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We protect, restore, and manage King County's water and land using the best available science, innovation, and through collaboration with our partners and the community.
King County prepares for flooding: More than 500 river facilities inspected for damage
By KC Water and Land Resources Division on December 30, 2020
Despite the additional challenges pandemic restrictions placed on field inspections, staff were able to complete inspections on all 511 river facilities this year – normally a task that spans a two-year cycle.
From forests to flagellates: The Water and Land Resources Division is a resilient watershed utility
The people in the Water and Land Resources Division work on everything from the broadest environmental issues of our landscape, to the microscopic work that takes place in our lab.
New King County road across Mary Olson Creek improves transportation for people and salmon
By KC Water and Land Resources Division on November 6, 2020
Just like people rely on roads to cross over creeks as they move throughout the region, salmon and steelhead rely on barrier-free creeks flowing under roads to reach vital upstream habitats.
Help wanted: Must love benthic macroinvertebrates. [The Water and Land Resources Division at work.]
By KC Water and Land Resources Division on September 30, 2020
Bugs play a crucial role in the stream nutrient cycle. If bug populations are suffering it will affect the whole ecosystem. That means that without bugs, growing fish have nothing to eat, and without fish, ocean predators have nothing to eat, and so on and so forth in a trophic cascade that is bad for everyone.
King County scientists see unprecedented harmful algal bloom in Puget Sound
By KC Water and Land Resources Division on June 29, 2020
King County scientists identify unprecedented harmful algal bloom in Puget Sound that is of concern for fish.
Making meat local: King County helps develop USDA meat processing in Carnation
By KC Water and Land Resources Division on July 29, 2019
USDA meat processing this close to King County markets will significantly help King County farmers and the region economically.
Water and Land Resources Division's Women in STEM: Part 3
By KC Water and Land Resources Division on March 29, 2019
In the Water and Land Resources Division, 45 percent of the nearly 400 employees are women representing the STEM fields — the expertise needed to provide clean water and healthy habitat for all of King County.


Would love to win the Super 8 or Cowboys and Aliens on DVD to give to someone as a Christmas gift!
Thanks for all your hard work Sean and the CC Staff members! Hopefully the screening attendees can find a mature and adult way to handle their differences on their own, rather than posting them on your forum board and expecting you to police everyone. Sounds like a nice 2012 resolution???
RickyO, Downtown, Barry, Jimfoley (quoting RJF!) My name is Michael, I started this thread about people cutting in line. Please spread the word as I have. The only way to help is- BE BOLD and SAY SOMETHING. I have tried. It's hard to reason with rude people. Just be polite. "Excuse me, did you just arrive, because I've been waiting here and the end of the line is that way..." Maybe someone else in line will join you?? I went to a screening at Laemmle's, people were putting jackets & bags on empty seats to "save" them. Next time I swear, I will just sit in one of the seats. 'Downtown' & 'Barry' mentioned giving a number or a card to each person in line (like boarding a plane- group A, group B) It doesn't stop people cutting in before they give the cards, but it helps. The theater can't control the problem. They don't have enough staff & are not responsible.
WHERE IS TRACKS IN SANTA MONICA BEING SHOWN?
Anyone know how to cancel screenings you've signed up for and can't make it after all?
I have seen many many times the scenario described here about people(mostly the same groups) saving places and cutting in line. Not only have I seen people with their own pass, walk and meet friends and cut in line, but also the 'leader' of a group saving spaces, with a stack of passes in his pocket, distributing them to his friends as they arrive. So: If passes are supposedly 'won' for the screenings, how can the same group always seem to have a stack of passes for their buddies, when in fact, it has been almost a year that I have entered and won none? I spoke to someone who has told me the same thing. Are the passes for all their friends forged or reprinted?
To Mitchell...if a person wants to start a line at 2AM I have no problem with that person and 1 guest being the first to enter the venue. It is when that first person brings in a score of folks with him that things start to get out of control -- especially when the next 20 people do the same thing. A bit of exaggeration, I know, but not too far from reality for specific movies. Once the "head of the line" person bragged she was saving 34 places. However, with no screenings for a couple of weeks, maybe this has become a moot discussion.
Sandler's Jill character becomes annoying in the beginning, leaves me a glum face & threatens the actor's comic chops until Pacino steps in for the first time under a whole new light out of the dramatic films he usually specializes in. I finally enjoyed in the second half of "Jack & Jill" with the legendary star's presence.
this is in reference to comments by MJF-------I totally agree. These line cutters are way out of line, and just plain rude. This is not knew to them, they know exactly what they are doing and will continue to do it. They just do not care. It is all about them. Campus Circle should do something about it, like handing out numbers or something. It is only going to continue and get worse.
PLEASE DON'T CUT IN LINE, GO TO THE END OF THE LINE LIKE THE REST OF US DID. Here I am asking people in Loa Angeles to be considerate (lol) !!! Bunch of inconsiderate, self-centered L.A. people. You arrive at the screening, see your friends in line, stop and talk to them, and basically CUT IN LINE while the rest of us started at the end, like decent human beings. You think we don't notice how you weasel your way in line? If one person is meeting friend, ok. But if you're with others, PLEASE, PLEASE stop being inconsiderate selfish jerks and GO TO THE END OF THE LINE like the rest of us. I know you think the world revolves only around you, but open your eyes and notice - there's a hundred other people waiting in line before you.
Just came back from the premier of A Very Harold & Kumar 3D Christmas And it was awsome.!!


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IPRO evaluates patient care from perspectives of medical necessity, quality of care, appropriateness of decision making and length of hospital stay, as a safeguard against unnecessary and inappropriate medical care.
IPRO supports government agencies and other stakeholders in developing health information technologies, data sharing, and incentive programs that facilitate cost and quality transparency and promote evidence-based best practices.


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Bairstow to return to ENG squad for SL tour
Batsman Jonny Bairstow is set to return to the England Test squad for January's proposed tour of Sri Lanka after withdrawing from the Big Bash League.
The 31-year-old, who has not played a Test since December 2019, has pulled out of his deal with Melbourne Stars.
England's two-Test tour of Sri Lanka was cut short in March because of the coronavirus pandemic.
England are expected to play two Tests in Sri Lanka in January but are yet to confirm the squad and schedule.
Bairstow, who averages 37.74 from 70 Tests, was dropped during the tour of South Africa last winter after passing 50 once in 16 innings.
He missed the three home Tests against West Indies and three against Pakistan, and lost his Test central contract for 2020-21 in September.
Sri Lanka ends Day Three on a high
Sri Lanka was on 156/2 at stumps on Day Three of the First Test against England at the Galle International
Moeen Ali out of coronavirus quarantine
England all-rounder Moeen Ali has been released from quarantine in Sri Lanka and re-joined his team-mates in Galle.
England post mammoth 421 runs in 1st innings
Skipper Joe Root scored his fourth double century in his career to help England post a mammoth 421 runs in
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Who is Miss Tourism International? That is the question now before a court in Beijing's Chaoyang district.
A Beijing-based company, Zhongguangjinqiao International Culture Communication Co. Ltd. has sued four defendants for using the name "Miss Tourism International" without its authorization.
Miss Tourism International is an international beauty pageant founded in Malaysia in 1993.
The plaintiff claims to be one of the organizers demanding 350,000 yuan ($56,668) as compensation. The court has not yet reached a verdict following a hearing in early December.
The finals for "Miss Tourism International," which were previously scheduled to be held in Shenzhen, South China's Guangdong Province on Friday, have now been canceled following claims that Yiting International Culture Co. Ltd., the event's supposed organizer and one of the defendants in the Chaoyang court case, had hired contestants for the event.
The case is just one of many recent beauty pageant scandals in China, which have triggered heated debate of the unwritten rules governing the future of this developing industry.
Recent years have seen many high-level international beauty pageants held in China, including Miss World, Miss Universe and Miss Bikini International. The Chinese mainland also holds several popular contests, including the New Silk Road model contest. In fact, China has more than 100 beauty pageants every year, the Xinhua News Agency reported. But not all competitions are properly credentialed.
Some beauty pageants organizations have registered themselves abroad in order to be identified as "international" or "world-class" events, which can be helpful in attracting sponsors, according to Xinhua.
The China Economic Weekly cited Bao Junqing, vice-chairman of the Asia Model Association China Committee, as saying that some 80 percent of foreign contestants were hired by model agencies.
A foreign model can earn some 2,000 yuan per day for posing as a foreign beauty queen in a so-called "international" beauty pageant in China, according to an article published on The Atlantic magazine in November. The article also noted that many of those sponsors are wealthy local real estate magnates.
The public might expect titles to go only to true embodiments of Venus, but beauty pageant insiders say that crowns can be brought, news portal finance.cnr.cn reported.
Some Chinese events charge the organizers of spinoff contests, making sponsors crucial to local organizers, according to a report on China Economic Weekly in 2012.
Spinoff pageants can require at least 400,000 yuan to 600,000 yuan in sponsorship. Therefore, if a sponsor has a particular candidate they would like to see crowned, there is little organizers can do, finance.cnr.cn reported.
It costs around 50,000 yuan to 200,000 yuan to manipulate the results and secure a winner in a beauty contests, according to the Phoenix Weekly.
These "unwritten rules" have triggered public criticism of unqualified winners, and also led to difficulties for some pageants in finding contestants.
Bao noted that many contestants are hired, with the result that the same contestant might appear in a number of different events.
Considerable profit is the force behind the rise of beauty pageants, a number of insiders reached by Xinhua reporters said.
The profit margin on a single event is normally between 30 percent and 35 percent of total sponsorship, according to the insiders.
If a contest can pass itself off as "world-class," it can easily get millions of yuan in sponsorship and more from the sale of broadcasting rights, insiders said.
Finance.cnr.cn quoted organizers of Miss World Fashion, which claims to be a China-based beauty pageant, as saying that contestants in some events can also be hired out for commercial performance as a way to generate extra cash for organizers.
Local governments are also keen to arrange beauty pageants to attract public attention. Most beauty pageants in China are affiliated with a local government-run cultural or tourism festival, a manager from a Beijing-based model training agency told Xinhua.
As contests often receive corporate sponsorship, they can be a cost-effective way for local governments to promote their tourism industries and boost local economy at the same time, the manager added.
For instance, Xitang, an ancient town in East China's Zhejiang Province, saw its tourism revenue quadruple after holding the China finals for the Miss World Tourism pageant in 2004, 2005 and 2006.
The local government invested some 3.5 million yuan a year to organize the event, while the increase in local tourism income was in the hundreds of millions of yuan, Wuhan-based news portal cnhui.cn reported, adding that the "beauty profit model" has inspired lots of local governments in other regions.
But the rapid increase in pageant numbers has resulted in lax oversight of event organizers on the part of local governments, according to Xinhua.
Despite the rise of beauty pageants, there is no specific government authority supervising the events.
The lack of regulation has hence led to chaos in the beauty pageant industry. Almost any pageant can now call itself "world-class" to attract more attention, news portal finance.cnr.cn reported.
Logos for some events such as Miss Global Tourism or "Miss International Tourism" are also difficult to copyright under current intellectual rights protection law, according the news portal.
Zhu Lijia, a public management professor at the Chinese Academy of Governance, has urged the government to better supervise the industry, according to Xinhua.
"Chaotic supervision has not only tarnished the reputation of beauty pageants in China, but have also wasted public resources," Zhu said.


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Inside Einstein's love affair with "Lina," his cherished violin
10 things you (probably) didn't know about Einstein
Technologies today thanks to Einstein
Albert Einstein's theory of infidelity
Making of Genius
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Meet Albert Einstein, the subject of Genius Season 1.
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Genius is a show that explores the turbulent journey of the physicist who would grow to become the icon: Albert Einstein (played by Academy Award winner Geoffrey Rush).
VISIT THE GENIUS MICROSITE NOW.
Fiercely independent, innately brilliant, eternally curious, Einstein changed the way we view the universe.
Consequently, this series will change the way we view Einstein. From his early failures and achievements in the world of academics to his emotionally fraught search for love and human connection, the ten-part event paints a portrait of the real Albert Einstein in all his complexity.
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The city of Chicago views trees are one of Chicago's most important natural resources. The city recogonizes that trees provide beauty, shade and help to clean the air. Additionally, the city of Chicago realizes that trees, like any natural resource in an urban setting, they need care. Chicago has more than 500,000 parkway trees and each is maintained by the Chicago Department of Streets and Sanitation Bureau of Forestry.
Click here to read more on the City of Chicago's Forestry Page.


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Research | Open | Published: 11 July 2016
No effect of protein binding ratio of levofloxacin in hemodialysis patients
Satoru Mitsuboshi1,
Hitoshi Yamada1,
Kazuhiko Nagai1 &
Kazuyuki Ueno2
Few studies have examined the protein binding ratio of levofloxacin (LVFX) in patients undergoing hemodialysis (HD).
We evaluated the serum concentration and protein binding ratio of LVFX in HD patients. Subjects were 13 patients (7 non-HD and 6 HD patients) undergoing LVFX therapy for pneumonia, urinary tract infection, osteomyelitis, and unidentified infections from June 2012 to December 2013. To clarify the relationship between protein concentration and the protein binding ratio of LVFX in vitro and in vivo, the effect of human albumin and globulin on the binding ratio was investigated.
The protein binding ratio of LVFX was 31.2 and 29.3 % in non-HD and HD patients, respectively. A statistically significant correlation was observed between the serum albumin level and protein binding ratio in vivo. LVFX was bound to not only albumin but also globulin; further, in vitro, the protein binding ratio of LVFX increased with an increase in the albumin or globulin concentration. However, the protein binding ratio did not increase with increased serum globulin concentrations in the presence of 3.5 g/dL albumin.
The protein binding ratio of LVFX has little clinical relevance, and it is not necessary to monitor it for LVFX therapy in HD patients.
Levofloxacin (LVFX) belongs to the fluoroquinolone class of antimicrobial agents, with broad-spectrum activity against Gram-positive and Gram-negative bacteria, including Pseudomonas aeruginosa [1]. Because of its clinical and bacteriological efficacy, LVFX is an important antimicrobial drug for treating serious infections [2].
LVFX is excreted primarily unchanged by the kidneys (79.6 %) [1]. Its elimination half-life ranges from 4.3 to 8.9 h in individuals with normal renal function [1] and from 18.4 to 43.5 h in hemodialysis (HD) patients [3]. The serum protein binding ratio of LVFX is approximately 24–38 %, and it is mainly bound to serum albumin in humans [1]. The 24-h area under the curve/minimum inhibitory concentration (AUC24/MIC) ratio correlates with the efficacy of fluoroquinolones [4]. An AUC24/MIC ratio of 125 is correlated with optimal clinical and microbiological outcomes in seriously ill patients infected with Gram-negative bacteria [5], while a free-drug AUC24/MIC ratio >33.7 has been associated with 100 % microbiological response in respiratory tract infections caused by Streptococcus pneumoniae [6]. Protein binding of fluoroquinolones has been considered to be of uncertain clinical relevance. It appears more desirable to have high levels of freely available drug so that it is clinically active than to have a large proportion of bound and potentially inactive drug [7]. In vitro examinations have demonstrated that protein binding leads to a significant reduction in the antimicrobial activity of moxifloxacin and trovafloxacin [8, 9]. Scaglione et al. [10] reported that the unbound fraction (67–88 %) was concentration dependent for LVFX and ciprofloxacin (0.5–80 mg/L) in a murine pneumonia model and that protein binding may affect the pharmacodynamics of fluoroquinolones.
The protein binding ratio of various drugs is associated with the presence of uremic toxins caused by renal failure [11] as well as hypoalbuminemia due to hepatic failure, advanced age, inflammatory diseases, and cancers [7]. We hypothesized that in HD patients, the protein binding ratio of LVFX would fluctuate widely, potentially affecting antimicrobial activity. However, little information is available regarding the protein binding ratio of LVFX in HD patients. Therefore, this study aimed to evaluate the serum concentration and protein binding ratio of LVFX in HD patients.
LVFX and pazufloxacin (PZFX) were provided by Daiichi Sankyo Co., Ltd. (Tokyo, Japan) and Taisho-Toyama Pharmaceuticals Co., Ltd. (Tokyo, Japan), respectively. Oasis HLB 1-cm3 (30-mg) extraction cartridges were obtained commercially from Waters Corporation (Milford, MA). Human albumin and globulin were purchased from Wako Pure Chemical Industries (Osaka, Japan). All other chemicals were of analytical grade and commercially available.
Clinical laboratory data were collected from 13 patients, including 7 non-HD patients and 6 HD patients, who were undergoing LVFX therapy for pneumonia, urinary tract infection, osteomyelitis, and unidentified infections from June 2012 to December 2013. Non-HD patients received LVFX 500 mg once daily orally, and HD patients received LVFX 500 mg initially, followed by 250 mg after each HD session orally. All subjects were administered LVFX therapy for 4–48 days. HD patients underwent thrice-weekly HD in the LVFX treatment period. Written informed consent was obtained from all subjects before enrollment in this study. This study and its protocol were approved by the Ethics Committee of Kaetsu Hospital.
Blood sampling
To determine the serum concentration of LVFX and to obtain other laboratory data, blood samples were obtained just before HD and on non-HD days in HD patients and just before LVFX administration and 12 h after administration in non-HD patients. Blood sampling times were different in order to obtain appropriate clinical blood samples to evaluate infectious diseases. Blood samples were obtained 2–18 days after the administration of LVFX was initiated. Both total and free fraction concentrations of LVFX were measured in the 13 patients to determine the correlations between serum albumin, serum globulin, serum concentration of LVFX, and protein binding ratio of LVFX. To clarify the relationship between protein concentration and the protein binding ratio of LVFX in vitro and in vivo, the effect of human albumin and globulin on the protein binding ratio of LVFX in phosphate buffer (pH 7.4) was investigated.
Preparation of sample solutions
To determine the relationship between the serum concentration (1, 2, 4, 8, 10, and 20 mg/L as the general serum concentration and 50 and 100 mg/L as the high serum concentration) and the protein binding ratio of LVFX in vitro, the effect of the protein binding ratio was investigated using 0.025 M phosphate buffer solution (pH 7.5). To determine the relationship between the protein concentration and the protein binding ratio of LVFX in vitro, the effect of human albumin and globulin on the binding ratio was investigated using 0.025 M phosphate buffer solution (pH 7.5). After the samples were incubated for 30 min at 37 °C, the free fraction of the samples was obtained by ultrafiltration (molecular weight cutoff, 10,000 Da).
Serum LVFX concentrations were determined by HPLC using PZFX as the internal standard (IS). Briefly, sample processing was performed using a solid phase extraction cartridge. The cartridges were conditioned with methanol and water. After the sample (100 μL serum sample + 100 μL IS + 900 μL 0.025 M phosphate buffer solution; pH 7.5) was loaded, the cartridge was washed with 1 mL of 5 % methanol in water. The sample was eluted with 1 mL of mobile phase, and 50 μL was injected onto the HPLC column for analysis. The HPLC system consisted of a reverse-phase column (Shim-pack, CLC-CN, Shimadzu Corp., Kyoto, Japan), and the fluorescence of the mobile phase was monitored (excitation wavelength, 278 nm; emission wavelength, 445 nm). The mobile phase consisted of a mixture (pH 3.0) of phosphate buffer, acetonitrile, and triethylamine (171:29:1 by volume), and the flow rate was 1.0 mL/min. The retention times of the IS and LVFX were 6.0 and 6.8 min, respectively. The lower limit of quantification of this system was 0.05 μg/mL in 0.1 mL of serum. Inter- and intra-day variations were <5.0 %. The free fractions of the serum and spiked samples were obtained by ultrafiltration using a disposable ultrafilter (Kurabo Industries, Ltd., Osaka, Japan). The protein binding ratio of LVFX was calculated from the total and free concentration of LVFX.
Data are expressed as mean ± standard deviation. Statistical analysis was performed using the Student's t test or Pearson's correlation coefficient test, and significance was set at p < 0.05. JMP 9 Software (SAS Institute Inc., Cary, NC) was used for all statistical analyses.
Patient profiles, serum concentrations, and protein binding ratios of LVFX are shown in Table 1. For HD patients, demographic profiles, HD backgrounds, LVFX concentrations, and protein binding ratios are shown in Table 2. Serum globulin was not measured in one patient. For non-HD patients, the demographic profiles, backgrounds, LVFX concentrations, and protein binding ratios are shown in Table 3. Serum globulin was not measured in all patients. In HD patients, serum LVFX concentrations and protein binding ratio were 4.3 ± 2.2 mg/dL and 27.3 ± 6.6 % just before HD (n = 4) and 7.1 ± 0.8 mg/dL and 33.2 ± 5.1 % on non-HD days (n = 2), respectively. In non-HD patients, serum LVFX concentrations and protein binding ratio were 3.7 ± 2.7 mg/dL and 33.4 ± 4.7 % just before the administration of LVFX (n = 5) and 6.6 ± 1.2 mg/dL and 25.9 ± 1.6 % on 12 h after the administration of LVFX (n = 2), respectively.
Table 1 Patient profiles and serum concentration and protein binding ratio of levofloxacin
Table 2 Hemodialysis patients' demographic profiles, hemodialysis backgrounds, levofloxacin concentrations, and protein binding ratios
Table 3 Non-hemodialysis patients' demographic profiles, backgrounds, levofloxacin concentrations, and protein binding ratios
The relationship between the serum albumin concentration and protein binding ratio of LVFX in HD (p = 0.16, r = 0.66) and non-HD patients (p = 0.05, r = 0.75) is shown in Fig. 1, wherein a statistically significant (p = 0.03) correlation (r = 0.60) was observed in all the patients. Among the oral medications taken by the patients, those known to have interactions with LVFX administered concurrently in HD patients were as follows: iron agents 50 mg taken by patient no. 3, lanthanum carbonate hydrate 750 mg and sevelamer hydrochloride 1500 mg taken by patient no. 4, and calcium carbonate 500 mg taken by patient no. 6. The oral medication known to have interactions with LVFX administered concurrently in non-HD patients was magnesium oxide 250 mg taken by patient no. 3.
Relationship between serum albumin concentration and protein binding ratio of LVFX in HD and non-HD patients. A statistically significant (p = 0.03) correlation (r = 0.60) was observed between the serum albumin concentration and protein binding ratio. black circle HD patients, white circle non-HD patients
In contrast, the relationship between the serum concentration and protein binding ratio of LVFX in patients showed no statistically significant (p = 0.96) correlation (r = 0.02). In vitro, the relationship between the serum concentration and protein binding ratio of LVFX in human serum, as observed in Fig. 2, showed no statistically significant (p = 0.91) correlation (r = 0.03). The relationship between the serum albumin concentration and protein binding ratio of LVFX in phosphate buffer (pH 7.4), that between the serum globulin concentration and protein binding ratio of LVFX in phosphate buffer (pH 7.4), and that between the serum globulin concentration and protein binding ratio of LVFX in phosphate buffer (pH 7.4) containing 3.5 g/dL albumin are shown Figs. 3, 4, and 5, respectively. It was observed that the protein binding ratio increased with an increase in the serum albumin (r = 0.82, p = 0.09) and globulin (r = 0.93, p = 0.02) concentrations. However, the protein binding ratio did not increase with an increase in the serum globulin concentration when the buffer also contained 3.5 g/dL albumin (r = 0.40, p = 0.43).
Relationship between serum concentration and protein binding ratio of LVFX in human serum (in vitro). Mean ± standard deviation of three experiments
Relationship between serum albumin concentration and protein binding ratio of LVFX in phosphate buffer (pH 7.4). Mean ± standard deviation of three experiments
Relationship between serum globulin concentration and protein binding ratio of LVFX in phosphate buffer (pH 7.4). Mean ± standard deviation of three experiments
Relationship between serum globulin concentration and protein binding ratio of LVFX in phosphate buffer (pH 7.4) containing 3.5 g/dL albumin. Mean ± standard deviation of three experiments
The protein binding ratios of fluoroquinolones are known to affect antimicrobial activity in vitro [8–10]. Protein binding is associated with the presence of uremic toxins [11], among other factors. Thus, in HD patients, it is possible that the protein binding ratio of LVFX may fluctuate greatly, thereby affecting antimicrobial activity. However, to date, little data is available regarding the protein binding ratio of LVFX in HD patients.
Our findings showed that the protein binding ratios of LVFX were 31.2 and 29.3 % in non-HD and HD patients, respectively, and that the ratio did not fluctuate significantly in HD patients. A possible reason why this ratio did not fluctuate in HD patients is that LVFX does not show very high binding to serum proteins (approximately 24–38 %) [1] compared with other drugs [11] (e.g., fosphenytoin 93–98 %). Therefore, the protein binding ratio of LVFX was found to be similar in HD and non-HD patients, in agreement with a previous study [1]. Thus, the protein binding ratio of LVFX is not associated with the presence of uremic toxins, and the protein binding ratio holds little clinical relevance for LVFX therapy in HD patients.
As shown in Fig. 1, a statistically significant correlation was observed between the serum albumin concentration and the protein binding ratio in HD and non-HD patients. However, such a correlation was not observed between the serum LVFX concentration and protein binding ratio in vitro (Fig. 2) or in vivo. Therefore, we considered that the protein binding ratio of LVFX was primarily affected by the serum albumin concentration, as reported by Bergogne-Bérézin [7]. Four patients received medications with known interactions with LVFX. Fluoroquinolones are known to interact with drugs containing calcium [12], iron [13], and lanthanum [14] via chelation interactions; they are also known to interact with sevelamer [15], manifesting as decreased oral bioavailability. It is unclear whether these drugs affected LVFX concentrations in this study. However, we considered that the protein binding ratio of LVFX had a minimal effect on the patients who received such medications because the protein binding ratio was not associated with serum LVFX concentrations.
As shown in Figs. 3, 4, and 5, LVFX was bound to not only albumin but also globulin. Moreover, the protein binding ratio of LVFX increased with increased concentrations of albumin as well as globulin. No studies have reported that LVFX and other fluoroquinolones show protein binding to serum globulin. However, the protein binding ratio did not increase with increased serum globulin concentrations in the presence of 3.5 g/dL albumin. We therefore considered that the globulin binding ratio had a minimal effect on the protein binding ratio since the globulin binding ratio is lower than the albumin binding ratio. These results suggested that the protein binding ratio of LVFX was minimally affected by serum globulin concentrations. However, if patients had severe hypoalbuminemia, the protein binding ratio may be affected by serum globulin levels.
Our study has certain limitations. These include the small sample size, few female patients among the HD patients, and body weight that tended to be higher in the HD patient group compared with the non-HD patient group. In addition, the protein binding ratio is reportedly affected by the pH [7], but we did not measure the serum pH. Moreover, we did not evaluate the effect of hemodialysis on the protein binding ratio and severe hypoalbuminemia.
Overall, our results indicated no differences in the protein binding ratio of LVFX between non-HD and HD patients. Moreover, LVFX showed binding to both albumin and globulin; however, the protein binding ratio of LVFX was mainly affected by serum albumin concentrations. Thus, the protein binding ratio of LVFX appears to have little clinical relevance, and we consider that it is not necessary to monitor this parameter for LVFX therapy in HD patients.
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Tsuruoka S, Yokota N, Hayasaka T, et al. Pharmacokinetics of multiple-dose levofloxacin in hemodialysis patients. Am J Kidney Dis. 2011;58:498–9.
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Ambrose PG, Grasela DM, Grasela TH, et al. Pharmacodynamics of fluoroquinolones against Streptococcus pneumoniae in patients with community-acquired respiratory tract infections. Antimicrob Agents Chemother. 2001;45:2793–7.
Bergogne-Bérézin E. Clinical role of protein binding of quinolones. Clin Pharmacokinet. 2002;41:741–50.
Zeitlinger M, Sauermann R, Fille M, et al. Plasma protein binding of fluoroquinolones affects antimicrobial activity. J Antimicrob Chemother. 2008;61:561–7.
Zeitlinger M, Sauermann R, Traunmüller F, et al. Impact of plasma protein binding on antimicrobial activity using time-killing curves. J Antimicrob Chemother. 2004;54:876–80.
Scaglione F, Mouton JW, Mattina R, et al. Pharmacodynamics of levofloxacin and ciprofloxacin in a murine pneumonia model: peak concentration/MIC versus area under the curve/MIC ratios. Antimicrob Agents Chemother. 2003;47:2749–55.
Dasgupta A, Havlik D. Elevated free fosphenytoin concentrations in uremic sera: uremic toxins hippuric acid and indoxyl sulfate do not account for the impaired protein binding of fosphenytoin. Ther Drug Monit. 1998;20:658–62.
Neuhofel AL, Wilton JH, Victory JM, et al. Lack of bioequivalence of ciprofloxacin when administered with calcium-fortified orange juice: a new twist on an old interaction. J Clin Pharmacol. 2002;42:461–6.
Lode H. Evidence of different profiles of side effects and drug-drug interactions among the quinolones—the pharmacokinetic standpoint. Chemotherapy. 2001;47:24–31.
How PP, Fischer JH, Arruda JA, et al. Effects of lanthanum carbonate on the absorption and oral bioavailability of ciprofloxacin. Clin J Am Soc Nephrol. 2007;2:1235–40.
Kays MB, Overholser BR, Mueller BA, et al. Effects of sevelamer hydrochloride and calcium acetate on the oral bioavailability of ciprofloxacin. Am J Kidney Dis. 2003;42:1253–9.
The authors thank the staff and participants in this study.
Department of Pharmacy, Kaetsu Hospital, 1459-1 Higashikanazawa, Akiha-ku, Niigata-shi, Niigata, 956-0814, Japan
Satoru Mitsuboshi
, Hitoshi Yamada
& Kazuhiko Nagai
Department of Pharmaceutical Sciences, Niigata University of Pharmacy and Applied Life Sciences, 265-1 Higashijima, Akiha-ku, Niigata, 956-8603, Japan
Kazuyuki Ueno
Search for Satoru Mitsuboshi in:
Search for Hitoshi Yamada in:
Search for Kazuhiko Nagai in:
Search for Kazuyuki Ueno in:
Correspondence to Satoru Mitsuboshi.
SM planned the study, carried out the HPLC assay, extracted the data, analyzed the data, and prepared the article. HY and KN assessed the studies and assisted in the article preparation. KU planned the study, assessed the studies, and assisted in the article preparation. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
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Home > Publications > 75-001-x > Perspectives on Labour and Income > June 2009 >
Perspectives on Labour and Income
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Sébastien LaRochelle-Côté
Claude Dionne
Low-paid workers
Low-paid work and vulnerable families
Are good jobs disappearing in Canada?
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International differences in low-paid work
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By Sébastien LaRochelle-Côté and Claude Dionne
Low-paid work in Canada and Australia
The Canadian economy includes numerous low-paid jobs, and not just for part-timers. According to the Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics (SLID), one in seven full-time employees (1.4 million workers) were paid less than $10 per hour in 2004. Other studies, using varying definitions of low-paid work, also found a large number of low-paid jobs (Morissette and Picot 2005, Morissette and Johnson 2005, and Chung 2004).
However, Canada's proportionately larger number of workers with low pay in comparison with other Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries is perhaps less well known. In fact, Canada has one of the highest proportions of low-paid workers among similarly industrialized countries (OECD 1996 and 1998).1 By and large, Canada's rate of low-paid work is higher than in European countries and similar to the American rate. In contrast, Scandinavian countries typically have the lowest shares of low-paid workers (Nolan and Marx 1999) (see Data sources and definitions).
International differences in low-paid work are commonly attributed to institutional and regulatory factors clustered among groups of countries. For instance, countries with higher rates of low-paid work are assumed to have a lower degree of labour market intervention with a laissez-faire approach to the labour market (referred to as Anglo-American). In contrast, countries with lower rates of low pay are characterized as more interventionist, with a European approach to the labour market (Cantillon, Marx and Van den Bosch 2002). The contrast between these two typologies has helped fuel debate over the advantages and disadvantages of low-paid work. While some argue that a higher rate of low-paid work provides much-needed flexibility for workers (Siebert 1997), others are concerned by potential problems for individual and family well-being (Maxwell 2002). However, such generalizations must be interpreted with caution as they have been supported by little empirical evidence (Freeman 2005).
In addition, international differences in low-paid work can also result from fundamental differences in demography, industrial structure, living standards, tax incentives, labour supply and institutions. Clearly, the complexity of issues relating to international differences in low-paid work makes it difficult to draw clear inferences to inform labour market policy debates. However, if the low-wage share in Canada differs from countries with similar characteristics and a similar approach to the labour market, like Australia, then the study of differences may be more informative.
This paper provides an update on international differences in low-paid work and then explores potential explanations for the large difference between Canada and Australia, two countries that share many similarities in demography, industrial structure, taxation and living standards.
International comparisons of low-paid work are not straightforward. One approach is an absolute level of low pay—for instance, the proportion of workers earning less than $10 per hour. But establishing something like a 'living wage' would pose problems for international comparisons: an amount deemed appropriate to measure deprivation in Canada may not be so in other countries, simply because of differences in perceptions and in cultural norms. Even with agreement on a basket of goods and services corresponding to a minimum standard of living, converting the basket into various currencies would be difficult.
Measures of relative deprivation—the extent to which a worker's earnings fall below their country's median—have been developed to avoid these problems (see Low-pay threshold). A measure of relative deprivation can be interpreted as the number of workers who fall significantly below the financial well-being of the median worker. For example, the OECD defines low-paid work as the proportion of full-year, full-time workers who fall below two-thirds of the country's median earnings (OECD 1996 and 1998). This approach is widely used in comparative studies (Nolan and Marx 1999).
Canada and the United States had the highest proportions of low-paid workers among the 12 countries for which data are available, with nearly 1 in 4 workers earning less than two-thirds of median annual earnings in 2000 and in 2004 (Chart A). The United Kingdom (21.3%) and Ireland (18.9% in 2000) also had relatively large contingents of low-paid workers compared with other countries in continental Europe and Australia. Four countries (Germany, Spain, Austria and Belgium) had similar shares of low-paid workers, varying from 13.0% to 15.7% (for 2000, as 2004 figures were unavailable for these countries). Finally, for both 2000 and 2004, the Scandinavian countries in the sample (Sweden, Denmark and Finland), as well as Australia,3 had relatively small shares of low-paid workers. For the year 2004, the share of low-paid workers varied from 7.1% (in Finland and Denmark) to 11.4% (in Australia).
These results differ little from previous figures released by the OECD (1996 and 1998), which were based on figures provided by the national statistical agencies. Taking the 1996 study as an example, the United States and Canada had the highest share of low-wage workers, with 25.0% and 23.7% respectively in 1994. By and large, this suggests that international differences in low-paid work seen in the 1990s remained largely unchanged in the mid-2000s (see Evolution of low-paid work in Canada).
These countries differ from each other in many aspects. As mentioned, international differences in low-paid work may relate to varying policy approaches to the labour market. Furthermore, differences in low-paid work also reflect other basic differences in such characteristics as demography, economic structure, labour supply, tax incentives, living standards, and country-specific institutions.
However, Australia has a low-pay incidence more in the European mould, even though it is usually included in the 'Anglo-American, non-interventionist' group of countries (Esping-Andersen 1990). In view of this, a deeper examination of the difference in low-paid work between Canada and Australia follows.
Australia and Canada share many economic, social and political characteristics, often making them the subject of comparative studies. They share a British parliamentary tradition and a federal system of government. Both have small open economies with a relatively modest population (22 million in Australia and 33 million in Canada) and similar immigration rates (Richardson and Lester 2004). Their industrial structures are characterized by abundant natural resources, large exports of raw materials, and large imports of machinery, equipment and production technology (Harchaoui, Jean and Tarkhani 2003). Each has a liberal economy with a social security system characterized by means-testing and private insurance schemes (Esping-Andersen 1990), and a progressive income tax system with similar tax and social security contribution rates (OECD 2009b). Their standards of living are relatively close, with a gross national income per capita of $35,760 for Australia versus $39,650 for Canada, in 2007 US dollars (The World Bank 2009). Economic and productivity growth over the past two decades were similar, as Canada's prosperity grew at an average rate of 1.9% from 1983 to 2000, compared with 2.4% for Australia (Harchaoui, Jean and Tarkhani 2003). Employment rates are close and have increased in tandem (69.3% for Australia and 70.9% for Canada for persons age 15 to 64 in 2000, 70.3% and 72.5% in 2004, and 72.9 and 73.6% in 2007, according to the Online OECD Employment Database). Furthermore, their low-pay thresholds are similar when expressed in common currency figures (see Low-pay threshold).
Despite these similarities, some observable differences may account for the large gap between the two in low-paid work. These factors include personal characteristics of full-year, full-time workers in the two countries (i.e. specific differences in age-sex distribution and education level) as some demographic groups are more likely than others to be low paid.
Younger workers, women and workers with a lower education level were more likely to have low earnings in both countries (Table 2). The situation of younger workers appears especially striking as 29% of young workers in Australia and as much as 65% in Canada were low paid, compared with national rates of 11% and 24% respectively. Also, the differential between men and women was much smaller in Australia, which is consistent with other research finding that Australia has a smaller male-female earnings gap than Canada (Kidd and Shannon 1996).
Furthermore, even if the two countries are characterized by a strong primary sector, other differences in industrial structure and occupational characteristics could also play a role in explaining differences. Low-paid work is proportionately more prevalent in the wholesale and retail sector, and in personal services (Table 3). Conversely, workers in public administration were least likely to be low paid in both countries. Managers and legislators also tended to exhibit lower rates of low-paid work than others.5
Hence, if Canada has proportionately more full-year, full-time workers in lower-paid demographic, industry and occupation groups than Australia, then at least part of the differential in low-paid work could be explained by these. One way to test this hypothesis is to use the Oaxaca decomposition method.6 This method works on simple counterfactuals: for example, "What would be the proportion of low-wage workers in Canada if it had the same distribution of workers as Australia across various demographic or industry groups?"
However, results indicate that the difference in low-paid work would persist if Canadian workers had the same demographic, industry, and management characteristics as Australian workers.7 This is not entirely unexpected, since inter-country differences in rates of low-paid work were also quite large across nearly all of the above characteristics, suggesting the need to look elsewhere to explain the difference between Canada and Australia.
Canada may also differ from Australia in terms of country-specific labour market institutions. The effect of labour-market institutions on pay rates, inequality, employment and low pay has generated much discussion, but is very difficult to assess empirically (Freeman 2005). However, the literature is clear on one thing: labour-market institutions (pay-setting mechanisms, unionization, and the proportion of workers covered by collective agreements) do affect the dispersion of wages, and, by extension, relative rates of low pay (Wallerstein 1999, and Rueda and Pontusson 2000).
How does Canada differ from Australia in this regard? Union coverage is one place to start, since unionized jobs tend to be better paid and have a lower dispersion. However, Canada actually has a higher rate of unionization (29.4% in 2007) than Australia (18.5%) (OECD 2009a), so unionization itself cannot account for the lower incidence of low-paid jobs in Australia.
Differences in the pay-determination process are more fundamental. In Canada, the union sector is characterized by a highly decentralized system of collective bargaining, which means that bargaining between unions and employers occurs mostly at the plant level. For those that are not part of a union officially recognized as a legal bargaining unit, and therefore not covered by collective agreements, the basic employment conditions (including minimum wage) are generally defined by provincial labour codes.8 Canada therefore has what could be termed a two-tier, more flexible approach with respect to labour regulations, which has been a defining feature of the labour market for some time (Fudge and Vosko 2001).
By contrast, the Australian labour market is characterized by a system of 'awards' (compulsory arbitration) dating back to 1907. In this system, government institutions prescribe employment conditions and determine minimum wages for a very large proportion of employees (Kidd and Shannon 1996). Furthermore, the awards system typically covers a large number of employers within a given industry or occupation, including non-unionized workers. The end result is a centralized process of wage determination that provides relatively high minimum standards of pay, the equivalent of which does not exist in Canada.9
Because more centralization of the wage-determination process leads to greater wage compression (Wallerstein 1999, and Kidd and Shannon 1996), the Australian awards system—by providing higher minimum-wage standards—probably explains a good deal of the difference in low-paid work between Canada and Australia. It would also help explain the smaller gap in low-paid work between men and women in Australia, as the system also includes provisions to promote greater equity in the workplace (Garton and McCallum 1996, and Kidd and Shannon 1996). However, the awards system has become increasingly criticized in recent decades as it provides very little flexibility for unions and employers to determine wages at the plant level (Norris 1993). Furthermore, many believe that the system is an obstacle to job creation and prevents the economy from reaching its full potential (Lewis 2006). Others also argue that it restricts the competitiveness of Australian businesses (Wailes and Lansbury 2000).10
To address some of these concerns, successive Australian governments have introduced several reforms since the mid-1980s. This has led to progressive decentralization of the pay-determination process, from the government and industry to the enterprise level, in order to allow more flexibility in bargaining between employers and employees. Furthermore, a number of changes were designed to make pay rates better reflect the performance of industries and individual firms. Nevertheless, the Australian government (through centralized labour market institutions like the Australian Fair Pay Commission) continues to play an important role in establishing minimum-wage conditions and ensuring that equity and fairness conditions are retained in pay-determination procedures (Wailes and Lansbury 2000, and Fenwick 2006), which remains very different from Canadian practice.
Studying earnings distribution is one empirical strategy used to see if Australia's system of awards is associated with lower rates of low pay. Since the Australian awards system provides minimum employment standards to individuals at the bottom of the distribution, differences would likely be lower between individuals at the bottom and those in the middle. Furthermore, in the absence of other major differences in labour-market intervention, the difference between individuals at the top of the earnings distribution and those in the middle should be similar in the two countries.
This can be verified by computing a number of earnings dispersion measures (Chart C). In addition to the widely used P90/P10, which compares the earnings at the 90th percentile with those at the 10th percentile, the P50/P10 can be used to compare earnings of the median worker with those at the bottom of the earnings distribution, and the P90/P50 to compare earnings of the median worker with those at the top.
Individuals at the 90th percentile earned 4.8 times as much as individuals at the 10th percentile in Canada. In comparison, the figure was 2.8 in Australia, suggesting that overall dispersion was much larger in Canada than Australia. The ratio of the median and at the 10th percentile was also much larger in Canada, as median workers earned 2.4 times more than individuals at the 10th percentile, compared with 1.5 times in Australia. By contrast, the dispersion at the top of the earnings distribution was similar. This suggests that most of the difference in the overall dispersion between Canada and Australia is due to differences at the bottom of the distribution.11 This also supports the view that the awards system might explain a great deal of the differences in low-paid work between Canada and Australia.12
While differences in the pay-determination process explain some of the difference in low-pay rates between Canada and Australia, they likely do not explain all of it. Other, more subtle, differences could play a role as well. For example, even though Canada and Australia have similar rates of immigration and both select immigrants through a points system, the composition of immigrants is different simply because the two countries are not drawing from the same pool (Richardson and Lester 2004). The implication is that centralized policies aiming to increase minimum-pay standards may not have the same impact on the distribution, or the extent of low pay, in both countries. Furthermore, the impact of such policies on other aspects of the economy (competitiveness, trade and productivity) could also be very different.
This study used the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS) to examine differences in a number of OECD countries in low-paid work, defined as the proportion of full-year, full-time workers earning less than two-thirds of a country's median. The study of low-paid work is motivated by competing views of efficiency and equity in the economy. On the one hand, low-paid work can be advantageous by providing needed work experience for youth and ensuring that the economy has maximum flexibility. On the other hand, a large contingent of low-paid workers presents equity challenges if, for example, many are the sole earners in a family.
Given the debate, international differences in low-paid work are sometimes used to provide information on the relative position of Canada vis-à-vis the rest of the world. Such comparisons yield several groupings of countries with similar economic and social systems: Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom and Ireland have higher rates of low-paid workers than other OECD countries; Western European countries occupy the middle rung; and Scandinavian countries tend to have the lowest proportions of low-paid workers.
Australia is often grouped with Canada, the U.S. and the U.K.—Anglo-American economies that are presumed to have less interventionist policies than European governments. Yet it has a rate of low-paid workers that puts it near the low end of the Western European countries. The detailed examination of low-paid work in Australia and Canada shows that differences in low-paid work are not due to a higher concentration of groups more likely to be low-paid, such as young men, workers without a university degree, or workers in personal services and retail trade. Rather, differences in pay-setting processes likely explain much of the discrepancy between Canada and Australia in terms of low-paid work. Minimum-wage conditions are regulated for the vast majority of Australian workers through an awards system that forms the basis of the minimum compensation policy in the country. The system has more than a 100-year history in Australia, which implies it may not be a readily transferable model.
International comparisons are based on the most recent data from the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS). The LIS is a singular source of comparable labour and income microdata for a wide variety of OECD countries. The analysis is supplemented by the Survey of Consumer Finances (SCF) and the Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics (SLID) to generate historical trends of low-paid work in Canada. The SCF was a cross-sectional survey that used a sub-sample of the Labour Force Survey and was conducted every year from 1976 to 1997. The Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics is an annual longitudinal survey that has been conducted every year since 1993. For the overlapping years, a combined sample of the two surveys was used, as their trends were very similar.
Low-paid workers are defined as employees earning less than two-thirds of the median in each country. As a result, the absolute value used to define low pay varies by country and over time. The choice of the cut-off is a compromise between a lower value of, say, 50% (which would be too close to the minimum wage in some countries) and 75% (which would include too many workers in other countries). This method is not a direct measure of deprivation, but is more related to the ideas of inequality and social exclusion. Furthermore, it has been used in many previous studies. Following the OECD approach, the focus is on annual earnings (before taxes) of paid employees who worked full year, full time (in order to avoid cross-country differences in part-time work).2
Evolution of low-paid work in Canada
Canada's high level of low-paid work relative to other countries since the mid-1990s raises the question: Did Canada always have a high share of low-wage workers? Data from the Survey of Consumer Finances and the Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics indicate that the share of full-year, full-time workers in low-paid jobs rose from approximately 21% in 1976 to 25% in the mid-1980s, and has remained relatively steady since then, suggesting that the numbers for the years 2000 and 2004 reflect an enduring feature of the Canadian economy.4
However, the face of low-paid workers changed over the 30-year period, especially between 1976 and the mid-1990s. The share of women with low-paid jobs decreased significantly, from approximately 45% in 1976 to less than 35% at the beginning of the 1990s. This is consistent with the large gains in educational attainment by women during the 1980s and 1990s and suggests that better education credentials led to better jobs for many of them. In contrast, men became increasingly more likely to work in low-paid jobs. From 1976 to 1993, the proportion of men earning less than two-thirds of the median rose from 11% to 18% (Chart B).
However, not all men were equally affected by the increase in low-paid work. In fact, young men (age 15 to 24) were particularly affected as their incidence of low-paid work increased from approximately 30% in 1976 to more than 60% in the mid-1990s. The share of low-paid work among men age 25 to 34 also rose significantly, from 8% in 1976 to approximately 20% in more recent years. Older men were less affected, but middle-aged men also saw their share of low-paid work increase over the period. Conversely, low-paid work declined among middle-aged and older women over the period, remained the same among women age 25 to 34, but rose among women age 15 to 24.
Low-pay threshold
With a relative measure of low pay (two-thirds of a country's median), the threshold is not the same across countries (Table 1). For comparison purposes, values are expressed in 2002 and 2004 Canadian dollars—based on purchasing power parities (PPP), which allow earnings to be expressed in common currency units. PPPs also take differences in price levels between countries into account. The closer a country is to the Canadian threshold, the more similar its definition of low pay in terms of living standards.
While thresholds differed across countries, some were close to the Canadian one. In 2004, for instance, the low-pay threshold was $25,700 for Australia (in 2004 Canadian dollars), compared with $26,700 for Canada (a difference of less than 4%).
The OECD also provides statistical information about rates of low pay across countries in its online employment database (OECD 2009a).
The definition of a full-time worker may vary across countries (from 27 to 35 hours per week). Furthermore, information on full-time workers could be retrieved only for the survey reference week in some countries.
The number of weeks worked was unavailable in the LIS for Australia in 2004, and for only a fraction of the sample in 2000. Results for Australia are therefore based on full-time workers who earned at least the federal minimum wage over 52 weeks. Results obtained are similar to those provided by the Australian government (Australian Government 2008) and are reasonably close to estimates from the smaller 2000 sample with information on weeks worked. Furthermore, taking only paid employees who worked full time during the survey reference week would yield a rate of 17.3% in 2004, still significantly lower than the Canadian rate for full-year, full-time employees.
Median earnings remained relatively constant over the same period, varying between $40,000 and $44,000 (in 2006 dollars) over the last three decades.
Similar results were obtained with the SLID master file.
The Oaxaca decomposition was obtained as follows. First, two regressions were run, one for Canada and one for Australia, modeling the probability of earning less than two-thirds of the country's median. Variables included age, sex, a dummy for university education, industry, a dummy for managerial occupations, women–age interactions, and women–university education interactions. An alternative rate of low-paid work for Canada was then estimated by multiplying average Australian values for variables included in the regressions by the coefficients obtained in the Canadian regression.
In 2004, the real difference between Canada and Australia in low-paid work was 13.0 percentage points and would have been 12.5 points if Canadian workers had been distributed as in Australia across demographic, industry and occupation groups, for which information is available in the LIS.
In the case of federally regulated industries, which include banking, telecommunications and interprovincial transportation, employment conditions are prescribed by the Canada Labour Code.
The federal minimum wage in Australia is AU$14.31 (approximately CAN$13.00) as of October 2008 (Australian Government 2008) and is much higher than the Canadian average, which currently varies between CAN$7.75 and $10.00 across Canadian provinces.
Originally, Australia introduced the awards system to provide basic standards of living for workers in combination with high tariff barriers to protect Australian businesses from foreign competition. That arrangement was increasingly called into question as terms of trade for primary products declined and trade liberalization increased.
These results were tested by developing another measure of income dispersion, largely inspired by the Foster, Greer and Thorbecke (FGT) index. This is simply a weighted average of income gaps for individuals located below the country's median, expressed as:
, where n is the number in the sample, q is the number below the median, z is the country's median, and yi is the income of individual i. One interesting property of the FGT index is that more weight is given to workers away from the earnings threshold (z). The FGT index was 0.032 for Australia and 0.102 for Canada, suggesting that the earnings of Australian workers below the median were much less dispersed than those of Canadian workers.
As Frenette, Green and Picot 2006 showed, individuals at the bottom of the distribution may not be covered identically by different data sources. While there is no obvious solution to this problem, it may have an impact on distributional differences between Canada and Australia at the bottom of the income distribution.
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Richardson, Sue and Laurence Lester. 2004. A Comparison of Australian and Canadian Immigration Policies and Labour Market Outcomes. Report to the Department of Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs. National Institute of Labour Studies. Flinders University. 45 p. (accessed May 27, 2009).
Rueda, David and Jonas Pontusson. 2000. "Wage inequality and varieties of capitalism." World Politics. Vol. 52, no. 3. April. p. 350-383. (accessed May 27, 2009).
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Wailes, Nick and Russell D. Lansbury. 2000. Collective Bargaining and Flexibility: Australia. Geneva. International Labour Organization.
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Sébastien LaRochelle-Côté is with the Labour and Household Surveys Analysis Division. He can be reached at 613-951-0803. Claude Dionne is with the Income Statistics Division. He can be reached at 613-951-5043. They can also be reached at perspectives@statcan.gc.ca.
Date Modified: 2010-03-29


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Home / News & Events / LIPSCOMBLEADS is largest giving campaign in institutional history, $250 million goal
LIPSCOMBLEADS is largest giving campaign in institutional history, $250 million goal
Lipscomb University has launched its largest, most ambitious fundraising campaign in its 128-year history as it plans to reach the goal of $250 million in the next three years.
Kim Chaudoin | 01/31/2019
Lipscomb University has announced its largest fundraising goal in institutional history.
Lipscomb President L. Randolph Lowry announced today that more than $186 million dollars has already been raised as part of the LIPSCOMBLEADS campaign. Lipscomb anticipates reaching its goal by Dec. 31, 2021.
"LIPSCOMBLEADS is a bold initiative," said Lowry. "We have been very fortunate to have already had generous commitments from more than 42,000 investors who have helped us reach nearly 75 percent of our ambitious goal. This is a significant moment in the life of this institution — and one that will make a profound impact on our students for generations to come. It builds on the tremendous forward momentum Lipscomb has built over the last 15 years. We thank those who believe in our mission and who continue to boldly invest in Lipscomb. This is a transformative time, and I look forward to the many lives that will be transformed through this initiative."
Lipscomb University President L. Randolph Lowry
The LIPSCOMBLEADS campaign launch was celebrated with two gatherings to officially kick-off the initiative. The first was of Lipscomb University supporters and local business leaders at the Schermerhorn Symphony Center in downtown Nashville in a program featuring the Nashville Symphony, conducted by Benjamin Blasko, director of instrumental studies at Lipscomb University. A second campaign launch celebration was held on the Lipscomb campus this morning to engage students and employees.
LIPSCOMBLEADS focuses on three main priorities — a best in class academic program, a transformative student experience and a model for sustainable impact. Specific initiatives include:
A best in class academic program. Lipscomb University is a nationally recognized doctoral level R3 research institution. This puts Lipscomb in the top 7 percent of all colleges and universities in the country. A major component of LIPSCOMBLEADS is to make a significant investment in the institution's mission to become a premier national Christian university. This means becoming a leading faith-based institution with nationally recognized scholars, researchers and faculty; offering solutions to society's problems through a Christ-driven approach; providing the region's top online education delivery system; building a global campus; and attracting the best and brightest students.
"This is a significant moment in the life of this institution — and one that will make a profound impact on our students for generations to come." — Lipscomb President L. Randolph Lowry
A transformative student experience. Lipscomb cultivates servant leaders who are equipped to contribute in countless ways across the country and around the world. LIPSCOMBLEADS will result in a significant investment in the Lipscomb student experience that is shaped by personal service, outstanding amenities and life-changing relationships; a recognizable 21st Century Christian emphasis that is tightly woven into all parts of the Lipscomb experience; a Christian NCAA Division I athletic program that leads the nation; and a healthy pluralistic environment that equips the Lipscomb community to overcome differences to make a difference.
A model for sustainable impact.The final cornerstone of the initiative is to ensure a sophisticated business model that fuels Lipscomb's stability and success. The largest component of this campaign will be endowed scholarships, which not only will open doors for students to attend Lipscomb but also provide Lipscomb with the financial resources to become a leading national Christian university.
Lipscomb University has launched a new $250 million initiative.
Lipscomb University is a university on the move. Lipscomb is one of the fastest-growing private doctoral universities in the nation according to the Chronicle of Higher Education. In addition to rapid enrollment growth, Lipscomb has added more than 150 graduate and undergraduate programs since 2006 including Middle Tennessee's first College of Pharmacy offering a Doctorate of Pharmacy. The largest area of academic program growth was in the number of new graduate programs, many of which were developed to meet workforce needs in the community and across the country. In addition, during that time more than 200 new faculty were hired for those and other programs. This past year Lipscomb launched a new School of Physician Assistant Studies and announced the launch of two new academic programs for 2019 — a hospitality program and a Master of Health Administration program.
During that time, the university grew from five colleges to 10. The newest colleges include the College of Computing & Technology, the George Shinn College of Entertainment & the Arts, the College of Leadership & Public Service and the College of Professional Studies. Lipscomb also added innovative programs for first-generation students and a veterans services program that offers a free education to service members who qualify as part of the Post 9/11 G.I. Bill Yellow Ribbon Program. In addition, the university's minority enrollment increased to nearly 25 percent of the student body. Students have also given more than 300,000 hours in service to the Nashville community.
The Lipscomb campus has also experienced tremendous physical growth during the decade studied in the Chronicle's report. More than $100 million was invested in new facilities and renovations during that time including the construction of a Nursing and Health Sciences Center, the James D. Hughes Center, a Pharmaceutical Sciences Research Center, a new parking facility that includes a tennis center, the MacCadams Athletic Center and The Village; the opening of Spark in Cool Springs; an expansion to McFarland Science Center; renovations of Swang Business Center and High Rise, Johnson and Fanning residence halls and an expanded food service area.
The campus growth continues today. In the last two years, Lipscomb has opened other new facilities including the Fields Engineering Center, Bison Hall, Spark located in downtown Nashville and a study abroad facility in Florence, Italy. Earlier this year, construction began on an $11 million George Shinn Event Center that will include a state-of-the art event hall. Projects anticipated to begin this year include new facilities for the College of Business and Lipscomb Academy as well as a performing arts center.
For more information about LIPSCOMBLEADS visit www.lipscomb.edu/leads.
Public Relations and Communication
Kim Chaudoin
Asst Vice President of Public Relations and Communication
kim.chaudoin@lipscomb.edu


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You've decided to sell your home. Fantastic! Now look around, really look around, to see if there are things that need to be improved before the sale.
Fixing your property's issues, no matter how small they may seem, can go a long way towards helping you achieve the price that you want when it finally goes on the market.
Repairs, or a lack there of, have great potential to influence a sale.
Savvy sellers will examine the cost of any improvements against the home's market value once any repairs have been done. Some improvements might not be needed if an upgrade won't increase upon return on investment.
Before you put in a skylight or a new set of sliding doors, understand that kitchen and bathroom improvements hold some of the best potential for increased returns.
Aesthetic changes and small modern improvements are an easy step to begin with.
From replacing cupboard handles to a new faucet and shower head, there are any number of improvements that can make you property more appealing to prospective buyers.
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From there put together a list of anything that doesn't work, is broken or worn out.
Buyers are generally very cautious. If they find anything defective, they might ponder what else in the home is in a similar bad state that they haven't seen yet.
A good and thorough clean.
If you are looking for some more comprehensive but slightly larger scale improvements, try replacing any stained or worn out carpeting. Fixing any broken appliances is also a good step as if they are broken or in poor working condition it can negatively influence your property's selling price.
When it comes to fine cuisine, the first bite is taken with the eyes. The same can be said for real estate with prospective buyers.
If your property has an unappealing look to begin with, it is going to make it much harder to get people through the door to inspect it. With a lower inspection numbers can come fewer buyers come auction time.
Having a front façade that is well presented and tidy is a key step to creating an inviting look for your property.
Likewise, conducting some minor (or major depending on its state) gardening to neaten up its appearance is a step that should be taken.
Prospective buyers often like to picture what they can do with the space once they have purchased the property. With that in mind, leaving any garden space as open as possible is a potential move you can do to allow this to happen.
If your property is a house, having a professional examine the roof is a good step to take. By doing this, they can diagnose any issues and conduct repairs that will add value to your property.
When equipping your property for an inspection, it is key to find a balance for the right amount of furniture. Prospective buyers can often like having a relatively bare canvas.
This allows them to picture what it will look like to have their own possessions in the property. An emptier property can also give the impression of being more spacious.
This is a much harder task when your property is full of your things.
When it comes to the interior of the property you want to sell, you should be going for an open and tidy appearance, with lots of space for easy movement between rooms.
Therefore, selling your property can be a convenient excuse to cull some of those unwanted things that you just haven't had the heart to throw out.
Prospective buyers will certainly appreciate the clean and trim look of your property.
There can be many reasons as to why an investor or owner decides to sell their property. Whether they are looking to downsize their portfolio or planning to move, choosing an experienced and friendly sales team is key to your success.
If you've decided to sell, talk to the sales team at Little Real Estate today about a free market appraisal for your property.


In 1996 the concept of VANTAGE was born. A need existed due to customers consolidating their electrical spend in order to reduce their vendor base and save money. As an alternative to the large chain distributors, VANTAGE provided the vehicle to bring multiple regional distributors together to form a strong electrical network using local market leaders. The benefits were clear, utilize the strong local distributors while still maintaining the central point of contact that is critical to national MRO consolidation efforts.
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Harrisburg Heat Sign Yaikel Perez
Signing of Yaikel Perez Caps Off Active Week Of Player Acquisitions
The Harrisburg Heat have signed Yaikel Perez.
Perez is a native of Havana, Cuba and was part of the Cuban National Team which qualified for the 2005 CONCACAF Gold Cup. Along with several of his teammates he defected to the United States during the final qualifying phase, and eventually signed for the USL's Miami FC in 2006.
"Yaikel brings both experience and passion to help the team compete at the highest level," said Harrisburg Heat CEO Carl Delmont.
"First of all, thank you to the whole Harrisburg Heat organization for allowing me to form part of this family," said Perez.
"I would also like to thank Mr. Delmont and Coach Denison Cabral for extending me the opportunity to form part of this NEW ERA in the Harrisburg Heat organization," Perez continued.
Perez has played for a number of American and Puerto Rican teams over the last few years, most recently he had 6 goals in the 2014 season playing for Đà Nẵng F.C. in Vietnam.
2017-01-18T17:00:37-04:00August 19th, 2016|Categories: Heat News|


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Chapter explains in-depth the critical factors needed when looking to build your own grow room. Using 3 dimensional CAD renderings, 6 grow room set-ups are shown and a break down of the equipment used in each set- up is given. Set-ups included are; 1-3 plant set-up, 4-12 plant set-up, two 16-14 plant set-ups, finishing with two 24-72 plant set-ups. Each diagram is impeccably laid out, giving you a definitive blue print and an ideal guide on how to build your own grow room.


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Gaspar Ventura Meseguer (Barcelona, España; 5 de febrero de 1955) es un exnadador y exwaterpolista español. Como jugador ganó un bronce en los Juegos Mediterráneos de 1975 y un diploma olímpico en Juegos de Moscú 1980. Posteriormente siguió vinculado al waterpolo como directivo y entrenador. Fue seleccionador del equipo femenino español (1998-2003).

Biografía

Vida personal
Es hermano del jugador y entrenador de waterpolo Antoni Ventura, y padre de la waterpolista internacional Mireia Ventura.

Como deportista
Nacido en el barrio barcelonés de Pueblo Nuevo, inició su trayectoria en el equipo local, el Club Natació Poble Nou. En 1974 se incorporó al Club Natació Barcelona, donde ganó la liga de 1975. En 1977, tras finalizar el servicio militar, se afincó en Manresa, donde fue jugador-entrenador del Club Natació Manresa hasta su retirada, en 1986.

Durante su carrera compaginó el waterpolo con la natación. Como nadador destacó en pruebas en aguas abiertas, con su doble victoria en la Copa Nadal (1975 y 1976) y en la Travesía del Puerto de Barcelona (1974 y 1975), considerado Campeonato de Cataluña de gran fondo.

Entre 1972 y 1980 fue internacional en 211 partidos con la selección española de waterpolo. Con el combinado nacional ganó la medalla de bronce en los Juegos Mediterráneos de 1975. Participó en los Juegos Olímpicos de Múnich 1972 y Moscú 1980, donde logró un diploma olímpico, primer gran éxito internacional del waterpolo español. Disputó también dos Campeonatos Europeos (1974 y 1977) y tres Campeonatos Mundiales (1973, 1975 y 1978).

Como entrenador
Desde su juventud compaginó la práctica deportiva con el rol técnico y formativo. Empezó durante su etapa en el CN Barcelona, entrenando a las categorías inferiores y fue campeón de España de waterpolo con el equipo juvenil. Cuando fichó por el CN Manresa asumió la dirección de los cursos de natación del club, y compaginó el papel de jugador del equipo de waterpolo con el de entrenador del mismo. Llevó al club manresano a alcanzar los mayores éxitos de su historia, con dos subcampeonatos de liga (1977 y 1980) y dos participaciones en europeas en la Recopa.

En 1986 se marchó al banquillo del Club Natació Catalunya. Estuvo al frente del equipo durante los años dorados de la entidad, en los que conquistó las tres primeras Ligas (1989, 1990 y 1991) y Copas del Rey (1987, 1990 y 1991) de su historia, además de la Recopa de Europa y la Supercopa europea (ambas en 1992). La temporada 1997-98 entrenó al Club Natació Sant Feliu.

En junio de 1989 dirigió a la primera Selección femenina de waterpolo de España, que perdió el primer partido de su historia por 11-2 contra Italia. Posteriormente fue seleccionador femenino entre 1998 y 2003.

Aunque dejó los banquillos en 2003, en 2015 regresó para dirigir al Club Natació Minorisa manresano, donde se jubiló definitivamente como entrenador al finalizar la temporada 2017-18.

Como dirigente deportivo
Ventura ha sido vocal (1998-2007) y presidente (2008-2012) de la comisión de waterpolo de la Real Federación Española de Natación. Fue gerente del CN Manresa desde 1996 hasta 2012, cuando el Ayuntamiento de Manresa multó al club por la falta de titulación de Ventura para ejercer el cargo. La entidad se disolvió un año más tarde, debido a las deudas acumuladas. Posteriormente ocupó la dirección técnica del Club Natació Sant Andreu.

Referencias

Bibliografía

Enlaces externos

Deportistas de Barcelona
Waterpolistas de España en los Juegos Olímpicos de Múnich 1972
Waterpolistas de España en los Juegos Olímpicos de Moscú 1980
Waterpolistas de España
Nadadores de España
Dirigentes deportivos de Cataluña
Entrenadores de la Selección de waterpolo de España
Nacidos en Barcelona

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia