text:
MSD Case Study
How MSD embraced
AI omnichannel engagement
We strongly believe in Lyriko. At the moment, the solution is being adopted locally in the Italian market, but we hope to extend it to other markets, focusing on the application of the Next Best Content.
Marco Peconi
Customer Engagement Director
MSD Italy
MSD is a leading American pharmaceutical company, known in the United States and Canada as Merck & Co. It was founded in 1891 and has been operating in Italy for over 65 years, being always one of the pharma companies at the forefront of digitalisation.
MSD's main goal was to embrace a truly customer-centric approach.
To pursue this objective, they were looking for an AI-based, data-driven solution that will accomplish two tasks: support MSD's network of scientific representatives with valuable customer insights and directly deliver relevant messages to customers, according to their preferences in terms of content and channels.
The best solution for MSD's requirements turned out to be Lyriko.
Lyriko is an advanced decision support tool that provides customised suggestions to scientific representatives as well as omnichannel content orchestration.
MSD chose Lyriko because of its modular and flexible structure, its partnership with Veeva and its data scientist support team, which demonstrates strong business acumen.
Since the pilot phase of the project, Lyriko has proven to be very successful: the performance and efficiency of MSD scientific representatives increased, and they are enthusiastic about Lyriko's support. In fact, by receiving daily customised suggestions and insights on the customers they have to meet, they can focus their efforts more on building and maintaining customer relationships.
Regarding the omnichannel orchestration, it is active on three online channels for MSD: direct e-mail; newsletters; and banners on MSD Salute, a portal dedicated to resources and information for healthcare professionals.
MSD has amply demonstrated its belief in the Lyriko solution and has accelerated its deployment in all therapeutic areas and on all scientific representatives.
They have seen results as:
90% of suggestions adopted by scientific reps
More than 1.000 suggestions sent every day
A remarkable increase in engagement score
Other Case Studies
Smart Insights for Merchants
The company The company is an American multinational financial services corporation that...
Semantic document search thanks to Auto-Tagging
The company Our customer is an Italian infrastructure and construction services company....
Customer segmentation thanks to Dynamic Targeting
The company Our customer is an Italian multinational manufacturer of FMCG. The...


text:
package quickfix.field;
import quickfix.StringField;

public class CardIssNum extends StringField
{
  static final long serialVersionUID = 20050617;

  public static final int FIELD = 491;

  public CardIssNum()
  {
    super(491);
  }

  public CardIssNum(String data)
  {
     super(491, data);
  }

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
, Dr Robert D Virginia,
AKC:
Dr. Robert D. Smith is a past member of the AKC Board of Directors. He began in the sport in 1960 exhibiting German Shepherd Dogs. But when his wife, Polly, bought him an American Foxhound puppy, the course of his life changed forever. Dr. and Mrs. Smith together bred three generations of Best in Show American Foxhounds and five generations of group winners. As an owner-handler, Dr. Smith had the top-winning American Foxhound for seven consecutive years and is a three-time Owner-Handler of the Year nominee. Dr. Smith is a respected all-breed judge who has officiated at the AKCEukanuba National Championship on numerous occasions including a Hound Group assignment in 2002 and Best In Show 2008. Other prestigious assignments include the Westminster Kennel Club and International Kennel Club of Chicago. He has held every conceivable office in dog clubs including all-breed, obedience, group and specialty clubs. Dr. Smith holds a Ph.D. in political science and taught college for twelve years. He then developed and ran statewide small-business assistance programs in Virginia and Mississippi.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


LAS VEGAS – Gynecologists, general surgeons, and primary care physicians now share an unprecedented opportunity to put a major dent in the incidence of ovarian cancer, according to Dr. Farr R. Nezhat.
Mounting evidence suggests that identification and complete surgical removal of endometriosis reduce the risk of several histologic types of ovarian cancer. So when a woman visits her primary care physician for pelvic pain or vaginal bleeding that might be due to endometrial pathology, or a general surgeon finds asymptomatic endometriosis during pelvic surgery, these encounters provide an opportunity for preventive intervention, explained Dr. Nezhat, professor of ob.gyn. and director of minimally invasive surgery and gynecologic robotics at Mount Sinai Medical Center, New York.
The latest thinking about the pathophysiology of ovarian cancer, he noted, is that there are two different types of the malignancy. One type, which likely arises from endometriosis as the precursor lesion, is characterized by low-grade serous, clear cell, and endometrioid carcinomas, which tend to present at an earlier stage and are more indolent. They are associated with mutations in the PTEN, BCL2, and ARID1A genes.
A pooled analysis of 13 ovarian cancer case-control studies conducted by investigators in the Ovarian Cancer Association Consortium made the point that women with endometriosis are at increased risk of specific subtypes of the malignancy. The analysis, which included 7,911 women with invasive ovarian cancer, 1,907 others with borderline ovarian cancer, and more than 13,000 controls, concluded that women with a self-reported history of endometriosis had a 3.05-fold increased risk of clear cell invasive ovarian cancer, compared with controls, a 2.04-fold increased risk of endometrioid ovarian cancer, and a 2.11-fold greater likelihood of low-grade serous ovarian cancer.
In contrast, no association was apparent between endometriosis and the risk of high-grade serous or mucinous invasive ovarian cancer or borderline tumors. Thus, the pathogenesis of low- and high-grade serous ovarian cancers may differ (Lancet Oncol. 2012;13:385-94).
Dr. Nezhat cited as another influential study a Swedish national registry case-control study involving all Swedes with a first-time hospital discharge diagnosis of endometriosis during 1969-2007. The cases in this study were all 220 Swedish women diagnosed with epithelial ovarian cancer at least 1 year after their endometriosis was diagnosed. Each was matched with two controls with no ovarian cancer diagnosis before the date of the case's cancer diagnosis.
This was the first published study to demonstrate that treatment of endometriosis has a salutary impact on subsequent risk of ovarian cancer. Complete surgical removal of all visible endometriotic tissue was associated with a 63% reduction in the risk of ovarian cancer in a univariate analysis and a 70% relative risk reduction in a multivariate analysis. One-sided oophorectomy involving the endometriosis-involved ovary was similarly associated with a 58% risk reduction for ovarian cancer in a univariate analysis and an 81% reduction in risk in a multivariate analysis (Acta Obstet. Gynecol. Scand. 2013:92:546-54).
An earlier study in which Dr. Nezhat was senior author highlighted that different histologic types of early-stage ovarian carcinoma feature distinctive patterns of clinical symptoms. The study included 76 consecutive patients with FIGO stage I ovarian carcinoma, of which 54 – that is, more than two-thirds – were nonserous, which is a much higher proportion than is seen in women diagnosed with stage III and IV disease.
Most patients with serous papillary carcinoma in this series presented with an asymptomatic pelvic mass. In contrast, most of those with endometrioid or clear cell carcinoma presented with pelvic pain or abnormal vaginal bleeding with or without a pelvic mass (Fertil. Steril. 2007;88:906-10).
Endometrioisis is a pervasive condition. Dr. Nezhat said the endometriosis patients he considers to be at possible increased risk for ovarian cancer include those with longstanding endometriosis, a history of infertility, endometriosis diagnosed at an early age, as well as those with ovarian endometriomas. Eventually it will be possible to pin down more precisely the ovarian cancer risk of an individual with endometriosis through screening for genetic mutations, but the evidence base isn't yet sufficient to introduce this into everyday practice, he said.
One audience member said it's her practice and that of many of her gynecologic colleagues that when they incidentally find a patient has asymptomatic endometriosis, for example, during surgery for ectopic pregnancy, they will often leave it in place, even if it is quite severe. Is it time to rethink that practice and instead remove all visible endometriosis, even if the patient is asymptomatic? she asked.


A good story is the most important part of a video. Everyone loves a good story. Stories delight, motivate, challenge, and touch us. Storytelling is all around us.
First and foremost, you want to tell a compelling story. Storytelling is a powerful way to communicate your message. Production quality doesn't matter nearly as much as the story you are telling (although the better quality the better to engage your audience), so focus on getting a complete and coherent story rather than having Hollywood-perfect lighting and sound.
Good production helps you tell a good story. Good production can help you tell a story, or at least not distract from the story. Good sound is important – what's the point of an excellent interview if it's hard to hear and understand? Good light is important as well, because what's the point of a good shot if the audience can't tell what they're looking at? All parts of a video should support the story you're trying to tell – from the lighting to the music to the font you use in the titles. How, in short, do you make a meaningful piece of video?
Fortunately, you'll find a lot of resources on this page to help you both tell a good story and figure out some of the production elements.
Have a point. Don't simply focus on an "update" format, focus on the message "this is what our ministry is about, and this is what we're accomplishing". Begin by selecting the question you will answer: 1) How does your ministry change lives? 2) How does your ministry fulfill the conference's vision (invite, excite, unite)? 3) How does your ministry help the local church make disciples of Jesus Christ for the transformation of the world?
Keep your audience in mind. Videos will be viewed by attendees of Annual Conference, which includes all church pastors, lay leaders, the Bishop, conference office staff, other lay memeber to conference, and representatives from national and state-wide United Methodist organizations. Videos will also be viewed by members of local churches on a Sunday morning. Also keep in mind that you could use the video you create for your own marketing/promotional use. Be sure your video explains everything and puts things in a context that will be understood by your entire audience.
Keep it short. Be direct and to-the-point. Your audience's time is valuable, so make sure that every second is used to its fullest potential in your video. You're goal as a content creator should always be to understand what you're core audience wants from you, what interests them, and then to deliver on that in an interesting way.
Decide whether you think interviews will help in telling your story, and who will be best in expressing that story. The leader of your group or organization? Someone who has been helped by your group? Both?
It helps to have an idea of how much interview material you want to have in your video. Interviews, if they are good and informative, can serve as much of your video's "voice", and have the benefit of being information straight out of the mouths of those who know the subject best, and of making the video a little more personal. On the other hand, relying mostly on your own written and recorded narration gives you a lot of control over flow, timing and word choice. Both styles can be effective.
Of course, if you plan to use a lot of interview material and yet don't end up with the amount of good material you need, you can always go back and cover the gaps with your own written and recorded narration.
And remember, you should get a signed release form from your interview subjects.
Here are "5 tips for video interviews" by The Poynter Institute, a global leader in journalism. You can find helpful Courses, Programs & Training in journalism skills taught by industry experts online here.
Seeing, for many viewers, is believing. But to really "understand" requires explanation and context. That is a key role journalists fill. When you're interviewing a person, you want to capture more than the interview. Here are some tips for b-roll and other ways to add context to your story.
If you cut between these interviews and the b-roll, it gives viewers the idea that you have spent a lot of time with the person because we experience her in more than one setting.
Consider the images you might need in order to illustrate what your video says. In some cases, this might mean going back out for photos and footage after you record your interviews and have written your script, so that you have an idea of what you need images of. However, make sure to research and gather all the photos and footage that have previously been shot of your subject so you know what you already have.
Once you've made your decisions on what you need to tell your story and looked at what you already have available, it's time to get out there and record what you need! Keep in mind that, when editing, it's best to have a variety of kinds of images to work with. Be sure to get both wide shots and closeups of buildings, signs, people and, in some cases, surroundings (if your agency relates to a particular part of town, a college campus, etc.). Get several different angles of the same thing to give yourself lots of options once you start editing.
Check out 5 Tips for shooting compelling video from United Methodist Communications.
If you are interested in digging further into obtaining more knowledge of the video production process, we recommend to jump into a more detailed series such as these found in YouTube to start with. Video Maker, LinkedIn Learning Solutions, and Todd Wolfe.


text:
Hamilton Airport may refer to

 Hamilton Airport (New Zealand)
 Hamilton Airport (Victoria), Australia
 Hamilton Municipal Airport (New York), United States
 Hamilton Municipal Airport (Texas), United States
 Butler County Regional Airport, Ohio, United States
 John C. Munro Hamilton International Airport, Canada
 L.F. Wade International Airport, 6 nautical miles off Hamilton, Bermuda

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
You are here: Home / News and Events / The InStepp Blog / A Profile of Immigrants in North Carolina
by Katie Knoll
North Carolina, like many states in the US, is comprised of vibrant and diverse immigrant communities. Immigrants make up 8% of the state's population and 10% of its workforce, contributing billions of dollars of taxes and pouring hundreds of billions in spending-power into North Carolina's economy every year, according to 2015 statistics from the American Immigration Council.
By all accounts, foreign-born North Carolinians enrich the economic and cultural landscape of the state. Immigrant women, however, often face a unique set of challenges while accessing resources in their new home.
Immigrant women are too often unemployed or underemployed due to barriers of language, childcare, education, culture and documentation. Even women who have held skilled professions in their country of origin face greater difficulties in accessing the same level of employment after immigrating. Additionally, language barriers, documentation status, and lack of financial independence can also leave immigrant women more vulnerable to domestic abuse, where such barriers can be exploited for an abuser's control. (See how fear of deportation dramatically decreased reports of domestic violence for Hispanic women in Texas).
What about immigrant women in North Carolina? The New American Economy, a research and advocacy organization that evaluates and scores the 100 largest US cities on factors that affect immigrants, rates several North Carolina cities based on measures such as public policy and socioeconomic conditions for immigrants.
By the NAE's ranking, Raleigh, North Carolina ranks last among 22 cities in the Southeastern United States, with an overall score of only 1.48 out of 5 – indicating generally poor socioeconomic conditions for immigrants and weaker policies and protections.
Durham fares better than Raleigh with an overall score of 2.83 out of 5. Durham achieves high marks for job opportunities and economic prosperity, but a dismal score of 1 for economic empowerment, as well as a 1 for civic participation, including number of naturalized citizens.
Although these low ratings can be disheartening, InStepp programs provide much-needed services in the Durham county and Wake County areas by filling some of these gaps in support for members of North Carolina's immigrant communities.
Among its many programs, InStepp offers free citizenship courses (including free or discounted naturalization services), as well as immigration legal services and services for Hispanic-Latina immigrant women, including those who have been victims of crime or are unemployed or underemployed. With these services, InStepp works to break down barriers faced by immigrant women, and to provide support and empowerment for these women to lead successful lives.
Even though North Carolina may still have room to do better for its immigrant communities, InStepp is helping to break down barriers, one woman at a time.
https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/immigrants-north-carolina
https://www.womennc.org/wnc/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/Galindo-Barriers-to-Immigrant-Women-.pdf
https://www.futureswithoutviolence.org/userfiles/file/Children_and_Families/Immigrant.pdf
https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/immigrant-women-united-states
https://www.newamericaneconomy.org/cities-index/profile/durham/
https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/03/us/immigrants-houston-domestic-violence.html


Loughrin, J.H., Lovanh, N.C. 2019. Aeration to improve biogas production by recalcitrant feedstock. Environments. 6(4):44. https://doi.org/10.3390/environments6040044.
Manikandan, V., Velmurugan, P., Lovanh, N.C., Jayanthi, P., Park, Y., Cho, M., Oh, B. 2018. Removal of reactive dye using novel low cost activated carbon obtained from Prunus x yedoensis leaf by chemical activation. Indian Journal of Chemical Technology. 25(6):583-587.
Nanh Lovanh, Graciela M. L. Ruiz-Aguilar, John Loughrin. 2018. Evaluation of biochemical factors from mixed animal wastes feedstock in biogas production. Journal of Advanced Agricultural Technologies. 5(3):198-201. https://doi.org/10.18178/joaat.5.3.198-201.
Lovanh, N.C., Ruiz-Aguilar, G., Loughrin, J.H. 2018. Enzymatic pre-treatment of high content cellulosic feedstock improves biogas production. ASABE Annual International Meeting. Paper No. 1801339.
Lovanh, N.C., Ruiz-Aguilar, G., Loughrin, J.H. 2017. Evaluation of biochemical factors from mixed animal wastes feedstock in biogas production. Meeting Abstract. CDROM H1004.
Lovanh, N.C., Loughrin, J.H., Ruiz-Aguilar, G., Ryzs, M. 2017. Biogas production from livestock waste anaerobic digesters: evaluation and optimization. American Society of Agronomy Meetings. Poster No. 1239.
Lovanh, N.C., Ruiz-Aguilar, G., Loughrin, J.H. 2017. Effect of biochemical factors from mixed animal wastes feedstock in biogas production. Air and Waste Management Annual Conference Proceedings. Paper No. 264742.
Lee, J., Velmurugan, P., Park, J., Murugan, K., Lovanh, N.C., Park, Y., Oh, B., Venkatachalam, P., Benelli, G. 2018. A novel photo-biological engineering method for Salvia miltiorrhiza-mediated fabrication of silver nanoparticles using LED lights sources and its effectiveness against Aedes aegypti mosquito larvae and microbial pathogens. Physiological and Molecular Plant Pathology. 101:178-186. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pmpp.2017.03.010.
Manikandan, V., Lee, J., Chang, W., Lovanh, N.C., Park, Y., Jayanthi, P., Velmurugan, P., Oh, B. 2017. Fabrication, optimization, and characterization of noble silver nanoparticles from sugarcane leaves (Saccharum officinarum) extract for antifungal application. 3 Biotech. 7:147. doi:10.1007/s13205-017-0749-y.
Manikandan, V., Velmurugan, P., Park, J., Lovanh, N.C., Seo, S., Javanthi, P., Cho, M., Oh, B. 2016. Synthesis and antimicrobial activity of palladium nanoparticles from Prunus × yedoensis leaf extract. Materials Letters. 185:335-338.
Lovanh, N.C., Loughrin, J.H., Ruiz-Aguilar, G. 2016. Biogas production from poultry rendering plant anaerobic digesters: systems comparison. Meeting Proceedings. Paper No. 0289.
Lovanh, N.C., Ruiz-Aguilar, G., Loughrin, J.H. 2016. The effect of system parameters on the biogas production from anaerobic digestion of livestock wastes. ASABE Annual International Meeting. Paper No. 2461428.
Velmurugan, P., Myung, H., Govarthanan, M., Seo, S., Cho, K., Lovanh, N.C., Oh, B. 2015. Production and characterization of bacterial cellulose by Leifsonia sp. CBNU-EW3 isolated from the earthworm, Eisenia fetida. Journal of Biotechnology and Bioprocess Engineering. 20(3):410-416.
Bhima, A., Park, J., Cho, M., Yi, Y., Oh, S., Park, Y., Lovanh, N.C., Kamala-Kannan, S., Oh, B. 2015. Simultaneous utilization of soju industrial waste for silica production and its residue ash as effective cationic dye adsorbent. Journal of Biotechnology and Bioprocess Engineering. 156(6):427-437.
Govarthanan, M., Cho, M., Lee, K., Park, Y., Myung, H., Krishnamoorthy, R.R., Lee, S., Lovanh, N.C., Kamala-Kannan, S., Oh, B. 2015. Lead biotransformation potential of allochthonous Bacillus sp. SKK11 with sesame oil cake in mine soil. The Royal Society of Chemistry. 5:54564-54570.
Guerrero-Cornejo, E.A., Olalde-Portugal, V., Gordon-Palenius, H., Lovanh, N.C., Valdez-Vazquez, I., Alejo-Lopez, S.J., Ruiz-Aguilar, J.M. 2015. Combination of anaerobic effluent and lignocellulosic bacterial consortium to reduce vermicomposting time. Proceedings 2nd International Water Association Conference on Odor and Volatile Organic Compounds. Abstract.
Lovanh, N.C., Loughrin, J.H., Rysz, M., Quintanar, A., Mahmood, R. 2015. Neural network analysis on the effect of heat fluxes on greenhouse gas emissions from anaerobic swine waste treatment lagoon. Proceedings of the American Society of Agricultural and Biological Engineers International (ASABE). Paper 152123798.
Ruiz-Aguilar, G.L., Lovanh, N.C., Camarena-Aguilar, E.A., Alvarez-Villafaña, V.J., Gomez-Luna, B.E., Molina-Ochoa, J., Sosa, O. 2015. The effect of electron acceptors on biogas production from tannery sludge of a Mexican wastewater plant. International Journal of Environmental Science and Technology. 12:11(3479-3488).
Lovanh, N.C., Quintana, A., Rysz, M., Loughrin, J.H., Mahmood, R., Oh, B. 2014. Modeling the effect of heat fluxes on ammonia and nitrous oxide emissions from an anaerobic swine waste treatment lagoon using artificial neural network. American Chemical Society National Meeting. Abstract.
Lovanh, N.C., Quintana, A., Rysz, M., Loughrin, J.H., Mahmood, R. 2014. The effect of heat fluxes on ammonia emission from swine waste lagoon based on neural network analyses. Journal of Environmental Science and Technology. 7(1):16-29.
Loughrin, J.H., Lovanh, N.C., Cook, K.L. 2013. Improvement of anaerobic digester performance by wastewater recirculation through an aerated membrane. Transactions of the ASABE. 56(5):1675-1681.
Quintanar, A., Mahmood, R., Lovanh, N.C., Rawley, J.M., Becerra-Acosta, E., Loughrin, J.H. 2013. Estimating greenhouse gas emissions from a waste lagoon. Applied Engineering in Agriculture. 29(4):511-519.
Loughrin, J.H., Quintanar, A.I., Cook, K.L., Lovanh, N.C., Mahmood, R., Bexerra-Acosta, E. 2012. Seasonal variation in heat fluxes, predicted emissions of malodorants, and wastewater quality of an anaerobic swine waste lagoon. Water, Air, and Soil Pollution. 223:3611–3618.
He, Z., Mingxin, G., Lovanh, N., Spokas, K.A. 2012. Applied manure research—looking forward to the benign roles of animal manure in agriculture and the environment. In: He, Z., editor. Applied Research of Animal Manure: Challenges and Opportunities beyond the Adverse Environmental Concerns. New York, NY:Nova Science. p. 299-309.
Cook, K.L., Loughrin, J.H., Lovanh, N.C. 2011. Remediation of swine slurry odor and methane using a partitioning bioreactor. Conference on Gastrointestinal Function. Abstract Only.
Lovanh, N.C., Cook, K.L., Loughrin, J.H. 2011. Ammonium and skatole biodegradation by swine waste microflora in a flow-through bioreactor. ASABE Annual International Meeting. Abstract.
Loughrin, J.H., Quintanar, A., Mahmood, R., Lovanh, N.C. 2010. Heat flux measurements and modeling of malodorous compounds above an anaerobic swine lagoon. Water, Air, and Soil Pollution. 217(1-4):463-471.
Lovanh, N.C., Quintanar, A., Loughrin, J.H., Mahmood, R. 2010. Profile of Greenhouse Gas Emissions from Swine Lagoon: Implication on the Influence of Heat Fluxes. ASA-CSSA-SSSA Annual Meeting Abstracts. No page numbers.
Quintanar, A.I., Mahmood, R., Loughrin, J.H., Lovanh, N.C., Motley, M.V. 2009. A system for estimating bowen ratio And evaporation from waste lagoons. Applied Engineering in Agriculture. 25(6):923-932.
Ruiz-Aguilar, G., Lovanh, N.C., Alvarez-Villafana, V., Camarena-Aguilar, E., Alejo-Lopez, S., Herrera-Mendez, C. 2009. Fungal Bioconversion of Bio-Solids and Chicken Manure to Increase Soil Quality. ASA-CSSA-SSSA Annual Meeting Abstracts.
Lovanh, N.C., Loughrin, J.H., Quintanar, A., Mahmood, R. 2009. Ammonium Ion Distribution in Suspended Particulate Matter from a Poultry House Using Rice Hulls as Bedding Materials. ASA-CSSA-SSSA Annual Meeting Abstracts.
Sales, T., Day, G., Gates, R., Lovanh, N.C., Del Nero Maia, G., Singh, A. 2009. Assessment of Biofilter Media Particle Sizes for Removing Ammonia. ASABE Annual International Meeting.
Quintanar, A., Mahmood, R., Motley, M., Yan, J., Loughrin, J.H., Lovanh, N.C. 2009. Simulation of boundary layer trajectory dispersion sensitivity to soil moisture conditions: MM5 and noah-based investigation. Atmospheric Environment. 43:3774-3785.
Loughrin, J.H., Vanotti, M.B., Szogi, A.A., Lovanh, N.C. 2009. Evaluation of second-generation multistage wastewater treatment system for the removal of malodorous compounds from liquid swine waste. Journal of Environmental Quality. 38:1739-1748.
Lovanh, N.C., Quintanar, A., Loughrin, J.H., Mahmood, R., Motley, M. 2009. Gas Emissions from an Anaerobic Swine Waste Treatment Lagoon: Bowen Ratio and Heat Fluxes in Summer Time. ASABE Annual International Meeting.
Sales, T., Day, G., Gates, R., Lovanh, N.C., Del Nero Maia, G., Singh, A. 2009. ASSESSMENT OF BIOFILTER MEDIA PARTICLE SIZES FOR REMOVING AMMONIA International Symposium on Animal Waste Management.
Del Nero Maia, G., Day, G., Gates, R., Taraba, J., Sales, T., Lovanh, N.C. 2009. AMMONIA REMOVAL AND NITROUS OXIDE PRODUCTION IN GAS-PHASE COMPOST BIOFILTERS. International Symposium on Animal Waste Management.
Sales, G.T., Day, G., Gates, R., Lovanh, N.C., Del Nero Maia, G., Singh, A. 2008. Assessment of Different Biofilter Media Particle Sizes for Ammonia Removal Optimization. ASABE Annual International Meeting.
Loughrin, J.H., Lovanh, N.C., Mahmood, R. 2007. In Situ Measurements of Malodors of a Swine Waste Lagoon. ASABE Annual International Meeting. Paper number 701P0907cd.
Loughrin, J.H., Lovanh, N.C., Quintanar, A., Mahmood, R. 2007. Monitoring of Malodorous Compounds from a Swine Waste Lagoon by an Equilibrium Technique. ASA-CSSA-SSSA Annual Meeting Abstracts. Presentation 245:18.
Loughrin, J.H., Lovanh, N.C., Mahmood, R. 2007. In Situ Measurements of Malodors in a Swine Waste Lagoon. ASABE Annual International Meeting.
Loughrin, J.H., Lovanh, N.C., Way, T.R. 2006. In Situ Monitoring of Malodors in a Swine Waste Lagoon. ASA-CSSA-SSSA Annual Meeting Abstracts.


The higher power 300 Watt C2260 and C2290 each contain a single 12" speaker and horn, and are in the exact same package as the C1260 and C1290 (shown above). Each enclosure features a 1" mylar, high frequency driver firing through a 60°x60° conical tractrix horn (C2260) or a 90°x40° waveguide horn (C2290) for unsurpassed sonic clarity . Time-tested passive crossover networks (12 dB per octave) ensure sonic accuracy and CTL™ protection circuitry guards against damage to the high frequency drivers.
In the lower frequency range the higher power woofer combines solid performance with outstanding reliability. The enclosures feature inset input-jack plates which contain binding post and 1/4" phone connectors. The enclosures are painted with a white two-part epoxy and incorporate curved, anti-resonance speaker grille constructed of perforated 16 gauge steel. Both enclosures and grilles can be easily refinished and feature a grille clip attachment system for easy removal and recovering. Painstaking attention to details of design is evidenced by features such as the safety screw hidden under the embossed Yorkville logo which ensures that the grille does not inadvertently come loose.
The Coliseum series enclosures are constructed of highly rigid 15mm (.5906") baltic birch plywood. Their trapezoidal shape is conducive to array-mounting and minimizes lobing difficulties. The C2260 and C2290 are equipped with four flypoints and a pullback. The flypoints are steel reinforced and engineered to allow easy, flexible and safe enclosure suspension. The design of the C2260 is particularly versatile and allows it to be flown in virtually any orientation.


There's a first run documentary of Louis Theroux airing tonight on BBC Knowledge.
Louis meets patients and therapists at a California mental hospital which houses convicted paedophiles. See Louis wrestle with whether he can ever allow himself to believe men whose whole history is defined by deception and deceit.
It airs at 8:30pm Saturday on BBC Knowledge.
Love Louis. Because he comes across as such a dag he gets away with a lot.
Great personality for this type of show, Entertaining and deserves a bigger following.
Love this guy's shows. Sometimes I'm amazed how far he'll go to investigate something.


text:
Le kayah est un continuum linguistique de langues tibéto-birmanes parlée par les Karennis dans l'est de la Birmanie et dans l'Ouest de la Thaïlande.

Écriture
Le kayah occidental et le kayah oriental sont écrits avec l'écriture kayah li et l'écriture birmane ; le kayah occidental est aussi écrit avec l'écriture latine.

Alphabet kayah li

Alphabet latin kayah occidental
L'alphabet latin kayah occidental utilise 26 lettres, dont f, q, j q, x uniquement dans les mots tels que les noms de personnes ou les noms de lieux.

Sept digrammes sont utilisés dans l'orthographe.

Les cinq voyelles de l'alphabet sont complétées par quatre lettres accentuées représentant leurs propres voyelles.

Les tons sont représentés à l'aide de l'accent aigu et le caron sur la voyelle. La prononciation murmurée est indiquée avec un tréma sous la lettre de la voyelle. Les lettres de voyelles murmurées peuvent aussi porter un diacritique indiquant le ton.

Comparaison des orthographes

Notes et références

Sources

Voir aussi
 Langues karens
 Langues en Birmanie
 Langues en Thaïlande

Liens externes

Inventaire de langues
Langue karen
Langue en Birmanie
Langue en Thaïlande


Photo booth portrait, 1953. (Courtesy John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum).
When President John F. Kennedy said in 1962 that cameras were the best inspectors, he was talking about the ability to use aerial photography to assess the state of an arms build-up in Cuba. Now, however, as the nation prepares to celebrate the centennial of his May 29, 1917, birth, the Smithsonian American Art Museum is demonstrating that the remark can be interpreted in more than one way.
Kennedy himself was frequently the interest of photographers' cameras. Not only was he the President of the United States, he also had youthful good looks and a famous sense of style — and the luck to come to power just at a moment when American photojournalism was experiencing what the Smithsonian refers to as a "golden age." As a result, the photographic record of his time in office and his career leading up to those few short years is vast.
The images above are just a few of the dozens of such photographs, from a variety of sources, that will be displayed at the museum starting Wednesday as part of the new exhibition American Visionary: John F. Kennedy's Life and Times. The show, which coincides with the release of the new book JFK: A Vision for America, edited by Stephen Kennedy Smith and Douglas Brinkley, will be on view through Sept. 17, before going on the road.
"It is our hope that the compelling images of President Kennedy's life and work on view in this exhibition will remind visitors not only of the values that defined his presidency," said Smith, the 35th President's nephew, in a statement about the exhibit, "but also will introduce him to new audiences and future leaders."


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Insight Turkey > Articles | Updated: Thursday, October 1, 2009
Turkey in the UN Security Council: Its Election and Performance
Articles | Insight Turkey Fall 2009 / Volume 11, Number 4
Turkey successfully gained provisional membership of the United Nations Security Council by receiving support from 151 states in the UN General Assembly. Turkey is serving in the SC for the period between January 1, 2009 and December 31, 2010. This historic achievement was the end product of arduous efforts on the part of the Erdoğan government which has braced itself for membership of the Security Council since 2003. Membership no doubt brings Turkey plenty of benefits, like enhancing Turkey's international political weight and prestige. However, it also poses challenges to the credibility of Turkey's multi-dimensional and assertive foreign policy with its strong tinge of fairness. Turkey ought now to take principled stances on many key issues relevant to international peace and security even at the cost of disappointing its long list of friends.
Most of the SC resolutions adopted during Turkey's tenure recorded unanimous support by members of the SC
Turkey was elected to the provisional membership of the United Nations (UN) Security Council (hereinafter referred to as the 'SC' or 'Council') on October 17, 2008 by obtaining the support of 151 states in the UN General Assembly, out of a total of 192 states. Alongside Austria, which received 133 votes, Turkey defeated Iceland (87 votes) in the race for the representation of Western Europe on the Council between January 1, 2009 and December 31, 2010. By all accounts, this was a great achievement for a state—Turkey—that had been longing for a non-permanent seat in the SC since 1961.
As is well known, the SC consists of 15 member states.1 Five among them are permanent members (Permanent-5 or P-5), while the rest are provisional (rotating, non-permanent) members. A provisional member of the SC is elected by the UN General Assembly to serve for two years. Non-permanent members of the Council cannot immediately get re-elected. The Permanent-5 consist of the five major victorious powers in World War Two, the United States of America (the USA), the United Kingdom (the UK), France, Russia and China. The first three of the Permanent-5 visibly played a pioneering role in the establishment of the UN and the designation of its functions. Though, under international law, states enjoy sovereign equality with equal rights and duties, "some are more equal than the others" in the SC. The Permanent-5 has also been given the right to veto a draft resolution even if the rest of the Council concurs. In order for a decision to get through, nine members of the SC have to vote in favor of the motion, with no blocking veto.
The core competencies of the SC are as follows:
to determine the existence of a threat to the peace or act of aggression and to recommend what action should be taken;
to call on UN members to apply economic sanctions and other measures not involving the use of force to prevent or stop aggression;
to take military action against an aggressor.2
SC resolutions are binding, unless the adopted text explicitly "advises" or "recommends" a particular mode of action.
After this brief introduction to the subject, it is timely to lay out the main questions which inform the major concerns of the present study: First, which strategies did Turkey pursue to get elected to the SC? Second, why did Turkey display such enthusiasm for membership in the SC? Third, what are the advantages and possible risks of Turkish membership in the SC? Fourth, what is Turkey's position on major international issues with implications for international peace and security? Fifth, as seen through the eyes of those who advocate a more effective, egalitarian and transparent Council, what are the main weaknesses and problems associated with the SC? Fifth, what is the position of the current government on the major international issues that may be brought to the attention of the SC? Sixth, what are Turkey's behavioral options in the SC? Finally, what can be said about the policy choices and voting preferences which Turkey has thus far made in the SC?
Turkey's Election to the SC
The present Justice and Development Party (AKP, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) government braced itself for possible Turkish seat in the SC immediately after taking office. To achieve this goal, the government carefully set its eyes on a complex network of international actors ranging from states to international organizations with which to engage. This did not involve only persuasion, but also of the granting of economic rewards to an extensive list of the least-developed states from Africa, the Caribbean and Pacific. This ambitious diplomatic campaign on the diplomatic front could not possibly have been successful without the meteoric rise in Turkey's international standing, prestige, and power of influence since the end of 2002. As part of Turkey's diplomatic endeavors, Turkish Foreign Minister Abdullah Gül and his successor Ali Babacan held talks with their counterparts from well over 150 states between 2006 and 2008 as part of the Turkish diplomatic campaign. Turkey's ardent desire to gain a seat in the SC and its vigorous efforts to achieve this goal extended to opening new Turkish diplomatic missions in Africa and elsewhere, implementing a number of bold initiatives on the diplomatic front, acting as an intermediary in the resolution of some deep-seated conflicts in its near abroad and far afield as in the case of problems between Pakistan and Afghanistan, offering a friendly hand to its long-time adversaries such as Greece and Armenia and giving its blessings to the peaceful settlement of a host of problems that have bedeviled relations between Turkey and these two states, and to delivering economic assistance to many Least Developed States. That Turkey received a record high 151 votes in the UN General Assembly for membership in the SC is an endorsement of Turkey's growing international credibility by members of international society.
That Turkey received a record high 151 votes in the UN General Assembly for membership in the SC is an endorsement of Turkey's growing international credibility by members of international society
Government circles have repeatedly asserted that Turkey rightly deserves to take a seat in the SC. In addition to speaking favorably of Turkey's growing assertiveness, credibility and stature in international politics, Turkish official documents which sought to make a case for Turkish membership in the SC tended to draw on certain specific accomplishments of Turkish foreign policy:
First of all, Turkey's humanitarian and development assistance has been steadily rising in recent years enabling us to be designated as an "emerging donor."3 Secondly, Turkey's level of participation in the UN and other peacekeeping missions ranging from Haiti to Lebanon has shown a constant increase, making us an important contributor to such operations. Finally, Turkey is one of those countries which are well placed to play a moderating role in world affairs, bridging cultures through dialogue and mutual understanding, as evident by our co-sponsorship of the Alliance of Civilizations initiative, along with Spain.
Furthermore, Turkey's active policies in forging regional cooperation schemes in its immediate region; its crucial standing in energy security issues due to its emerging role as a hub of energy routes; its dedication to reach out to and enhance its relations with far regions like Africa, Latin America, the Caribbean, East Asia and the Pacific islands; and its membership in a multitude of international organizations representing various regions and cultures are also worth mentioning within the context of Turkey's actual and possible contributions to world peace.
In light of the foregoing, Turkey feels that it has indeed an added value to bring to the work of the UN. By the same token, we also believe that Turkey's contributions to the maintenance of international peace and security and its regional role as a bulwark of stability make it amply qualified to become a non-permanent member on the SC.4
Turkish Enthusiasm for Membership in the SC
On the question of why Turkey has displayed such enthusiasm for membership of the SC under the AKP government, I argue that the clues can be found in the following.
First, the AKP government has fashioned a new international role and mission for Turkey whose scope and vision far exceeded the governments that preceded it, with the limited exception of the short-lived Refahyol government.5
Second, since the end of 2002, Turkey, under the AKP government, has managed to establish constructive and fruitful relations with ever-rising groupings of states, ranging from its immediate neighbors to states far afield, from the Western to the Eastern world, and from the rich north to the economically deprived south.
Third, Turkey has, under the AKP government, come to define itself as an axis state (merkez ülke). The lack of a vision, mission and self-confidence, which was broken with the demise of the Ottoman Empire, has, in the popular perception, now been restored.
Fourth, through membership of the SC, Turkey very much hopes to enhance its role in international politics and to increase its international prestige. National pride does no doubt play some role, as suggested by Jenkins:
There is little doubt that Turkey's main motivation in seeking a seat on the SC was simply national pride. Despite its often aggressive—even bellicose—nationalistic rhetoric, Turkey remains intensively sensitive to what it believes others think of it. Particularly under the AKP, the search for international prestige has become one of the main determinants of foreign policy.6
The bit about "bellicose rhetoric" does not really make sense for a government which pursues a policy of constructive engagement with foes and friends alike, but the rest squarely fits the Turkish bid for membership of the SC.
For Turkey, it is a herculean task to put up with the challenges of consistency, dynamism and fairness during its presence in the SC
Fifth, Turkey wants to demonstrate how it has a key role in bridging the conceptual gaps in the relations between the Western world on the one hand and the Muslim world and, at a more general level, the non-Western world on the other, and that can be constructively put into use through resolutions of the SC.
Sixth, Turkey—in all probability—also wants to make an impact on the European Union (EU) through its membership of the SC, to show that, once Turkey is incorporated into the EU, the EU will come to obtain the role of a prominent political actor, which it certainly lacks today.
No doubt, by obtaining a seat in the SC, Turkey will be able to have a say on major issues of international relations which are to be brought to the attention of the SC. Turkey's perception and views on a host of issues ranging from the Iranian nuclear issue to the resolution of conflicts in the Caucasus, the Middle East, the Balkans and sub-Saharan Africa; and from appropriate SC action vis-à-vis states using illegal military force against other international actors to the definition of non-military activities that constitute threat to international peace and security. That Turkey has acted as a facilitator or mediator between plenty of adversarial nations, such as between Israel and Syria/Palestinians and the West and Iran, will no doubt enhance the credibility of Turkish arguments in the SC.7
The Pros and Cons of Turkish Membership in the SC
Immediately after Turkey's election to the SC, Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan said that Turkey's entry into the SC was the result of five years of work for this goal as well as for Turkey's contributions to world peace. It was also a confirmation of Turkey's growing weight in international politics and the trust that Turkey enjoys among a variety of different actors in international society. He asserted that this gave Turkey "the opportunity to play a more effective and active global role".8 No doubt, gaining the status of a provisional member in the SC has boosted Turkey's morale and self-confidence. Turkey is now (although temporarily) part of the club of 'privileged' states that make pronouncements about the fate of other international actors with often dramatic consequences. Besides, a member of the SC is in a better position to defend its interests in this platform than a state outside it. The SC experience will almost certainly broaden the horizons of Turkish diplomacy.
This picture will not be complete, however, without mentioning some factors which may constrain the gains that Turkey hopes to make through membership of the SC. I would argue that the Western-orientation of Turkish diplomacy and the deep-rooted conformism of Turkish diplomats appear as the main weaknesses in Turkey's efforts to enhance its international stature thanks to a seat in the SC. Besides, the deceptive complexity of international politics may easily turn Turkish votes into a dangerous time bomb. For Turkey, it is a herculean task to put up with the challenges of consistency, dynamism and fairness during its presence in the SC. Although Turkey objectively has more in common with the Muslim world and, more generally, with the non-Western developing nations in Asia, Africa and Latin America based on economic, social and cultural traits, it has chosen to ally itself with the Western group of nations at the state level since the end of World War Two. Granting that Turkey's new foreign policy lays greater emphasis on justice and fairness in international politics, a head-on collision with its Western allies appears imminent if Turkey decides to stick to its principles in the SC.
In the course of its membership in the SC, Turkey will presumably be obliged to take clear-cut positions on a number of critical issues ranging from the Iranian nuclear issue to military enforcement measure or economic sanction against a non-Western state. The conventions of Turkish diplomacy dictate the taking of a non-committal position on issues which, if pressed too hard, will touch on Western strategic interests. Turkish diplomacy idealizes formalism and the status quo under the guise of 'neutrality'. Turkish diplomats rarely identify with the causes and struggles espoused by the Muslim world or the developing nations of the Third World. In other words, the language of anti-imperialism is not in tune with the behavioral instincts of Turkish diplomacy. Turkish diplomats' overall view of the world is shaped by an idealization of Western values and secularism (of the laicist brand with its deep-seated misgivings about religion) and positivism at their apex, and a superficial identification with Western notion of legality, perception of threats and conception of international society.9
Turkey ought now to take sides and hard decisions by virtue of its membership in the SC. The following harsh words coming from a Western observer should not be dismissed:
From 2009 onwards, Turkey will find it much more difficult to present itself as all things to all countries; and if, for example, the US tables a motion to apply sanctions against Iran at the SC, not antagonizing anybody will not be one of Turkey's options.10
The posture and voting preferences which Turkey adopts in the SC will have immediate repercussions for the overall context of Turkish foreign policy
Turkey may not be much strained by supporting a motion that brings about sanctions against, say, a Latin American or an East Asian state—so long as this is not seen as an imperialist plot by most of the non-Western world. We must not forget that the posture and voting preferences which Turkey adopts in the SC will have immediate repercussions for the overall context of Turkish foreign policy. To give an example, should Turkey decide to support a widening of sanctions against Iran for its pursuit of a nuclear program, it would lose credibility in the Muslim world and the Third World. Besides, Iran would certainly adopt retaliatory measures against Turkey that could prove rather damaging to its economic and strategic interests. If, in contrast, Turkey refuses to go along with the advocates of heavier sanctions against Iran, it will almost certainly infuriate its Western allies, and its bid for EU membership may be hit by another damaging salvo.
Some Western circles have made it clear that they very much hope that Turkey will act in association with the Western bloc of nations in the SC. Indeed those who speak on behalf of the EU expressed their confidence that Turkey would vote in a way that would not undermine European interests.11 This suggests that the Turkish performance in the SC will be monitored closely in EU circles to see if Turkey has aligned itself to the 'common foreign and security policy'. Here is a major paradox as far as Turkey and the EU is concerned: should Turkey vote in parallel with the EU member states such as France and Britain in the SC, this will be well-appreciated by European actors, but such position will inevitably diminish the kind of 'critical role' which many non-Western states, and particularly Muslim ones, expect of Turkey. Besides, in such eventuality, Turkey will not be seen as a supporter of the causes of the powerless, the marginalized and the have-nots of the world. This posture would then lessen the political and strategic surplus which Turkey could add to the EU as an actor in world politics. The EU appears rather inflexible in seeking to coerce Turkey into adopting a docile role in the SC which, as it stands, is very much under the sway of states like the US, UK and France. One can thus predict that Turkey will find it extremely difficult to strike a balance between its own understanding of the threats to international peace and security and the types of response that they elicit from the prevailing posture of its Western allies in the SC.12
Another challenge posed by Turkey's SC membership is the Turkish diplomats' lack of knowledge and experience with regard to regions with which Turkey has had considerably weak ties in the past. Such is the case with Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa, and East and Southeast Asia. But a major hindrance is that, in order to maintain the core values of the diplomatic profession with its Western-centric bias, distaste for unorthodox approaches to international society and laicist elitism, Turkey's Foreign Service has, over the years, resisted pressures to open itself up to a wider section of Turkish society and to increase the number of young recruits.13 This numerical and qualitative deficiency is going to be one factor that will, in all probability, weaken Turkey's hand in search of an effective role in the SC. The reason is simple: so long as the Turkish Foreign Ministry is not supplied by valuable and first-hand pieces of information dispatched by diplomats in the field, Turkey will not be able to put forward convincing arguments (of its own) during debates in the SC.
The Turkish Position on Major International Issues
What is the position of the current government on major international issues that may be brought to the attention of the SC? The answers to this question, however, should not necessarily lead to the conclusion that the Turkish representative is going to vote along these lines when these issues below are brought on the agenda of the SC.
To begin with, on the question of the Iranian nuclear issue, Turkey has repeatedly expressed its opposition to the imposition of wider sanctions against Iran. This position derives from two major considerations: First, another strong sanctions regime next to its borders will cost Turkey and Turkish companies dearly, as was painfully the case with the sanctions regime against Iraq. Secondly, as far as Turkey is concerned, Iran is a vital source of natural gas supply rivaling Russia and an important transit route. Meanwhile Turkey detests the idea of a (US) military confrontation with Iran, either with or without SC authorization. The Turkish government reckons that another war in the Middle East will be catastrophic for peace, prosperity and democracy in the region.14
As regards the proliferation of nuclear weapons, Turkey has a clear-cut position which sees the existence of such weapons worldwide, and more specifically in the region, as a major threat to peace. Consistent with this perspective, it does not have a nuclear armaments program. At a luncheon organized in 2006 for the candidacy of Turkey to the SC, the then Turkish Foreign Minister Abdullah Gül assured his audience that
non-proliferation, arms control and disarmament are important components of our foreign policy. As a result, Turkey is a party to all major international non-proliferation instruments and export control regimes, and shares the objective of universal adherence and effective implementation.15
It must be noted, besides, that Turkish decision-makers have on occasion warned Western governments that the huge arsenal of nuclear weapons possessed by Israel is among the major threats to the security of the Middle East.
On the Palestinian problem, Turkey advocates a two-state solution that would result in a viable and sustainable Palestinian state. It believes that the SC ought to take more robust action against Israel's aggressive policies towards Palestinians and some neighboring Arab states. International diplomatic engagement with the Palestinians, Turkey believes, should become more inclusive in order that the popularly elected Hamas movement is no longer isolated. Turkey's proclivity for inclusiveness and broad-based engagement in countries like Lebanon, Egypt and Iraq, long beset by political turmoil, is suggestive of Turkey's principled approach on the issue. This point was emphatically made by Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu when speaking at the SC Meeting on the Situation in the Middle East on May 11, 2009:
One priority of Turkish foreign policy towards the region is to keep open dialogue channels with all parties and pursue an active policy of engagement. We welcome the fact that a growing number of countries have come to realize the merits of this policy and have adopted similar approaches.16
Turkey may choose to conceive and interpret international society and major issues of international relations from a Western perspective but remain critical within that paradigm
On the subject of international security, Turkey, under the AKP government, has, broadly speaking, continued to go along with the Western group of states in the identification of major threats to international peace and security and the means deployed to combat them. As an observer points out in the context of the UN General Assembly debates,
UN records indicate that in drafting resolutions regarding...security issues..., Turkey seems to have preferred to follow the course of other countries instead of taking a leadership role. Some of the very rare issues that Turkey has proactively raised seem to be related to regional issues that directly or indirectly affect Turkey. These include the Cyprus issue and Armenia's unlawful occupation of Azerbaijani territory.17
This is not to suggest, however, that Turkey, under the present government has not raised misgivings about the specific execution of certain instruments put into use by the SC in combating international security threats like international terrorism. One crucial point of divergence with its Western allies, and in particular with the USA, is Turkey's more holistic approach towards international security issues that lays due emphasis on the social, economic and political aspects of security. Turkey sees problems of poverty, lack of democratic freedoms and civil wars as among the major causes of international military conflicts the world over.
Turkey's Behavioral Options in the SC
Broadly speaking, there are possibly three scenarios that may possibly play themselves out in the context of Turkey's behavioral posture and voting preferences in the SC.
First, Turkey may choose to align itself fully with the Western position, which is too frequently spearheaded by the US. Turkey might possibly tilt towards European positions on the rare occasions when the US and European positions do not fully converge. Such posture would possibly be rationalized by reference to Turkey's commitment to European integration. Otherwise, the rationale goes, Turkey's long-established policy of a pro-Western outlook and commitment to European integration may be put at risk. This role may be defined as 'uncritical alignment'.
Second, Turkey may choose to conceive and interpret international society and major issues of international relations from a Western perspective but remain critical within that paradigm. For instance, Turkey may concur with the Western group of states in the way they define the major threats to international peace and security or the types of action which they envisage in the face of international aggression. But it might possibly seek to bring into the attention of the Council non-Western approaches, interpretations and perspectives concerning security issues. For example, while not challenging the dominant Western view that international terrorism or the spread of the weapons of mass destruction are among the most substantive threats to international peace and security, Turkey may draw on cases of state terrorism and on the threats posed by nuclear states, such as Israel, to regional and global peace. This role may be defined as 'critical alignment'.
Third, Turkey may choose to get across its own perspective of what constitutes threats to international peace and security and propose unorthodox forms of action necessary to quell threats. For instance, Turkey may refer to hunger, poverty, excessive militarization, imperial interventions, and the existing stock of nuclear weapons as the most fundamental threats to international peace and security. Such paradigmatic shift in the Turkish attitude would very much be in tune with the progressive currents within Asian, African and Latin perspectives. Turkey may besides choose to vote against motions mandating economic sanctions or the use of force against non-Western states if they defy its sense of fairness or proportionality. If that were to be the case, Turkey would come to play a revolutionary role by challenging established orthodoxies in the SC. This role could be defined as 'critical dissociation'.
A Short Glance at the Turkish Performance in the SC between January-September 2009
It is rather difficult to conceptualize about Turkey's voting preferences at this point in time (October 2009) and to evaluate its overall performance in the SC. First, it has been only nine months since Turkey obtained a provisional seat in the SC. Second, most of the SC resolutions adopted during Turkey's tenure recorded unanimous support by members of the SC. In such cases, it is nearly impossible to draw conclusions about Turkey's conception of international society. Third, in rare instances when SC draft resolutions were accepted by a majority vote or were rejected as a result of a veto by a permanent member, with some exceptions scrutinized below, it was obvious that, on account of their subject matter, they would have very limited implications for the international order. The section which follows does not therefore delve into the SC resolutions which do not provide tangible clues about Turkey's voting preferences in the SC.
A few words are due regarding the resolutions of the SC adopted unanimously in the first nine months of 2009. As argued above, such resolutions do not indicate anything peculiar about Turkey's position in the SC. Such has been the case with Resolution 1863 of January 16, 2009 which expressed the SC's intention to deploy UN peacekeeping troops in Somalia from June 2009.18 The anticipated resolution, likewise accepted unanimously in the form of Resolution 1872, was adopted on May 26, 2009. Resolution 1872 merely expressed the Council's support for the Djibouti Agreement as well as the extension of the mandate of the troops from African Union member of states in Somalia.19 Turkey likewise joined the rest of the SC in endorsing Resolution 1866 of February 13, 2009 which urged Russia and Georgia to refrain from using force against each other and extended the UN observer mission in Georgia for four months.20 The SC similarly agreed unanimously through Resolution 1868 of March 23, 2009 to prolong the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan for another year. The resolution also condemned attacks on civilian targets.21 Turkey likewise concurred with the rest of the members of the SC when this body, in adopting Resolution 1870 on April 3, 2009, extended the mandate of the UN mission in Sudan. This resolution also urged the parties to comply with Comprehensive Peace Agreement of 2005 whose goal was to end the conflict in south Sudan.22 Resolution 1874 of June 12, 2009, which imposed an arms embargo and financial restrictions on North Korea in response to the nuclear test it had conducted on May 25, 2009, was the product of unanimous agreement among members of the SC.23 Turkey also concurred with the rest of the SC members when the following resolutions concerning the extensions of the mandates of UN peacekeeping troops in various conflict-ridden countries were adopted unanimously during the summer of 2009: Resolution 1875 of June 23, 2009 extended the mandate of the UN force that monitored the Israel-Syria ceasefire;24 Resolution 1876 renewed the task of the UN Peace-Building Support Office in Guinea-Bissau;25 Resolution 1879 extended the mandate of the UN mission in Nepal;26 Resolution 1880 renewed the mandate of the United Nations Operation in Côte d'Ivoire;27 Resolution 1881 extended the mandate of the African Union-UN Hybrid Operation in Sudan's Darfur region (UNAMID);28 Resolution 1883 renewed the task of the UN Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI);29 Resolution 1884 extended the mandate of UNIFIL in Lebanon;30 Resolution 1885 renewed the authority of the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL);31 Resolution 1886 extended the mission of the UN Integrated Peace-Building Office in Sierra Leone (UNIPSIL);32 Resolution 1890 renewed the mandate of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan;33 and, finally, Resolution 1892 extended the authority of the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH).34
In September 2009, the UN SC adopted a resolution on nuclear non-proliferation, likewise with unanimous agreement, in a gathering of heads of state or government. This decision deserves special focus because the speech made by the Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan before the votes were cast tells a great deal about the Turkish posture on one of the most fundamental issues of contemporary international relations, the nuclear issue. Resolution 188735 called on states which are non-parties to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty36 (NPT) of 1968 to accede to the treaty as soon as possible and expressed the hope of achieving nuclear disarmament at some time in the future. During debates in the lead-up to the adoption of Resolution 1887, Erdoğan asserted that the subject of nuclear non-proliferation should be seen as an integral whole that consists of the three pillars of non-proliferation, disarmament, and the peaceful use of nuclear energy. This suggested that, unlike the USA, UK and France, which, during debates in the SC, chose to draw the world's attention to the dangers posed by the possibility of Iran obtaining nuclear weapons, Turkey laid equal emphasis on the duties of nuclear powers to commit themselves to the goal of nuclear disarmament. Erdoğan reminded his audience that every state, including Iran, had a right to obtain civilian nuclear technology.37 The substance of Erdoğan's speech, while by no means radical, seemed more in line with the views expressed by his Asian, African and Latin American counterparts in the SC than those voiced by his Western colleagues.
Turkey has displayed a propensity to act in tandem with the rest of the SC when a common position is agreed on by members of the Council
Naturally, the picture of unanimously agreed resolutions does not leave us with ample scope within which to evaluate Turkey's distinctive voting preferences in the SC. There were only three cases of UN resolutions which may provide us with some—limited—clues about Turkey's distinctive posture in the SC. First, in all probability, in matters which are directly linked to Turkish national interests and its foreign policy priorities, Turkey is not likely to shy away from casting votes which radically differ from those of its Western allies or even those of the remaining members of the SC. This was indeed the case when Turkey alone voted against Resolution 1873 of May 29, 2009, which extended the mandate of the UN peacekeeping forces in Cyprus for six months.38 Turkey based its objections on the following points: first, the UN peacekeeping force deployed in Cyprus since 1963 was not accepted by either Turkish Cypriots or Turkey; second, this UN force did not function with the clear consent of both parties; third, the acceptance of Greek Cypriot administration as the sole representative of Cyprus was unacceptable.39 Secondly, in cases of draft resolutions that are opposed by either Russia or China as permanent members but are supported by most other members, including the entire Western representation in the SC, Turkey is likely to vote along the lines of the majority. As an indication of this trend, Turkey acted as one of the sponsors of a draft resolution together with Western members of the SC which envisioned the continuation of the UN Observer Mission in Georgia which had been in place since 1994. However, this draft was vetoed by Russia, while China, Libya, Uganda and Vietnam abstained. The Russian delegate considered this draft as unacceptable in the light of the emergence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia as sovereign states, which the draft simply bypassed.40 Finally, Turkey may pursue a position which may either moderately or radically differ from the overall posture adopted by Western governments and their associates in the SC in cases of draft resolutions which may, in Turkey's view, unjustly victimize a Muslim state or political movement. SC Resolution 1860, adopted on January 8, 2009 in the wake of Israel's ruthless assault on Gaza which caused enormous human suffering and physical devastation, is a case in point. This resolution, endorsed by 14 members of the SC with the abstention of the US, called for the withdrawal of Israeli troops from Gaza and for unimpeded access to those delivering humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza.41 Representing Turkey in the SC for this occasion, Turkish Foreign Minister Ali Babacan hinted, after the motion went through, that the resolution did not go far enough in protecting the victims of Israeli aggression.42 Babacan's posture was echoed by the speech of his successor Ahmet Davutoğlu in the SC in May 2009 where he expressed views which went far beyond the rather discreet European position on the plight of the Palestinians:
We cannot turn a blind eye on the humanitarian situation in the Palestinian territories, particularly in Gaza. In this context, it is good to refer to the resolution 1860. But this is not enough. It is incumbent upon us to call for the full implementation of the resolution 1860 and address the humanitarian situation in Gaza by unimpeded provision and distribution of humanitarian assistance throughout the region.43
Davutoğlu was likewise critical of illegal Jewish settlements in West Bank and other Israeli policies that defied international law and justice:
We are concerned with certain policies that could seriously hamper peace efforts. Among them are Jewish settlement activities; restrictions to the movement of Palestinian people and goods; actions and measures that could alter the character and status of Jerusalem and further isolate East Jerusalem from the rest of the Palestinian Territory.44
Finally, in the same speech, Davutoğlu expressed his objection to the isolation of Hamas by Western governments: "We need to engage every Palestinian group which has the support of the Palestinian people and ensure that they all adhere to the principles of peace."45
A brief glance at Turkey's performance in the UN SC indicates that Turkey has displayed a propensity to act in tandem with the rest of the SC when a common position is agreed on by members of the Council. One exception was the Turkish objection to the resolution about extending the mandate of the UN peacekeeping troops in Cyprus. Meanwhile, a speech by the Turkish foreign minister after the adoption of an SC resolution in January 2009 that called on Israel to end its assault on Gaza was a clear message about Turkey's discontent over the weakness of that resolution. This posture no doubt separated Turkey out from the US and European positions in the SC. These two pieces of evidence may be indicative of Turkey's anticipated posture in the SC: remaining by and large within the Western paradigm about international security, and hence seeking to act in tandem with the Western group of nations unless a particular issue concerns its vital national interests, but assuming a critical role within that paradigm, especially in respect of resolutions which are likely to produce—unjustly—Muslim victimhood. The limited evidence we have then suggests that the Turkish posture in the SC fits the second scenario, as sketched out above, which may be coined as 'critical alignment'. The Turkish posture as reflected in statements made by the Turkish representative during debates in the Council and its voting preferences may thus at times collide with the predominant coalition as represented by the US, UK, France and their accomplices. Turkish conceptions about the main threats to international peace and security today are not quite the same as those adopted by its NATO allies, since Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan and Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, while drawing on classical threats like military aggression and international terrorism, have on different occasions pointed to state terrorism and the existence of nuclear weapons as other causes of wars and conflicts in the world.
Initially, non-permanent membership was capped at six. Later, in 1965, rotating members were increased to ten.
http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_functions.html. A state engaged in an illegal use of force in its international relations is considered to be an 'aggressor'.
The same document declared that Turkey's official development assistance between 2005 and 2008 "ranged between 600 to 700 million US Dollars per year. When we include, for the same period, the aid provided by our private sector and the NGOs, the figure for our total assistance ranges between 1.1 to 1.7 billion US Dollars per year." (Turkey's Priorities for the 63rd Session of the United Nations General Assembly," September 2008, Accesed at http://www.un.int/turkey/63rdGA.pdf).
Turkey's Priorities for the 63rd Session of the United Nations General Assembly,"
This was a coalition government which was formed by‑in the view of its political foes—the Islamic-leaning Welfare Party (Refah Partisi) and the centre-right True Path Party (DYP, Doğru Yol Partisi) in June 1996 under the premiership of Necmeddin Erbakan. This party was removed from power in June 1997 through what is commonly-known as a 'post-modern coup' engineered by the army in liaison with the president of the Republic, Süleyman Demirel, some political parties and the laicist segments of the media, bureaucracy, judiciary, businessmen's associations and trade unions for allegedly 'undermining Turkish secularism'. This government sought to deepen Turkey's ties with the Muslim world which, upon Erbakan's initiative, saw the inauguration of the D-8 (Developing 8) as a new international organization which brought together eight prominent Muslim states to bring about economic integration.
Gareth Jenkins, "Turkey's SC Seat Promises Challenges as well as Kudos", Eurasia Daily Monitor, Vol. 5, issue: 200, October 20, 2008, accessed at http://www.jamestown.org/single/?no_cache=1&tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=34035.
Süreyya Seyyahoğlu, "BM Güvenlik Konseyi Üyeliği", Dünya Bülteni, 21 Ekim 2008.
http://www.tumgazeteler.com/?a=4239389. Turkey, under the government of Justice and Development Party, has displayed a willingness to pose as an international actor that entangles itself in the issues of global concern, such as disarmament and problems of poverty, while playing the role of an axis state in the regions surrounding Turkey.
This theme is studied in an article of mine, published in 2004, in the context of Turkey's voting preferences in the UN General Assembly on the 'progressive' issues of international law such as the right of self-determination, human rights and the search for a new international economic order during the course of the Cold War: Berdal Aral, "Fifty Years on: Turkey's Voting Orientation at the UN General Assembly, 1948-97", Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 40, No. 2, March 2004, 137-160.
Jenkins, "Turkey's SC Seat Promises Challenges as well as Kudos"
Immediately after Turkey's election to the SC, Olli Rehn, the European Commissioner Responsible for Enlargement, uttered the following words: "I believe Turkey will use her seat to promote and improve Europe's common values".
Seyyahoğlu, "BM Güvenlik Konseyi Üyeliği"
Akif Kirecci, "Turkey in the United Nations SC", SETA Policy Brief, January 2009, p.9.
Speech Delivered by Turkish Foreign Minister Abdullah Gül at the Luncheon for the Candidacy of Turkey to the SC for the Term 2009-2010 (April 19, 2006, Ankara Palace, accessed at http://www.un.int/turkey/page17.html).
Statement by Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu at the United Nations SC Meeting on the Situation in the Middle East, Including the Palestinian Question, May 11, 2009, New York, accessed at http://www.mfa.gov.tr/statement-by-h_e_-ahmet-davutoglu_-the-minister-of-foreign-affairs-of-the-republic-of-turkey_-at-the-united-nations-security-cou.en.mfa.
Mehmet Kalyoncu, "Seeking a seat for Turkey at SC", Today's Zaman, October 17, 2008.
Resolution 1863, January 16, 2009, accessed at http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/211/65/PDF/N0921165.pdf?OpenElement.
Resolution 1872, May 26, 2009, accessed at http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/349/46/PDF/N0934946.pdf?OpenElement.
Resolution 1866, February 13, 2009, accessed at http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/238/26/PDF/N0923826.pdf?OpenElement.
Resolution 1868, March 23, 2009, accessed athttp://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/277/12/PDF/N0927712.pdf?OpenElement.
Resolution 1870, April 30, 2009, accessed at http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/320/46/PDF/N0932046.pdf?OpenElement.
Resolution 1874, June 12, 2009, accessed at http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/368/49/PDF/N0936849.pdf?OpenElement.
Resolution 1876, June 26 ,2009, accessed at http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/384/34/PDF/N0938434.pdf?OpenElement.
Resolution 1879, July 23, 2009, accessed at http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/421/42/PDF/N0942142.pdf?OpenElement.
Resolution 1881, August 6, 2009, accessed at http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/433/93/PDF/N0943393.pdf?OpenElement.
Resolution 1884, August 27, 2009, accessed at http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/496/60/PDF/N0949660.pdf?OpenElement.
Resolution 1885, September 15, 2009, accessed at http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/514/01/PDF/N0951401.pdf?OpenElement.
Resolution 1890, October 8, 2009, accessed at http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/550/19/PDF/N0955019.pdf?OpenElement.
Resolution 1892, October 13, 2009, accessed at http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/556/43/PDF/N0955643.pdf?OpenElement.
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, July 1, 1968, accessed at http://www.iaea.org/Publications/Documents/Infcircs/Others/infcirc140.pdf.
http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2009/sc9746.doc.htm.. International law permits states to obtain nuclear technology for peaceful use. Erdoğan asserts that the international pressure on Iran for its alleged quest for producing nuclear weapons should not amount to denying Iran the right to procure nuclear technology for use in the energy sector.
Resolution 1873, May, 29 2009, accessed at http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/354/35/PDF/N0935435.pdf?OpenElement.
http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2009/sc9668.doc.htm. Turkey argues that the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus qualifies as a state and ought to be recognized as such by the international community. This claim, in this view, has gained greater credence since the Greek Cypriots rejected the Annan Plan, whose goal was to unite Cyprus under a bi-zonal and bi-national federation, in a referendum held in 2004.
http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2009/sc9681.doc.htm. Russia recognized Abkhazia and South Ossetia, then part of Georgia, in the aftermath of Russian-Georgian war in August 2008 as independent states. Thus, Russia objected to the resolution, because of its supposition that Georgia's territorial integrity had remained intact.
Resolution 1860, January 8, 2009, accessed at http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N09/204/32/PDF/N0920432.pdf? OpenElement.
http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2009/sc9567.doc.htm. Babacan hinted that Turkey was not satisfied with the timing and substance of Resolution 1860. In all probability, Babacan did not consider that the resolution faced up to the challenges posed by the colossal humanitarian and physical damage (1550 dead, 5500 wounded, excessive destruction of Gaza) caused by Israel during its relentless military assault on Gaza. Besides, it did not address the two-year-old blockade of Israel over Gaza, that turned Gaza into an 'open prison' and its habitants into hapless captives in their own land.
Statement by Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu at the United Nations SC Meeting on the Situation in the Middle East, Including the Palestinian Question, May 11, 2009.
Erdoğan Government
International Peace
Turkish Membership
AK Party
Berdal Aral
İstanbul Medeniyet University, Turkey
ORCID No: 0000-0002-6736-5237
The Evolutionary Feature of Turkey's Soft Power in the Middle East, 2011-2020
The Turkey-Africa Bromance: Key Drivers, Agency, and Prospects
Muslim Democratic Parties in Turkey, Egypt, and Morocco: An Economic Explanation
The Alliance of Civilizations: A Spanish View


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Home > Artists > Andy Warhol Prints and Paintings > San Francisco Silverspot Butterfly (F.S. II 298) by Andy Warhol
San Francisco Silverspot Butterfly (F.S. II 298) by Andy Warhol
Endangered Species by Andy Warhol
In 1983, Andy Warhol created a series of olor screenprints that portrayed endangered animals from around the world: Siberian tiger, San Francisco silverspot, orangutan, Grevy's zebra, black rhinoceros, bighorn ram, African elephant, pine barrens tree frog, giant panda and bald eagle. Using brilliant colors — characteristic of Andy Warhol's signature style — and poignant expressions suggestive of the animal's fate, Andy Warhol creates a dynamic tension between art and reality.
Screen print on Lenox Museum Board
Signed and numbered ed of 150
Butterfly by Andy Warhol
In 1983, Andy Warhol created a series of ten color screenprints that portrayed endangered animals from around the world: Siberian tiger, San Francisco silverspot, orangutan, Grevy's zebra, black rhinoceros, bighorn ram, African elephant, pine barrens tree frog, giant panda and bald eagle. Using brilliant colors — characteristic of Andy Warhol's signature style — and poignant expressions suggestive of the animal's fate, Andy Warhol creates a dynamic tension between art and reality.
Andy Warhol was an American artist who was a leading figure in the visual art movement known as pop art. Andy Warhol's works explore the relationship between artistic expression, celebrity culture and advertisement that flourished by the 1960s. Andy Warhol's Marilyn and Andy Warhol's Soup Cans are some of the most recognized and collectible of his artworks. From Andy Warhol Paintings to Andy Warhol Prints and unique pieces, the artist's works are available for sale from Guy Hepner.
More than twenty years after his death, Andy Warhol remains one of the most influential figures in contemporary art and culture. Warhol's life and work inspires creative thinkers worldwide thanks to his enduring imagery, his artfully cultivated celebrity, and the ongoing research of dedicated scholars. His impact as an artist is far deeper and greater than his one prescient observation that "everyone will be world famous for fifteen minutes." His omnivorous curiosity resulted in an enormous body of work that spanned every available medium and most importantly contributed to the collapse of boundaries between high and low culture.
A skilled social networker, Warhol parlayed his fame, one connection at a time, to the status of a globally recognized brand. Decades before widespread reliance on portable media devices, he documented his daily activities and interactions on his traveling audio tape recorder and beloved Minox 35EL camera. Predating the hyper-personal outlets now provided online, Warhol captured life's every minute detail in all its messy, ordinary glamour and broadcast it through his work, to a wide and receptive audience.
Natural Money Set by Mister E
Temple by Roy Lichtenstein
Metallic by Tyler Shields


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Dan Baldwin's work deals with ideas of love, innocence, life and death, politics and symbolism. Often incorporating real objects such as foreign currency, crucifixes and bullets into his work, as well as different types of paint and other materials, he creates a 'layering' system that encourages an element of spontaneity and chance into his work, never initially planning how a work will eventually turn out.
Although primarily a painter, Baldwin also produces ceramic work and sculpture, and 'Autumn Girl' is his first limited edition screenprint. Born in Manchester in 1972, Baldwin graduated from Maidstone school of art in 1995 and since then has exhibited widely in the U.K alongside artists such as Banksy, Antony Micallef, Jamie Hewlett, Jamie Reid and Peter Blake, and has shown at art fairs in Miami, New York and Basel. His work has appeared in many publications such as Vogue, Elle, Time Out, Modern Painters and Dazed and Confused, and he has been commissioned to create book & album covers for Overlook Publishers and Wall of Sound. He appeared in the first series of The Apprentice through Eyestorm, aired in February 2005 and in September 2006 was voted critics choice on the Saatchi gallery /your gallery website by ex-Art Review editor Rebecca Wilson. Collectors of Baldwin's work include Elton John, Damien Hirst, Liam Howlett from The Prodigy and actress Patsy Palmer.
Dan Baldwin - Freedom I
Dan Baldwin - Freedom II
Proceeds donated to The Hepatitis C Trust to help them in their campaign to eliminate hepatitis C in the UK by 2025.
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I thing all of you are aware of DDOS attack mainly and considered as one of the commonly used method for website hacking etc. In DDOS attack, The attacker launches the attack using several machines. In this case, an attacker breaks into several machines, or coordinates with several zombies to launch an attack against a target or network at the same time. This makes it difficult to detect because attacks originate from several IP addresses. If a single IP address is attacking a company, it can block that address at its firewall. If it is 30000 this is extremely difficult.
What happens to Facebook in Europe recently?
Recently at 18:00 AM 8/03/2012 , Facebook falls under this attack in most of the countries like Europe, France, Germany, Russia and South Africa where its servers becomes irresponsible and service gets temporarily down for some time (approximate for 2 hours). Third parties suggested a problem with Facebook's European DNS servers may have been at the root. These machines connect the address "Facebook.com" with the actual content of the website, and during the outage attempts to contact to them as normal received no response.
DownRightNow, which monitors major web services, showed Facebook having suffered ongoing intermittent service until mid-afternoon.CERT. Be, a Belgian government agency, claimed that the outage was due to a DDOS hacker attack, but this has not been confirmed.
The issue has been now fully resolved and everyone should have access to Facebook. We apologies for any inconvenience occurred.


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Justia › US Law › Case Law › Federal Courts › Courts of Appeals › Ninth Circuit › 1972 › United States of America, Plaintiff-appellee, v. Robert Josef Saniger, Defendant-appellant
United States of America, Plaintiff-appellee, v. Robert Josef Saniger, Defendant-appellant, 467 F.2d 219 (9th Cir. 1972)
US Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit - 467 F.2d 219 (9th Cir. 1972) Aug. 4, 1972
Philip F. Jones, of Jones, Tollefson & Velasco, San Fernando, Cal., for defendant-appellant.
William B. Keller, U. S. Atty., Les Osborne, Eric A. Nobles, Asst. U. S. Attys., Los Angeles, Cal., for plaintiff-appellee.
Before MERRILL and WRIGHT, Circuit Judges, and NIELSEN,* District Judge.
Classified I-A, appellant filed form 150 claiming conscientious objection and presenting a prima facie case for such classification. His local board considered his application and rejected it, stating only "Sincerity questionable." Appellant requested and received a personal interview at the conclusion of which the board again classified him I-A, stating:
"Form 150 considered-Registrant did not affirmatively meet the burden of showing sincerity. Evidence-vague and newly formed for convenience rather than sincerity of belief."
On appeal the appeal board retained the I-A classification without statement of reasons. Thereafter appellant refused induction, for which he was tried and convicted.
The basis for the board's disbelief of appellant does not appear. The possibilities suggested by counsel in brief do not provide basis in fact. See, Christensen v. Franklin, 456 F.2d 1277 (9th Cir. 1972); Tressan v. Laird, 454 F.2d 761 (9th cir. 1972); United States v. Hayden, 445 F.2d 1365, 1372-1373 (9th Cir. 1971); United States v. Haughton, 413 F.2d 736, 743 (9th cir. 1969).
Judgment reversed.
Honorable Leland C. Nielsen, United States District Judge for the Southern District of California, sitting by designation


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Causes of Alzheimer's and Related Dementias
Behavior Management »
Physical and Chemical Restraints »
Activities of Daily Living (ADLs) »
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Ethical Issues with Dementia Patients »
FL: ADRD for Nursing Homes, Adult Day Care, and Hospice, 3 units
Although dementia has probably been around since humans first appeared on earth, it is only as we live longer that we have begun to see its widespread occurrence in older adults. The most common type of dementia is Alzheimer's disease, but there are other types and causes of dementia. In fact, new research is suggesting that "pure" pathologies may be rare and most people likely have a mix of more than one type of dementia.
Worldwide more than 47 million people live with dementia and because people are living longer this number is expected to triple by 2050 (ADI, 2016). In Florida, there are 510,000 residents currently living with Alzheimer's disease (Alzheimer's Association, 2016) and by 2025, this number is expected to increase by more than 200,000.
Defining Dementia
The ugly reality is that dementia often manifests as a relentless and cruel assault on personhood, comfort, and dignity. It siphons away control over thoughts and actions, control that we take for granted every waking second of every day.
Michael J. Passmore, Geriatric Psychiatrist
Dementia is a collective name for the progressive, global deterioration of the brain's executive functions. Dementia occurs primarily in later adulthood and is a major cause of disability in older adults. Although almost everyone with dementia is elderly dementia is not considered a normal part of aging.
The exact cause of dementia is still unknown. In Alzheimer's disease, and likely in other forms of dementia, damage within the brain is related to a so-called pathological triad: (1) formation of beta-amyloid plaques; (2) disruption of a protein called tau leading to the formation of neurofibrillary tangles; and (3) degeneration of cerebral neurons (Lobello et al., 2012). These processes are clearly explained in the following video.
Inside the Brain: Unraveling the Mystery of Alzheimer's
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NjgBnx1jVIU (video 4:21)
In Alzheimer's disease, damage begins in the temporal lobe, in and around the hippocampus. The hippocampus is part of the brain's limbic system and is responsible for the formation of new memories, spatial memories and navigation, and is also involved with emotions.
In the earliest stages of Alzheimer's disease, before symptoms can be detected, plaques and tangles form in and around the hippocampus (shaded in blue).
Mild Alzheimer's Disease
Source: Courtesy of The Alzheimer's Association. Used with permission.
As the disease progresses, plaques and tangles spread to the front part of the brain (the temporal and frontal lobes). These areas of the brain are involved with language, judgment, and learning. Speaking and understanding speech, the sense of where your body is in space, and executive functions such as planning and ethical thinking are affected.
In mild to moderate stages, plaques and tangles (shaded in blue) spread from the hippocampus forward to the frontal lobes.
Moderate Alzheimer's Disease
In severe Alzheimer's disease, damage is spread throughout the brain. Notice in the illustration below the damage (dark blue) in the area of the hippocampus, where new, short term memories are formed. At this stage, because so many areas of the brain are affected, individuals lose their ability to communicate, to recognize family and loved ones, and to care for themselves.
In advanced Alzheimer's, plaques and tangles (shaded in blue) have spread throughout the cerebral cortex.
Severe Dementia
It is now thought that the brain changes associated with Alzheimer's disease begin years, or even decades, before symptoms emerge. The changes eventually reach a threshold at which the onset of a gradual and progressive decline in cognition becomes obvious (DeFina et al., 2013).
Types of Dementia
Although Alzheimer's disease is the most common cause of dementia, it isn't the only cause. Frontal-temporal dementia—which begins in the frontal lobes—is a relatively common type of dementia in those under the age of 60. Vascular dementia and Lewy body dementia are other common types of dementia (see table). In all, nearly twenty different types of dementia have been identified.
*Post mortem studies suggest that many people with dementia have mixed Alzheimer's disease and vascular dementia pathology and that this "mixed dementia" is underdiagnosed.
Source: Adapted with permission from Alzheimer's Disease International, 2009.
Some Common Types of Dementia
Dementia subtype
Early, characteristic symptoms
% of cases
*Alzheimer's disease (AD)
Gradual onset
Impaired memory, apathy and depression
Language and visuospatial deficits
Cortical amyloid plaques
Neurofibrillary tangles
Frontal-temporal dementia
Early onset (45 to 60 yrs of age)
Behavioral and personality changes
No single pathology
Damage limited to frontal and temporal lobes
*Vascular dementia
Stepwise onset
Similar to AD, but memory less affected, and mood fluctuations more prominent
Physical frailty
Patchy cognitive impairment
Often preventable
Single infarcts in critical regions, or more diffuse multi-infarct disease
Group of syndromes
Dementia with Lewy-bodies
Marked fluctuation in cognitive ability
Visual hallucinations
Parkinsonism (tremor and rigidity)
Adverse reactions to antipsychotic medications
Cortical Lewy bodies (alpha-synuclein)
Diagnosing Alzheimer's Disease
Diagnosis of Alzheimer's disease and other types of dementia is based on symptoms; no test or technique that can diagnose dementia. To guide clinicians, the National Institute on Aging and the Alzheimer's Association (NIA-AA) has developed the following diagnostic guidelines indicating the presence Alzheimer's disease:
Gradual, progressive decline in cognition that represents a deterioration from a previous higher level;
Cognitive or behavioral impairment in at least two of the following domains:
episodic memory,
executive functioning,
visuospatial abilities,
language functions,
personality and/or behavior;
Functional impairment that affects the individual's ability to carry out daily living activities;
Symptoms that are not accounted for by delirium or another mental disorder, stroke, another type of dementia or other neurological condition, or the effects of a medication. (DeFina et al., 2013)
Neuroimaging shows promise is assisting with early diagnosis of Alzheimer's disease by detecting visible, abnormal structural and functional changes in the brain (Fraga et al., 2013). Magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) can provide information about the shape, position, and volume of the brain tissue. It is being used to detect brain shrinkage, which is likely the result of excessive nerve death. Positron emission tomography (PET) is being used to detect the presence of beta amyloid plaques in the brain.
PET Scans Showing PIB Uptake
PET imaging makes it possible to detect beta amyloid plaques using a radiolabeled compound called Pittsburgh Compound B (PiB). In this PET scan, the red and yellow colors indicate that PiB uptake is higher in the brain of the person with AD than in the cognitively healthy person. Source: NIA, public domain.
Conditions That Can Mimic Dementia
A number of medical conditions other than dementia can cause cognitive changes. Gerontology specialists speak of the "3Ds"—dementia, delirium, and depression—because these three conditions are the most common reasons for cognitive changes in older adults. Delirium and depression may be mistaken for dementia.
Delirium is a sudden, severe confusion with rapid changes in brain function. Delirium develops over hours or days and is temporary and reversible. Delirium can affect perception, mood, cognition, and attention. The most common causes of delirium in people with dementia are medication side effects, hypo or hyperglycemia, fecal impactions, urinary retention, electrolyte disorders and dehydration, infection, stress, and metabolic changes. An unfamiliar environment, injury, or severe pain can also cause delirium.
Delirium is under-diagnosed in almost two-thirds of cases and can be misdiagnosed as depression or dementia. Since the most common causes of delirium are reversible, recognition enhances early intervention. Early diagnosis can lead to rapid improvement (Hope et al., 2014).
Video: Patient Experience of Delirium (5:51)
Source: Northumbria Healthcare Foundation Trust, England, U.K.
Depression is a common but serious mood disorder. Major depressive disorder is characterized by a combination of symptoms that interfere with a person's ability to work, sleep, study, eat, and enjoy activities. Some people may experience only a single episode within their lifetime, but more often a person may have multiple episodes (NIMH, 2016).
Persistent depressive disorder, or dysthymia, is characterized by longterm (2 years or longer) symptoms that may not be severe enough to disable a person but can prevent normal functioning or feeling well. Psychotic depression occurs when a person has severe depression plus some form of psychosis, such as delusions or hallucinations. Psychotic symptoms typically have a depressive "theme," such as delusions of guilt, poverty, or illness (NIMH, 2016).
Depression is very common in people with dementia. Almost one-third of longterm care residents have depressive symptoms and about 10% meet criteria for a current diagnosis of major depressive disorder. Despite this awareness, depression is undertreated in people with dementia. Depressive illness is associated with increased mortality, risk of chronic disease, and higher levels of supported care (Jordan et al., 2014).