of "Love2bake" group hosted by one of our lovely blogger, sangee from spicy treats. This is a weekly event, which happens on every monday and all members will be posting baking related stuffs like recipes, tips and tricks, etc. The Event starts today and I feel very glad to post my recipe. Thanks sangee for this lovely opportunity and am sure that lots of baking related stuffs can be learnt from this group. All the best !
Interested bloggers, please click HERE to join.
Baked Apples with the mild sugar dusted on top gives yummy and tangy flavor. Absolutely healthy and crispy chips, especially perfect to munch when we are in diet ;).
Wash and Slice the apples.
Arrange in a tray and Sprinkle sugar on top of it.
Bake it for 45 minutes in a Pre-heated oven at 180 degree C.
Flip the other side and bake it for another 30-40 mins or until crisp.
Granulated sugar can also be used instead of powder sugar.
Baking time varies so check frequently to avoid over burnt.
Sending this recipe to "Love2Bake" by Spicy Treats.
I know it's late but let me start with a Lovely New Year Wishes. Hope you all had a great start with yummy recipes. I wish you all a Healthy and Prosperous New Year.
By now everyone must be familiar with the Famous event happening every month in Viji's Virundhu unna vaanga space, "SYS-W Show Me Your Styles To World". Every month two ingredients has been selected by us in an interesting way. This month I got Peas and Chickpeas as my main ingredients so tried this Nutritious and flavorful Kurma.
Soak peas and chickpeas overnight and pressure cook it for 4 whistles or till it becomes soft.
Heat oil in a pan and add the masala items ( Bay leaf, star anise, cinnamon and Saunf).
Add finely chopped onions and saute well till its turns translucent.
Add the ground tomato paste and saute for 5 minutes or till the raw smells goes off.
Now add all the powders (Turmeric powder, Garam masala, chilli powder and Salt ).
Mix well and add the cooked peas and chickpeas.
Add little water and cook for 5 minutes in a medium flame.
Meanwhile grind coconut and roasted gram.
Add it to the curry and mix well. Cook them for couple of minutes and remove from the flame.
Serve with hot Indian breads and Rice.
Linking this recipe with Viji's SYS- W Series - Show me your styles to the world.


Easily Manage Database Changes: DB Change Manager puts the power of change tracking, schema comparison, software-generated synchronization scripts, and flexible reporting into the hands of DBAs and developers. Use synchronization and rollback to easily generate alter scripts to sync selected objects or restore databases to a secure point in time. Identify and report on changes to the database at or between points in time. Get proactive notifications of overnight changes to simplify troubleshooting.
Perform Schema Comparison: Use DB Change Manager to identify and address potential issues in database schema. Schema compare capability helps you locate unanticipated problems immediately. Map the databases and schemas to pair the source and target databases for comparison. Use a live-to-live database compare to obtain a list of changed objects. First select which databases to compare, then proceed to refine the comparison parameters.
Set Comparison Filters: Refine your schema comparison using filters for owner, object, and type, to select the source items to compare against the target. This allows you to control the size and scope of the compare operation and its output. After that, specify object options and settings, choose manual or automatic synchronization, run the comparison, and review the list of results and reports generated.
View Alter Code: In the schema comparison detail report, see the SQL code required to implement the changes between schema archives, live data sources or both. DDL differences are color-coded for easy comparison. Promote schema changes from Development, to Test and finally to Production.
Protect Data Privacy: Shuffle or randomize columns in a data compare with an auto-synchronization job. De-identify data in the production environment and quickly migrate the masked, yet realistic and fully functional, data into Development, Test and QA environments.