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You are here: Platypus /The movement as an end-in-itself? An interview with David Graeber
The movement as an end-in-itself? An interview with David Graeber
Ross Wolfe
Platypus Review 43 | February 2012
[Ελληνικό]
On December 16, 2011, Ross Wolfe interviewed David Graeber, Reader at Goldsmiths College in London, author of Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology (2004), and central figure in the early stages of the #Occupy Wall Street Movement. What follows is an edited transcript of the interview.
Folk singer Tea Leigh at the #Occupy site
Ross Wolfe: There are striking similarities between the #Occupy movement and the 1999 anti-WTO protests in Seattle. Both began in the last year of a Democratic presidency, were spearheaded by anarchists, motivated by discontents with neo-liberalism, and received the support of organized labor. As an active participant in both the anti/alter-globalization and the #Occupy movements, to what extent would you say that #Occupy is a continuation of the project inaugurated at Seattle? What, if anything, makes this movement different?
David Graeber: I think a lot of the people involved in the globalization movement, myself included, felt this was a continuation of our efforts, because we never really felt the globalization movement had come to an end. We'd smash our heads against the wall every year, saying "Oh yes, this time we're really back. Oh wait, maybe not." A lot of us gradually began to lose hope that it was really going to bounce back in the way we always thought we knew it would. And then it happened, as a combination of tactics of trying to create prefigurative models of what a democratic society would be like, as a way of organizing protest or actions that were directed against an obviously undemocratic structure of governance.
At the same time, I think one reason why the tactics seem appropriate in either case is because, in a way, we're talking about two rounds of the same cycle of really the same debt crisis. One could make the argument that the world has been in one form of debt crisis or another since the seventies, and that for most of that time, the crisis was fobbed off onto the global South, and to a certain degree held off from the North Atlantic, countries and places with the most powerful economies, which more or less use credit as a way of staving off popular unrest. The global justice movement ultimately was a quite successful form of popular uprising against neoliberal orthodoxy, Washington Consensus, and the tyranny of the debt enforcers like the IMF and the World Bank. It was officially so successful that the IMF itself was expelled from large parts of the world. It simply can't operate at all in many spaces within Latin America anymore. And it eventually came home. So it's the same process: declaring some kind of financial crisis which the capitalists themselves are responsible for, and demanding the replacement of what are termed "neutral technocrats" of one type or other, who are in fact schooled in this kind of neoliberal orthodoxy, who've been in the economy for wholesale plunder on the part of financial elites. And because #Occupy is reacting to the same thing as the Global Justice Movement, it's not surprising that the reaction takes the same form: a movement for direct democracy, prefigurative politics, and direct action. In each case, what they're saying is that the tools of government and the administration are inherently corrupt and unaccountable.
RW: Against the malaise that followed from the dissolution of the anti/alter-globalization movement after 9/11, you argued that the primary reason for its eventual defeat was that it did not know how to handle the shock of its early victories, its participants had become "dizzy with success" along the way. "[O]ne reason it was so easy for [the global justice movement] to collapse, was…that once again, in most of our immediate objectives, we'd already, unexpectedly, won."[1] In other words, for you the path to defeat was largely paved by victory. In an uncanny way, this appears to mirror, albeit from the opposite direction, Karl Marx's counter-intuitive understanding of June 1848. Marx wrote that "only the June defeat has created all the conditions under which France can seize the initiative of the European revolution. Only after being dipped in the blood of the June insurgents did the tricoleur become the flag of the European revolution—the red flag!"[2] For Marx, then, the path toward victory was seen to be paved by defeat. How, if at all, are these two seemingly opposite views related? Do they mutually exclude one another, or are they perhaps complementary? Is it proper or even possible to speak of a "dialectics of defeat"?[3]
DG: That's an interesting analogy. One would have to ask: "Was Marx right?" He said that defeat was necessary for the ultimate victory, but it's not clear that that victory ultimately did occur. It's certainly true that certain sorts of defeat can be mythologized, and may turn into victory, or things that seem like defeats on the field are in fact victories that you didn't realize you had. I think that happens quite regularly in revolutionary history. In a way, tactical defeat is almost randomly related to strategic victory. There's no predictable pattern, kind of like Immanuel Wallerstein's idea of the series of world revolutions starting with the French revolution, the world revolution of 1848, which didn't achieve tactical victory anywhere, but radically transformed the way governments operated in Europe. That's where you get universal education, redistricting, etc.
RW: The French Revolution even failed internally, insofar as it was turned into an empire by Napoleon. But it still helped spread the nationalist and liberal/republican ethos.
DG: Absolutely. There were institutional, concrete forms that came out of that that have remained with us ever since. Same thing with 1917: It only was successful in Russia, but it had almost as much of an effect on other countries as it did at home. Nothing was the same afterwards. Basically, Wallerstein argues that 1968 was a similar revolutionary moment, sort of along the lines of 1848. He's now talking about the world revolution of 2011. But it really isn't clear which model this is going to resemble.
This made me think of what neoliberalism is really about: It's a political movement much more than it is an economic movement, which is a reaction to those series of victories won by social movements in the sixties, whether the anti-war movements, feminism, the counterculture, and so on. That became a kind of a sanction, in achieving political victory by preventing any social movement from feeling that it had been successful in challenging capitalism in any great, empowered way, or providing any sort of viable alternative. So it became a propaganda war that was continually hierarchized, over creating an actually viable capitalist system. The way the Iraq War was conducted is another great example of that. It's very clear that the real obsession on the part of the people planning the war was to overcome what they called "the Vietnam syndrome," i.e., the wave of anti-war demonstrations in the sixties that had really prevented the U.S. from deploying large ground forces in any kind of major land war for 30 years. In order to get over that, they needed to fight the war in a way that would prevent widespread opposition and resistance at home. What they calculated was that "body count is everything," therefore they had to create rules of engagement such that few enough American soldiers would die that there would be no mass uproar in the form of an anti-war movement. Of course, in order to do that, their rules of engagement meant that hundreds of thousands of Iraqi and Afghani civilians died, which in turn pretty much ensured they couldn't win the war. But it seemed more important to them to prevent the anti-war movement than to win the war.
Of course, the anti-war movement of the last decade was put in a terrible situation by the attacks of 9/11, an attack on U.S. soil on a scale that hadn't ever happened. Now, it's also true that there's a pattern where 9/11 came at a very opportune moment, and had it not been for that attack, they probably would have tried to come up with some other excuse for an overseas war. Because it seems that when you finally see a grassroots political movement, whether it's the civil rights movement, the anti-nuclear movement, the global justice movement, or any kind of glimmering, that is what happens. The remarkable thing to me is how immediately the ruling class panicked and felt that they had to make massive concessions and invariably seem to commence some sort of overseas war. It seems like they've trapped themselves in something like a box. It's clear that we've got a situation here in America, but it's not really clear who they're going to attack, or who they could attack overseas.
RW: One of the central debates within #OWS is over the degree to which the movement remains ideologically inclusive and open to all. From early on, the demonstrations at Liberty Plaza drew a number of neoliberal ideologues: Ron Paul supporters, Tea Partiers, and right-wing conspiracy theorists. While their visibility within the movement has perhaps diminished in recent weeks, they remain an undeniable, if marginal, presence at #Occupy events. Some have rejected the very idea of being placed along the political spectrum of "left" and "right," as they both consider these categories to be too constrictive and fear that identification with one or the other risks alienating potential supporters. Would you say the language of "right" and "left" still have any utility with respect to #Occupy Wall Street? Does #Occupy represent a new popular movement on the Left?
DG: There is an unfortunate tendency to identify "the Left" not as a set of ideals or ideas but of institutional structures. A lot of individualists, anarchists, insurrectionists, and primitivists see the Left as the various leftist political parties, labor unions, what we would generally call "the verticals," and I can see why one would feel rather chary about wanting to identify himself with these. But at the same time, we've been hearing at least since the end of World War II that the difference between right and left is no longer relevant. It's something that's said about every five years in making some great pronouncement. And the fact that they have to keep doing it so regularly shows that it isn't true. It's sort of the way that people keep making these grand declarations that the whole narrative of progress is gone. They make that about once every generation. But why would they have to announce this every generation if it was actually gone? So I think that these concepts remain.
The Tea Party was also claiming that they weren't a right-wing group and that they were a broad populist rejection of the structure of the existing political order, in the same way that people want to see #Occupy Wall Street. But one is a very right-wing populist rejection, while the #Occupy movement is inspired by left-wing principles. And a lot of it has to do not even with one's attitude towards market economics but corporate capitalism. It has this utopian ideal about what capitalism should be, which is actually far more utopian than any conception of what socialism, or whatever else would exist for the Left, would be. So the ultimate utopias of the Tea Party and #Occupy are profoundly different, which indicates a difference in their basic orientations. And #Occupy Wall Street is, in the end, anti-hierarchical. And I think that's the key. The Right is not, in the end, anti-hierarchical. They want to limit certain types of hierarchy, and promote other types, but they are not ultimately an egalitarian movement. So I think that ignoring that broad left legacy is kind of silly. It strikes me as patently dishonest. I understand that it is sometimes tactically useful to throw as broad a net as possible, because there actually is a lot of common ground. Many right-wing populists have certain sincere objections to, for example, the monopolization of culture, or the fact that there is objectively a cultural elite. A certain social class monopolizes those jobs whereby you get to engage or pursue forms of value that aren't all about money. The working classes have an overwhelming hatred of the cultural elite and a celebration of the army, to support our troops. It comes down to the fact that if you come from a working-class background, you have a very slim chance of becoming a successful capitalist, but there's really no possibility that you could become a drama critic for The New York Times. I think it would be wonderful if we could find a way to appeal to such people in a way that wouldn't be patronizing. But still, rejecting this split between the Right and the Left entirely, strikes me as going in completely the wrong direction.
What we have is this terrible synthesis of the market and bureaucracy which has taken over every aspect of our lives. Yet only the Right has a critique of bureaucracy. It's a really simple-minded critique, but the Left really doesn't have one at all.
RW: Some have characterized the #Occupy movement as sounding the alarm for "class war." They cite the now-ubiquitous #Occupy Wall Street motto, "We are the 99%!" as evidence of this fact. As the ostensible originator of this slogan, do you believe that #Occupy Wall Street is an outward manifestation of the latent class struggle underlying civil society? Whatever its rhetorical effect, does this metric provide an adequate framework for the analysis of class struggle?
DG: I don't think of it as an analysis so much as an illustration. It's a way of opening a window on inequality. Of course, a slogan doesn't ever answer the real structural question of how social classes get reproduced. What a slogan does is point you to how you can start thinking about a problem that you might not have even known existed. It's been remarkably effective at that, for two reasons: one, because it points out just how small the group of people who have been the beneficiaries of the economic growth, of our productivity has been. They basically grabbed everything. Also, the slogan has successfully made #Occupy inclusive in a way that other social movements have had trouble with before. So I think that's what was effective about it. Obviously there are infinite shades of difference between us, and class is a much more complicated thing than just the fact there is a certain group of people that is super rich or has a lot of political power. But nonetheless, it provides people with a way to start talking to each other about what they have in common, thus providing the form in which the other things can come to be addressed. You have to start with what you have in common. And that's one thing we've had a really hard time doing up till now.
RW: Most within the #Occupy movement recognize the raw fact of dramatic social inequality, but disagree over the method to pursue in looking to resolve this problem. Many hope that #Occupy will provide the grassroots political momentum necessary to pass a set of economic reforms, which typically would come by way of legislation passed through the existing channels of government. Others see #Occupy as potentially revolutionary, as pointing to something beyond the merely "economic." These two perspectives seem to indicate radically different directions this movement might take. Would you characterize this movement as "anti-capitalist"? Should it be? If so, what is the nature of its "anti-capitalist" politics?
DG: I'll start by saying that the people who were originally involved in the creation of #Occupy were overwhelmingly anti-capitalist, very explicitly. Whether we thought we were going to be able to overthrow capitalism in one go, well, obviously no. We're working toward that as an ultimate goal. That's why it's key to have an effect that will genuinely benefit people's lives. #Occupy certainly doesn't contradict that revolutionary impulse, and helps move us in a direction towards greater freedom and autonomy, by which I mean freedom from the structures of both the state and capitalism. Now, to create broad alliances along those lines, you'd have to be very careful about your organizational and institutional structures. Because one of the things that is revolutionary about the #Occupy movement is that it's trying to create prefigurative spaces in which we can experiment and create the kind of institutional structures that would exist in a society that's free of the state and capitalism. We hope to use those to create a kind of crisis of legitimacy within existing institutions.
Of course, I can only speak for myself. But most of the people I was working with, who were putting the vision together, had this belief in common: that the great advantage we had was that people across the political spectrum in America shared a profound revulsion with the existing political system, which they recognize to be a system of institutionalized bribery that has very little to do with anything that could be meaningfully called democracy. Money clearly controls every aspect of the political system. Thus, we would only had to delegitimate a system that has already almost entirely delegitimated itself. We adopted what amounts to a "dual power strategy." By creating autonomous institutions that represent what a real democracy might be like, we could provoke a situation for a mass delegitimation of existing institutions of power. Obviously, the ones that are the most violent are the hardest to delegitimate. In American society, for various ideological reasons, people hate politicians, but they have been trained to identify with the army and police to a degree that is hardly true anywhere else in the world. There's been relentless propaganda to create sympathies for soldiers and policemen, ever since the cowboy movie turned into the cop movie. I think that it would be a terrible mistake to go from these prefigurative structures to running some sort of political candidate. But even the idea of turning into a lobbying group pursuing a specific reformist agenda is wrongheaded. The moment you engage with a system, you're not only legitimating it, you're delegitimating yourself, because your own internal politics become warped. Even accepting money has pernicious effects. But the moment you're interfacing with vertically organized structures of power, which are ultimately based on coercion, it poisons everything. By actively delegitimating the structure, we are in a position, perhaps as a side effect of our actions, to create the forms that will actually be of the most benefit to ordinary people.
RW: One division that emerged early on among the occupants concerned the need to call for demands. You have in the past rejected the idea of politics as policy-making, feeling that demands focused on electoral reform or market regulations would only steer the movement in a conservative direction. If not demands, what kind of "visions and solutions," as you've put it, do you think the #Occupy movement should provide?
DG: There is a profound ambiguity in the language of protest politics. I always point to the grammar of signs or slogan. Someone says "Free Mumia" or "Save the whales." But who are you asking to do that? Are you talking about pressuring the entire system do so? Or are you calling on us as a collectivity to pressure them to do so? So yes, one could make the argument that the distinction between "visions," "demands," and "solutions" is somewhat arbitrary.
When we were first putting together the idea for #Occupy Wall Street, there were some who argued that we could make a series of demands that are part of the delegitimation process, by making demands for things that are obviously commonsensical and reasonable, but which they would never in a million years even consider doing. So it would not be an attempt to achieve the demands, but rather it would be a further way to de-structure the authority, which would be shown to be utterly useless when it came to providing what the people need. What we're really talking about here is rhetorical strategies, not strategies of government, because #Occupy Wall Street does not claim to take control of the instruments of power, nor does it intend to. In terms of long-term visions, one of our major objectives has already been achieved to a degree which we never imagined it could have been. Our goal was to spread a certain notion of direct democracy, of how democracy could work.
For spreading the idea, the occupation of public space was very fruitful. It was a way of saying, "We are the public. Who could possibly keep us out of our space?" They adopted a Gandhian strategy. By being studiously non-violent, a group of people who couldn't possibly pose a threat to anyone might bring out how much the state is willing to react with extreme violence. Of course, the problem with the Gandhian strategy has always been that you need the press to cover it that way. One reason the window-breaking in Seattle happened was that a majority of the people involved had been forest activists who had previously used exclusively Gandhian tactics — tree-sitting, chaining themselves to equipment to prevent the destruction of old-growth forests, etc. The police reaction was to use weaponized torture devices. So these activists had decided that Gandhian tactics don't work; they had to try something else. Now suddenly the Gandhian approach has been relatively successful. There has been this window, and it's interesting to ask yourself: "Why?"
RW: One of the tropes of #Occupy Liberty Plaza was that its participants were working together to build a small-scale model what an emancipated society of the future might look like. This line of reasoning posits a very intimate connection between ethics (changing oneself) and politics (changing the world). Yet it is not difficult to see that most of the services provided at Liberty Plaza were still dependent on funding received from donations, which in turn came from the society of exchange: Capitalism. Since the means for the provision of these services can be viewed as parasitic upon the capitalist totality, does this in any way complicate or compromise the legitimacy of such allegedly prefigurative communities?
DG: I think the "capitalist totality" only exists in our imagination. I don't think there is a capitalist totality. I think there's capital, which is extraordinarily powerful, and represents a certain logic that is actually parasitic upon a million other social relations, without which it couldn't exist. I think Marx veered back and forth on this score himself. He did, of course, support the Paris Commune. He claimed that it was communism in action. So Marx wasn't against all experimental, prefigurative forms. He did say that the self-organization of the working class was "the motion of communism." One could make the argument, if you wanted to take the best aspects of Marx (though I think he was deeply ambivalent on this issue, actually) that he did accept the notion that certain forms of opposition could be acted out prefiguratively. On the other hand, it's certainly true that he did have profound arguments with the anarchists on this matter, when it came to practice.
I think that the real problem is Marx's Hegelianism. The totalizing aspect of Hegel's legacy is rather pernicious. One of the extremely important disagreements between Bakunin and Marx had to do with the proletariat, especially its most advanced sections, as the necessary agent of revolution, versus the peasants, the craftsmen, or the recently proletarianized. Marx's basic argument was that within the totality of capitalism, the proletariat are the only ones who are absolutely negated and who can only liberate themselves through the absolute negation of the system. Everyone else is some kind of "petit-bourgeois." Once you're stuck with the idea of absolute negation, that opens the door to a number of quite dangerous conclusions. There is the danger of saying that all forms of morality are thrown out the window as no longer relevant. You no longer know what form of morality will work in a non-bourgeois society, thus justifying a lot of things that really can't be justified.
The point I'm trying to make is that it's much more sensible to argue that all social and political possibilities exist simultaneously. Just because certain forms of cooperation are only made possible through the operation of capitalism, that consumer goods are capitalist, or that techniques of production are capitalist, no more makes them parasitical upon capitalism than the fact that factories can operate without governments. Some cooperation and consumer goods makes them socialist. There are multiple, contradictory logics of exchange, logics of action, and cooperative logics existing at all times. They are embedded in one another, in mutual contradiction, constantly in tension. As a result, there is a base from which one can make a critique of capitalism even at the same time that capitalism constantly subsumes all those alternatives to it. It's not like everything we do corresponds to a logic of capitalism. There are those who've argued that only 30–40% of what we do is subsumed under the logic of capitalism. Communism already exists in our intimate relations with each other on a million different levels, so it's a question of gradually expanding that and ultimately destroying the power of capital, rather than this idea of absolute negation that plunges us into some great unknown.
RW: The version of anarchism that you subscribe to stresses this relationship of means to ends. You've written that "[anarchism] insists, before anything else, that one's means must be consonant with one's ends; one cannot create freedom through authoritarian means; in fact, as much as possible, one must oneself, in one's relations with one's friends and allies, embody the society one wishes to create."[4] It seems that you tend to endorse a "diversity of tactics" approach to direct action. If one insists upon a strict identity of means and ends, might not a violent course of action violate the principle of attaining a non-violent society?
DG: The idea of the identity of means and ends particularly applies to the way revolutionaries deal with one another. You have to make your own relations with your fellow comrades, to be an embodiment of the world you wish to create. Obviously, you don't have the liberty to make your relationship with the capitalists or the police into an embodiment of the world you wish to create. In fact, what I've found ethnographically is that this boundary has to be very clearly maintained. People used to criticize the global justice movement because it would use terms like "evil," but really what that word indicated was a borderline. There are certain institutions that we can at least deal with, because they're not fundamentally inimical to what we're trying to do. There are others that are irredeemable. You just can't talk to them. That's why we refused to deal with the WTO. "Evil" meant, "we can't extend that prefigurative logic to them." When dealing with people who are "in" the circle of our prefigurative practice, you have to assume everyone has good intentions. You give them the benefit of the doubt. Just as (and this is another anarchist principle) there's no way better to have someone act like a child than to treat him as a child, the only way to have someone act like an adult is to treat him as an adult. So you give them the benefit of the doubt in that regard, as well-intentioned and honest. But you have to have a cutoff point. Now, what happens at that cutoff is where all the debate takes place. What would one do in a free society if he saw people behaving in ways that were terribly irresponsible and destructive?
RW: While the democratic ideology it represents has certainly helped popularize the #Occupy movement, many have complained that within the consensus decision-making model, process ultimately becomes fetishized. The entire affair can be massively alienating, as those with the greatest endurance or the most leisure time can exert an inordinate amount of influence the decision-making process. Another perceived problem with consensus decision-making is that only the most timid, tentative, or lukewarm proposals end up getting passed. Either that, or only extremely vague pronouncements against "greed" or "injustice" get passed, precisely because the meaning of these terms remains underdefined. The structure of consensus, passing proposals that most people agree upon already, tends to favor the most unambitious ideas, and seems to me an inherently conservative approach. Do these criticisms have any legitimacy with regard to the #Occupy movement?
DG: You can't create a democracy out of nothing without there being a lot of kinks. Societies that have been doing this over the long term have come up with solutions to these problems. That's why I like to talk about the example of Madagascar, where the state broke down, but you couldn't even really tell. People carried on as they had before, because they were used to making decisions by consensus. They'd been doing it for a thousand years. At the moment they have a military government. But in terms of the day-to-day operation of everyday life in a small community, everything's done democratically. It's a remarkable contrast to our own society, ostensibly more democratic in terms of our larger structures. When was the last time a group of twenty Americans (outside of #OWS) sat down and made a collective decision in an equal way?
Yes, you're right: you'll only get broad and tepid solutions if you bring everything to the General Assembly. That's why we have working groups, empower them to perform actions, and encourage them to form spontaneously. This is another of the key principles in dealing with consensus and decentralization. In an ideal world, the very unwieldiness of finding consensus in a large group should convince people not to bring decisions before this large group unless they absolutely have to. That's actually the way it's supposed to work out.
RW: To what extent do you think that the goal of politics should be freedom from the necessity of politics? Is ethics even possible in a world that hasn't been changed? Theodor Adorno remarked in Minima Moralia that "the wrong life cannot be lived rightly." In other words, can we even speak of ethics in the Aristotelian sense of the good life within the totality of the wrong? Or would this require a prior political transformation?
DG: I think that kind of totalizing logic ends up requiring a total rupture. Perhaps after the revolution we can imagine a rupture, whereby we now live in a totally different society, but we all know it's not going to happen through a total rupture. And if you really adopt that Hegelian logic, it begins to seem as if it's not possible at all. It almost necessarily leads to profoundly tragic conclusions and extremely quietist politics, as indeed it did with the Frankfurt School. I don't think that politics can be eliminated. And just as the perfect life cannot be achieved, the process of moving toward it is the good life.
I think that in terms of ethics that is the case. I can't imagine a world in which we aren't revolutionary ourselves, and revolutionizing our relations with one another, and revolutionizing our understanding of what is possible. That doesn't mean that we will not someday—perhaps someday soon, hopefully—achieve a world whereby the problems we have today will be the sort of things to scare children with stories of them. But that doesn't mean we'll ever overcome the need to revolutionize ourselves. And the process by which that comes about is the good life.
RW: So does the movement itself become the goal? Must this process become an end in itself?
DG: It has to be. I mean, what else is there to life? |P
[1]. David Graeber, "The Shock of Victory," in Revolutions in Reverse: Essays on Politics, Violence, Art, and Imagination (New York: Minor Compositions, 2010), 17.
[2]. Karl Marx, The Class Struggles in France, 1848-1851, in Collected Works, Volume 10: 1849–1851 (New York: International Publishers, 1977), 70. Available online at <http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1850/class-struggles-france/index.htm>.[3]. See Platypus' discussion at the 2009 Left Forum: Dialectics of Defeat: Toward a Theory of Historical Regression. Available online at <http://www.archive.org/details/PlatypusDialecticsofDefeatLeftForum2009NYC041809>.
[4]. David Graeber, Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology (Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press, 2004), 7.
Wenn du die Risse im System nicht erkennst, läufst du gegen die Wand


Julie manages the Partnerships in Health, Wealth, and Innovation theme of the Oxford Biomedical Research Centre (OxBRC). This role includes academic, financial, and personnel management for a varied research programme delivered through a multi-disciplinary research team based across several university departments and divisions within the local NHS Trust.
Julie's own academic interests focus on psychological outcomes after critical illness, patient-oriented improvements in healthcare delivery, public understanding of research, and the importance of publishing trial results for the lay audience. Prior to joining the department in 2011 Julie worked for the University of Oxford Diabetes Trials Unit managing large scale international trials and was co-investigator for the 4-T Results Dissemination sub-study.
As part of her DPhil in Clinical Neurosciences at the University of Oxford she is investigating noise levels in the Intensive Care environment and the relationships between noise, sleep and ICU-acquired delirium.


Huba Control develops, manufactures and markets components designed exclusively for the measurement of pressure. The components of Huba's pressure measurement technology include both pressure switches (on/off switching elements), sensors and pressure transmitters (sensors with built-in amplifier electronics). With its clear focus on pressure measurement technology Huba Control is able to develop innovative products across a very broad spectrum, covering an extensive range of applications for the optimisation of machine, system and plant processes.


Senior ministers have briefed the prime minister on a secret plan amid fears MPs will vote down her withdrawal deal.
Cabinet ministers have presented Theresa May with a detailed plan for a "no-deal" Brexit amid increasing fears MPs will vote down her deal in the House of Commons.
The plan emerged after Jo Johnson, a transport minister, resigned from the government over Brexit and vowed to vote against Mrs May's deal in the Commons.
A group of senior ministers briefed the prime minister on the secret plan earlier this month.
The scheme would see the UK pay £18bn and continue to follow EU rules for a further 18-24 months after leaving in March with no deal, effectively as a third-party nation.
It would only be triggered if politicians fail to agree to the terms of a deal struck by the prime minister and Brussels, expected to be announced later this month.
The cabinet ministers believe the plan - which has not been seen in Brussels - would allow the UK to sign international trade deals, negotiate a new trading relationship with the EU without having to sign up to a Northern Ireland backstop and ensure a fixed end date.
They also believe it would be easier to negotiate a new relationship with Europe and could cut the cost of leaving by slicing £20bn off the so-called divorce bill by only paying EU membership fees up until 2021.
It is designed to ease fears that leaving the union without a deal would mean ports would be shut, planes would be grounded and the British economy would face a shock. And to ease the UK's exit having been unable to agree a formal withdrawal agreement.
It has gathered support in recent weeks amid increasingly strained relations between Number 10 and the Democratic Unionist Party, who fear Mrs May could agree to a backstop demanded by the EU which could cut Northern Ireland off from the rest of the UK in the event of no deal.
If the prime minister agreed to such a plan, DUP MPs would vote against the deal in parliament, senior members of the party have warned, making it almost impossible for Mrs May to win enough support for it to pass.
Mrs May has also come under fire from her own MPs and cabinet ministers, who have demanded legal advice on the final terms of the UK's exit to ensure the EU cannot keep Britain inside the customs union indefinitely.
A cabinet minister said the plan has been developed to ensure the worst elements of a no-deal Brexit could be eased, but they also pointed out it could be beneficial to the UK in the long run.
Downing Street said on Friday evening it would not agree to a second referendum vote under any circumstances and reiterated a promise not to sign the UK up to any deal which could return a hard border to Northern Ireland.
But a cabinet source said: "No deal is looking more and more likely every day, so this is no deal but a managed deal."


So last week my word was boxes as I was packing up our bedroom in readiness for the decorator who arrived this week. Thankfully it's gone well, so my word this week is Phew!
I had a days reprieve, which worked well as it gave us a chance to completely clear and clean our bedroom before work started, and to throw the remnants of the old carpet and underlay out. And even better the bin men took the old carpet as part of our weekly refuse collection. Phew.
There was enough replacement wallpaper to complete the only undecorated wall in our living room (which had remained untouched since we asked the Phase 1 decorators to leave last September) and to redo the wall in the dining room which we weren't happy with (they'd used wallpaper from two batches on the same wall).
The roofers have also started work on the porch roof. They popped along yesterday to put a tarpaulin over the small flat roof so they could be sure they could go ahead with the work. Yesterday they were back to remove the current felt and asphalt and prepare for the work that they'll do today. They swept up outside and in the porch before they left yesterday too. So that bodes well for the work they'll do today. Phew!
While this week hasn't been anywhere near as bad as I expected there's still a daily phew! when they leave around 4pm and the house is ours again overnight.
You may be thinking that builders/tradesmen should be able to do the job you've engaged them for and definitely that they should clear up after themselves. I'd agree with you, but unfortunately on our recent experiences this hasn't been the case. I'm glad though that the people we have working in our house are better behaved, but as nice as they are I'll still be glad when the work is complete!


text:
Credit: Kremlin.ru, Angela Merkel May 2015, CC BY-SA 3.0; [Wikimedia Commons]
Merkel Fails to Form Government
By Billy Boulton on	 November 21, 2017 Politics
An unprecedented crisis has befallen Germany, as Chancellor Angela Merkel has failed to form a majority coalition government following September's Federal Election.
Merkel has failed to form a coalition government after negotiations with the Green Party and the FDP, despite remaining the leader of the largest party after the Federal election in September.
Although they are still the largest parliamentary grouping, Merkel's Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and its sister party, the Bavarian Christian Social Union (CSU), won only 246 seats (35% of the parliament) between them. Germany's second largest party, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) has already ruled out a 'Grand Coalition' between themselves and the CDU / CSU, meaning that Merkel's only real shot at forming a government was by joining forces with the centre-left Green Party and the liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP).
Credit: Avila Diana Chidume
However, Merkel (depicted above) has been left out of luck, with the FDP unable to reach a satisfactory agreement with the CDU. The party's leader, Christian Lindner, said that the FDP were pulling out of talks, as they did not wish to compromise on their principles. The FDP and the CDU have worked together before, forming a coalition government in 2009. However, similar to the Liberal Democrats fate after 2010, the FDP's support plummeted due to not following through on its campaign promises. Lindner (pictured below) is likely wary not to repeat the mistakes of 2009.
The reduced CDU presence in the Bundestag is due to a disappointing campaign, which led to it losing seats to the right-wing, eurosceptic party Alternative for Germany (AfD), which is now the third-largest party with 91 seats (13%). Both the CDU and AfD have ruled out working with each other, which would have been Merkel's only remaining coalition option.
Merkel has told reporters that she has no choice now but to go to the President and formally announce her failure to form a government. This will, in all likelihood, result in a second election, with Merkel continuing to steer the ship until its conclusion.
It is unclear whether, after such a disappointing result for the CDU, Merkel will stand again, as some commentators have suggested that this could signal the end of her 12 year chancellorship. A recent poll published by Die Welte shows that 61.4% of Germans believe this to be the case.
As for the results of a possible snap election, it is anyone's guess in such a politically divided country. A leadership change could mean a surge for the CDU, but AfD could capitalise on their instability and continue to gain momentum.
Or, perhaps, an even more tenuous situation for the mainstream parties could occur if they are forced to form an even weaker coalition government to stop the AfD from gaining power. This breakdown in talks could prove costly to the the pro-EU parties at such a turbulent time in European politics.
Tags: Angela MerkelCDUCoalitionelectionFDPGermany
Billy Boulton

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Consider this your crash course.
The wait is finally over -- "Martha & Snoop's Potluck Dinner Party" is back today, February 13th with a super-sized episode. You know how TV shows usually open with a "previously on…" montage when they return from hiatus? Cooking shows don't have that, so in case you need a refresher on the first five episodes of "Martha & Snoop's Potluck Dinner Party," we've got you covered with our favorite clips. Our major takeaways? Martha and Snoop's chemistry is not a fluke, Martha is an incredible teacher in any medium, and guests simply love flirting with her. No wonder the show was picked up for a second season!
Martha and Snoop kick off the series premiere with a fried chicken battle and enlist Seth Rogen and Wiz Khalifa as their sous chefs. Need we say more?
Two words: Rick Ross. The rapper only has eyes (and sweet nothings!) for Martha at the clambake.
Get the Full Recap of "Keep Your Claws Off Me"
It's the Thanksgiving episode, and Martha's grateful for Snoop's friendship. We loved watching her recount how the whole thing started.
Get the Full Recap of "Ruffling Feathers"
It's a breakfast-for-dinner pajama party, and singer Robin Thicke turns up the heat with Martha in the kitchen.
Get the Full Recap of "Bringing Home the Bacon"
The balls in question are the cream puffs in Martha's croquembouche, which she teaches Jason Derulo how to pipe. Innuendos abound!
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"Martha & Snoop's Potluck Dinner Party" returns to VH1 with a one-hour premiere on Monday, February 13th at 9/8c.
Martha and Snoop's Super Bowl Commercial Has Arrived!


text:
Profile of TacadoirArdMhacha »
Topics - TacadoirArdMhacha
GAA Discussion / Historic GAA Coverage
Folks, former regular poster here who hasn't been about much in recent times but like the talented footballer who decks off to America and then wants his physio bills paid by the club when he arrives home injured, I'm hoping some of you good people can help me out.
Basically what I'm looking for is someone to point in direction of the best way to access full coverage of historic GAA matches that would have been broadcast live. I'm hoping to establish a sort of a DVD series in our club, essentially to try to get people through the door on a Friday evening.
We kicked off with a showing of us winning an Intermediate Final in the 80s (featuring a young Kieran McGeeney no less!) but sadly it won't be long until I run out of footage of Cullyhanna championship final wins!
We're hoping to show some of the full matches from the Armagh glory years like the 1999 Ulster final, the Kerry games in 2000, the 2002 games and so on.
Does anybody have any idea how we could get copies of the full 70 minutes of these matches? Ideally to download online but DVD would work too. I've found plenty of highlights online but getting full games seems more of a challenge. Grateful for any ideas anybody might have. Thanks in advance for your help.
GAA Discussion / Who would you LIKE to see win the All Ireland?
Question for the 26 neutral counties (no political connotations intended!)
I'd be split between Down and Kildare. Kildare because of the Armagh link, I'd love to see Geezer winning another All Ireland even if it isn't with Armagh and Down as I'd be sort of friendly with one of the players. Obviously there's no team I enjoy beating more than Down but I suppose I know a lot more Down supporters than any other county so I wouldn't mind seeing them win it.
Cork are still going to actually win it though but that's not the topic for this thread!
GAA Discussion / Ard Mhacha v An Dún - Cluiche Ceannais Rionn 2 - Pairc an Chrócaigh 25/4/10
Let hostilities commence.........................
I assume the team O'Rourke starts in this will be fairly close to the championship line-out. Would like to see Dyas fit enough to start - if he doesn't make this one, surely he'd have no chance of starting the Derry match. Ideally I'd like to see something along the lines of;
A Mallon
B Donaghy
P Duffy
K Dyas
C McKeever
F Moriarty
K Toner
J Lavery
G Swift
A Kernan
C Vernon
S McDonnell
R Clarke
B Mallon
As badly as the farce in Newry hurt us supporters, you can only assume the players were much more disappointed. Where better to make amends than Croke Park?
General discussion / Parking In Dublin
Have to drive to Dublin for work tomorrow. Coming in from M1 and am heading towards Quays area - near the Four Courts and was wondering what's the most inexpensive way to make the journey? Basically looking somewhere with cheap parking and then accessible bus / Dart. Someone suggested parking at Killester Station then getting the Dart in. Is this the best option or does anybody have any other ideas?
Thanks a million in advance.
GAA Discussion / Ard Mhacha v Maigh Eo Craobh Cluiche Ceannais Peile Mionúir na hÉireann
Use this thread. I know the story of how Ballaghadeeren play in Mayo is an interesting and hotly contested part of GAA history but it has nothing to do with this match and there's no reason why this thread should be ruined by it.
I said I wanted Armagh to face Mayo rather than Down, now I have have I wanted, I may well live to regret it I'm sure. O'Connor took his goals very very well today, thought the match actually followed a similar enough pattern to last week's semi-final. I've been confident about this Armagh team all year so there's no sense in stopping now but its so hard to predict how minor teams will fare against each other.
How many Mayo supporters will make the trip?
General discussion / Sky Sports 1 v Sky Sports 2
Half thinking of getting Sky for the first time. I see one packages plus sky sports 1 or 2 is £27.50 while the whole sports package is £35.50 as well (I assume this include Sky sports 3 also?)
Would I be better goinf for Sky sports 1 or 2? Or is the whole package well worth the money? What sort of sports are on SS1 and what are on SS2? I think I'm right in saying that SS1 has the premiership while SS2 has the champions league. Wouldn't be too worried about missing champs league as have it on rte anyway. Are all the premiership matches likely to stay on SS1, particularly given that sky have extra Monday night matches from this season? What channel gets the Heineken Cup games?
GAA Discussion / Armagh v Down Ulster Minor Football Final 19-7-09
I'd be hopeful in this one as I think this could be the best minor team we've had in my time supporting Armagh. Hell of a good full forward line and midfield was excellent too. Have showed great character against Monaghan and Tyrone in the last quarter to win matches when things seemed to be going against them (sending off today, goalie dropping a ball into the net against Tyrone).
Nice to have an excuse to go to the Ulster Final anyway. Repeat of the Minor final from 2005 and hopefully it'll be a similar result! What have Down been like this year? Guessing we'd start favourites given the league form and the fact that we've beaten Tyrone.
General discussion / Winking
What are people's views on winking? Is it acceptable social interaction or an outdated arrogant trait?
General discussion / The Official Derry City FC thread
Thought I'd cater for all fans of the Candystripes. Disappointing last couple of results especially after thumping Pats' away. Really need to be picking up more than 1 point from 6 against Bray and Sligo if we are going to challenge Bohs for the title.
GAA Discussion / Ard Mhacha v An Mhí 29-3-09
Never started an Armagh match thread before. Little amuses the innocent.
Win in this one and promotion might be a possibility. Is it in Cross next Sunday?
General discussion / Morgan Tsvangirai's wife dies in car crash
Zimbabwe PM's wife dies in crash
The wife of Zimbabwe's Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has been killed in a car crash in which he was also slightly hurt, party officials say.
Susan Tsvangirai was travelling with her husband south of Harare when their vehicle was in collision with a lorry.
Mr Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party, formed a unity government with President Robert Mugabe last month.
Mr Mugabe and his wife have visited his former long-term rival in hospital.
Speaking outside the private clinic in Harare, Mr Tsvangirai's spokesman James Maridadi said of the prime minister: "I saw him. I spoke to him. He walked from the vehicle that brought him to hospital, he is fine."
Robert Mugabe visits the clinic where Morgan Tsvangirai is being treated
Finance Minister Tendai Biti, a senior MDC official, also told reporters that Mr Tsvangirai was "stable", adding that doctors would give further details in due course.
State television reported that the prime minister, who will turn 57 next week, had suffered some injuries to his head and neck.
The report quoted police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena as saying that a lorry carrying freight had crossed into the lane in which Mr Tsvangirai's 4x4 was travelling and had side-swiped his vehicle, causing it to roll over three times.
The prime minister was on his way to his rural home in Buhera, where he planned to hold a weekend rally, when the crash occurred near Beatrice at about 1600 local time (1400 GMT).
The AFP quoted an MDC minister as saying the driver of the lorry had been asleep at the wheel.
The BBC's Peter Biles in Johannesburg says that given the fierce rivalry between Zimbabwe's political parties, there will - inevitably - be speculation about the cause of this crash.
So far, though, officials of Mr Tsvangirai's MDC party have said nothing to suggest that there may have been foul play, our correspondent says.
All Zimbabwe's roads are in a poor state of repair, after years of neglect and the collapse of the country's infrastructure, he adds.
'Source of strength'
The crash comes just two days after Mr Tsvangirai delivered his maiden speech to parliament after being sworn in as prime minister in Zimbabwe's power-sharing government.
It is a very sad day for me and for all Zimbabweans, whether they be at home or abroad
Thabitha Khumalo
MP for the MDC
He and his wife Susan, who married in 1978, had six children.
Thabitha Khumalo, a member of parliament for the MDC who is in Scotland for an international women's conference, told the BBC that the loss of Mrs Tsvangirai, whom she had known well, was a "huge blow" for the country.
"It is a very sad day for me and for all Zimbabweans, whether they be at home or abroad. She was a mother figure for the whole nation," she said.
"Few people knew about her work. Whenever they saw her she was accompanying her husband to court or to vote, but very few people knew she played a very crucial role behind closed doors...
"She was a pillar of strength to [her husband]. In a struggle like his, you need someone to lean on and she was always there for him."
A look at the important role Susan Tsvangirai played in her husband's life
The BBC's Andrew Harding in Johannesburg says that Mrs Tsvangirai was very discreet and stayed out of the limelight, but was a very important part of her husband's life.
She was a great source of strength to her husband when in the past he was charged with treason and assaulted for his opposition to Mr Mugabe, and sat through all his treason trial, our correspondent says.
She also made a point of visiting MDC members who were jailed while the party was in opposition, he adds.
Her death comes at a very challenging time for the fledgling power-sharing government, our correspondent says, and will only make matters more complicated.
Mr Tsvangirai still relied on his own security teams and used his own convoys when he travelled, he adds, in a sign that he was not entirely comfortable with the security provided by the new government.
Tense relations
The UK's Foreign Office expressed "deep sadness" at the news of Mrs Tsvangirai's death.
"We are deeply saddened to hear news of Susan Tsvangirai's death and we offer our condolences," a spokeswoman said. "We are monitoring the situation closely."
Relations between the MDC and Mr Mugabe's Zanu-PF party remain tense, with MDC ministerial nominee Roy Bennett still in custody, accused of links to an alleged plot to kill Mr Mugabe.
The MDC says the arrest - which happened on the day MDC ministers joined the power-sharing government - is a political manoeuvre by hard-line supporters of Mr Mugabe to destabilise the unity administration.
A magistrate who ordered the release of Mr Bennett was arrested on Friday.
Hard to know what to make of that one. Seems like a big coincidence. Brings the adage about lying down with dogs and getting up with fleas to mind.
General discussion / Renting rooms in belfast
Am looking for a place to stay in Belfast for a few months (the living at home experiment has been deemed a failure - never to be tried again). Is there any websites that advertise places to let? Looking something cheap and cheerful handy to QUB. Have tried Gumtree but is there any other sites likely to be of use?
General discussion / Accomodation in Twickenham
Any of the rugby heads ever stayed near Twickenham in London? Finding it a bit difficult so any suggestions greatefully accepted, the more cheap and cheerful the better!
GAA Discussion / GAA flags
Does anybody know how best to pick up a decent number of GAA flags (specifically Armagh) for a reasonable price? Are there any suppliers to get in contact with? (And I'm not just looking to make a few pound meself!)
GAA Discussion / Paddy Heaney & the Men in Black
Meant to put this up earlier in the week but only remembering now.
I was interested to read Paddy's article defending referees and having a pop at tv analysts suggesting that they should have a go at referring rather than criticising on the telly.
http://www.irishnews.com/articles/597/5764/2008/7/15/592819_351434365762Timetofi.html
Now fair enough I take Paddy's point that it would be nice for ex-players to have a go at referring but neither would I blame them for having a go at the easier and more lucrative analysts game. After all, its better that we have ex-players analysing the games than people who wouldn't necessarily know what they're talking about. But wasn't it Paddy Heaney who wrote an article decrying the standard of referring and parodying the types of referees in the game. I think the chairman of the Down County board wrote a letter of complaint into the Irish News since at the time Heaney was managing Bredagh as it was fairly obvious which county's referees he was getting at. Is it not a bit hypocritical to be setting himself up as the great defender of referees this week given the views of match officials he has previously put on record?
PS - I hope my facts on the previous article are correct and that I haven't gotten my Irish News journalists mixed up. If so, I apologise!


Welcome to the new and improved Soul Rebel Cycles website. Although it isn't complete, it is a definate upgrade from the old site. We have a full menu of services, repairs and performance work that will take all the guess work out of planning your next visit. No surprise bills. Don't forget to keep an eye out for new additions to the menu too. Want to stay up to date on everything going on in and outside of the shop? Make sure to check out our blog, with new posts weekly. Finally, the iceing on the cake, our new site will, in the very near future, have a fully active shopping cart so that you, can stock up on all of your favorate parts, accessories, and Soul Rebel Swag without having to deal with Austin. ( Feel free to still visit Austin, he gets so lonely.) So here we go, on our maiden voyage into the future!


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Texas House of Representatives
Find Your Rep.
Capitol Events
Member Media
Member's Page
Rep.Lucio III, Eddie
ZIKA UPDATE FROM REP. LUCIO
by: Rep. Lucio III, Eddie
As of December 14, 2016 the Center for Disease Control (CDC) has issued a health alert related to Zika for those living in and traveling to the City of Brownsville which is part of Representative Eddie Lucio III district. Representative Lucio has been monitoring the situation and has worked close with the City and State officials to prevent further spread of the virus.
"I am deeply grateful for the measures the City of Brownsville and the State of Texas have taken in order to prevent and contain the spread of the Zika virus, " said Rep. Lucio
Fortunately, none of the cases were reported by pregnant women, but they continue to be at risk of infection. The CDC recommends routine Zika testing for pregnant women who live or have traveled to Brownsville in addition to routine tests for pregnant women who have traveled to Mexico. The Texas Department of State Health Services also recommends wearing mosquito repellant and wearing long sleeve shirts and pants. It is advised to remove standing water in cans, bottles, buckets, tires, wheel barrows or any container that can hold water, and covering them to prevent further still water storage.
"It is of the most importance that we create awareness of the symptoms, as it is the best prevention measure we can take at the moment," said Rep. Lucio
Symptoms of the Zika virus include fever, itchy rash, joint pain, and eye redness. If you are experiencing these symptoms please contact your local doctor are health care professional.
Capitol Address:
District Address:
Room GW.12
1324 E. Madison St.,


Material Handling Safety This self-paced, interactive training program has been adapted from an extensive PowerPoint presentation. It includes manual and mechanical material handling and storage at surface mines, mills, and plants.
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EUROCAP INTERNATIONAL LLC has been set up 9/19/2006 in state FL. The current status of the business is Inactive. The EUROCAP INTERNATIONAL LLC principal adress is 10045 PALERMO CIRCLE, 103, TAMPA, FL, 33619. Meanwhile you can send your letters to 10045 PALERMO CIRCLE, 103, TAMPA, FL, 33619. The company`s registered agent is GAUQUIER DIMITRI 10045 PALERMO CIRCLE #103, TAMPA, FL, 33619. The company`s management are Manager - Gauquier Dimitri, Manager - Okumura Priscila. The last significant event in the company history is ADMIN DISSOLUTION FOR ANNUAL REPORT which is dated by 9/27/2013. This decision is take in action on unknown. The company annual reports filed on Annual reports – 4/30/2012.
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Easy2Sync for Outlook can not only start a synchronization manually, but also automatically, e.g. at certain times. You'll find the right things for this in the task properties on the page "Automatic Start".
Please note that Easy2Sync must be running when shutting down. You can minimize the program into the System Tray (next to the clock). This can be enabled in the options on the page "Window".


text:
Chris Rea – Road to Hell
Published on 29 March 2019 by Streamy
The Road to Hell is the eleventh studio album by Chris Rea. It was released in 1989 and is one of Rea's most famous albums. The second part of the two-part title track, "The Road to Hell (Pt. 2)", is also one of Rea's most famous songs. The song "Texas" has been played through the years on Classic Rock/AOR radio stations in Texas, and is sometimes played as background music before Texas Rangers baseball games at Rangers Ballpark in Arlington. Another track, "Daytona", is about the Ferrari 365 GTB/4 "Daytona", in which he sings about the car metaphorically, with the engine and tyre noise from the car ringing out toward the end of the song.
AMG Review: The title only hints at the horror that lurks in this album's message. "Texas," "Looking for a Rainbow," and "You Must Be Evil" pick apart the atrocities of our society, while "Daytona" offers some much-needed tension release. A modern masterpiece. — by John Floyd
Chris Rea – Road to Hell Tracklist
"The Road to Hell (Part 1)" — 4:52
"You Must Be Evil" — 4:20
"Texas" — 5:09
"Looking for a Rainbow" — 8:00
"Your Warm and Tender Love" — 4:32
"Daytona" — 5:04
"That's What They Always Say" — 4:27
"I Just Wanna Be with You" — 3:39
"Tell Me There's a Heaven" — 6:00
Category Pop/Rock Tag 1989 Chris Rea
UB40 – Labour of Love II
2 weeks ago1,0841 0
Kate Bush – The Sensual World
Elliott Smith – Elliott Smith
Thievery Corporation – The Richest Man In Babylon
Eels – The Deconstruction
The Dave Brubeck Quartet – Time Out


text:
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Mike Coffman — already down in spending from outside groups — loses major GOP campaign group support
4:26 PM MDT on Sep 28, 2018
By Nicholas Riccardi and Steve Peoples, Associated Press
In an ominous sign for the GOP's bid to hold onto the U.S. House, the political group affiliated with Speaker Paul Ryan on Friday dropped its support of two incumbent congressmen — including Aurora Republican Mike Coffman — signaling how difficult November could be for the Republican majority.
Bottom line: Outside groups supporting Coffman's opponent, Democrat Jason Crow, are already outspending pro-Coffman groups. This will be exacerbated now, giving the Dem groups even more of an advantage in messaging #copolitics
— Jesse Aaron Paul ☀ (@JesseAPaul) September 28, 2018
The Congressional Leadership Fund canceled $3.1 million in ad spending in the districts of Michigan Rep. Mike Bishop and five-term incumbent Coffman.
It's CLF's first act of triage ahead of the election and comes at the time of the cycle when major spenders cut their losses in races they think are no longer winnable.
"CLF will continue to run strong field operations in these districts and will continue to conduct polling and evaluate races across the country as we do everything we can to protect the Republican Majority," spokesperson Courtney Alexander said in a statement.
CONTEXT: Mike Coffman faces strongest challenge yet, running against Jason Crow and President Trump
Coffman is running for his sixth term in a suburban Denver district that supported Hillary Clinton but he still won by eight percentage points in 2016.
He has a history of regularly trouncing Democratic challengers in his district and has close ties to local immigrant communities, which make up one-fifth of his district's population.
But Coffman is one of 25 Republicans representing congressional districts won by Clinton and has been seen as highly vulnerable. He faces Democrat Jason Crow, a Denver attorney and first-time candidate, on Nov. 6.
Democrats need a net gain of 23 seats to take control of the House.
"That's Washington, D.C.," Coffman campaign manager Tyler Sandberg said of the CLF move. "One day you're up, the next day you're down. That's not how Mike Coffman is wired. He's a Marine. Damn the torpedoes — Team Coffman is full speed ahead."
MORE ON WOMEN RALLYING BEHIND CROW
Women who vote: They've shown their might, now they want results in the 6th Congressional District https://t.co/mIsTrZreSQ #copolitics via @JenBrownColo
— The Colorado Sun (@ColoradoSun) September 24, 2018
Outside groups supporting Coffman have already been outspent by organizations backing Crow, adding to the seriousness of the Congressional Leadership Fund decision.
The move also comes after a recent New York Times poll showed Coffman down 11 points to Crow. (Coffman's campaign has questioned the accuracy of that poll in terms of reflecting the electorate.)
Dropping Bishop is perhaps the more significant sign of the party's prospects. President Donald Trump won the suburban Detroit district by 7 percentage points while narrowly winning Michigan overall. But Republicans in Michigan have struggled this year, and Bishop has been regularly outraised by his challenger Elissa Slotkin, a former CIA agent and defense official.
Jesse Hunt, a spokesman for the National Republican Congressional Committee, said the House GOP campaign arm has not canceled its ad reservations in either Bishop's or Coffman's district.
Peoples reported from New York. Associated Press writer Bill Barrow in Atlanta contributed to this report. Colorado Sun staff writer Jesse Paul also contributed to this report.
Jason Crow
Mike Coffman


text:
Q: Qprocess with powershell command still running I have a big problem with QProcess ( I use Qt c++ ). I need to execute a command with admin permissions ( windows 7 ) - netsh - I have to add exception to my firewall.
proc->start("powershell",QStringList()<<"-Command"<<"Start-Process"<<"powershell.exe"<<"-Verb"<<"runas"<<"-ArgumentList"<<R"('here is netsh command')");
 proc->waitForStarted();
 qInfo()<<"before";
 proc->waitForFinished(-1);
 qInfo()<<"yeah!";

When I execute my program I see only "before". What can I do? I check my netsh command in powershell - it's good.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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Download Canon BJ-W3000 printer driver – You need to deploy Canon BJ-W3000 printer drivers before you could use Canon BJ-W3000 printer. There is always a compact disc came along in the package when ever you purchase it. Use that CD to setup Canon BJ-W3000 printer drivers. Once you do not remember the disk, get the drivers with link below & use these driver to setup your Canon printer.
You must always deploy Canon BJ-W3000 printer driver any time you want to use that printer. Click on the link above to get Canon BJ-W3000 printer driver from the Canon's server.
"Drive is missing" & "Windows fails to recognize the new hardware" are two of the most common issue that the Canon BJ-W3000 printer's users may perhaps encounter. Install and also reinstall Canon printer will repair these issue .
What is Canon BJ-W3000 printer driver?
Printer driver are middleware , & their main mission is to convert the data you command from computer to print from to the form that is specific to the mounted printer. Every Canon printer should come with the software used to deploy Canon BJ-W3000 printer in Windows Operating System and also your operating system.
Download & save the correct driver that is most compatible with your Canon BJ-W3000 printer before going further.
How to setup Canon BJ-W3000 printer driver?


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Stress, burnout and depression are all factors of major concern for professionals such as dentists, vets and lawyers, for whom the risk of psychological distress is statistically high.
At Joanna Taylor & Associates we are working towards improving the mental and emotional resilience of professionals like yourself and helping you to regain your sense of wellbeing and life balance. Contact us if you would like to discuss how we can help.
Joanna Taylor Dip NLPt MHS (Acc) is a UKCP Accredited Neuro-Linguistic Psychotherapist, an Accredited Clinical Hypnotherapist and an INLPTA Certified Trainer of NLP (Neuro-Linguistic Programming). She is an Accredited Member of the Neuro-Linguistic Counselling and Psychotherapy Association (NLPtCA), the UK Council for Psychotherapy (UKCP) and the National Hypnotherapy Society, and is also a Member of the International NLP Trainers Association (INLPTA).
Your personal details will only be used for the purpose of sending our Newsletter. They will never be shared with anybody else; your confidentiality is very important to us. You are welcome to unsubscribe at any point.
We offer a range of training and personal development courses through our sister organisation, the School of Clinical and Neurolinguistic Hypnotherapy, for dentists, vets and other professionals to help you bring balance to the lives of you and your team, and achieve your vision for your business. Specialising in improving mental wellbeing and communication skills, Joanna can help you create a happy and relaxed working environment where both your staff and your clients feel valued.
NLP and Hypnosis courses can be offered in-house and tailored to fit your own specific outcomes. We can also offer ongoing coaching to ensure that your investment in the training has the maximum impact for you and your practice or company.
The stresses and tensions of everyday life affect people in many different ways. Joanna Taylor also offers personal development courses or psychotherapeutic coaching and one-to-one therapy to help professionals suffering from stress, burnout, anxiety, phobias, lack of confidence and self-esteem issues to regain control of their own lives and move on from where they are now in life, to where they want to be.
Joanna's consultation rooms are based near Scarborough, North Yorkshire.
Accredited by the National Hypnotherapy Society, this is a modular 22-day course of inductive, "hands-on" training for those who want to train and develop their skills as a Clinical Hypnotherapist.
This course is offered by our sister organisation, the School of Clinical and Neurolinguistic Hypnotherapy, and is held in five modules over a full year. Completion of all five modules and course requirements will entitle the candidate to receive a Diploma in Clinical Hypnotherapy. Our next course commences in September 2019.
Our Modular Diploma programme in Neurolinguistic Psychotherapy is offered by our sister organisation, the SCNLH, for Master Practitioners of NLP who wish to advance their knowledge and wisdom in the application of NLP in the field of Neurolinguistic Psychotherapy.
We are delighted to offer this programme as the sole licensee of Dr Susi Strang & Associates.