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← Re. Indirectly Social Labor in the Critique of Political Economy, chapter one
Re Indirectly Social Labor and a passage from the Grundrisse
Posted on September 14, 2015	by kapitalism101
In the context of a very long critique of the Proudhonian idea that commodities should exchange for their exact labor content, Marx comes to this bit in which he contrasts the directly social labor of communal production with the indirectly social labor of commodity production.
"…The communal character of production would make the product into a communal, general product from the outset. The exchange which originally takes place in production — which would not be an exchange of exchange values but of activities, determined by communal needs and communal purposes — would from the outset include the participation of the individual in the communal world of products. On the basis of exchange values, labour is posited as general only through exchange. But on this foundation it would be posited as such before exchange; i.e. the exchange of products would in no way be the medium by which the participation of the individual in general production is mediated. Mediation must, of course, take place. In the first case, which proceeds from the independent production of individuals — no matter how much these independent productions determine and modify each other post festum through their interrelations — mediation takes place through the exchange of commodities, through exchange value and through money; all these are expressions of one and the same relation. In the second case, the presupposition is itself mediated; i.e. a communal production, communality, is presupposed as the basis of production. The labour of the individual is posited from the outset as social labour. Thus, whatever the particular material form of the product he creates or helps to create, what he has bought with his labour is not a specific and particular product, but rather a specific share of the communal production. He therefore has no particular product to exchange. His product is not an exchange value. The product does not first have to be transposed into a particular form in order to attain a general character for the individual. Instead of a division of labour, such as is necessarily created with the exchange of exchange values, there would take place an organization of labour whose consequence would be the participation of the individual in communal consumption. In the first case the social character of production is posited only post festum with the elevation of products to exchange values and the exchange of these exchange values. In the second case the social character of production is presupposed, and participation in the world of products, in consumption, is not mediated by the exchange of mutually independent labours or products of labour. It is mediated, rather, by the social conditions of production within which the individual is active. Those who want to make the labour of the individual directly into money (i.e. his product as well), into realized exchange value, want therefore to determine that labour directly as general labour, i.e. to negate precisely the conditions under which it must be made into money and exchange values, and under which it depends on private exchange. This demand can be satisfied only under conditions where it can no longer be raised. Labour on the basis of exchange values presupposes, precisely, that neither the labour of the individual nor his product are directly general; that the product attains this form only by passing through an objective mediation by means of a form of money distinct from itself.
"On the basis of communal production, the determination of time remains, of course, essential. The less time the society requires to produce wheat, cattle etc., the more time it wins for other production, material or mental. Just as in the case of an individual, the multiplicity of its development, its enjoyment and its activity depends on economization of time. Economy of time, to this all economy ultimately reduces itself. Society likewise has to distribute its time in a purposeful way, in order to achieve a production adequate to its overall needs;just as the individual has to distribute his time correctly in order to achieve knowledge in proper proportions or in order to satisfy the various demands on his activity. Thus, economy of time, along with the planned distribution of labour time among the various branches of production, remains the first economic law on the basis of communal production. It becomes law, there, to an even higher degree. However, this is essentially different from a measurement of exchange values (labour or products) by labour time. The labour of individuals in the same branch of work, and the various kinds of work, are different from one another not only quantitatively but also qualitatively. What does a solely quantitative difference between things presuppose ? The identity of their qualities. Hence, the quantitative measure of labours presupposes the equivalence, the identity of their quality."
-Marx, Grundrisse 171-172
This passage is helpful in understanding the categories of directly and indirectly social labor. The labor of individuals engaged in communal production is directly social because the labor does not need to pass through a mediation in order to be part of the social labor of society. Commodity producing labor must produce a product that people want at the socially necessary labor time in order to be considered social labor. All other labor is wasted labor and is not social. The particular labor, represented by a particular commodity, is only social to the extent to which it measures up to the average labor of society. The particular commodity must show its equality to all other commodities through its relation to money, in order to be part of the social labor of society. Workers in a commodity producing society must purchase their stock of consumption goods with the money they get from selling their labor time. In communal production workers have no product to sell. They do not exchange one product for another. Instead they participate in social consumption to the extent in which they participate in production. Their product is immediately social from the outset because their labor does not have to measure up to the social average to be social. To say that a worker participates in social consumption to the extent to which they participate in production means that an hour of work earns one an hour of consumption goods, regardless of the efficiency at which one works. This same idea is repeated in the Critique of the Gotha Program and in the fetishism section of chapter one of Capital.
Another common theme between this passage and Capital, as well as the Critique of Political Economy, is the notion that a quantitative comparison between products implies a qualitative equality of labors. Though labors are heterogeneous, even within the same branch of production as Marx says here, they are considered qualitatively homogeneous from the standpoint of capital. This is because capitalism values all commodities at their socially necessary labor time, thus only counting labor as social to the extent to which it measures up to this average. Thus the equivalence between labors, their qualitative equality.
This passage is also helpful in demonstrating that a communist society which makes labor directly social by eliminating socially necessary labor time need not do away with labor-time accounting or with the goal of minimizing the time it takes society to do some tasks. There are certain aspects of social production which are a-historical, universal, aspects true in all modes of production. There is only so much social labor to organize at any given time so there are always trade-offs. Increasing efficiency always makes room more labor to go into other areas of production. Society has to organize all of this social labor some way. A communal society needs to know how much labor time society requires to achieve certain tasks in order to plan production. Marx says here that the "economy of time" becomes "law" in communal production to an even higher degree than in capitalism. I assume that by this he means that because economy of time becomes a conscious aspect of planning by society, rather than a diffuse reaction of various firms to competition, that economy of time becomes "law" to a "higher degree".
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29 Responses to Re Indirectly Social Labor and a passage from the Grundrisse
What makes the labor "indirectly social" under capitalism is that total social labor — which is actually a very large group cooperative endeavor — takes place within scattered, isolated, fragmented spaces and conditions
This "private labor" only counts as "social" through exchange of commodities, hence indirect. And only a portion of the 'sunk' work effort effectively counts 'after the fact' (of production) as "socially necessary labor time."
You note Marx foresees a return to directly social labor in a "lower" phase of communism. However, this return to social labor will be different than the small scale communal production in 'pre-capitalist' formations.
This return to directly social labor, you reason, is to be accomplished by reversal of all conditions giving rise to indirect social labor (although this doesn't seem to be explicitly stated by Marx) . Besides a logical deduction of reversal, you also infer and argue parallelism with other concepts of commodity fetishism and abstract labor (I think I have that right?).
This deduction and inference seems sufficient to establish the specificity of what Marx intended for the post-capitalist transition period.
Therefore, the change is not merely juridical — that workers now formally own and can manage the means of production. It's not just that there is a plan that presumably minimizes individuals' 'wasted' labor and produces a democratically determined output.
You state that, in addition to these changes, SNLT no longer occurs. No productivity norm for individuals gets enforced through competition (nor through a central planning proxy for the capitalist competition; nor in any kind of "socialist" or state capitalist piecework wage).
In this view, you seem to differ from Lenin, who thought the 'lower phase' would still be value-governed, until further development ended with the forecast 'higher phase' after a much greater society-wide productivity growth.
Apart from SNLT, I suggest there might be other dimensions of this 'transition' between capitalism, and also between the lower and higher phases of post-capitalism..
A different kind of parallel can be drawn for the liberation of post-capitalist labor with the 'formal' and 'real' subsumption of labor under capitalism.
The subsumption, Marx says, is where initially, capitalism absorbs work practices that it inherits from feudalism and artisan production, bringing workers together under one roof in order to supervise and extract surplus value, but not otherwise changing HOW work occurs ("formal").
Then, in the "real" phase capitalists revolutionize the work process by aggressively shaping it to the system's self-determined needs. Capitalists progressively transform both form and content of the work process (i.e. a finer division of labor that eradicates craft; using machinery; etc).
In the same way, couldn't society in post-capitalism formally decide to allocate work it needed initially on the model of individual compensation? This "formal" proletarian direction would occur because initial conditions for transition were given by the value organization of capitalism.
Then, as matters progressed, the "working class" as such could disappear in favor of voluntary activity (not coerced work), presumably all made possible by the hyper-automated production that is described in the Grundrisse.
Non-work compensation and sharing of output would grow relative to the mass of necessary labor. It would become more and more important to shape conditions of the still necessary but shrinking labor time in order to be more attractive and congenial in itself.
Job enrichment would become a necessity to attract sufficient labor to generate output to support a growing non-work 'free' time for the population (which might not be idle time, but rather, creative activity). Another possibility would be a form of labor conscription to fill the necessary labor slots.
The above are other possible interpretations of Marx's transition period.
kapitalism101 says:
What do you mean by "allocate work it needed initially on the model of individual compensation?"
Individual differential compensation for work, i.e. wages.
Yes, the stated ultimate aim IS the abolition of the wages system, but what's actually described in 'Critique of Gotha' with the certificates still definitely resembles money for work (wages), insofar as it is an exchange of products for individuals participating in the collective work effort.
The main difference, as I understand it, would be that these certificates would only circulate once, and get redeemed for an individual share of the collective output. They could not be used in a succeeding circuit of M-C-M'.
But, contra Proudhon, this would not be the "undiminished" proceeds of labor. A portion of work output would be distributed NOT on the basis of work.
Rather, some would be held back for the provision of collective goods, for non-work income, or surplus reinvested for growth — all of which is described in 'Critique of the Gotha Program.'
The above still bears, I think, a great resemblance to capitalism — with the work, the pay, the income transfers,retained earnings, and growth.
Marx says this is all transitional to something else, is my reading. The something else tends toward the final phase, of "from each according to his abilities, to each according to his needs."
If you don't pay people for their work, they are either volunteering their labor free of charge, or being coerced (drafted or enslaved).
Of course, Marx's entire critique of capitalism rests on the idea that wages are an instrument that disguises a form of coerced labor, so he would want to get away from that.
I think a fair reading would say he doesn't think imposed work can vanish right away, nor can humanity ever entirely be spared the need for sharing some drudgery in order to live.
The key issue for post-capitalist social labor is: how do you fill the work slots you need in the amounts needed without coercion or material incentive. I believe Marx backhandedly acknowledges this in his discussions of freedom versus necessity.
His main focus there is NOT on incentives versus voluntarism versus coercion in order to elicit the labor needed for plan fulfillment — but, rather, he assumes that will all happen somehow.
His main focus instead is on productivity increasing progressively over time, thereby shrinking the realm of necessity (labor) and enlarging the realm of freedom (activity).
Thus, such prodigious growth in productivity would allow for the forecast transition between the lower and the higher phases of communism, enabling a qualitative alteration in the relation to work alongside the quantitative reduction of 'necessary' labor time.
It is an exchange of labors not of products and thus not commodity production.
Re: the "main difference" between labor certificates and money: Is the defining character of money that it can circulate continuously as a result of some "plan", by fiat? This is definitely not Marx's conception. For him money appears naturally within commodity production because private labor must take the form of universal, general labor in order to be social. Likewise in the lower phase of communism, the reason labor certificates are not money is not because some entity declares this but rather because there is no private labor and individual labor does not need to take the form of general universal labor in order to become social. If instead private labors measure their social worth by measuring the value of commodities against universal social labor then it doesn't matter if you call the representation of this universal labor "money" or "labor certificate". It doesn't matter if you declare by fiat that the money can't circulate. The money will do what it wants and society will bend to the will of value production instead of the other way around.
"This return to directly social labor, you reason, is to be accomplished by reversal of all conditions giving rise to indirect social labor (although this doesn't seem to be explicitly stated by Marx) ."
To eliminate anything you must eliminate the conditions that give rise to it. That's just basic logic. I don't think I'm going out on a limb here. It's not an inference just to assume that Marx understands basic logic. Furthermore, in Marx's examples of different modes of production, in the fetishism section of vol 1 and in the Critique of Political Economy, he is pretty clear about what makes capitalist labor uniquely social in relation to other modes of production. I don't think I'm making any inference. I'm just saying what's in the text.
Re: "transition"
I am not talking about a transition. I am talking about what makes a communist mode of production distinct from a capitalist mode of production. What sort of transition leads to a different mode of production is a different question. You propose a transition in which SNLT is not eliminated. This is a separate question than what I have been talking about in our recent conversation. Your "transition" would still be a capitalist mode of production because there would still be all of the defining aspects of commodity production. Thus it's not really a "transition". In fact it appears that the idea of a transitory mode of production is a nonsense idea.
"I think a fair reading would say he doesn't think imposed work can vanish right away, nor can humanity ever entirely be spared the need for sharing some drudgery in order to live." What text do you base this "fair reading" on?
No. The "key issue" is being clear on what does and does not constitute a break with capitalist production.
Well, why has no commune or nation yet been able to make a break with capitalist production by the simple expedient of scrapping individual material incentives for work, as you suggest?
you say I suggest a contrived social change by fiat, yet there is still a residual arbitrariness if the certificates yield any entitlement whatever to a definite amount of goods.
why isn't this arrangement not equally a fiat measure? won't an "entity" have to exist in order to issue and/or redeem certificates?
The certificates only apply towards plan fulfillment, and Marx says they don't circulate except once – sure, that's arbitrary restriction but that is his specification, not mine.
yes, certificates might be used like money for accumulating value if people circulate them outside the collective's redemption scheme.
Marx offers no reasons to think this won't happen, apart from the certificate system ocurring under the political rule of the proletariat.
saying that its trading labor for labor, rather than labor for goods or goods for goods is only semantics.
people work an hour, they get a hour token, & trade it in for goods produced by others made within an hour's time.
would a service trading economy be any less a commodity exchange than a goods trading economy?
fixing on goods being traded rather than labors doesn't seem to get at the fundamental nature of a "change" ( I'm using this word since you don't like "transition").
why is that single attribute the linchpin of a post-capitalist future, and not say, production by central planning, worker self-management or some other priority?
it seemed to me that a reasonable interpretation would be that a democratically determined plan establishes what is needed as labor in order to get a certain product, and that fact is what makes it a more directly social process as compared to market exchange. however, such a straightforward interpretation, you say, is wrong.
States basing their rationale on Marxist texts have been unable so far to solve problems of production, productivity or efficiency. These include the two nations with, respectively, the largest land mass and the largest population in the world. there was time, space and resources available. to make it work, so tbat is not the reason for any failure there.
so the question of efficiency, if not "the key issue," still remains an important unanswered question.
allanrharris says:
Does Marx say that a product does not become a commodity until after it is sold?
No. Did I imply that somewhere in this post?
No. I was thinking of this: " Labour on the basis of exchange values presupposes, precisely, that neither the labour of the individual nor his product are directly general; that the product attains this form only by passing through an objective mediation by means of a form of money distinct from itself."
Thus, labor as exchange value assumes that the the product is not directly general, not a commodity, until it is mediated through a money sale. Also, Engels' note to Ch. 1, of Capital; "To become a commodity a product must be transferred to another, whom it will serve as a use value, by means of an exchange." Doesn't this mean that a product becomes a commodity only by an exchange, i.e. through an exchange of money?
In other words capitalism produces direct, individual objects which become indirect, generalized, social objects, commodities, through an exchange of money? Or, that a product becomes a commodity only at the time of sale.
Hello, what do you thinks about this marx criticism: http://socialdemocracy21stcentury.blogspot.com/
There are a lot of different critiques on that website. Can you be more specific?
Masculinity and Wisdom says:
Regarding what you said here: economy of time becomes "law" to a "higher degree".
This struck me as a perfect explanation as to why communist leaders transformed the state into brutal and pervasive dictatorships. They believed they had a higher cause in mind as to what people should labor for and how much will be required of them. This led to a situation where the average person was literally controlled cradle to grave and anyone who spoke out against it was executed.
Actually I think the exploitation of labor in the Soviet Union stemmed from the same cause as in the rest of the capitalist world: labor in the USSR was indirectly social. I don't think the Soviet state broke from the capitalist mode of production. I don't think Marx is referring to this sort of economy of time in this passage. Rather, I believe he is referring to the ways in which technology could be used to liberate workers rather than dominate them if production was planned for social use rather than value production.
A Wise Man says:
Even if I were to agree with you about the 'cause of exploitation', the brutality experienced by workers in the USSR is far beyond anything workers experience in capitalist economies. Essentially what your arguing for is the 'no true Scotsman fallacy'; that for whatever reason the USSR didn't practice 'true communism'.
I don't know if that it is true that the "brutality" of the experience of workers in the USSR was "far beyond anything experienced by workers in capitalist economies." Actually, the sentence doesn't make sense from the theoretical perspective which I take, that the USSR was a state-capitalist society. If this is the case, then your sentence doesn't actually make any sense. This also addresses why the supposed fallacy you mention does not hold. I am not arguing that the USSR was some sort of deformed communism that fell short of the mark of true communism. I am arguing that it was not communism in any sense at all.
Strannik says:
I think USSR must be considered as a complex, evolving system existing in a capitalistic environment. It seems to me that state capitalism implies two things – first, that it was state who made decisions about USSR capital and second, that USSR enterprises exploited labour for profit.
But in reality it was Party/Military hierarchy who determined which people make decisions anywhere in state apparatus and USSR enterprises were, for most of it's history, forbidden from making profit.
In capitalist economy, workers do not have money. In USSR we never had problems with money, the problem was getting anything for money. When commodities, legally, appeared anywhere, you could buy them without problems. But usually you needed connections to know when and where they appear.
I agree that as a general rule USSR did not produce as Marx envisions it. But it's more like – the mechanism was there, but certain closed communities (party, military, bureaucracies) were constantly interfering with communal production for "emergency reasons". There sort of was a system of communal production, but it was dominated by organizations not part of that community and communal production had to deal with leftovers.
Do you think the average person is capable of working for the greater whole (producing for social use), rather than for their own personal gain?
I'm not convinced that is the issue at stake here, in the discussion of indirectly social labor.
Let me put it this way. Market economies appear to create much higher standards of living than do planned economies. Wouldn't you agree?
1. I don't see what this has to do with your previous comment. What do standards of living have to do with the motivation of individuals to do work? You don't seem to be "putting it this way" but instead raising a separate question.
2. The issue of indirectly social labor has nothing to do with the distinction between markets and planning. It has to do with the capitalist mode of production vs the directly social labor of a communist society. Since a capitalist society could be organized through planning or markets are a combination of the two, I don't think your question has anything to do with the issues in this post.
I agree that capitalist societies can and are 'mixed economies'. But can a communist economy be anything other than a planned economy? Based on your material, it seems like your answer would be no because market dynamics make it impossible for a worker to be fully compensated for his labor; e.g. the amount of effort and toil that goes into producing something will not be rewarded if there is no demand for for the fruits of his labor. Forgive me if my comments are off topic from this post. But I'm just trying to have a conversation with you, and unless you have a better place for it, or you aren't interested, let me know.
What I meant by my comment is that when you say "market economies appear to have a higher standard of living than planned economies," I can only infer that you are referring to some prior, historically existing planned economy like perhaps the soviet union. However the USSR, in my estimation was not communist but state capitalist. The category "indirectly social labor" is developed as a critique of capitalist production and thus applies equally to, say, US capitalism and the USSR. It is not a category that critiques markets vs planning.
It also has nothing to do with the standard of living in a country. Yes, a communist society has to be planned. But I see no inherent reason why planning would result in a lower "standard of living". Regardless, your previous comments seemed to be about directly social labor and not planning, and now you seem to have changed the topic.
When I refer to your comments being off-topic I mean that rather than responding to any of the comments I have written in response to your comments you seem to be introducing different "critiques" of my position with each successive comment, rather than taking the time to engage with anything I've written. It doesn't seem that you are trying to have a conversation at all, but rather just throw out different objections without actually taking the time to try to understand the position I am trying to articulate. When you say "let me put it this way," but instead you change topics, this is not "trying to have a conversation". In fact, it is the opposite of a conversation.
Alright, so the USSR was not a planned economy. Rather, it was state capitalism. I'd like you to explain that a bit more, but I'll assume it's true for the moment. In any case, the USSR made some kind of attempt at a centrally planned economy, and at the very least the spirit of communism was in the people. So even the attempt at a communistic economy, let alone the actual achievement of it, led to a brutal dictatorship and a hierarchy unchecked by the market, democracy, or even the most fundamental of things which is wanting to look for the well being of one's own people because one's allegiance to the communistic ideology and all that entails. So even if a communistic society in theory can remedy the what some see as the 'injustices' inherent in a market economy; the mere attempt at implementing communism leads to brutal dictatorships because it's a system that is incompatible with human nature.
I don't think you are following what I've been saying. The USSR was a planned economy AND it was state capitalist. The metric of what would make something capitalist or communist is not the planning vs market dichotomy but instead the directly social vs indirectly social dichotomy. In order for you to argue that, "the mere attempt at implementing communism leads to brutal dictatorships because it's a system that is incompatible with human nature," you would have to establish not only that the USSR attempted to make labor directly social, but also that it's failure to achieve this was not due to particular reasons but universal reasons applying to any capitalist country in any time. You would also need to make some argument about universal human nature. I don't think any of these three things are true so I don't know how one would argue them, but I am curious to see you try.
Man does not work for the purpose of society, man works for himself. When numerous men do this alongside each other, a market economy organically emerges. If a communist state were to impose a system of 'social labor', individual men would no longer be laboring for themselves, but for what the state deems appropriate, e.g. the nation, God, society, etc. This economic system inevitably becomes a brutal dictatorship of coercive work, devolving into a network of forced labor camps. Consequently, any semblance of a market is destroyed as well because the regime also has to control how much access each individual has to the goods and services they produce. The state bureaucracy inevitably grows out of control and becomes ever more controlling and violent. Depression, fear, decreased productivity, black markets, and secrecy become the MO for the average individual in this kind of society.
I am once again astonished at the lack of ability of many people to engage with the actual ideas at stake, and rather to have their own conversation with themselves, ignoring everything I write. I can only understand this as trollish behavior, whether or not it is intentional. I have no choice but to block this user. I understand that many of the ideas I am discussing go against everyday conceptions or commonly accepted wisdom. But unless a reader is willing to engage with what I am writing there is no ability to have a constructive dialogue. Instead we just get the juvenile comment graffiti which takes up so much room on the internet.
Murciélago says:
I agree with you. I think most of Marx's topics are really complex and require a certain degree of discipline and commitment to comprehend. Perhaps I am particularly slow, but I have taken it upon myself to understand Marx's political economy which took several years of regimented reading and research on my part (including various interpretations from D. Harvey, E. Mandel and I. Rubin). You are one of the very few people I read online who bothered even mentioning "direct social labor" and the "economy of time" (average labor-time as a unit of calculation) as distinctive socialist economic principles that supersede the law of value, and the role of labor certificates instead of money in such organizations. Your videos and writings are phenomenal, but very intense. People are perhaps more educated in the western world, but I have come to believe that it only begets a world of educated stupid people.
"Man (Which man? Under what social conditions? In which environment?) does not work for the purpose of society (Which society – family, town, nation, humanity? What does "work" entail in society we speak of?), man works for himself (How to draw line between working for yourself and working for people you love?)".
It seems to me, in Marxism concepts do not just mean different things, what concepts ARE is completely different from bourgeois worldview. The comment above is certainly logically shoddy by any standards, but from Marxist point of view it makes no sense at all.
I would argue, that direct social labour is always present at least on household level. The possible maximum size of a collective production unit depends probably on technical (productive and communicative) capabilities of a society – the greater the means of communication, the less possibility there is for an individual member to "slack" and the greater the productive capacity, the less does it *matter* if an individual community member slacks. What does matter is whether an individual is a valued member of community, and "valued" in this case is not directly dependent whether they are toiling away 24/7.
Is this what Marx is talking about in these Grundrisse passages?
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A credit card number is required to confirm the booking. A deposit will be charged by TemptingPlaces in Euros to the credit card upon reservation. An additional deposit of 1 night stay will be charged by hotel upon the reservation. Outstanding balance will be paid directly to the hotel in local currency. Please note that the hotel reserves the right to pre-authorize your credit card prior to arrival. Exchange rates are for information only. Rates might be subjected to additional taxes and fees as determinated by hotel.
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Note that children age 12 and older are charged the adult rate. Please include them in the number of adults in your reservation. Below 4 years old, the baby cot will be provided for free. Above 4 years old, the extra bed will be charged 1750 THB.
For any cancellation 14 days prior to arrival, 100% of the first night of the reservation will be charged by the hotel. In case of No-Show or Early Departure, 100% of the total amount of the reservation will be charged by the hotel. The cancellation policies may vary according to the type of rate and offer booked.
Relax even more at the library and choose between a large choice of books, CD, DVD, magazine and international newspapers or use your laptop to surf on High Speed internet.
The Spa is an invitation to the well being where the care and therapy are offered by the specialists combining the best of the Occidental and Oriental therapeutic practices. The view onto the ocean is splendid. Three suites has a private hammam. . You may add to the list the beauty salon for manicure, pedicure, waxing, hair and make-up.
The magnificent pool is hand-carved into the cliff and beautifully lit by multiple optic-fiber lamps.
Take a cooking class at the Recipe cuisine school. The restaurant chefs will take you to the market to show you how to select the best ingredients and will work with you to personalize your menu and to customize your cooking style.
The Ocean Pool Suite benefits from a larger intimacy with a private terrace, and outdoor pool & shower. The beautiful panorama overlooks the sea. King size bed , sitting area and a separated bathroom. Occupancy of 2 persons.
The Cliff Pool Villa has a vast living sala on the oceanfront and the bedroom looks over the pool. Two bathrooms are available, one indoor, one outdoor, and a well-stocked wine cellar. Occupancy of 2 persons.
The Spa Pool Suite is devoted to intimacy. The private infinity pool with private steam room, the bathroom and Jacuzzi are set around a beautiful terrace for romantic dinners. King size bed, sitting area and bathroom. Occupancy of 2 persons.
Ultimate luxury living, the Grand Residence Pool Villa offers a space of 660sq.m: private infinity pool, private pavilion with a living & dining area, spacious veranda, indoor and outdoor bathrooms. Fully equipped kitchen with a wine fridge, personal chef & butler service. Occupancy of 2 persons.
Two bedroom Ocean Pool Residence is made of two adjoining suites on the second floor of the Grand Villa with joint access to an overflowing 12 meter infinity pool. The suite features large daybed living area and bedroom, both with views to the Andaman Sea. The balcony accesses the large infinity pool shared by the two bedroom. Occupancy of 4 persons.
The rate includes breakfast, wifi internet access, 10% service charge, 7% VAT and 1% city tax.


text:
Microsoft » IE » 4.70.1158 : Security Vulnerabilities (CVSS score >= 5)
Cpe Name:cpe:/a:microsoft:ie:4.70.1158
Microsoft Internet Explorer before 8 uses the HTTP Host header to determine the context of a document provided in a (1) 4xx or (2) 5xx CONNECT response from a proxy server, which allows man-in-the-middle attackers to execute arbitrary web script by modifying this CONNECT response, aka an "SSL tampering" attack.
Microsoft Internet Explorer before 8 displays a cached certificate for a (1) 4xx or (2) 5xx CONNECT response page returned by a proxy server, which allows man-in-the-middle attackers to spoof an arbitrary https site by letting a browser obtain a valid certificate from this site during one request, and then sending the browser a crafted 502 response page upon a subsequent request.
3	 CVE-2006-0585 DoS 2006-02-07 2018-10-19
jscript.dll in Microsoft Internet Explorer 6.0 SP1 and earlier allows remote attackers to cause a denial of service (application crash) via a Shockwave Flash object that contains ActionScript code that calls VBScript, which in turn calls the Javascript document.write function, which triggers a null dereference.
4	 CVE-2009-2576 399 DoS 2009-07-22 2018-10-10
Microsoft Internet Explorer 6.0.2900.2180 and earlier allows remote attackers to cause a denial of service (CPU and memory consumption) via a long Unicode string argument to the write method, a related issue to CVE-2009-2479. NOTE: it was later reported that 7.0.6000.16473 and earlier are also affected.
Microsoft Internet Explorer 6.0.2900.2180 and earlier allows remote attackers to cause a denial of service (CPU consumption and application hang) via JavaScript code with a long string value for the hash property (aka location.hash), a related issue to CVE-2008-5715.
The JavaScript implementation in Microsoft Internet Explorer 8.0 and earlier does not properly restrict the set of values contained in the object returned by the getComputedStyle method, which allows remote attackers to obtain sensitive information about visited web pages by calling this method.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Sharing Thanks for the Year That Was
Funder effectiveness matters.
It matters because funders have a unique ability to contribute to change. It matters because more effective funders can have a profoundly positive impact on the organizations they support — and thus on the people, issues, and communities those organizations serve. It really matters now, in a year that has been particularly challenging for many of us in the nonprofit and philanthropic community.
That's why we at CEP are so committed to spreading more effective philanthropic practice.
As my colleagues and I on CEP's Assessments and Advisory Services team reflect on a busy 2017, we want to take a moment to thank all the funders we've worked with over the past year.
We also want to thank the grantees, declined applicants, staff, and donors who generously took the time to share their experiences in their responses to our assessment surveys — and without whom we would not be able to bring data-driven insights to funders. To all who responded to one of our nearly 80 surveys, thank you for offering your honest reflections that help funders learn and get better.
Thank you to the 11,467 grantees that provided feedback in 2017 through the Grantee Perception Report (GPR). You helped us provide 50 funders with grantee feedback.
Thank you to the 727 declined applicants that provided feedback in 2017 through the Applicant Perception Report (APR). You helped us provide eight funders with feedback from their declined applicants.
Thank you to the 1,627 donors that provided feedback in 2017 through the Donor Perception Report (DPR). You helped us provide 12 community foundations with donor feedback.
Thank you to the 1,123 foundation staff that provided feedback in 2017 through the Staff Perception Report (SPR). You helped us provide eight funders with staff feedback.
But, as we at CEP well know, not everything can be quantified. Reflecting on the many presentations our team has made to foundation staff and board members, the numerous conversations we've had with funders about the data and their assessment results, and the many ways in which funders are using the feedback to improve their work, there's more thanks to give. Here's a few examples:
To the first-time GPR user who said, "We really needed to hear this feedback," thank you.
To the foundation board member who said, "It's not often enough that we have the grantee perspective in this room," thank you.
To the foundation CEO who said their GPR results "help us understand the value of support beyond the grant check," and whose foundation is using its grantee feedback data to provide more of the highly-valued non-monetary support to its grantees, thank you.
To the foundation CEO who articulated that their GPR results affirmed that the foundation's focus on advocacy is working, and who is using the data to double down on this effort, thank you.
To the staff and board at a foundation who committed, based on grantee feedback, to deepening their understanding of the social, cultural, and socioeconomic factors in which grantees work, and doing more to ensure beneficiary perspectives are incorporated across their work, thank you.
To the community foundation CEO whose DPR results have informed their plans for ensuring that their community knowledge and leadership helps them support local needs more effectively, thank you.
To the foundation CEO who didn't shy away from difficult conversations about challenging results, and who saw the data as a moment to pause and reflect when it might have been easier to deflect and reject, thank you.
To the foundation whose staff — acting on feedback and suggestions from declined applicants — will, going forward, explain why a proposal was declined and provide feedback to help strengthen future applications, thank you.
To the foundation staff members who asked grantees for their input on an upcoming strategic planning process, and who then incorporated grantee perspectives into their planning, thank you.
To the many funders who shared their time with other funders seeking to learn from exemplars, thank you.
To the many funders who publicly shared their results back with their stakeholders, and who are holding themselves accountable to ongoing improvement, thank you.
To all who have worked with us over the past year, we wouldn't be able to do this work without your commitment to hearing — and acting on — candid feedback. Thank you.
Naomi Orensten is director, assessment & advisory services at CEP.
Naomi OrenstenDirector, Research
more posts by naomi
Strengthening Nonprofits: The Value of Complementing Multiyear GOS Grants with Capacity Building Supports
A Pivotal Moment of Real Change for Philanthropy?
advisory services, Donor Perception Report, Grantee Perception Report, Staff Perception Report
The Necessity of Understanding Need
Nothing Should Keep Us from Listening
Why Do We Bother? The Tragedy of Foundation Reporting Requirements
Takeaways from an Introduction to the World of Philanthropy
Phil Kozenski
10 Lessons Learned for Funders and Partners Considering the GPR
Laura Bacon
Asking the Right Questions to Meet the Moment
Mena Boyadzhiev and Sonia Montoya


The Danny Hope Era is officially underway...and the beginning leaves Purdue in a pretty good position for the coming game versus Oregon. There are no major injuries in the wake of the Toledo win, the team's undefeated...and Coach Hope will be able to find plenty of things to work on in the next week.
Coach Hope talked about how the team had gone away from live hitting in the past week or so in an effort to keep the team fresh and healthy as they prepared for the season...and it showed.
Defensively, the tackling was sloppy. I don't have any idea how many missed first tackles occurred, but I can guarantee I couldn't count all of them on both hands...in the first half alone. The effort was there definitely as Purdue players pursued plays well, got to the right places and proceeded to slide off of the Rockets as if their jerseys were infused with Crisco.
While a ton of guys missed tackles, Brandon King specifically seemed to be the victim of himself time and time again, especially in the first half. King is usually a good tackler, but that wasn't the case today.
In the first half, Purdue struggled stopping the delay draw...after the Boilers changed the scheme to stop that, they couldn't stop the underneath routes. Whether a TE, RB or WR, our Boilers gave shallow crossing routes way too much space...I'm not sure if this comes from a pre-snap read or an alignment issue, but the issue needs attention.
The mental errors weren't limited to the defense. Ralph Bolden wasn't on the same page as Elliott on at least three plays...and two of those led to dire consequences- an interception and a sack for significant loss of yards.
In spite of being a generally-solid player, Keith Smith frustrated the heck out of me, especially at the end of the first half. He seemingly pulled up twice from catchable passes due to what looked to be a fear of getting "rocked". Atop that, there were quite a few dropped passes that should have been nabbed...at least one led directly to an interception.
And speaking of interceptions, Elliott had three of them...and two were from him trying to be a bit too dainty wit the rock and not just throwing the ball.
The special teams got involved in struggling...specifically on the kickoff team. Wiggs, who did something well, if I recollect correctly, didn't seem to blast the ball deep very effectively and in spite of his shallow kicks, he didn't leave the coverage team in an impossible situation...but that unit allowed Toledo to seal them off time and again...and like the defense, missed a ton of tackles to set up short fields for the Rockets.
I sound like I'm being critical...but I think much of this can be rectified.
All that said, there was a ton to smile about too.
First off, Coach Hope is 1-0...and you play to win the game, right?
Joe Elliott looked comfortable for much of the game...but why not? The offensive line seems to be one that will be very stout...especially as they get a few games under their collective belts.
The offensive sets and subsequent plays were pretty unpredictable (which I see as a huge positive) and used something that Tiller seemed to have run scared from in the last few seasons- a true full-back.
That fullback, specifically Jared Crank blew open some massive holes that led to a neary-80 yard touchdown, and later sprung Taylor and Bolden...who both played very well. Taylor kept right around his career average and had nearly 6 yards/carry...and Bolden made me look like a genius by averaging over 11 yards/carry (I've been in love with this dude's game since the spring game back in April). Bolden's 234 yard game put him in the top-3 of all-time for single-game Purdue RB yardage. He had a good game because he attacks the hole, can lower his pads and deal out contact, can break tackles and has very good vision.
Dan Dierking and Kyle Adams also lined up as fullbacks at different times...and Dierking looked pretty solid there too. I'm not so sure Adams is a good fit at that position- who knows if we'll see more of that.
Joey Elliott's game felt like we had seen it before...not in a bad way, but in the fact that he didn't seem to be a guy in his first stop...And while Opelt had a lot more yards, Elliott left the field as the winning QB...pretty sure he's fine with that trade.
Joey's favorite target was (not surprisingly) Keith Smith. Smith made a couple very nifty catches and showed good strength, ran some solid routes...We have no reason to believe he won't get nearly 100 yards/gm. if he can keep play consistently. I hope Elliott gets the chance to get some more receivers in the flow of the game in the coming weeks, especially Adams and Lindsay. Both of these tight ends lined up in the slot multiple times...an example of some of the different looks Coach Nord gave to Toledo.
Carlos and Edison both had impressive debuts as they both found the endzone...but I really liked the way Gary Bush looked in the Purdue uni, although I don't believe he had a ball thrown his way- he reminds me of a UM receiver- long-armed, big strides and solid strength for blocking.
Defensively, Mike Neal looked very strong and Kerrigan hit Opelt quite a few times in the backfield...and Nickaro Golding stood out to me as a guy that was very active all game. In the next level, Carlino and Holland both made some impressive plays, but Werner was flying around and very-involved all day...he led the team with 13 tackles.
The experienced defensively backfield didn't quite yet seem to be ready for primetime...but both Pender and Williams had flashes of brilliance.
Lastly, but surely not least, Carson Wiggs blasted another 59 yarder, the longest of his career (he had a 53 yarder at aOSU last year)...I think he'll hit a true 60 yarder (or more) this season and set the record for the longest FG by a Purdue kicker ever.
While this game was far from a perfect effort, there was a lot to build on...If Purdue can figure out how to consistently tackle, we might be in for a very good game in Eugen in 6 days.
My son and I got to meet Chris Kramer after the game...Kramer is a huge fan of boilerdowd Jr...he just wanted a photo with him.


One of the biggest perks when moving from the GTA in particular are the amazing parks in Barrie and the plethora of recreational opportunities. Barrie has an abundant amount of greenspace, ranging from the expansive waterfront (link to waterfront page) to dense, forested hiking trails. One of our absolute favourites is Ardagh Bluffs! This 518 acre natural area is right in town, which means that it is accessible by foot from so many great neighbourhoods in the South West of Barrie. This is a great multi-season park that provides great opportunities for hiking, biking, bird watching, geocaching, snowshoeing, cross-country skiing and tobogganing. For those looking to venture outside of town for a good hike, Barrie's surrounding areas provide some amazing trails.
There are many groomed parks in Barrie as well that provide sports fields and playgrounds. Over the last few years, the city has invested in improving community parks with many sites receiving completely new and creative play structures. Sunnidale Park in Barrie's North end provides kids with a fire safety themed playground, complete with a zip line, while Lampman Lane Park was recently renovated to include a splash pad, new playground equipment, a skatepark and a basketball court.
Throughout the city, local Community Centres provide swimming pools, gymnasiums, workout facilities and arenas. Seasonally, the City of Barrie publishes a recreation guide with opportunities for family members of all ages to sign up for classes, including activities such as swimming, baby massage, woodworking and more! Throughout the city, you can also find 6 city-maintained outdoor rinks, as well as a number of volunteer-maintained ice rinks.
If winter recreation is your thing, Barrie is your place! We know how to do winter (which I'm sure you've heard). Just minutes from Barrie you'll find Snow Valley and Horseshoe Resort, both providing downhill ski and snowboarding experiences (Snow Valley also offers snow tubing). If you are looking to venture a little further, you will find more downhill adventures at Mount St. Louis Moonstone, which prides itself on it's freestyle terrain parks. Snowshoers and cross-country skiers in the area flock to Hardwood Ski & Bike in Oro-Medonte which offers 40 kilometres of groomed trails for outdoor fun.
The parks in Barrie aren't just limited to the two legged members of your family! There are some great opportunities to take your fur babies on an adventure of their own at the designated Dog Off-Leash Recreation Areas (DOLRA). Sunnidale DOLRA provides over 7 acres of wooded trail area for you and your pup to wander through, while Barrie Molson Centre DOLRA provides two separate fenced off areas (one specifically for small dogs) and a natural area for hiking through. Beyond Barrie, dog owners will find off-leash areas in Bradford, Innisfil, Midland, Orillia, Penetanguishene and Wasaga Beach.
Have any other questions about the local parks and recreation?


Can Crown Lengthening Beautify Your Smile?
Oftentimes a smile that shows too much gum tissue makes teeth appear too small for your mouth. Most of us have substantial tooth structure, we just don't see enough of it to have the full effect of the whole tooth. This exposure of tooth structure through tissue and or gum removal is called crown lengthening. A well trained cosmetic dentist can use crown lengthening (also called a gum lift) to beautify your smile by allowing you visibility of more natural tooth structure. There are other uses for crown lengthening as well.
Crown lengthening has multiple uses but has gained popularity as a cosmetic procedure. Crown lengthening can be used to remove bone and/or gum tissue from surrounding teeth. From a cosmetic standpoint, the reshaping of uneven gum tissue can make teeth appear more even without the need for braces or veneers. If tooth decay or fractures fall under the gum line, it is necessary to remove bone to allow for better access and support for a dental restoration such as a crown.
What Does The Crown Lengthening Procedure Involve?
Crown lengthening is actually a very simple procedure that gives dramatic results. The procedure is performed under local anesthesia. Following numbing of the area, the dentist will begin to remove the excess gum tissue. For most procedures only gum tissue will need to be removed and generally healing does not involve stitches. In others a small amount of bone will also need to be removed. Following completion, the gum tissue is stitched back together to allow for a speedy healing process.
-One Time Procedure. A major advantage to crown lengthening is that it only needs to be completed once. No follow up is needed.
-Increased Dental Hygiene Access. With more tooth exposed dental hygiene can be completed even easier. With more tooth exposed it will be easier to keep your teeth clean.
-Speed. The entire procedure takes about 30-60 minutes with dramatic results following initial healing over the next 7-10 days.
-Surgical Considerations. As with any surgery, the risks include pain, swelling, excessive bleeding, and possible infection. If you are in good health, do not require medication, and have good oral hygiene, risks are generally minimal.
-Recovery. Initial healing is fast, you should see your tissue looking better in a few days. Normal recovery should take 2-8 weeks. Tissue healing takes a few weeks while bone healing takes almost 2 months.
-Price. Cost is always a factor but dental insurance often picks up part of the price if there is periodontal pocketing or inadequate tooth structure to prepare for a crown. Photos, xrays, and periodontal charting are usually required for preauthorization.
When your crown lengthening procedure is completed, you may be given a prescription for a pain reliever. You may also be advised to use ice to reduce any swelling. There may be dietary restrictions. You can expect to return to the dental office in 7-10 days to evaluate healing and to remove the stitches if they were placed.
When healing is complete, you may move onto other cosmetic or restorative dentistry procedures. These may include crowns, bridges, or porcelain veneers. It is important for full healing to take place before proceeding to other treatment. A healthy foundation makes for a stable platform for dental restorations.
Sometimes, a relatively simple procedure can save you from much more extensive treatment or loss of an otherwise unrestorable tooth. It is important to see a well qualified cosmetic dentist or periodontist to have your smile evaluated to see if the treatment is right for you.


text:
MacUser
By Serenity Caldwell, Macworld | PT
Remains of the Day: I spy
It's the end of the week, and there's plenty to spy: press events, source code support, and patent fights, oh my! The remainders for Friday, September 23, 2011 are seeking something blue.
Amazon holding press conference on September 28th, tablet coming? (This is my next)
Apple won't be the only one (reportedly) introducing new hardware this fall: According to invitations received by This is my next and others on Friday, Amazon's set to unveil something on September 28 in New York City. Details are slim, but general speculation is that the company plans to reveal its first tablet computer. Really, as long as they don't announce that Amazon is splitting its mail and ebook service in two and renaming the former, I'll be happy. (Nobody wants to order hardcover books from Amazombo.)
Support for quad-core ARM CPU shows up in Apple's Xcode, but why? (Ars Technica)
Lookie here: Apparently Apple has added support for a quad-core ARM processor into the compiler source code for Xcode, the company's app development program. What does this mean? Any number of things. My personal favorite: Developers have too much free time on their hands if they're digging through Apple's source code rather than actively working on their own applications.
Privacy Win: Apple and Dropbox Join Fight to Reform Electronic Privacy Law (EFF)
"When the government comes knocking, who has your back?" Among other companies, Apple and Dropbox, according to a missive posted Thursday on the Electronic Frontier Foundation's blog. Both companies have joined the Digital Due Process coalition, which focuses on overhauling the government's outdated surveillance and privacy laws in regards to electronic communication. Unfortunately, just because Apple may have your back against Congress, I'd be wary about relying on the company in, say, a bar fight. (Although, who knows. There may be an app for that.)
VIA Sues Apple for Patent Infringement (VIA Technologies)
What would Friday be without some hot new legal action against everyone's favorite Cupertino fruit company? In this round, Taiwanese x86 processor manufacturer VIA ("Very Innovative Architecture") Technologies is alleging that Apple's iOS devices (and Apple TV) are infringing upon several of its microprocessor patents; as such, VIA has filed a complaint with both the ITC and a lawsuit in the US District Court of Delaware. The patents cover such fascinating technology as "double operand load," "bi-directional conversion," "transfer of integer and floating point data," and "the ability to file angry lawsuits years after infringing devices have been on the market."
Samsung vows to step up legal action against Apple for 'free riding' on its inventions (AppleInsider)
VIA's not the only one with a beef against Apple, oh no: Top dog in this match goes to South Korean electronics giant Samsung. On Friday, the company declared that it was tired of being "passive" in legal battles with Cupertino, and planned on becoming "more aggressive" in the coming months. First move: Replace all the lawyers with attack dogs. With bees in their mouths. And when they bark, they shoot bees at you.


I have one PC on which we installed kepware software (MODBUS-TCP client). Now we connect one Gateway device (MODBUS-TCP server). We have connected 10 devices to this Gateway device through a wired connection. Now as per my understanding, if I want to configure client, then one way is just allocate 10 different register address for each device parameter like 10000 for device-1 (voltage), 10001 for device-2 (voltage) and so on. But if all devices are in the same category (Means they are providing their voltage), then I think this is the wrong way for development. So can we do like allocating each device as one unique number (we can called it a device identifier), and get their parameter value of the device through register address 10000? If its possible, then can you explain to me how to achieve this or do you have any reference document?
This gateway in it's most basic configuration provides all routing between TCP and RTU.
Every Modbus RTU slave should have a unique ID. In Kepware you can access all these devices independently by using the IP address followed by the node name: '192.168.1.10.x' Search for 'Bridge' in the Kepware manual. Now you can use the same registry addresses for every node.


text:
La Grange High School is a public high school in La Grange, Texas (US).  It is a part of the La Grange Independent School District located in central Fayette County.  In 2015, the school was rated "Met Standard" by the Texas Education Agency.

School song
We pledge dear Alma mater,
To wear your purple and gold,
To defend your name and banner,
As students did of old,
As our band plays on the side lines,
And our team fights on the field,
The spirit of your followers will never let you yield.
In all of life's great struggles,
That any of us may face,
We pledge the same devotion, to bring you honor and grace.

According to tradition, fans and students are to make the letter "L" with their hand during the school song.

Fight song
And when the dear old Leopards fall in line,
We'll win a game another time,
And for the Leopards we will yell and yell,
And for the Leopards we will yell and yell and yell,
And we will fight, fight, fight, for every yard,
We'll circle in and hit that line so hard,
That we will roll old (School Name),
In the sod, in the sod, Rah! Rah!Fight-Fight-Fight.''

Athletics
La Grange High School is classified as a 4A school by the UIL. The La Grange Leopards compete in these sports.

Cross Country, Volleyball, Football, Basketball, Powerlifting, Swimming, Soccer, Golf, Tennis, Track, Softball & Baseball

State titles
 Football
 1975 (2A), 2000 (3A/D2)
 Baseball
 1973 (3A), 2001 (3A), 2004 (3A), 2013 (3A)
 Girls Softball
 2005 (3A), 2014 (3A), 2016 (4A)
 Boys Track
 1923 (B)

Notable athletes
 Johnnie Johnson – Member of the Los Angeles Rams from 1980 to 1988.  Played Safety for the University of Texas from 1976 to 1979.  Unanimous All-America selection at defensive back in 1978 and 1979.  Elected to College Football Hall of Fame on in 2007.
 Homer Bailey – Cincinnati Reds Pitcher (Drafted #7 in 2004 MLB Draft, pitched two no-hitters.)
 Jeff Kelly – Linebacker for Kansas State University.  Member of the Atlanta Falcons from 1999–2002 and Toronto Argonauts in 2006.
 Trey Supak – Pitcher for Pittsburgh Pirates. (Drafted #73 Overall in The 2014 First-year Player Draft.)
J.K. Dobbins – Running back for the Ohio State Buckeyes 2017–2019. Running back for the Baltimore Ravens

References

External links
 La Grange ISD

Schools in Fayette County, Texas
Public high schools in Texas

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Malibu Wakesetter Lsv 23 boats for sale in United States
265 Boats Available
Currency $ - USD - US Dollar
Malibu Wakesetter 23 LSV
The legendary 23 LSV is the best-selling towboat of all time because it undeniably delivers on everything a family needs for a memory making day on the water in a size class that perfectly balances performance, space and agility—all in a sleek traditional bow form that effortlessly cuts through chop in big water. The iconic 23 LSV is better than ever with design features like a transom walk-over, completely reconfigured interior, and jaw-dropping wakeboard, wakesurf and water ski performance.
Manufacturer Specification
Elkton, Maryland
Seller Chessie Marine Sales Inc.
Sponsored Boats
Malibu Wakesetter Lsv 23
Langhorne, Pennsylvania
Hedgesville, West Virginia
Richland, Michigan
Rapid City, Michigan
Peninsula, Ohio
Seller Buckeye Sports Center
Huron, Ohio
Seller Buckeye Sports Center Huron
Meredith, New Hampshire
Seller East Coast Flightcraft Inc.-Middleton
Atlanta, Indiana
Seller Mid Indiana Marine
Seller Gull Lake Marine - Richland
Comstock Park, Michigan
Seller Tommy's Grand Rapids
Country: United States Remove Filter country:united-states
Make: Malibu Remove Filter make:malibu
Model: Wakesetter Lsv 23 Remove Filter model:wakesetter-lsv-23
All New (158)
New - Available for Order (1)
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All In Stock - New and Used (264)
Ski and Wakeboard Boat
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$0 - $10000
20 - 30ft
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Any 2026 2025 2024 2023 2022 2021 2020 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011 2010 2009 2008 2007 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002 2001 2000 1999 1998 1997 1996 1995 1994 1993 1992 1991 1990 1989 1988 1987 1986 1985 1984 1983 1982 1981 1980 1979 1978 1977 1976 1975 1974 1973 1972 1971 1970 1969 1968 1967 1966 1965 1964 1963 1962 1961 1960 1959 1958 1957 1956 1955 1954 1953 1952 1951 1950 year built max Any 2026 2025 2024 2023 2022 2021 2020 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011 2010 2009 2008 2007 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002 2001 2000 1999 1998 1997 1996 1995 1994 1993 1992 1991 1990 1989 1988 1987 1986 1985 1984 1983 1982 1981 1980 1979 1978 1977 1976 1975 1974 1973 1972 1971 1970 1969 1968 1967 1966 1965 1964 1963 1962 1961 1960 1959 1958 1957 1956 1955 1954 1953 1952 1951 1950 to
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These are herbs that will increase the flow of breast-milk in a lactating woman. They do this safely without forcing any hormonal pressure on the body. However, it is essential for general health to be at its peak for the galactagogues to do their work as well as they can.
A not unusual situation in herbal medicine, little work seems to have been done on these herbs and no one seems to know!


Self Description: Feminine, romantic, talkative, smart, live to learn new things, love to travel, beach and music.
Comments: A man in my dreams: supportive, caring, honest, not jealous, understanding, smart, family man and serious looking for a long term relationship. Chemistry matching.
My additional Photos My additional Photos Thailand Tour Photos Meet Suchada On The Thailand Tour Write Me Now! Send flowers Call me Now!


Sometimes you just need outfit inspiration that doesn't come from Instagram or the runway. You need to look to something weird, wonderful and maybe a bit out of your comfort zone to really switch-up your style choices; or to reignite a passion for fashion.
That's what I did this week. 18 December and I was feeling the slump.
As heavy as I'm sure to feel after Christmas lunch, my routine mixing-and-matching, styling and accessorising was weighing me down.
Clicking onto a random art article one morning, I am drawn in by Monet's classic - the water lilies. It bursts with pastel-hued wonder. And soon, like all internet deep-dives, I ended up looking at Cuban artist, Frida Kahlo's 'selfies'. Bright, bold and fearless, her work has conquered the visual world in so many ways, paving the way for future generations who dream only in luscious colours.
An internet avalanche-effect led me to Instagram, where I browsed South African visionaries' work like Athi-Patra Ruga and Tony Gum; who through self-portraits, installations and other visual mediums have wowed the world - showing at world-class galleries like Zeitz Mocca in Cape Town's Silo District and at the Christopher Moller Gallery.
One of the main ingredients in all these pieces, is brightness. Colour, lightness, humour and celebration all creep in – what more do you want in a (festive) outfit?
Water lilies. Dots of pastels, so perfect.
To me, pastels should never be too syrupy sweet. Pair a pastel blouse like this Zara vintage/Hawaiian shirt hybrid, with harder edge elements, like ripped black jeans rather than other pastel bits, and block heels instead of dainty sandals.
The blouse is busy like the lilies. So I made it even busier adding my absolute favourite beaded bag from NYC designer Susan Alexandra and a shell necklace – just for a bit of extra on top of extra.
Solid. One colour, zero blocking or breaking. That's what I loved in these works of art.
I almost never do this, as I have a compulsion to break up an outfit. Blue, blue and black, black. But this time I went full-throttle. Blue denim skirt, blue linen shirt, blue scrunchie and even a blue ceramic earring from Selfi, another great fashion artist.
The balloons. The Zebra-pop. It all screams festive.
How could I not wear this?
The art work inspired this, the 'fancy safari outfit'.
Not wearing a fanny pack unironically and certainly no bulky boots, I traded those in for gold sandals and tossed the binoculars, adding some hand jewels instead.


text:
Oswaldo Trigueiro de Albuquerque Mello (Alagoa Grande, Paraíba, 2 de janeiro de 1905 — Rio de Janeiro, 30 de julho de 1989) foi um advogado, diplomata, jurista e político brasileiro.

Carreira estudantil e profissional
Cursou o primário na cidade de nascimento, e o secundário no Colégio Pio X, em João Pessoa. Estudou direito na Faculdade de Direito do Recife, concluindo em novembro de 1924.

De 1925 a 1929, viveu em Teófilo Otoni, Minas Gerais, onde foi promotor de Justiça, inspetor de ensino e advogado. Cursou a Universidade de Michigan, nos Estados Unidos, em 1939–1940, obtendo o diploma em Ciência Política.

Em 1941, voltou a advogar no Rio de Janeiro, foi vice-presidente do Clube dos Advogados, secretário do Instituto dos Advogados e secretário-geral da Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil. Representou no Conselho Federal, durante muitos anos, o Conselho Seccional da Paraíba. Exerceu o cargo de embaixador, na República da Indonésia, de 1954 a 1956. Em 1960, muda-se para a nova capital do país Brasília, onde se estabeleceu como advogado, sendo indicado para integrar o Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, na qualidade de Jurista, em 1961, cargo que exerceu durante quatro anos.

Com o golpe de 1964, é nomeado procurador-geral da República pelo presidente Humberto de Alencar Castelo Branco, sendo posteriormente nomeado ministro do Supremo Tribunal Federal, por decreto de 16 de novembro de 1965, do presidente Castelo Branco, preencheu cargo criado pelo artigo 6º do Ato Institucional n.º 2, de 27 de outubro de 1965, que atribuiu nova redação ao artigo 98 da Constituição, aumentando o número de Ministros para 16. Foi empossado em 25 do referido mês.

Em 6 de fevereiro de 1969 é eleito presidente  do STF, tomando posse no dia 10 seguinte, exerceu esta função até 10 de fevereiro de 1971. Foi professor da Faculdade de Ciências Econômicas da Universidade do estado da Guanabara e professor honoris causa da Faculdade de Ciências Econômicas da Universidade Federal da Paraíba. Aposenta-se em 1975.

Carreira política
Em 1930, na Paraíba, participa da campanha da sucessão presidencial, filiado ao partido que apoiava o presidente Washington Luís. Exerceu o cargo de Prefeito de João Pessoa, em 1936–1937 nomeado pelo interventor Argemiro de Figueiredo.

Participa da campanha da sucessão presidencial, integrando a corrente que apoiava a candidatura Eduardo Gomes e que se transformou na União Democrática Nacional (UDN). Em 19 de janeiro de 1947, foi eleito governador da Paraíba, cargo em que se empossou a 6 de março daquele ano e que exerceu até 30 de junho de 1950, quando renunciou. Ainda foi eleito Deputado Federal, pela Paraíba, integrando a bancada da União Democrática Nacional. Foi membro das comissões de justiça e de diplomacia.

Ligações externas
 Biografia de Osvaldo Trigueiro de Albuquerque Melo na galeria dos ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal

Nascidos em 1905
Naturais de Alagoa Grande
Homens
Alunos da Faculdade de Direito da Universidade Federal de Pernambuco
Alunos da Universidade de Michigan
Advogados da Paraíba
Juristas da Paraíba
Prefeitos de João Pessoa
Governadores da Paraíba
Embaixadores do Brasil na Indonésia
Procuradores-Gerais da República do Brasil
Ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal
Ministros do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral
Professores da Universidade Federal da Paraíba
Mortos em 1989


text:
François Hincker est un historien moderniste, spécialiste de la Révolution française et un homme politique français né le  à Paris , où il est mort le .

Biographie
Après des études parisiennes où il fréquente le lycée Janson-de-Sailly, puis la Sorbonne, il obtient le diplôme d'études supérieure d'Histoire en 1959, puis l'agrégation en 1961.

Il enseigne d'abord dans le Nord, notamment à Valenciennes, où il a pour collègue Antoine Casanova, puis à partir de 1963 au lycée Voltaire, à Paris.

Il entame en 1967 son travail de thèse, sous la direction d'Ernest Labrousse, consacrée aux prix et salaires à Paris sous l'Ancien Régime. Assistant à la Sorbonne en 1967, il devient maitre-assistant en 1975, et maître de conférences à l'Université Paris I.

Avec son épouse, Monique, il publie l'appareil de notes d'une édition de l'Esquisse d'un tableau historique des progrès de l'esprit humain de Condorcet.

Monique et François Hincker sont les parents de quatre enfants : Catherine, Louis, Mathilde et Vincent.

Il meurt le , et est enterré au cimetière de Cassanus, commune de Causse-et-Diège (Aveyron).

Intellectuel communiste
En parallèle de sa carrière universitaire, François Hincker s'engage dans l'action militante. Militant de l'UNEF, il adhère au Parti communiste français en 1955 et entre au bureau national de l'UEC en 1959.

Militant communiste parisien pendant les années 1960 et 1970, il concentre son travail militant dans le domaine théorique et intellectuel, étant un des animateurs de la revue La Nouvelle Critique. Il obtient sa première responsabilité importante en 1974, lorsque Roland Leroy, dont il est un des proches, le désigne comme secrétaire de la commission des "intellectuels". En 1976, il entre au comité central du PCF.

Lors du congrès suivant, cependant, il n'est pas proposé par la direction pour le renouvellement de son mandat, payant sans doute l'attitude très défavorable à la rupture de l'union de la gauche de la rédaction de La Nouvelle Critique.

Il perd aussi ses responsabilités au secteur "intellectuels" du PCF, qui est réorganisé, avant que la direction du parti ne décide d'arrêter la publication de La Nouvelle Critique. Il est cependant chargé de la rédaction en chef de la nouvelle revue du parti, Révolution, mais finit par en démissionner en , en désaccord avec la ligne politique imposée par la direction du parti.

Il rejoint alors le groupe de militants proches d'Henri Fiszbin et devient rédacteur en chef de Rencontres communistes hebdo. Comme l'ensemble de l'équipe des Rencontres communistes, il est exclu du parti en . Comme les autres militants de ce groupe, il se rapproche du Parti Socialiste à la fin des années 1980, mais s'éloigne rapidement de la vie politique pour se consacrer à une activité de réflexion et d'études.

Publications

 Avec Michel Simon, Jacques Milhau, Roland Weyl et Michel Verret, Après de Gaulle ? La République !, Paris, [1962].
 La Boétie. Œuvres politiques. Discours sur la servitude volontaire (texte intégral). Mémoire sur l'édit de  (extraits). [Présentation et notes], Paris, Éditions sociales, 1963.
 Condorcet. Esquisse d'un tableau historique des progrès de l'esprit humain. Introduction et notes par Monique et François Hincker, Paris, Éditions sociales, 1966
 En collaboration avec Charles Feld, Paris au front d'insurgé, la Commune en images, Paris, Dictionnaires et encyclopédie Diderot, 1970.
 Les communistes et l'État, en collab., 1976.
 Les Français devant l'impôt sous l'Ancien régime, Paris, Flammarion, 1971.
 Le Capitalisme de la révolution industrielle au capitalisme monopoliste d'État, Paris, 19 rue Saint-Georges, 1971.
 Avec Maurice Goldring et Colette Detraz, La Grande-Bretagne en crise, Paris, Éditions sociales, 1972.
 Avec Germaine Willard, Victor Joannès, Jean Elleinstein, De la Guerre à la Libération- La France de 1939 à 1945, Paris, Éditions sociales, 1972.
 Avec Danielle Tartakowsky, Claudine Cardon, Germaine Willard… [et al.], Les Mouvements populaires : les masses et le P.C.F, Paris, Paris, Institut Maurice Thorez, 1973.
 Expériences bancaires sous l'Ancien régime, [Textes choisis et présentés], Paris, PUF, 1974.
 Problèmes.Histoire, Paris, Éditions sociales, 1975.
 Avec Jean Duma, Michel Margairaz, Georges Cogniot… [et al.], L'Histoire, Paris, L'École et la nation, 1981.
 Le Parti communiste au carrefour : essai sur quinze ans de son histoire, 1965-1981, Paris, A.Michel, 1981.
 .
 Avec Pierre-Marc de Biasi et Jacques Body, L'Histoire : Condorcet, Flaubert, Giraudoux, Paris, Belin, 1989.
 L'Europe des Lumières, Paris, la Documentation française, 1991.
 Sous la direction de Pierre Saly ; [avec la collab. de] François Hincker, Marie-Claude L'Huillier, Michel Zimmermann : La dissertation en histoire, Paris, Armand Colin, 1994. (nombreuses rééditions)
 L'impérialisme aujourd'hui, [dossier rassemblé par François Hincker et Michael Löwy], Paris, PUF, 1995.

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Articles connexes
 Henri Fiszbin
 Élection présidentielle française de 1974

Liens externes

 Jean-Paul Bertaud Hommage à François Hincker, Annales historiques de la Révolution française, 1998, Volume311,
 Claude Mazauric : «Avec François Hincker» et les témoignages de Serge Bianchi, Philippe Bourdin et Jacques Girault,  Annales historiques de la Révolution française, année 1998, volume 312, n° 1, pp. 201-216, sur Persée.fr.

Naissance en mars 1937
Naissance dans le 15e arrondissement de Paris
Historien français du XXe siècle
Personnalité du Parti communiste français
Historien moderniste français
Historien de la Révolution française
Hincker*
Décès en février 1998
Décès dans le 15e arrondissement de Paris
Décès à 60 ans


text:
Шри Джаянаша (Джайянаша, Джайянаса или Джаянага) — первый известный царь средневекового малайского государства Шривиджайя (о. Суматра), правивший в последней четверти VII века. Упоминается с титулом «божественный владыка» (punta hiyang) в надписи из Таланг Туво, датированной 684 годом. Считается основателем Шривиджайской империи, подчинившим суматранское царство Малайю и начавшим завоевание Явы. Поддерживал дипломатические отношения с китайской империей Тан.

Источники сведений о правлении Джаянаши
Первые письменные упоминания о древнемалайском государстве Шривиджайя, возникшем в юго-восточной части о. Суматра с центром в Палембанге, относятся к 70-м годам VII века. О ранней истории Шривиджайи, к периоду которой относится царствование Джаянаши, свидетельствуют немногочисленные сохранившиеся эпиграфические надписи VII—VIII веков на древнемалайском языке и на санскрите, редкие упоминания китайских хроник империи Тан и обрывочные сообщения китайского буддийского паломника И Цзина, посетившего Шривиджайю в 671, а затем проживавшего в ней в 685—689 и в 689—695 годах. Некоторые сведения указанных источников подтверждаются результатами археологических исследований.

В настоящее время известно 9 относительно полных эпиграфических текстов Шривиджайи, относящихся к VII веку, четыре из которых датированы периодом 682—686 годов — это надписи из Кедукан Букит (Палембанг, подножие холма Букит Сегунтанг, 682 или 683 год), из Таланг Туво (Палембанг, 684 год), из Каранг Брахи (верховья р. Батанг, 686 год) и из Кота Капур (о. Банка, 686 год). Данные тексты, которые наряду с ранними тямскими надписями являются древнейшими ныне известными образцами письменности на языках малайско-полинезийской группы, принято относить к периоду правления царя Шри Джаянаши, однако его имя указано лишь в одном из них — в надписи из Таланг Туво (при этом в надписи ничего не говорится о происхождении Джаянаши).

Сведения о внутренней политике
Внутренняя история Шривиджайи времён правления Джаянаши практически неизвестна. По мнению немецкого историка-ориенталиста Г. Кульке, ранняя Шривиджайя не была ещё империей, а представляла собой типичное раннее царство с сильным центром, окружённым подчинёнными ему более слабыми политиями. Этот центральный царский домен в надписях Шривиджайи VII века обозначался словом кадатуан («место правителя») и находился в районе современного города Палембанг (Южная Суматра). И царь Шривиджайи, и подчинённые ему правители политий в надписях величались титулом dātu («вождь»). Хотя царская власть и была в определённой степени ограничена могуществом местных dātu, некоторые надписи, в частности, датированные 686 годом надписи из Каранг Брахи и из Кота Капур, упоминают о случаях назначения вождей на должность царём Шривиджайи («Если они преданы мне и тем, на кого мною возложены обязанности дату»), что, вероятно, имело место на недавно покорённых Шривиджайей территориях. В качестве верховного dātu Джаянаша упоминается в надписи из Таланг Туво (684 год) с титулом пунта хийанг (punta hiyang) — «божественный владыка» (таким же титулом величается правитель в надписи из Кедукан Букит). Согласно надписи из Кедукан Букит (682 год), царь Шривиджайи располагал армией численностью более двадцати тысяч человек.

Единственным достоверно известным достижением царя Джаянаши во внутриэкономической сфере является постройка в 684 году священного парка Шрикшетра («Прекрасное поле»), сопряжённая с работами по управлению водными ресурсами — сооружением дамб и водоёмов, о чём сообщается в надписи из Таланг Туво («В 606-й год шаков, на второй день светлой половины лунного месяца, в месяц чайтра, в это самое время был сделан сад Шрикшетра… со всеми сооружёнными мною дамбами и водоёмами»). Проведение масштабных ирригационных работ царями ранней Шривиджайи подтверждается данными археологических раскопок — в районе Палембанга, у холма Букит Сегунтанг, был обнаружен детально разработанный комплекс каналов и
водоёмов, датируемый второй половиной I тысячелетия.

Религиозная политика Джаянаши, судя по сохранившимся сведениям, была направлена на распространение в Шривиджайе буддизма махаянистского толка. В своей надписи из Таланг Туво Шри Джаянаша обязуется действовать во благо своих подданных в буддийском духе и желает им всегда быть вместе с «Тремя сокровищами» — Буддой, Дхармой и Сангхой. Согласно сообщению китайского паломника-буддиста И Цзина, в последней четверти VII века в Шривиджайе было более тысячи буддийских монахов, обычаи и церемонии которых были идентичны индийским. Кроме того, в Шривиджайе проживал буддийский учитель Шакьякирти, а сам И Цзин изучал там санскритскую грамматику перед поездкой в Индию. Кроме воззрений буддизма, при Джаянаше и, вероятно, при его непосредственных предшественниках и преемниках значительную роль в религиозной картине мира жителей Шривиджайи играли так называемые «духи вод» — тандрун луах (tandrun luaḥ). Об этом свидетельствует содержание ряда эпиграфических текстов, в частности, датированной 686 годом надписи из Кота Капур, в которых приносимая царю Шривиджайи его «вассалами» клятва верности гарантировалась «духами вод» («Все вы, могущественные божества, собравшиеся вместе защищать кадатуан Шривиджаи, и вы, tandrun luaḥ, все вы, божества, — первооснова всякой клятвы!»). Таким образом, тандрун луах выступали покровителями царя Шривиджайи, защищавшими его от мятежных подданных, нарушивших принесённую клятву верности.

Сведения о внешней политике

Сохранившихся эпиграфические тексты содержат крайне скудные сведения о внешней политике Шривиджайи последней четверти VII века, к которой относится царствование Джаянаши. Надпись из Кедукан Букит, датированная 682 (или 683) годом, повествует о военном походе «божественного владыки» Шривиджайи (имя которого не названо), против неизвестного противника: «Наш божественный владыка взошёл на корабль, чтобы совершить/получить сиддхаятру… он вёл армию в двадцать тысяч [человек], а также двести следовали на кораблях и одна тысяча триста двенадцать по суше…». Слово siddhayātra может означать как «путешествие с целью обретения магической силы» (Ж. Сёдес), так и просто «успех». По предположению российского историка-ориенталиста А. О. Захарова, эта армия могла состоять не только из войск собственно царя Джаянаши, но и из войск союзных или зависимых вождей (dātu) и общины морских кочевников orang laut. Из частично сохранившихся последних строк надписи можно сделать вывод, что царь добился победы и приумножил величие и богатство Шривиджайи.

На острове Банка, что у юго-восточного побережья Суматры, напротив Палембанга, была найдена надпись из Кота Капур, датированная 686 годом, в которой упоминается завоевательный поход царя Шривиджайи в «землю Джава» («выгравирована, когда армия Шривиджайи только что отправилась в поход на землю Джава, которая не была подчинена Шривиджайе»). Индонезийский исследователь Варуно Махди предположил, что надпись из Кедукан Букит повествует о первом походе царя Шривиджайи на царство Малайю (Явадвипу), находившееся в бассейне реки Батангхари (современная индонезийская провинция Джамби). По мнению Махди, надпись из Кота Капур упоминает о втором походе армии Шривиджайи в долину Батангхари, результатом которого стало завоевание Малайю в 686 году. В подтверждение своей теории Махди ссылается на известное утверждение китайского паломника И Цзина, согласно которому в первое его посещение царства Малайю в 672 году оно было независимым, а «теперь (во второй период его пребывания в Шривиджайе в 685—689 годах) Малайю стала одной из многих подвластных стран Шривиджайи». Не отрицая саму вероятность покорения Малайю царём Джаянашей ко времени второго посещения И Цзином Шривиджайи, Захаров в отношении теории Махди справедливо отмечал, что надпись из Кедукан Букит не упоминает названия страны, бывшей целью военного похода правителя Шривиджайи, а что касается надписи из Кота Капур, то местонахождение «земли Джава» остаётся предметом научных споров.

Британский историк Д. Дж. Е. Холла считал, что в надписи из Кота Капур речь идёт о походе войск Шривиджайи на остров Ява с целью завоевания царства Тарума. Таким образом, по мнению Холла, надписи 80-х годов VII века свидетельствуют о начале возвышения Шривиджайи, направившей свои экспансионистские устремления к Малаккскому и Зондскому проливам. Контроль над проливами позволил царю Шривиджайи установить торговую гегемонию в западной части современной Индонезии, где проходили морские торговые пути между Индией и Китаем. Поэтому вполне вероятно, что именно в 80-х годах VII века (включая период правления Джаянаши) Шривиджайя начала своё превращение в могущественную морскую и островную империю. Сходных взглядов придерживался и французский ориенталист Жорж Сёдес, первый исследователь истории Шривиджайи.

Китайские источники сообщают о дипломатических отношениях между империей Тан и царством Шривиджайя (Шилифоши китайских хроник). Согласно «Синь Тан шу», первое посольство Шривиджайи прибыло к императорскому двору в 670—673 годах. По сообщению И Цзина, в 683 году в Шривиджайю прибыл китайский посол, а «Тан хуэй яо» («Собрание важнейших сведений о династии Тан») под 695 годом упоминает о нахождении в Китае послов Шривиджайи, которых направил, по предположению Ж. Сёдеса, царь Джаянаша. Следующие сведения о прибытии посольства Шривиджайи к танскому двору содержатся в «Цэ фу юань гуй» («Зерцало книжных сокровищниц») и датируются 702 годом. Данное посольство уже не могло иметь отношение к Джаянаше, поскольку источник указывает его отправителя — нового царя Шривиджайи Шри Индравармана.

Примечания

Литература

Правители Индонезии
Шривиджая
Правители Азии VII века


text:
Q: Redmine or Tracd to use for project management? Can anyone suggest which of the Redmine or Tracd would be a better option for project management? Currently I am planning to deploy it on a one project setup but plan to use it across multiple projects in the fututre. Which of the two is easier to deploy? I use windows. Any other software which is web based and comes with its own web server?
Thanks...

A: We're using Redmine on a production server and till now we didn't have any problems. I have to say Redmine is really easy to use/maintain.

A: Working with redmine, ON WINDOWS, and without any problem... everything works as expected out of the box...

A: I'd recommend Redmine like the other posters as it is more complete than Trac.  See also This question on SO.

A: If you plan to do multi-project management in the future, choose redmine. With trac you can have multi-project setups as well (having a separate environment for each project), but in the end it's a workaround. Redmine has builtin support for multi-project environments.
I previously used trac to manage my projects, but I switched to redmine. I didn't find any effective way of importing all my tickets and wiki pages. Redmine uses textile markup, but trac uses markdown, so I had a couple of troubles there.
Finally, I heard that redmine has some some issues on windows. I haven't tried running redmine on that platform so you'd better give it a try or google around.

A: TRAC doesn't have time management support, while redmine does. So I think that Redmine would be a better options for the project management.
Redmine allow you to annotate tickets with the estimated effort, the percent of completion and you can tell that an issue depends from another to be solved. Then you can create Gantt chart with Redmine.
For these reason in my company we are thinking to switch from TRAC to Redmine.
Both are simply to be deployed.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Q: XmlDocument.Load() => XmlException at "percent" char When I try to load a xmlfile which has the '%' in an attribute, I get a XmlException at the position of the '%'. See at the Example in the tag 'humidity'
<current_conditions>
  <condition data="Klar"/>
  <temp_f data="63"/>
  <temp_c data="17"/>
  <humidity data="Feuchtigkeit: 30 %"/>
  <icon data="/ig/images/weather/sunny.gif"/>
  <wind_condition data="Wind: W mit 34 km/h"/>
</current_conditions>

Loading the XmlDocument with xmlDoc:
private void ParseXML(string url) {
  XmlDocument doc = new XmlDocument();
  doc.Load(url);
}

A: This is an encoding problem.
You can work around it by using WebClient, like this:
private void ParseXML(string url) {
    string xmlSource;
    using(WebClient wc = new WebClient())
        xmlSource = wc.DownloadString(url);

    XmlDocument doc = new XmlDocument();
    doc.LoadXml(xmlSource);
}

(Tested)