text:
Chapter 10. The Conflict and Sustainable Development
The Zionist program has always been built around the concept of "reclaiming" the ancestral Jewish homeland by building extra-state institutions" (World Zionist Organization, Jewish Agency etc), establishing Jewish land ownership through various mechanisms (largely involving ethnic cleansing of non-Jews), and expanding settlements, borders and control over land and natural resources. The settlements and borders continuously expanded in territory of hostile natives. The initial large-scale replacement of population met with obstacles but still succeeded in transforming the country from a predominantly Arab and Muslim (with some Christian and Jewish Arabs and others) to a predominantly Ashkenazi-led state with Zionist laws. Yet, Palestine/Israel now has some 9 million people and nearly half are still Palestinian natives. Israeli leaders are frantically seeking to maintain the demographic "edge." A three pronged program is now obvious to attempt to accomplish this seemingly impossible task: a) preventing refugees from returning, b) incentives and other tools to lure in as many Jewish (or even non-Jewish but not native) immigrants who identify with Zionism, and c) making life so hard for the remaining Palestinians that they leave (or even outright removing them). It was thus inevitable that there would be sever environmental effects of on this fragile sliver of land on the Eastern Mediterranean region, cut off from its hinterland in the Middle East. Any proposed solution must take these issues into consideration.
Palestinian and Israeli Economies and Societies: Separate and Unequal
The initial Zionist settlements in Palestine between 1880 and 1917 had only marginal negative effect on some Fellahin (as pointed out in Chapter 4). There were no major structural changes in the economy under Ottoman rule and no real modernization. The devastation of the first world war was rather uniform. However, between 1917 and 1948, major socioeconomic structural changes came about. According to Dr. Sara Roy, "the evolution of two distinct socioeconomic orbits was neither entirely accidental nor entirely planned, but the result of policies that combined to limit the interaction between Jews and Arabs, and in effect promoted the development of one group at considerablke cost to the other."1.
When Israel was established in 1948 only one-quarter of the Palestinians remained within this self-defined "Jewish State". Those who remained continued to experience the separate and unequal treatment (discussed in Chapter 7). The majority made refugees between 1947 and 1949 settled very close proximity to the new borders. Many settled in the West Bank and Gaza within the borders of historic Palestine and an area that was later conquered by Israel in 1967. The success in 1947-1949 of driving out three quarters of the local inhabitants empowered Israeli leaders to bring massive waves of Jewish immigrants from all over the world to this tiny piece of land. The process of removal of natives and colonizing by new immigrants has occurred in other countries, but never in such a concentrated manner and on a small piece of land with limited resources. In 1967, the second phase of Israeli "reclamation" commenced as Israel invaded and acquired the additional areas of the West Bank (including East Jerusalem), Gaza, and the Golan Heights. This only helped deepen the environmental and social catastrophe.
After the removal of most of the native Palestinians in 1947-1949, early Zionist propaganda promulgated the myth that the area was mostly desert and mostly ignored by any population. A myth was also disseminated that "Arabs" came to Palestine because of the economic opportunities created by the Zionist immigration. In this regard a comparison to Lebanon is quite revealing. Lebanon has an area of 10400 square kilometers and a population of nearly four million, excluding the 350,000 Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. There are over 3-4 million Lebanese immigrants that came to the Americas (most left Lebanon between 1895-1920). The population of Palestinians is about 9 million (including all refugees Christians and Muslims, excluding Zionist settlers and their progeny in the past 80 years). The area they come from is an area about 2.5 times the size of Lebanon. The numbers suggest that Lebanon had historically more density of population than Palestine. Since no Zionist economic enterprises were developed in Lebanon, one questions the mythology of mass immigration of "Arabs" because of Zionist development. We must also look carefully at the impact of the Zionist program on the environment and on the possibility of sustainable development. This topic is important because natural resources and the environment are key to a future of prosperity and peace for all people.
When Israel was established in 1948, over 800,000 Palestinians were rendered homeless. Israel acquired over 100,000 abandoned Palestinian homes, nearly 2 million acres of their land, thousands of businesses, and all public infrastructure in Palestine. This together with infusion of money from German reparations, US government and private donations were to become the raw material to build a westernized state with significant economic and military power. The economic disparity between the ruling Zionist class and the remaining Palestinians intensified with income disparity jumping significantly especially in the 1960s. Israel also wanted to ensure a demographic majority of Jews and in slow stages fulfill the Zionist dreams of building a vibrant Jewish nation. Thus, all sorts of incentives, tools and methods were used to bring the maximum number of Jews to the new state while thinning out any remaining non-Jews. The few remaining Palestinians lost much of their land through additional confiscation (150,000 Palestinians remaining while 800,000 made refugees). Israel confiscated nearly 40% of the land of the remaining Palestinians (in addition to the two million acres it had taken from their fleeing relatives). The expropriated land was used by the new Jewish collectives called kibbutzim and moshavim. However, not all confiscated lands could be used and so much of it, including lands of many of the 500 depopulated Palestinian villages, was turned into parks and woodland. These were designated as "protected public areas" to keep the former owners from coming back and to bring in needed cash from forestation programs. They were good source of additional state income as the Jewish National Fund developed programs to "Plant trees in Israel" and push the idea of "turning the desert green". Most of the trees were planted in areas of previous Palestinian agricultural and fertile lands. The proportion of Palestinian workers tilling the soil dropped from 70% of all Palestinians in 1948 to below 10% of remaining Palestinians by the 1980s. Further, no industrial development was permitted in the remaining Palestinian villages. Many villages were not even recognized so they receive no government services like sewage and water. Palestinians were kept under military rule until 1966 and then a few menial jobs were made more available to them in the booming Jewish cities and settlements.
New Jewish immigrants were allocated the lands and property of the displaced Palestinians. However, the decision-makers were Ashkenazi Jews - who had concepts of European cultural and developmental ethos very different from those of Orientals (including Arab Jews). An economic class structure developed with Ashkenazim at the top followed by Jews from Arab countries, and finally non-Jewish Arabs 2.
This tiered power structure added an even lower layer when Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza in 1967. The newly occupied Palestinians became the lowest rung in this economic totem pole. When Israel's economy improved, there was a little "trickle down" with opening up of menial jobs (constructions, restaurants, etc) for the lower rungs of society. When Israel's economy suffered, Palestinians both within and outside the "green line" of 1949 borders were first to suffer mass unemployment. Thus, while overall unemployment in Israel in 2002 was some 11%, among Palestinians within the green line it stood at 25-30% and in the occupied territories at 60-70%. The West Bank and Gaza further gave a captive market for Israeli goods and services as well as a source for cheap labor.
Palestinians who worked in the Gulf states did send money to their relatives in the occupied territories and this income was used to buy Israeli products made in Ashkenazi owned factories employing lower economic classes. Some of these factories were built inside the occupied areas and even employed Palestinians from these areas at below minimum wage and no health or social benefits.
Changes since 1991
After the Gulf War of 1991, economic and political changes on global scale were evident and Israeli and Palestinian policy and economy had to adapt. The Arab world was divided, the PLO was weakened, and Palestinians lost their jobs in the oil rich Arab countries. Israel's strategy in the early 1990s developed to capitalize on these trends and enshrine once and for all its hegemony on the area between the Mediterranean and the Jordan River. The Israeli policy required containment of the Palestinian people's aspirations for independence, globalizing Israel's economy, and ensure acceptance of the world community of Israel. This is why Israel revived the Allon plans to formulate them in the Oslo accords signed with a weakened and compromising Palestinian leadership in Tunisia. Israel would be able to keep building settlements and expanding, open its markets, have free access to Arab countries, normalize its relations with countries like India and Pakistan, and yet make sure Palestinians are isolated in ever shrinking areas of dense population without real say in the affairs of the country. For this, the Palestinians would be able to fly their flag in this statelet and run their own vassal state (more like a large prison). Many Israelis are now looking at these plans in retrospect as clearly unworkable. Unforeseen changes were set in motion. Isolating the Palestinians dried up the cheap Palestinian labor which had to be replaced with foreign workers both legal and illegal. This added to the societal and environmental stresses in Israeli society. Settlements and settlers in the occupied territories doubled between 1993-2000 and Jewish industrial production in these areas was encouraged. And while some Palestinian leaders signed onto this unworkable scheme in Oslo, it was difficult for Israeli leaders to get these same Palestinian leaders to sign the final bill of surrender (see chapter 11).
But lulled by the thought of possible resolution of the conflict, the high-tech industry boomed to the benefit of a segment of Israeli society. Israel's isolation from other countries began to dissipate, opening up markets and collaborations in joint projects. Palestinians in the occupied areas by contrast saw the disappearance of even the menial jobs they had. Palestinians within Israel lost the few jobs they had to Russian immigrants. Control on Palestinian movement and strict controls on import and export, which was legitimate under the Oslo accords, ensured a paralysis of any chance of endogenous Palestinian economic development. Thus, Palestinians became more and more dependent on charity from Europe and from Arab states. Indignities and humiliations of daily life added to this ticking time bomb that eventually contributed to the Palestinian uprising of late September 2000. The gap between Palestinians in the occupied territories and the Israeli occupiers and settlers continued to grow. Per capita GNP in the West Bank and Gaza even before the current large-scale destruction and restrictions was at about $1500 ($1000 in Gaza) per year. This compared to $19,000 for Israeli Jews and $7000 for Israeli Muslims 3. Among those with Israeli citizenship, the disparity and economic inequality continues to grow. Between 1987 and 2002, the number of Israeli citizens living in poverty has increased 250% and in 2002, the richest 1% controlled more assets than 90% of the population 4.
The situation today is unchanged. There is still an economic hierarchy, with wealthy Ashkenazi Jews controlling most of the nation's assets and at the bottom are Palestinians in the occupied territories. Between them lie a majority of the Israeli Jews especially the Jews originating Arab countries and "Israeli Arabs". This situation is certainly not conducive to social stability and is a main reason why violence continues. In the case of Israel/Palestine, the issue of land disparity exacerbates the inequality in the economic class structure.
It took 20 years between 1947-1967 to convert a largely Arab Christian and Muslim ownership of the 78% of Palestine that came under Israeli rule to a largely Jewish-Israeli owned and operated country. After 1967, the Israeli governments under labor started to repeat the process in the newly acquired Palestinian territories of the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and Gaza Strip. In the first decade after 1967, and under labor governments, 57,000 settlers were transferred to the occupied areas with lucrative governmental subsidies and incentives. In July 1977, President Jimmy Carter tried to convince the newly elected Likud leader, Menachem Begin, to freeze settlement activity as part of the peace agreements with Egypt. Instead, Begin allocated Ariel Sharon to the task of drafting a program for accelerated settlement activity. According to a report on settlements by the Foundation for Middle East Peace:
Settlements under Likud were designed to bring about a 'demographic transformation' of the territories and a Jewish majority there. The co-chairman of the World Zionist Organization's Settlement Department, Mattityahu Drobless, noted that the Likud plan "will enable us to bring about the dispersion of the Jewish population from the densely populated urban strip of the coastal plain eastward to the presently empty of Jews areas of Judea and Samaria 5
Between 1977 and 1990, the settler population in the West Bank and Gaza stood at over 200,000 (120,000 Israelis in illegally annexed areas of East Jerusalem). The Declaration of Principles and Oslo agreements between Israel and the PLO did not prohibit settlement expansion or Israeli colonization efforts in the occupied areas. Between 1993 and 2000, the population of settlers in the occupied areas doubled to over 400,000. This occurred, despite the fact that international law is very clear about the illegality of these settlements. Israel occupied the areas in 1967 in a war and these areas were not and cannot be considered as under its sovereignty. Article 49 of the Fourth Geneva Convention (to which Israel is a signatory) clearly states that the "The Occupying Power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies" 6.
UN Security Council Resolution 465 of 1980 reads in part that:
..all measures taken by Israel to change the physical character, demographic composition, institutional structure or status of the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, or any part thereof, have no legal validity and that Israel's policy and practices of settling parts of its population and new immigrants in those territories constitute a flagrant violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War and also constitute a serious obstruction to achieving a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East 7.
The number of settlements in the occupied areas in 2001 was as follows: East Jerusalem 11, West Bank 130, Gaza Strop 16, Golan Heights 33 8. Sharon's government further added 35 new settlements between 2001-2002 according to a report by Peace Now. By the year 2000, 150.5 square kilometers of land in the West Bank was being used for Jewish settlements 9. Israel has also built an extensive network of so called "by-pass" roads in the occupied areas. These roads stretched for 340 km in 2000 and now increased significantly. They bypass native Palestinian towns are used to serve the Jewish settlements. Large tracts of lands were confiscated to build these roads, which included 75 meters on either side of the roads as "safety buffers". Trees and hills and any standing structure within the 75 meters on both sides are bulldozed and the areas declared closed military zones to Palestinians. The total area used in the West Bank for these roads is 51.2 square kilometers in 2000. Added to the 150.5 square kilometers of built up areas for the settlements/colonies, we find that over 200 square kilometers of land was "developed" for settlers/colonists. This land was either used by Palestinians for agriculture or was development land to allow the expansion of villages and towns. Accommodating 200,000 settlers in the built-up areas of the settlements results in a density of about 1000 settlers/colonists per square kilometer of developed land. Palestinians in the West Bank make 2.5 million people living in a built up area of 367.7 sq. km.; a density of 6800 Palestinians per square kilometer. The disparity between settlers and natives in land control, economy, and access is also compounded by disparity in use of other natural resources especially water.
Water in the Land of Canaan has always been in limited supply for the existing population even before large-scale immigration and settlement activity that constituted the Zionist enterprise. The story of water and its allocation in the land of Canaan does not reflect any rational allocation based on population needs and does not reflect international law governing shared resources but merely reflects an imbalance of power heavily tilted towards Israel 10. A case in point is the resources of the Jordan River basin. The Jordan River collects its waters from Israel, Palestine, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. International law requires equitable and fair use of this water resource. Yet, Israel diverts and used most of the water resources for its own use (e.g. irrigation of the Negev region). The same has happened with the large underground aquifers in the West Bank. The UN Commission on Human Rights reported in 2000 that:
- Occupation practices that affect the natural environment of the occupied territories include degradation of the infrastructure, land confiscation, water depletion, uprooting of trees, dumping of toxic waste and other pollution. This inherent right of the Palestinian people is also the subject of Israel�s State obligations under, among others, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which it ratified in 1991.
- Palestinian entitlements for water include the underground water of the West Bank and Gaza aquifers, in addition to their rightful shares in the waters of the Jordan River as riparians. The annual renewable freshwater yield in the occupied territories ranges from 600 million cubic metres to 650 million cubic metres. The West Bank�s hydrological system includes three major aquifers: the western, north-eastern and eastern basins.
- The Palestinian use of the Jordan River before 1967 was through 140 pumping units. Israel either confiscated or destroyed all of those pumping units. In addition, Israel closed the large, irrigated areas of the Jordan Valley used by Palestinians, calling them military zones that later were transferred to Israeli settlers.
- At present Israel extracts more than 85 per cent of the Palestinian water from the West Bank aquifers, which accounts for about 25 per cent of Israel�s water use. As a result of Israeli restrictions, Palestinians currently use 246 million cubic metres of their water resources to supply nearly 3 million people in both the West Bank and Gaza Strip with their domestic, industrial and agricultural needs. This compares to Israel�s use of 1,959 million cubic metres for its population of approximately 6 million. That reduces water consumption by Palestinians to 82 m3 per capita, as compared with 340 m3 for Israeli citizens and settlers.
- Israel provides settlers with a continuous and plentiful water supply, largely from Palestinian water resources. The supply to Palestinians is intermittent, especially during summer months, as was the case in 1999 11
The River Jordan had an average flow of 1250 million cubic meters (mcm) per year at the Allenby Bridge 12 but now only has less than 200 mcm 13. This reduced flow is essentially all due to the removal of headwaters for Israeli use. The Palestinian used the Jordan River before 1967 was through 140 pumping units. Immediately after the occupation these pumping units were either destroyed or confiscated by Israeli authorities. Palestinians are currently utilizing less than 0.5% of the Jordan's waters and Israel, which uses most of this water, would be eligible by its pre-1967 borders for only 3% of the Jordan basin area. After a thorough review of the hydrological data, Elmusa concluded that:
Since 1967, Israel has had a firm grip over virtually all he ground water resources of geographic Palestine and the Jordan River's head waters ... Israel takes 80-90% of the freshwater resources of geographic Palestine. Included in this figure are the shares of Israel and the West Bank under the Johnston Plan a US plan for distribution of water based on population. The disparity in extraction between the two sides has translated into a conspicuous water gap in all sectors. The Palestinian per capita municipal use, irrigation use, and aggregate use are less than 30 percent of Israelis'. In all, the water supply in the West Bank and Gaza is substandard and intermittent. The pipe distribution network is dilapidated and its complements, the sewage system and water treatment plants, are critically lacking ... The gap is even more conspicuous between the Palestinians and the Israeli settlers who consume five to six times as much per capita as do the Palestinians and are profligate irrigation water users 14
While Palestinian land was being confiscated and their water allocation slowly diminished, the area of Israeli controlled irrigated land grew by 340,000 dunums between 1970 and 1990 15. In addition to this large scale diversion of water resources, Israel declared most of the Jordan valley and large tracts of the best agricultural lands in the West Bank as closed military zones for a period of time resulting in the shutdown of Palestinian agriculture in the area. These vast tracks of Palestinian agricultural lands that were confiscated were then turned over to Jewish settlements.
Final status negotiations bogged down not just on the refugee status and Jerusalem, but also due to Israel's insistence on maintaining leverage and control over most of the water resources. Even the agreements signed in Oslo and the creation of the Palestine Water Authority 16 were like other Oslo agreements � devoid of any equality or even meaning in terms of enforcement and control over water resources. The basic elements of fair distribution of water based on per capita are provided by A. Tamimi based on International treaties, but Israel controlled water allocation and use in the Palestinian occupied areas in very unfair ways 17. The problem is exacerbated because "the West Bank, Gaza, and Israel have a high degree of hydrological interdependence in the sense that most of the fresh, renewable resources in geographic Palestine are common to both sides" and thus it is difficult to ensure separate and equal resources 18.
Israeli colonies in the occupied areas were intended for security and control. Thus, most land confiscation and colonial settlement activity was intentionally concentrated on the high grounds (hills and mountains). Due to this peculiar arrangement, a runoff of wastewater, pollution from industrial colonists in declared �industrial zones�, and soil erosion on the hills directly impacted Palestinian communities located in the lower areas adjacent to these colonies 19. The UN Commission on Human Rights documented this effect in the year 2000. In part it stated:
- Israeli settlements in the West Bank and Jerusalem are typically placed on high ground. Wastewater from many settlements is collected and discharged to the nearby valleys without treatment. The Special Rapporteur observed that Kfar Darom Israeli settlement in the Gaza Strip releases its sewage and chemical waste left from the industrial plants to the Palestinian Al-Saqa Valley in the central part of the Gaza Strip.
- Israelis dump solid waste without restriction on Palestinian land, fields, and side roads. The solid waste generated in West Jerusalem, for example, is transferred to an unsanitary dumping site east of Abu Dis. That site in the West Bank overlays the infiltration area of the eastern sector of the water aquifer. Also, the settlements of Ariel, Innab, Homesh Alon Morieh, Qarna Shamron, Kadumim and others dispose of their solid waste in the West Bank, as do military camps and settlements inside the "green line" (1948 border of Israel).
- The Government of Israel has constructed at least seven industrial zones in the West Bank and two in Gaza. The West Bank zones occupy a total area of approximately 302 hectares. They are located mainly on hilltops, from which they dump industrial wastewater onto adjacent Palestinian lands. Information about industries in the Israeli industrial zones is not accessible to the Palestinians. Palestinian sources estimate that at least 200 Israeli factories operate in the West Bank. Some of the products are identifiable, but detailed information on quantities produced, labour, and waste generated is not available. Aluminium, leather-tanning, textile-dyeing, batteries, fibreglass, plastic, and chemicals are among the known industries within these settlements.
- The Special Rapporteur visited the Barqan industrial zone, in the West Bank, which is a clear example of environmental pollution. Aluminium, fibreglass, plastics, electroplating and military industries are known to operate inside Barqan. The industrial wastewater that flows untreated to the nearby valley damages agricultural land belonging to the neighbouring Palestinian villages of Sarta, Kafr al-Dik, and Burqin, polluting the groundwater with heavy metals 20
Israeli colonies were planned for security and ideological reasons and thus built on hilltops dotting the Palestinian landscape. These colonies fit into a pattern as to control the natural resources and control the native Palestinian population. Thus, there was no forethought on environmental sustainability or clear ideas to ensure population harmony with the resources and the environment. We find that there are settlements in every Palestinian district and facilities such as sewage treatment plants are not made available to the local Palestinian population. Untreated sewage water is discharged and in most cases, this discharge directly goes to the areas inhabited or farmed by Palestinians.
The occupation of the West Bank and Gaza by Israel in 1967 also opened up a window of opportunity for Israeli industries to escape the rejection by communities in which they existed. Many of the highest polluting companies simply moved, and actually were provided with tax incentives, to the West Bank and Gaza where Israeli government regulations were more lax. There the companies only faced the opposition of native Palestinians who had no realistic way to stop them. For example, Geshuri Industries, a manufacturer of pesticides and fertilizers which faced significant court setbacks in its original plant in Kfar Saba was moved to an area adjacent to Tulkarm inside the West Bank in 1987. Significant pollution from this and other companies in this area has damaged citrus and vineyards.
Prosperity with Equality and Sustainability
Environmental degradation in Palestine began in the 19th century with industrialization and large-scale deforestation. Under the Ottoman Empire for example, large tracts of forests in the Eastern Mediterranean region were cut down for fuel and tracks for the railroads (e.g. the Damascus to Hijaz railroad). During the British rule (1917-1948), some reforestation efforts were carried out. In the areas of Palestine that came under Israeli and Jordanian rule (1948-1967) programs of forestation were also common. When the West Bank and Gaza came under Israeli rule in 1967, all the forestation programs in those areas were halted and the trends reversed, and Israel started to shift its population to settle in the occupied areas. Rules were introduced that prevented Palestinians not only from doing much of their usual agriculture but also from managing forested lands. In fact, many forested hills were immediately converted to residential settlement/colonial projects that generated far more pollution than similar settlements inside Israel proper (where there was more regulation). Alon Tal, Founder of the Israel Union for Environmental Defense, acknowledged that: "...it's a Zionist paradox. We came here to redeem a land and we end up contaminating it" 21.
The direct impact of the Israeli policies on impoverishment of local Palestinians is illustrated best in the agricultural sector. In 1966-1967 and just before these areas came under Israeli control, 43% of Palestinian employment was in the agricultural sector specifically on 1945 square kilometers (or 31.5%) of the West Bank and Gaza. By 1994, this had shrunk to less than 22% of employment and on half the land (15% of the land) 22. The other half is basically now under the control of the Jewish settlements. As the Israeli population in the occupied areas grew at an annual rate of 8-10% between 1995-2000 compared to a little over 2% within the green line, this ecological impact intensified.
Since these areas are now fully integrated, a solution to the environmental issues in the context of a two-state scenario has become virtually impossible. The area is just two small and people of all religions are mixed if not fully integrated. A unitary economic and environmental policy must be taken into consideration that fits within basic elements of justice based on human rights. In the context of a two state solution, Israel would insist on retaining Jewish majority and thus on return of Palestinian refugees to only areas in the West Bank and Gaza. These incidentally happen to be the areas already with high density of refugees and displaced people and areas of extreme environmental stress as discussed above. They also house over 400,000 Jewish settlers. Some refugees will want to be resettled in other countries. However, those wanting to return to their villages within the Green line would do far less environmental damage than forcing them into Gaza or the West Bank. They would also have a far better economic future in a unitary state than they would in the enclaves which are envisioned for a Palestinian statelet in the West Bank and Gaza. Adding more Palestinian refugees to the already-devastated West Bank and Gaza would do severe environmental damage and affect the quality of life for people throughout geographic Palestine/land of Canaan. A decreased pressure to bring foreigners from all over the world to maintain the Zionist dream would also have better economic and environmental consequences for all who are already in the Land of Canaan. A unified policy of distributing people to areas of least environmental impact throughout the region would be far more rational.
There are many other advantages to the solution advocated in this book and by many Israelis and Palestinians. This solution envisions integration and removal of borders and barriers in the context of regional sustained prosperity and stability. Reasons for this are numerous:
1) This solution provides all people with a stake in insuring environmental sustainability for their shared space.
2) Building a unified economy reduces redundancy of needed infrastructure.
3) The abandonment of the pressure to bring in immigrants from around the world to keep the demographic "fight" for maintenance of the "Jewish majority."
4) The increased prosperity of existing Palestinians in the area will ultimately result in reduced population growth. It is well documented that higher poverty is positively correlated with higher birth rates (Gaza refugee camps for example have the highest birth rates).
5) Peace with justice will bring incredible outside resources (there is already talk of a "Marshal-like" plan). These resources will reduce the pressure on locals to engage in environmentally harmful practices and industries such as military industry and build-up and reliance on old inefficient technologies.
Notes to Chapter 10.
1. Sara M. Roy, The Gaza Strip: The Political Economy of De-Development (Washington: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1995), p. 51.
2. M. Sachar, A History of Israel: From the Rise of Zionism to Our Time (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1996).
3. Itzhak Ravid, The Demographic Revolution, presented at the Herzliya Conference, December 2001, http://www.herzliyaconference.org
4. Haaretz, 02/12/2002, Report: Education has contributed to growing economic gaps http://www.haaretzdaily.com/hasen/pages/ShArt.jhtml?itemNo=236901&contrassID=1&subContrassID=0&sbSubContrassID=0
5. Israeli settlements in the Occupied Territories: A Guide. Report of the Foundation for Middle East Peace, March 2002, http://www.fmep.org/reports/2002/sr0203.html
6. Fourth Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War. Adopted on 12 August 1949 by the Diplomatic Conference for the Establishment of International Conventions for the Protection of Victims of War, held in Geneva from 21 April to 12 August, 1949 entry into force 21 October 1950. Also available at http://193.194.138.190/html/menu3/b/92.htm
7. UN Security Council Resolution 465 and other UNSC resolutions are available via UN publications and on the UN web pages.
8. Israeli settlements in the Occupied Territories: A Guide, Report of the Foundation for Middle East Peace, March 2002, http://www.fmep.org/reports/2002/sr0203.html
9. Built-up area calculations according to Applied Research Institute of Jerusalem, http://www.arij.org
10. T. Stauffer, Water and War in the Middle East: The Hydraulic Parameters of Conflict, (Washington, DC: The Center for Policy Analysis on Palestine); J. Isaac, The essentials of sustainable water resource management in Israel & Palestine, Arab Studies Quarterly, (2000), 22(2):13-31.
11. . UN Commission of Human Rights. Fifty-sixth session, Question of the violation of human rights in the occupied Arab territories, including Palestine. Report on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, submitted by Mr. Giorgio Giacomelli, Special Rapporteur, pursuant to Commission on Human Rights resolution 1993/2 A. http://www.hri.ca/fortherecord2000/documentation/commission/e-cn4-2000-25.htm
12. C. Main The unified development of the water resources of the Jordan Valley Region, (Tennessee Valley Authority, 1953).
13. A. Soffer, The relevance of Johnston Plan to the reality of 1993 and beyond, in J. Isaac and H. Shuval, Water and Peace in the Middle East, (Amsterdam: Elsevier, 1994).
14. Sharif S. Elmusa, Water Conflict: Economics, Politics, Law and Palestinian-Israeli Water Resources, (Washington DC: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1998), p. 351.
15. S. El Musa, Al Miya fi al Mufawadat al Filistiniyah - al Israiliyah,, (Beirut;1997), p.42 (in Arabic).
16. See documents posted at the Euro-Mediterranean Information System on the know-how in the Water Sector http://www.semide-ps.org/documentation.htm
17. A. Tamimi, A Technical Framework for Final-Status Negotiations over Water, Palestine-Israel Journal, Vol.III, No.3/4, 1996, p.68.
18. Sharif S. Elmusa, Water Conflict: Economics, Politics, Law and Palestinian-Israeli Water Resources, (Washington DC: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1998), p. 348
19. Qumsieh, V., The Environmental Impact of Jewish Settlements in the West Bank, Palestine-Israel Journal of Politics, Economics and Culture. Volume V, No. 1, 1998, p. 32
20. UN Commission of Human Rights, ibid
21. L. Beyer, Trashing the Holy Land, Time, Sept. 7, 1998, p. 62.
22. The Socio-economic Impact of Settlements on Land, Water, and the Palestinian Economy, Foundation for Middle East Peace, Washington, DC 1998.
Sharif S. Elmusa, Water Conflict: Economics, Politics, Law and Palestinian-Israeli Water Resources, (Washington DC: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1998).
Stephen C. Lonergan, David B. Brooks, Watershed: The Role of Fresh Water in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, (Oslo: Unipub, 1995).
Sara Roy and Karen Pfeifer (Editors), The Economics of Middle East Peace: A Reassessment, (JAI Press, 1999).
back to source Sharing the Land of Canaan


(Bradenton, Fla., Feb. 14, 2017) — State College of Florida, Manatee-Sarasota (SCF) will offer a two-day communications workshop 9 a.m. to noon March 14 and 21 at SCF Lakewood Ranch, 7131 Professional Parkway E. The course is $299 per person.
"Breaking Through the Communications Barrier" will address six steps to clear communication, different communication and personality styles, recognizing and controlling emotions, the power of asking questions, three levels of listening and the part that facts and stories play in failed communications.
The workshop, which is designed to be interactive, will be facilitated by Larry Face of Next Level Achievement.
To register, visit SCF.augusoft.net. For more information, contact Lee Kotwicki at kotwicL@SCF.edu.


Show cause notice –Section 11A of CEA, 1944 (as amended by Finance Act, 2000) – guidelines for issue.
Filing of appeals in the Supreme Court – instructions regarding forwarding of information on connected matters for proper defence of cases.
Appeal to the Supreme Court by the assessee - need for timely filing of counter affidavits and briefing of panel advocates - instructions reg.
Leviability of Additional Excise Duty (Textile and Textile Articles) Act, 1978 in respect of DTA clearances of yarns made by 100% EOUs.
Duty - Section 11A - SCN under the amended section to cover extended period.
Change of the name of the "Directorate General of Anti-Evasion" as "Directorate General of Central Excise Intelligence"
Classification of Rubber Cement or Black Vulcanizing Cement rubber solution etc. whether under 35.06 or 40.05 of the Schedule to CET.
Excise duty on Kerosene distributed through P.D.S.


As a building manager, you have probably heard the terms Green Building and Green Building Certification being thrown around. While it may sound like a buzzword, it's actually not a new concept.
As the Green Building Initiative gains momentum, becoming well-versed in what going green entails and getting your building on board is important.
What is a Green Building and Why Does it Matter?
There isn't a hard and fast definition of what a green building is, but in general, a green building is a built environmental space that takes into account its effect on both the environment and the people who occupy the building on a day to day basis. This means that the overall operation, design, and construction of the building will focus heavily on the use of sustainable building materials, high-efficiency energy and water use, reduced waste, and generally minimizing its environmental impact.
Becoming a green building has many benefits beyond the obvious reduction of environmental impact. Yes, green buildings protect ecosystems, lend a hand in improving air and water quality, and work to conserve our natural resources – but green buildings go beyond that. Reduced operating costs, qualification for tax incentives, improved productivity, occupant comfort, improved health – really, a generally improved quality of life for the occupants.
Green Globes Certified? What Does That Mean?
The Green Building Initiative is a 501c3 nonprofit organization that provides customized support, training, and certification for green buildings. The Green Globes certification program launched its web-based building design management tool in the U.S. in 2005.
This tool is based on a previous, less user-friendly assessment tool called the Building Research Establishment Environmental Assessment Method (BREEAM). GBI is also an ANSI Developer – a contributor to the development of balanced, fair standards for green buildings and improved environmental design.
The Green Globes certification program gives you personalized assistance in implementing sustainable operations within your building. They will work with you to identify opportunities for improved sustainability and efficiency. They will also set goals for future Green Globes' rating system which provides you with a clear, in-depth rating system, covering every detail that goes into the operation of a green building.
Why Should I Get My Building Green Globes Certified?
Anyone can claim to have a "green building." An independent, unbiased verification of the buildings energy efficiency and sustainability gives the general public an evidence-based assurance.
Following through with the certification process will ensure your buildings' improved energy and water conservation efforts, responsible use of materials, efficient waste management, and will help you and your team have a full understanding of what true sustainability in building management means.
How Do I Get My Building Green Globes Certified?
Green Building Initiative offers an easy-to-follow path to certification that includes educational opportunities, advice, and accountability along the way. The Existing Building (EB) certification begins with a user-friendly web-based assessment. You can begin your Green Globes certification by requesting a quote from GBI. There are extensive training materials, PDF guides, checklists, and training manuals available on the GBI website to get you started.
After you have completed the assessment, a report will be generated that will assist you in evaluating your next steps to enhancing your buildings' energy efficiency, reduce maintenance, reduce your general environmental impact, and create corporate-wide goals for improving all these areas. Evaluate what areas are realistic to make improvements on in a reasonable amount of time.
Once you have implemented the practices that make the most sense for your building's situation, a third-party assessment will be performed. An expert Green Globes assessor will make an on-site visit to your facility. The assessor will verify the data that was submitted via the web tool. They will also be able to provide you with recommendations on how to streamline operations and offer guidance on where future sustainability improvements could make the most impact when new funding becomes available.
Energy – How energy efficient is the building? What is the CO2 impact? How well is energy managed?
Water – Are conservation efforts in place? How is water treated as it leaves the facility?
Resources – Are recycling and waste reduction efforts being made?
Emissions – What sort of emissions impact does the building make? Are boiler emissions and hazardous materials handled in environmentally conscious ways?
Indoor Environment – What is the indoor air quality? Is the noise well-managed? Is the lighting both high-efficiency and well-suited to the occupants' needs?
Environmental Management – What sort of Environmental Management System documentation is in place? Are environmental impacts taken into consideration when making purchasing decisions? What is the general environmental awareness level of the facilities management staff?
Your final report will contain your Green Globes score and rating. If your building scores over the minimum 35% overall, you're certified!
How Can ServiceMaster Help Your Building Go Green?
At ServiceMaster, we're proud to report that our proprietary Capture and Removal Cleaning method is an environmentally friendly and extremely effective approach that will get your facility clean!
We utilize special microfiber towels and dust wands that are specifically created to collect more dirt as well as high-filtration vacuum cleaners that can capture and contain 99% of particulate matter. Additionally, we only use cleaning products that are certified "green" by Green Seal and Environmental Choice.
Are you ready to take the necessary steps to create a green environment in your building? Click here or call (540) 605-9955 to learn more today!
In-House vs. Outsourcing—Which Option Is Best for Your Facility?


text:
Ljud & Bildskolan ("Audio and Visual School"), also called LBS, is a Swedish high school that was founded in 1993 in Varberg.

LBS is a Swedish privately run school mainly dedicated to media, game development and music production. LBS has schools in Borås, Halmstad, Helsingborg, Kristianstad, Kungsbacka, Lund, Jönköping, Trollhättan, Varberg, Stockholm, Göteborg, Linköping, Motala and Nyköping. Schools often have 80 people on staff and 300 students.

LBS is a sister company to Drottning Blankas gymnasium, Mikael Elias teoretiska gymnasium, Vittra Utbildning, Rytmus, IT-Gymnasiet, Framtidsgymnasiet, Didaktus and Handelsgymnasiet though some fall under Academedia.

Philosophy
LBS no longer gives the students a forecast of what their final grade will be. Their reasoning is that the students will take that grade and then not try to improve based on the feedback given from the teacher.

One problematic thing at the schools is that game ideas are considered something of worth. In the real world it's essential to have a prototype. The "pitch" category plays in to this even more.

LBS Game Awards
Every year LBS hosts an award event where all school's game development students compete. There are two large categories, one is XNA games which has three sub categories; best game made with XNA, best graphics in an XNA game and best game concept in XNA game. This category is aimed at the freshmen since they are taught XNA the first year while non-freshmen are forced to compete in the general one. The second large category is more general and consists of best game, best graphics and best game concept.

The 2014 event went largely undocumented.

There were a few changes for the 2015 event. It is not best graphics in a XNA game or game with best graphics now it is best 2D graphics and best 3D graphics. A game that the people get to pick and best "Pitch" where a group of students hold a presentation to sell their game idea.

Links
Ljud & Bildskolan

Gymnasiums (school) in Sweden
1993 establishments in Sweden
Varberg

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
It's all a question of jurisdiction.
Police refers to officers within a particular municipality. For example, the city of Houston has its own police force, which is charged with enforcing laws within the city itself. If you go out to a neighboring city, say Sugar Land, that city has its own police force.
Sheriffs are officers with jurisdiction over a county. The actual authority and jobs of a sheriff varies wildly from state to state, and even county to county. Some sheriffs have their own police forces, while others perform largely ministerial roles. In most states, the county sheriff is required to run a jail and provide services to the courts, such as security and the service and enforcement of court orders. The title "sheriff" is a contraction of "shire reeve," who was the tax collector in feudal England. In some states, the official title of the sheriff is "sheriff and tax collector."
A Ranger (in the Texas Ranger sense) is an officer with statewide authority. In Texas, the rangers handle major/high-profile crimes, serial crimes, officer-involved shootings , etc. Many other states have similar agencies, although their officers are not called rangers, e.g., Oklahoma State Bureau of Investigation, Georgia Bureau of Investigation.
A marshal is a federal officer whose job is to support the federal judiciary. US Marshals track fugitives, protect federal courts, transport federal prisoners, and serve federal warrants, among other things.
Federal law-enforcement enforces federal laws and punishes federal crimes. That sounds like a tautology but it's really not that simple in practice. Some crimes are defined as crimes nationwide: they are Federal crimes. If the law being broken was passed by Congress, that's a federal offense.
Federal law enforcement agencies automatically have jurisdiction over federal offenses. They can be invited in by local forces if the local force wants the resources a federal enforcement arm can bring to bear, but they need no invitation if it's "their" crime. The feds also have automatic jurisdiction if the crime occurred on federally-owned land: national parks, in federal office buildings, etc. If the place or the crime is federal, they have jurisdiction.
The Secret Service protect the president, but they are also the law enforcement agency with jurisdiction over counterfeiting of the US currency.
The ATF (Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives) have jurisdiction over federal crimes where someone has violated federal laws about any of the things in the name of their agency.
Fish and Wildlife have jurisdiction over violations of wildlife regulations, like hunting out of season or otherwise infringing on the rules about endangered species.
The FBI are a general-purpose federal police force, with sub-bureaus for a whole bunch of incredibly specific stuff.
The CIA is not supposed to operate on US soil; they are an enforcement and spying arm that aims outwards from the borders and protects US interests abroad. But sometimes they are naughty and step on things that should be the FBI's bailiwick, which often leads to drama in fiction (and sometimes in real life).
The NSA are almost entirely information-gathering, you won't have them kicking down a door.
Customs and Border Protection does what it says on the tin, though a lot of things have been made "their problem" in the post-9/11 era that seem a weird fit.
Immigration is part of CBP, but is also its own separate sub-bureau dealing with visa overstays and general people-here-who-shouldn't-be.
Mail fraud automatically makes a crime that involves it federal, because any time any aspect of the crime goes through the US Postal Service, you've just given Feds jurisdiction.
Jumping down to the smallest jurisdictions, most non-federal stuff is dealt with by municipal police forces -- for one city/town. Unincorporated areas, that are not inside a town's borders, are covered by county sheriffs (a lot of rural areas are sheriff-first for this reason). The state highway system and all other state-owned land are policed by state troopers, who have a sub-department sometimes called "highway patrol".
As with the feds, states have automatic jurisdiction on state land or for crimes passed by the state legislature, if they choose to exercise it, but usually they let ordinary criminal code stuff be handled by the locals, because they don't have the staff to police everything and everywhere.
Some movies and television shows are very careful about portraying jurisdiction (it is often a plot point on Criminal Minds that they can't parachute in and take over until either the locals request it or the crime goes federal), but a lot just wave their hands around and do whatever the writer thinks would make a good story.
For example, if your protagonists are local detectives, you can make their lives difficult and add drama by having the Feds "take away" their case and force them to work "unofficially," even if an actual law enforcement person watching the show knows there wasn't a good excuse given to federalize the case there.
The one thing I found out, Not even the police agreed totally on who's in charge of what??

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


The Hamilton County Health Department is dedicated to the purpose of communicable disease prevention and health promotion for residents of all ages in Hamilton County and protecting the environment in which they live.
The Hamilton County Household Hazardous Waste Center collects all types of household consumer products that are generally considered hazardous or environmentally unsafe to dispose of improperly.
The Hamilton County Council on Alcohol and Other Drugs is dedicated to preventing and reducing underage drinking and illegal drug use in Hamilton County.
The Hamilton County Soil and Water Conservation District provides our community with conservation leadership and quality service dedicated to improving and sustaining our natural resources.


Yellow Pine is a historical mining area in remote central Idaho. It is primarily a small, remote tourist town today, with limited visitors due to being so far from civilization. While mining had slowed considerably during the past decades, renewed interest from major mining firms is coming back to the area.
Mining here is done in an expansive region that covers the historic Yellow Pine mining district and the nearby Stibnite mining district.
The Stibnite Mine is a large mine located near Yellow Pine, Idaho. This was once a major tungsten mine, but is now valued mostly for its gold values. Midas Gold intends to rework some of the old tailings and recover gold that was missed by previous methods.
The first miners in the region were gold prospectors from Warren. The news of the discovery of gold at Florence, Warren, and the Boise Basin brought thousands of prospectors to Idaho. Some settled in what is now Yellow Pine to work the placers of the Salmon River.
The Yellow Pine/Stibnite mining area is located on the South Fork of the Salmon River near its confluence with Johnson Creek in Valley County. Today most of the area is part of the Payette National Forest and the Boise National Forest.
The Yellow Pine basin mining area that developed as a trading center to serve the growing mining interests in the region. The town was established by Theodore Van Meter and Albert Behne who came to the area as prospectors and mined several claims near the site of the town for many years.
Their success in mining the region near the town spread quickly brought in many miners who staked claims nearby and settled in the town. There were a variety of different miners coming from many remote mines in these rugged mountains.
Today, Yellow Pine is an still an active historical town with several hundred residents during the summer months. It is home to the Yellow Pine Backcountry Historical Museum with provides a glimpse into the early mining days in the larger Yellow Pine area. It is also famous for hosting a harmonic festival and other events throughout the summer to help attract visitors despite its remoteness.
Mining in the Thunder Mountain began immediately following the discovery of gold in the Monumental Creek by brothers Luman and Ben Caswell in 1894. This discovery led to the famous Thunder Mountain gold rush which attracted miners from the Klondike who came into mine gold where early gold fever has begun to wane.
Within a few months, several small mining camps had me established within the Thunder Mountain with a total number of miners reaching over 7,000.
The area was productive between 1895 and 1905 producing hundreds of thousands of ounces of gold. By 1905 gold deposits had begun to diminish and a number of mines begun to close. In 1909 mining was completely closed in the area but this was not the last gold mining was done in the Thunder Mountain. At different times over the years, different mines and claims have been mined by different players in the region.
Today the area has several active mining claims and still being worked by small-scale gold prospectors.
This is one of the earliest mining centers in the Yellow Pine area. The first miners passed in the late 1800s from the Warren Diggin's on their way to the east. Some of the adventures miners prospected the area and discovered gold in the area. This led to the establishment of a small mining community in the area. Mining was done until the early 1900s when the rich claims had been mined out.
Big Creek is truly the "end of the road," and is probably one of the most isolated places in the lower-48. It is surrounded by the River of No Return Wilderness.
Gold was discovered at Stibnite by miners from Thunder Mountain during the boom days of mining. By the early 1900s, Meadow Creek, worked by J.J. Oberbiling was one of the most successful mines in the area leading to the creation of a successful mining community nearby.
The Bradley Mining Company created the successful Yellow Pine Mine in the area further growing the profile of Stibnite as an important mining center in this part of Idaho.
Mining of gold, silver, and antimony continued into the late 1930s. At the start of the Second World War, antimony and tungsten had become the most important minerals produced in the Stibnite area, and most of the countries tungsten was being supplied from this area, aiding the war efforts. A new smelter was constructed in 1948 and the Korean War provided incentives for further mining to take place in the area.
Mining stopped in the mid-1950s and most of the mining equipment dismantled.
Today, the Stibnite Mine is owned by the Midas Gold company which has been prospecting the area with the view of reopening the operation.
Yellow Pine is an active community in the summer, but doesn't get nearly as much attention during the winter due to the harsh Idaho winters.
The Yellow Pine Backcountry Historical Museum provides important information on the history of mining in the area over the years. It helps you understand where gold was found and where there are chances of finding some. In addition to the museum, one can see the various old mines and learn a lot about mining.
There is some beautiful country to explore around here. In addition to a gold pan , make sure you bring along a fishing pole if you visit!
Note: Many of the mining areas here have been "cherry stemmed" out of the Wilderness area, meaning that the historic mines are not restricted by the laws of the wilderness area. However, if you were to venture into new areas around the current mines you might find yourself in a spot where prospecting is not allowed, so make sure you have a good map and aren't prospecting within the wilderness boundary.


The whole concept of Health Wellness and Happiness, as a mobile massage service, was initially developed because of the high costs of starting up a health and wellness center. I needed to first get my style of massage known by the public, and I did so by working vigorously at multiple holistic healthcare clinics and/or spas.
Many of my clients enjoyed the deep tissue skill set I offer and as I matured into a more precise medical massage therapist I began to combine or stack a very distinct array of methods, modalities and approaches for managing one's soft tissue needs or demands. This particular style of a therapeutic massage allows me to develop each and every massage into a specially tailored session for each certain client's specific soft tissue requirements. Some may offer a way to stretch the region, and others will strengthen particular muscles in question to help you to reduce the everyday aches and pains. Following a session it may be advised to use some physical agents to soothe your soreness discomforts away. Remember soreness will walk away in time but pain stays and nags you until you take the necessary steps to reduce or eliminate it.
l gained unheard amounts of knowledge and experience through the hundreds to thousands of bodies that I've worked on through the years as a massage therapist. (25 as an amateur and 5 as a professional) I found that each body had its own distinct soft tissue complication but today with my vast tools I find helping people with their pains is a talent I've always had. I like to educate one of their bodies needs and give the a degree of pain relief that is what they all were looking for. With this knowledge I show my clients that their is way to function and operate without having their daily aches and pains. Through these experiences I've gained the knowledge of how to address each and everyone of body's needs and how to repair it with a total holistic approach. I always aim to give every client the best therapy that their money can buy, and I always keep it for all at a very reasonable rate.
I believe that one's health should not be a question of cost, but rather a question of when? When will you have enough of your pains and when will we get together to see if massage therapy is a fit for you? We will work out a rate plan that will work for you, as I am quite understanding and take your situation into the highest of concerns. Your needs are important to me and I am certain that together we will enable all of us to enjoy the limited time that we all are given here on this Earth.
Plus now I'm offering even lower rates for those who buy promise plan packages in advance for either mobile or studio rates. That's right you all should know that now Health Wellness and Happiness has its own secluded private studio... So if you come up to the Health Wellness and Happiness in West Hills I will use this to knock an extra $20 off your rate! Just book your massage here and text me at (818)288-0760 telling me how you look forward to our appointment together and I will be more than happy to confirm it as quick as possible because I always look forward to offer you the best service in each and every way!
A massage at the HWH Private Studio will last from 75 to 100 minutes which is designed to remove your severe muscle tension. The massage is a medical massage which is a blend of techniques used to relieve both muscles and connective tissue congestion. It will help to improve range of motion and will heal injuries quicker.
This is a package of 5 massages (Paid in Full) that are to be used with in five weeks period of time. This is a deep tissue massage that is medically based (Very therapeutic) which will last from 75 to 100 minutes. It is designed to remove severe muscle tension with a combination of techniques in both ones muscles and connective tissue. It will help to improve your range of motion, reduce pains and will assist in healing injuries quicker.
This is a package of 5 mobile massages (paid in full) that have to be used within a 5 week period or you will not be able to redeem all of your massages. Its a deep tissue medical massage that will last from 75 to 100 minutes which is designed to remove severe muscle tension. I use a a combination of techniques to relieve both muscles and connective tissue congestion. This massage will improve your range of motion and it will assist in healing injuries quicker.


text:
Q: Google Colab: "No such file or directory" when folder clearly exists I'm trying to access a dataset I put in my Google Drive from Google Colab (by mounting my drive and using the DATADIR variable to specify the path of the folder); however, when trying to perform operations on the DATADIR variable, it says the directory doesn't exist.
I've tried other methods of getting the dataset into Colab, but those come with their own problems in the code I'm using. I'd prefer to just stick to mounting my Google Drive.
Here's how I mounted my drive:
from google.colab import drive
drive.mount('/content/drive')

And here's where I'm getting the error:
DATADIR = "content/drive/My Drive/Colab Notebooks/Datasets/Cats and Dogs"
CATEGORIES = ["Dog", "Cat"]

for category in CATEGORIES:
  path = os.path.join(DATADIR, category)
  for img in os.listdir(path):
    img_array = cv2.imread(os.path.join(path, img), cv2.imread_grayscale)

Here's the error message (picture):
FileNotFoundError: [Errno 2] No such file or directory: 'content/drive/My Drive/Colab Notebooks/Datasets/Cats and Dogs/Dog'
It occurs on this line: for img in os.listdir(path):
Proof that the folder exists: when I click on 'Files' in Colab, I can navigate to the folder easily.

A: restart the notebook then inside the cell, where you use the script, write: !ls
It will show the corrent path. I noticed that even if you move the script the directory remain the same

A: "Maybe missing the initial / in DataDir" from Mark, June,21 2019
That solution works for me

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
The Center for Grassroots Oversight
This page can be viewed at http://www.historycommons.org/context.jsp?item=torture,_rendition,_and_other_abuses_against_captives_in_iraq,_afghanistan,_and_elsewhere_2323
Context of 'September 10, 2001: Alleged Al-Qaeda Operative Arrives in US'
This is a scalable context timeline. It contains events related to the event September 10, 2001: Alleged Al-Qaeda Operative Arrives in US. You can narrow or broaden the context of this timeline by adjusting the zoom level. The lower the scale, the more relevant the items on average will be, while the higher the scale, the less relevant the items, on average, will be.
June 12, 2001: CIA Learns KSM Is Sending Operatives to US to Meet Up with Operatives Already There
A CIA report says that a man named "Khaled" is actively recruiting people to travel to various countries, including the US, to stage attacks. CIA headquarters presume from the details of this report that Khaled is Khalid Shaikh Mohammed (KSM). On July 11, the individual source for this report is shown a series of photographs and identifies KSM as the person he called "Khaled." (Diamond 12/12/2002; 9/11 Commission 7/24/2004, pp. 277, 533) This report also reveals that:
Al-Qaeda operatives heading to the US would be "expected to establish contact with colleagues already living there."
KSM himself had traveled to the US frequently, and as recently as May 2001.
KSM is a relative of bomber Ramzi Yousef.
He appears to be one of bin Laden's most trusted leaders.
He routinely tells others that he can arrange their entry into the US as well. However, the CIA doesn't find this report credible because they think it is unlikely that he would come to the US (in fact, it appears he had (see Summer 1998)). Nevertheless, they consider it worth pursuing. One agent replies, "If it is KSM, we have both a significant threat and an opportunity to pick him up." In July, the source clarifies that the last time he can definitely place KSM in the US was in the summer of 1998 (see Summer 1998). The CIA disseminates the report to all other US intelligence agencies, military commanders, and parts of the Treasury and Justice Departments. The 9/11 Congressional Inquiry will later request that the CIA inform them how CIA agents and other agencies reacted to this information, but the CIA does not respond to this. (US Congress 7/24/2003) It appears that KSM will send at least one and probably two operatives to the US after this time and before 9/11 (see August 4, 2001 and September 10, 2001). On July 23, 2001, the US consulate in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia will give KSM a US visa (he uses an alias but his actual photo appears on his application) (see July 23, 2001). Also, during this summer and as late as September 10, 2001, the NSA will intercept phone calls between KSM and Mohamed Atta, but the NSA will not share this information with any other agencies (see Summer 2001).
September 10, 2001: Alleged Al-Qaeda Operative Arrives in US
Ali Saleh Kahlah al-Marri, from Qatar but a legal US resident, arrives in the US with his wife and five children, reportedly to pursue a master's degree in computer science at Bradley University in Peoria, Illinois. (Lucian 12/19/2001; Golden and van Natal 6/21/2004) Al-Marri appears to have been sent to the US by 9/11 mastermind Khalid Shaikh Mohammed (KSM). During his interrogation, KSM will identify al-Marri as "the point of contact for al-Qaeda operatives arriving in the US for September 11 follow-on operations." He will describe al-Marri as "the perfect sleeper agent because he has studied in the United States, had no criminal record, and had a family with whom he could travel." (Thomas 6/15/2003) However, there are doubts about the reliability of KSM's interrogation, which is believed that have been obtained through the use of torture (see June 16, 2004). Al-Marri also lived in Illinois for part of 2000 under a different name. (Pienciak 1/11/2003) He is apparently related to Mohamed al-Khatani, who attempted to enter the US in August 2001 to join the 9/11 plot (see July 2002). (Golden and van Natal 6/21/2004) In December 2001, al-Marri will be detained as a material witness to the 9/11 attacks (see December 12, 2001).
November 27, 2001: US and Northern Alliance Retake Afghan Fortress from Rebelling Prisoners
Mike Spann. [Source: CIA]In the morning, CIA agent "Dave," US Special Forces, SAS soldiers, and an additional 200 Northern Alliance troops arrive at the Qala-i-Janghi fortress to fight the remaining ten or so Taliban fighters who are still resisting. One of the US soldiers warns journalists not to be inside the compound at night. (August 11/28/2001; BBC 12/1/2001; CNN 8/3/2002) "To clear the last pockets of Taliban resistance in the afternoon, Alliance soldiers approached the houses in the middle of the compound and fired at random into basement windows," the London Times later reports. "Some 20-liter petrol canisters were thrown in, then grenades." (August 11/28/2001) Alliance soldiers roaming the complex shoot at the bodies to make sure there are no survivors. They also loot corpses, stealing rifles, boots, clothing, and even gold fillings from their teeth. (Huggler 11/29/2001) According to an escaped prisoner, a Northern Alliance tank runs over the bodies of injured survivors. (Pakistan News Service (Newark, CA) 12/3/2001) A tank attacks the western half of the compound and reportedly kills the last two remaining holdouts who are still fighting. By noon, "the ground was littered with countless mangled bodies," the London Times reports. (August 11/28/2001; BBC 12/1/2001) Foreign reporters are allowed in the compound. One Associated Press photographer sees Northern Alliance soldiers removing the bindings from the hands of the dead Taliban fighters. (Huggler 11/29/2001) In the afternoon, it is discovered that there are about 100 survivors in the basement of a one-story building at the center of the compound. US Special Forces order Northern Alliance soldiers to pour diesel fuel into the basement and ignite it. (Soloway 12/1/2001) General Dostum's men pour fuel down several air ducts, two of which lead into a room where John Walker Lindh is sitting, drenching him. Unable to walk, he has to crawl away from the air ducts. Some minutes later, the fuel is lit and fire spreads quickly throughout the basement. "People were being burned alive," an eyewitness will recall. Lindh loses consciousness in the smoke-filled air, while Dostum's soldiers fire rockets amidst the surviving Taliban. The report by Lindh's defense will say, "Human remains litter the entire basement floor." (United States of America v. John Walker Lindh 6/13/2002 ) At dusk, US soldiers recover CIA agent Mike Spann's (see September 10, 2001) booby-trapped body. (CNN 8/3/2002)
December 12, 2001: Al-Marri Detained as Material Witness to 9/11 Attacks
Qatari citizen Ali Saleh Kahlah al-Marri, a computer science graduate student at Illinois's Bradley University, is arrested as a material witness to the 9/11 attacks. (Lucian 12/19/2001; Hirschkom 12/13/2005) Al-Marri was interviewed twice by the FBI, once on October 2 and again on December 11. Both times, according to the FBI, he lied in response to their questions. Al-Marri claimed to have entered the US on September 10, 2001, his first visit to the country since 1991, when he earned his undergraduate degree at Bradley. (CBS News 6/23/2003; Hirschkom 12/13/2005)
Connections to 9/11 Terrorists Alleged - The FBI says al-Marri has been in the US since 2000. Al-Marri denied calling the United Arab Emirates phone number of Mustafa Ahmed al-Hawsawi, an unindicted co-conspirator in the trial of suspected "20th hijacker" Zacarias Moussaoui. Prosecutors say al-Hawsawi provided financial backing to Moussaoui and the 9/11 hijackers, and allegedly helped some of the hijackers travel from Pakistan to the United Arab Emirates and then to the US in preparation for the attacks. (CBS News 6/23/2003; Thompson 3/2007) (Al-Hawsawi will be captured in Pakistan in March 2003, and detained in an undisclosed location somewhere outside the US. See Early-Late June, 2001) (Hirschkom 12/13/2005) The government also alleges that the phone number was a contact number for Ramzi Bin al-Shibh, another unindicted co-conspirator in the Moussaoui indictment. The government says that two calling cards were used to call the number, which was also listed as a contact number on a package it believes was sent by 9/11 hijacker Mohamed Atta to the UAE on September 8, 2001. The cards were allegedly used to place phone calls from al-Marri's residence, from his cellphone, and from the Marriott hotel room he was staying in on September 11. However, none of the three calls to the UAE number were made from phones registered to Al-Marri, though, nor is there proof he placed them. Some of the calls made from the card to the UAE were placed to relatives of al-Marri. (Bradley Scout 3/29/2002) In March 2002, Justice Department official Alice Fisher will say that an unnamed al-Qaeda detainee "in a position to know… positively identified al-Marri as an al-Qaeda sleeper operative who was tasked to help new al-Qaeda operatives get settled in the United States for follow-on attacks after 9/11." That unidentified tipster brought al-Marri to the attention of federal law enforcement shortly after the attacks. FBI officials have said that al-Marri is not considered to have played any part in the attacks, but is still considered a danger to the US. (McCaffrey 6/23/2003) In 2003, the FBI adds that it found "an almanac with bookmarks in pages that provided information about major US dams, reservoirs, waterways and railroads." (Simpson 6/24/2003) He is believed to be a relative of Saudi national and future Guantanamo detainee Mohamed al-Khatani, who is said to be an intended 9/11 hijacker (see July 2002). (Golden and van Natal 6/21/2004)
Bank and Credit Card Fraud - According to the FBI, al-Marri obtained a bank account under a false name, rented a motel room under a false name to create a mailing address, and formed a fake company, AAA Carpet, using the motel's address. The FBI also says al-Marri used a fake Social Security number to open three other bank accounts. Al-Marri was carrying well over 15 fake credit card numbers on him when he was interviewed yesterday, says the US Attorney's office in Illinois. (CBS News 6/23/2003; Thompson 3/2007) There are also allegedly over 1,000 more in his personal computer files. He has missed so many classes, the FBI says, that he is on the verge of flunking out. The FBI says al-Marri's computer also contains Arabic lectures by Osama bin Laden, photographs of the 9/11 attacks, and a cartoon of planes crashing into the World Trade Center. The computer has a folder labeled "jihad arena," and another labeled "chem," which, government officials say, contains industrial chemical distributor websites used by al-Marri to obtain information about hydrogen cyanide, a poisonous gas used in chemical weapons. (Hirschkom 12/13/2005) Al-Marri consents to the search and the seizure of his computer and other possessions. (Bradley Scout 3/29/2002) Al-Marri will be charged with financial crimes in 2002 (see February 8, 2002), charges that later will be dropped (see June 23, 2003). (CBS News 6/23/2003)
July 2002: Alleged '20th Hijacker' Confesses in Guantanamo
The FBI takes over interrogations of Saudi Guantanamo detainee Mohamed al-Khatani. He had been captured and taken into US custody months before (see December 2001) but his real identity was only recently discovered. In the months before, military intelligence, using harsh tactics, was unsuccessful in gaining information from him, but the FBI allegedly uses subtle persuasion with an experienced interrogator and succeeds. Khatani discloses:
He is an al-Qaeda member and received terrorist training at two al-Qaeda camps.
He attended an al-Qaeda summit in Malaysia attended by two 9/11 hijackers (see January 5-8, 2000).
He attempted unsuccessfully to be one of the hijackers himself, failing to enter the US in August 2001 (see August 4, 2001).
He had been sent to the US by 9/11 mastermind Khalid Shaikh Mohammed.
He had met bin Laden on several occasions and had been in contact with many other senior al-Qaeda leaders.
He is related to Ali Saleh Kahlah al-Marri, an apparent al-Qaeda sleeper agent already arrested in the US (see September 10, 2001).
He informs on about thirty other prisoners being held at Guantanamo.
But he is also believed to have little knowledge of other al-Qaeda plots. (Golden and van Natal 6/21/2004; Zagorin 3/3/2006) He will later recant his confession (see October 26, 2006).
June 16, 2004: 9/11 Commission Gives Account of Prisoner Interrogations
The 9/11 Commission releases a new report on how the 9/11 plot developed. Most of their information appears to come from interrogations of prisoners Khalid Shaikh Mohammed (KSM), the 9/11 mastermind, and Ramzi bin al-Shibh, a key member of the al-Qaeda Hamburg cell. In this account, the idea for the attacks appears to have originated with KSM. In mid-1996, he met bin Laden and al-Qaeda leader Mohammed Atef in Afghanistan. He presented several ideas for attacking the US, including a version of the 9/11 plot using ten planes (presumably an update of Operation Bojinka's second phase plot (see February-Early May 1995)). Bin Laden does not commit himself. In 1999, bin Laden approves a scaled-back version of the idea, and provides four operatives to carry it out: Nawaf Alhazmi, Khalid Almihdhar, Khallad bin Attash, and Abu Bara al Taizi. Attash and al Taizi drop out when they fail to get US visas. Alhazmi and Almihdhar prove to be incompetent pilots, but the recruitment of Mohamed Atta and the others in the Hamburg al-Qaeda cell solves that problem. Bin Laden wants the attacks to take place between May and July 2001, but the attacks are ultimately delayed until September. (9/11 Commission 6/16/2004) However, information such as these accounts resulting from prisoner interrogations is seriously doubted by some experts, because it appears they only began cooperating after being coerced or tortured. For instance, it is said that KSM was "waterboarded," a technique in which his head is pushed under water until he nearly drowns. Information gained under such duress often is unreliable. Additionally, there is a serious risk that the prisoners might try to intentionally deceive. (Shenon and Marquis 6/17/2004) For instance, one CIA report of his interrogations is called, "Khalid Shaikh Mohammed's Threat Reporting—Precious Truths, Surrounded by a Bodyguard of Lies." (McDermott 6/23/2004) The Commission itself expresses worry that KSM could be trying to exaggerate the role of bin Laden in the plot to boost bin Laden's reputation in the Muslim world. (9/11 Commission 6/16/2004) Most of what these prisoners have said is uncorroborated from other sources. (New York Times 6/17/2004) In 2007, it will be alleged that as much as 90 percent of KSM's interrogation could be inaccurate, and that he has recanted some of his confessions (see August 6, 2007).
February 1, 2007: Bush Administration Lawyer Claims US Citizens Can Be Charged Under Military Commissions Act
The Bush administration confirms that it believes US citizens can be designated as "enemy combatants" under the Military Commissions Act (MCA—see October 17, 2006). The confirmation comes during the trial of Ali Saleh Kahlah al-Marri, a Qatari and the only person on the American mainland being held as an enemy combatant. Al-Marri, currently held at the Charleston, South Carolina Naval brig, is a legal US resident accused of being a sleeper agent for al-Qaeda (see September 10, 2001). He was arrested in December 2001, while living with his family and studying computer science at Bradley University in Illinois. Al-Marri is charged, not with any direct terrorist activities, but with credit card fraud and lying to federal agents. He is challenging his indefinite detention in federal court, and the government is using the MCA to argue that al-Marri has no status in the courts because of his designation as an enemy combatant. One of the appellate court judges, Roger Gregory, asks Justice Department lawyer David Salmons, "What would prevent you from plucking up anyone and saying, 'You are an enemy combatant?'" Salmons responds that the government can do just that, without interference from the courts, and adds, "A citizen, no less than an alien, can be an enemy combatant." Gregory and the second of the three appellate judges, Diana Gribbon Motz, seem uncomfortable with the law's provisions that the US judiciary has no role in such designations. When Motz asks Salmons about the difference between nations making war and individuals committing acts of terrorism, Salmons retorts with a familiar, and long-disputed, argument that the US Congress gave the government the right to detain terrorist suspects without charge or recourse to the judiciary when it granted the administration the right to use military force against terrorists after the 9/11 attacks (see September 14-18, 2001).
Theoretically Declaring War on PETA - Motz is skeptical of the argument, and asks a series of hypothetical questions about just what organizations or individuals President Bush could designate as enemy combatants. Using the animal rights group People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) as an example, Motz asks, "Could the president declare war on PETA?" Salmons says the question is unrealistic, but refuses to say that Bush could not do so if he chose. The Bush administration is careful in its use of the enemy combatant designation, Salmons says, therefore, "The representative of PETA can sleep well at night." (Liptak 2/2/2007)
Ignoring Constitutional Concept of 'Inalienable Rights' - Author and investigative journalist Robert Parry notes that in the al-Marri case, the Bush administration is arguing against the concept of "inalienable," or "unalienable," rights as granted by the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. According to the administration, as long as the US is embroiled in what it calls the "war on terror," Bush can use his "plenary," or unlimited, executive powers to essentially waive laws and ignore Constitutional rights if he so chooses. Parry writes that "since the 'war on terror' will go on indefinitely and since the 'battlefield' is everywhere, Bush is asserting the president's right to do whatever he wants to whomever he wants wherever the person might be, virtually forever." Parry concludes, "The Justice Department's arguments in the [al-]Marri case underscore that Bush still sees himself as a modern-day version of the absolute monarch who gets to decide which rights and freedoms his subjects can enjoy and which ones will be denied." (Parry 2/3/2007)
April 30, 2009: Accused Al-Qaeda Sleeper Agent Pleads Guilty to Supporting Terrorism
Ali Saleh Kahlah al-Marri, a Qatari held without charge for seven years by the Bush administration on suspicion of being an al-Qaeda sleeper agent (see December 12, 2001 and June 23, 2003), pleads guilty to one felony count of providing material support to a terrorist organization. Al-Marri was released from the Naval Brig in Charleston on order of the Obama administration's Justice Department and charged with multiple counts of supporting terrorism (see February 27, 2009). He faces up to 15 years in prison. Until accepting the plea, al-Marri has always denied any connection with al-Qaeda or with Islamist terrorism. Attorney General Eric Holder says of the al-Marri plea: "Without a doubt, this case is a grim reminder of the seriousness of the threat we as a nation still face. But it also reflects what we can achieve when we have faith in our criminal justice system and are unwavering in our commitment to the values upon which the nation was founded and the rule of law." Lawrence Lustberg, one of al-Marri's lawyers, says his client agreed to the plea bargain "because he wanted to go home," and because of fears that a jury trial might end up with al-Marri serving 30 years and not a maximum of 15. (Holder rejected earlier plea deals, insisting that al-Marri serve at least 15 years in prison.) Court papers show that al-Marri was an al-Qaeda agent, with close ties to alleged 9/11 plotter Khalid Shaikh Mohammed. Al-Marri admitted to attending al-Qaeda training camps between 1998 and 2001, and to coming to the US at Mohammed's direction (see September 10, 2001). The plan was for al-Marri to stay in contact with Mohammed using code names—al-Marri was "Abdo" and Mohammed was "Muk," apparently short for his nickname "Mukhtar" (see August 28, 2001)—and a Hotmail email account. Documents confirming this were found at an al-Qaeda safe house in Pakistan. Al-Marri's attempts to contact both Mohammed and al-Qaeda financier Mustafa al-Hawsawi after the 9/11 attacks were unsuccessful. Al-Marri also conducted research on the effects of cyanide gas, and on potential targets for terrorist attacks, including waterways, dams, and tunnels. Al-Marri's plea agreement says that he will be deported to Saudi Arabia or Qatar when his sentence is completed, or perhaps sooner. The judge in the case, Michael Mihm, has not yet ruled whether al-Marri will be given credit for the seven years he served in the Charleston brig. (Gerstein 4/30/2009; Schwartz 4/30/2009; Holder 4/30/2009)


The picture above is probably my favorite among the many that I took of Taj Mahal in Agra.
Hopeless romantic as I am, I've always found the love story behind the Taj touching. As you probably know, Mumtaz Mahal was the wife of Shah Jahan, the fifth Emperor of the Mughal Empire in India in the first part of the 17th century. She died while giving birth to their fourteenth child, but still managed to inspire her husband to build this shining mausoleum for her memory, filled with intricate stonework in white marble and precious stones depicting delicate flowers. In my eyes, it has always looked more suited for a young princess or empress, instead a a mother of fourteen (the whiteness, the flowers - somehow I connect them with a young bride more than middle-aged married wife...) - she must truly have been loved by him. The sad part of the story is that one of those children, a son who became Emperor Auranzeb, took power in 1658 and locked Shah Jahan into the Red Fort for the last eight years of his life.
I took these pictures from the balcony at the Red Fort in Agra (above) from where Shah Jahan was contained. This was the place he could sit and and look at Taj Mahal, his shimmering monument over Mumtaz and their mutual love and devotion, which he wasn't even allowed to visit. I do wonder what he thought of here in his sad containment, so close and still so far away, while grieving and longing for his favorite wife.


Personal trainers devise exercise and nutrition programmes with expected benefits of improved body composition, better physical performance, healthier heart condition and improved health factors.
Personal trainers improve the client's adherence to their programme through better attendance, increased intensity of work through motivational techniques, improve the safety of their workout by appropriate instruction and correction of technique. Personal trainers also review and modify both exercise and nutritional components of their clients' programme at regular intervals.
What is Personal Training Plus?
Just that, everything a personal trainer does, though very importantly, they are also able to work with people who have health and fitness problems. Also, they only commence the work of a personal trainer after two crucial preliminary stages. First, a functional movement analysis; this comprises a series of specific movement examinations to determine how well the client's body performs fundamental movement patterns. This is followed by a combination of trigger point therapy and specific corrective exercises to establish as fully as possible, correct patterns of movement.
Once this vital foundation work has been completed, the programme more closely corresponds to that of a conventional personal training programme. Though working with our trainers provides you with the added benefit of the underlying knowledge the trainer has gained from the preliminary stages of the personal training plus programme. This knowledge will continue to be used to add value to your sessions while ensuring you always work safely.
Who is Personal Training Plus suitable for?
We all have goals in mind – working with a Saturn Fitness and Wellness Personal Trainer will help you reach your health and fitness goals so much faster, and will make sure you have fun while you're at it. Whether you want to tone up or build muscle, improve your sports performance or get your figure back after a baby, our Saturn Fitness and Wellness personal trainers are friendly, passionate and incredibly good at the work they do.
With a broad range of qualifications and experience, Saturn Fitness and Wellness personal trainers have the expertise to train a variety of individuals including; men, women, athletes, executives, pre- and post-natal mothers and rehabilitation clients.
Small group training – up to three people.
Arrange a no obligation meeting with a personal trainer at a time to suit you. Call 07552 045208.
Dieting is any planned change to what you eat and drink and can have numerous objectives including losing weight, to gain muscle, to avoid certain items such as meat,nuts or dairy products.
Planning to lose weight isn't as easy as you may think. Time and again, reputable studies have shown that the most reliable way to lose weight and not put it back on again is to combine eating a little less in terms of calories and using a little more calories through additional exercise.
How does Saturn Fitness and Wellness' Personal Weight Management Programme work?
When you join our programme, our friendly in-house experts will focus on three key areas; healthier eating, increased physical activity and lifestyle. They will educate you to make important changes that will help you achieve healthy, sustainable weight loss. We guarantee you will lose weight or your money back*.
For the healthier eating and lifestyle elements of your programme, you will receive personal service throughout your time with us. You will not be in a room full of other people, you will not hear a bell ring when you have lost weight, nor will there be silence when you haven't. We will support you all of the way. Only for the exercise component of your programme will you have other people with you, though you can choose to do this part of the programme on a one to one basis too.
Decide to lose weight for the last time. Call us to begin your journey of improvement.


text:
Texas Petro Index records 'brutal downturn' in second quarter
August 4th, 2020 Bethany Blankley
The Texas Petro Index (TPI) fell in June to 157.5, a 24 percent year-over-year drop, the Texas Alliance of Energy Producers (TAEP) said Thursday.
The index, a cyclical measure of the health and vitality of the upstream oil and gas economy, previously posted a one-month record decline in April.
The announcement comes one day after President Donald Trump visited Midland and Odessa. On Wednesday, he signed extended permits "granting approval to vital pipeline and railway infrastructure" along the U.S.-Mexico border.
At Double Eagle Energy in Midland, Trump signed a permit for NuStar Energy to operate and maintain existing pipelines underneath the Rio Grande. Hydrocarbons and petroleum products are transported through a 46-mile pipeline from Hidalgo County into northern Mexico. Trump also signed a permit for Kansas City Southern Railway Co. to build and operate a new international railway bridge in Laredo.
The two permits allow the export of Texas crude oil to Mexico, which may or may not help Texas recover from a "bloodbath" of financial losses reported in April.
"Petroleum energy demand dropped off the cliff sharply and rapidly at the same time crude oil production was peaking, particularly in Texas and the U.S.," Karr Ingham, petroleum economist for TAEP, said.
Kerr, who produces the monthly index, said the drop "would have been bad enough," but to "throw in a market share temper tantrum between Saudi Arabia and Russia at the worst possible time, and you have a thoroughly devastating impact on energy markets."
After a peak in March, crude oil production declined at a record pace, falling by more than 710,000 barrels a day. Crude oil prices then dropped, followed by declines in the number of operating rigs, approved drilling permits, and upstream (exploration and production) direct employment.
The statewide rig count hit historic lows. In late May, the Baker-Hughes count fell to its lowest weekly and monthly levels since 1944, when the company began tallying weekly rig counts. The Texas rig count averaged 113 in March, down from more than 400 at the end of 2019. As of July 24, it was 103.
The industry had already been struggling before March when the COVID-19 pandemic hit, TAEP notes. From December 2018 to June 2020, direct upstream oil and gas employment in Texas fell by nearly 30 percent.
But coronavirus shutdowns coupled with the Saudi Arabia/Russian oil war resulted in 25,000 jobs lost in the month of April 2020 alone. This past April was "easily the largest one-month industry employment decline on record, more than doubling the previous record," Kerr says.
Despite these grim numbers, Kerr points to a silver lining – crude oil prices have now reached $40 a barrel, which most could not have anticipated in April when they were less than $10 a barrel.
"It points to a quick price response to the re-opening of the economy, and suggests that along with continued economic recovery and the accompanying growth in energy demand – as production continues to decline – that prices will respond accordingly," Kerr said.
"Absent government-mandated lockdowns, it appears that the country is anxious and ready to respond to a more open economy, as evidenced by some impressive improvements in U.S. demand metrics, gasoline demand in particular," he added.
Increased crude oil prices are "the first domino to stand back up again, followed by permits and the rig count, and employment ultimately will respond."
Interested in more news from Texas? We've got you covered! See More Texas News
Previous Article Isn't It Time To Ask How Much China Has Corrupted American Media?
Next Article On the issue of the Simpson cartoons appearing to predict U.S. events [video]


Imperial Press has been providing Metro Detroit with printing services since 1984. Through our dedication to our customers and our constant attention to detail and quality we have succeeded in building a strong base of loyal customers.
A link to our site map and contact form appear on each page. As well, feel free to consult the site map at any time if you're having trouble locating a particular item. If there's anything we can do to improve our site, please let us know.
Order your next promotional products from our Custom Promotional Product Sites.


text:
Victim of fatal assault in Barry named
Editor 2 years ago 2 min read
THE victim of a fatal assault which occurred in Barry town centre has been identified as 23-year-old Jordan Davies.
Jordan died on Holton Road after suffering stab wounds during an assault at approximately 4pm yesterday (Monday, December 16).
A 24-year-old local man, who was known to the victim, was arrested within hours of the incident on suspicion of murder. He remains in custody and officers are not currently looking for anyone else in connection with the death.
DCI Mark O'Shea, Senior Investigating Officer, said: "This was a tragic incident which has cost a young man his life, and has devastated families.
"The attack happened in a busy town centre, and I would like to thank those members of the community who came to Jordan's aid and did what they could to help him..
"While many tried to assist, we know that the incident was captured on camera, and I would appeal to anyone with any mobile phone or dash-cam footage not to share it publicly and instead pass it on to the police so that we can fully investigate and ensure justice for the young victim.
"The public have been really forthcoming with information, which proved key in ensuring a suspect was apprehended quickly. We're still, however, appealing for anyone who has any information – no matter insignificant it may seem – to come forward."
DCI O'Shea also thanked those who supported officers who were at the scene during and after the incident.
He added: "This was an extremely distressing incident for all who were present, including local retailers and shoppers and our officers who remained at the scene. I'm extremely grateful for the patience and kindness shown by generous local residents."
A major incident room has been set up and detectives are continuing to appeal to anyone with information to come forward. Information and digital footage can be submitted online via a public portal: https://mipp.police.uk/operation/62SWP19A99-PO1
South Wales Police can also be contacted via 101, quoting occurrence 1900461821. Crimestoppers can also be contacted 100% anonymously on 0800 555 111.
Previous Changes at the top for policing in Carmarthenshire
Next Plush Christmas lunch for 57 people with difficulties


text:
'We lack witness to time', says Jørgen Haugen Sørensen, one of the most noteworthy Danish sculptors. Free of the restrictions of styles, rules, or schools, he gives unstintingly of his experience and impressions of life, of everything he perceives, thinks, and sees. Film director Malene Ravn has spent the last ten years recording the birth of Jørgen Haugen Sørensen's work from the moment at which he returned to clay and the figurative art he started with as a young man. 'I've been keeping the best bit for last. Now I think it's great fun to work in a material that's quick and cheap and gives you an immediate response. What's fun about clay is that you can go on shoving it around and moving it about, making it respond and express different things.' Haugen Sørensen tells stories in his clay sculptures, and the film depicts with intense intimacy the artist at work, from a tiny feeling, a thought, an idea, to the finished work. Jørgen Haugen Sørensen's enormous energy sweeps the film.
I THINK - I SEE
FORMAT: 4:3 / PAL
SOUND: DOLBY 5.1 / 2.0
ORIGINAL LANGUAGE: DANISH
For credits and additional information, please go to the page for the film on this site.