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This study examined the influence of Hispanic consumers' perceived importance of apparel retail store environmental cues and demographic characteristics (i.e., age and the number of years lived in the US) on their apparel store patronage behavior across various retail store formats. Three apparel retail store environmental cue dimensions were identified. Of the three dimensions, Customer Service appeared as a significant determinant in Hispanic consumers' decision to shop at department stores, specialty stores, and mass merchant stores. Convenience was significantly, but negatively, related to the use of specialty stores. Physical Atmosphere appeared as significant determinants of Hispanic consumers' use of Internet websites. The respondents' shopping frequency at department stores, Internet websites, and catalogues was significantly different based on the respondents' age and number of years lived in the US This study offers insights for apparel retailers in building effective retail store environments to attract Hispanic consumers.
The US population has experienced remarkable growth over the past half-century and is becoming more racially and ethnically diverse with faster population growth among minorities than Caucasians (Shrestha, 2006). The US Census Bureau (2007) reported that the nation's minority population reached 100.7 million in 2006, increased from 98 million in 2005, and Hispanics accounted for almost half of the nation's minority population growth between 2005 and 2006. A more recent report by the US Census Bureau (2008) showed that the US Hispanic population reached 45.5 million on July 1, 2007, which accounts for 15.1% of the estimated total US population of 301.6 million. The Pew Hispanic Center report for US population projections revealed that Hispanics will make up 29% of the US population in 2050, making them the nation's largest and fastest-growing minority population group in the US (Pew Hispanic Center, 2006). Moreover, according to a report released by Hispanic Telligence®, along with such substantial population increases, Hispanic purchasing power surged to nearly $700 billion in 2004, accounting for 8.5% of total US purchasing power that year, and is projected to reach as much as $1 trillion by 2010 (Broide, 2004). Although the median income of Hispanic households is much less than that of non-Hispanic white households (US Census Bureau, 2007), Hispanic households spend a greater percentage of their disposable income on goods and services than do non-Hispanics (HispanicTrends.com, March/April, 2005). More specifically, Hispanic households spent a greater portion of their income in 2004 on groceries, footwear, men's and children's apparel, gasoline and motor oil, and household textiles than other goods (HispanicTrends.com, January/February, 2005). As the population and purchasing power of this group grows, understanding Hispanic consumers and appealing to them becomes an increasingly important opportunity for retailers to capitalize on the projected hundreds of billions of dollars of annual sales potential. However, despite the mounting evidence of Hispanics' growing impact and influence on the retail market, research has lagged behind in this area, and little has been done to investigate this group and their shopping behaviors. Furthermore, US Hispanics were found to exhibit strong ethnic identification and attitudinal differences than other ethnic groups in their shopping behaviors (Deshpande et al., 1986; Suro, 2006). Retailers should not assume that marketing products to the Hispanic population is no different than marketing to a general population (Valdez, 2000). Marketers should know the preferences of this consumer group compared to other ethnic groups and develop a differentiated marketing plan. In order to shed light on those preferences, the present study focuses on Hispanic consumers' shopping behaviors. Over the past decades, the retail business environment has faced aggressive competition with rapid market entry of innovative store concepts and formats (Maronick and Stiff, 1985). A company's success in financial performance and market shares largely depended on the satisfied customers who are willing to purchase products or services repeatedly (Siu and Cheung, 2001; Raphel, 1999; Reichheld and Sasser, 1990; Srinivasan et al., 2002). In this vein, understanding consumers' store choices and their patronage behavior have been identified as keys to the success of a particular retail business and have become a premier objective for marketers (Osman, 1993). Therefore, increasing consumers' loyalty to the store has been a managerial challenge to marketers, and gaining in-depth understanding and empirical estimation of consumer loyalty behavior has been an important issue to researchers. In the face of the recent demographic movement of growing minority populations in the US, retailers are recognizing that various ethnic groups have different store choice and patronage behaviors (Cotton Incorporated's Lifestyle Monitor, 2005a). According to the report released by Cotton Incorporated's Lifestyle Monitor, almost 25% of Hispanics tend to shop at specialty stores and about 22% at chain stores, while Caucasians and African-Americans shop primarily at mass merchants (29% and 27%) and Asians at specialty stores (33%). Thus, retailers should abandon the one-look-fits-all strategy and try to differentiate stores that appeal to their target demographic group. More importantly, researchers found that Hispanic consumers tend to patronize the store more frequently once they develop a positive perception of it (Saegert et al., 1985). Much research showed that certain attributes of retail store environment influence store choice and patronage behavior (Baker et al., 2002; Darden et al., 1983; Darley and Lim, 1993; Hu and Japer, 2006; Pan and Zinkhan, 2006; Roy and Tai, 2003; Sherman et al., 1997; Sirgy et al., 2000; Spansenberg et al., 1996; Thang and Tan, 2003; Thompson and Chen, 1998; Ward et al., 1992). Moreover, a growing body of academic research also supports the importance of store environment as a marketing tool to affect shoppers' approach behaviors (Fiore et al., 2000) as well as a dominant market differentiator (Reardon et al., 1995; Roy and Tai, 2003). Thus, effectively managing the retail store environment encountered by customers has been identified as a viable retail management tactic (Babin and Darden, 1995; Gilboa and Fafaeli, 2003) and has gained a growing amount of attention from both industry and academia (Smith and Burns, 1996). Schlosser (1998) noted that, in the face of increased market competition, retailers' sole reliance on promotional techniques is inadequate; retailers' efforts must turn from offering just price promotions to creating a pleasant shopping experience. Researchers also asserted that store environments can influence consumers' willingness to purchase or entice them to stay in the store for a longer period of time (McDougall and Fry, 1974–75; Mano, 1999). In a survey conducted by Drug Store News, a majority of respondents, almost nine out of ten, revealed that a pleasant store atmosphere was either very or somewhat important when they chose a store in which to shop (Parks, 1998). According to Chain Store Age, retailers reported a positive connection between improving the retail store atmosphere and increasing sales ("Store atmospherics," 2005). As consumers often infer retail store images from such environmental cues (Bloemer and Ruyter, 1998), the store environment may represent the most imperative channel through which retailers can communicate with their consumers. In fact, retailers have been spending millions of dollars every year for the design, construction, and refurbishing of their stores in order to keep their stores up-to-date and project an image that appeals to their target markets (Roy and Tai, 2003). To offer an attractive retail store environment – that is, to effectively manage the relationship between the customer and the retail store environment – retailers should know what their target consumers consider important when they chose a store in which to shop, and then design their stores to appeal to those targeted markets, thereby drawing customers into stores and developing customer loyalty. Thus, the purpose of the present study is to examine the influence of Hispanic consumers' perceived importance of retail store environmental cues on store patronage behavior across various retail store formats. The study focuses on apparel retail stores because Hispanic consumers spend a significant share of their income on clothing items such as footwear and men's and children's apparel. According to HispanicTrends.com (January/February, 2005), Hispanic households spent, on average, $2097 for purchasing apparel items in 2004, which accounts for 6% of their annual expenditure based on an annual income of $35 k. This statistic is consistent with DRI McGraw-Hill's projection in that Hispanics are expected to drive significant growth in apparel and shoe purchases (Euro RSCG Magnet, 2002). Hispanic consumers' substantial expenditure on apparel items may transform the existing apparel market and redefine its future. However, the apparel industry is one of the business sectors that invest the least amount of money to Hispanics, according to Association of Hispanic Advertising Agencies (2004). This study investigating Hispanic consumers' patronage behaviors will provide practical information for apparel retailers to penetrate this lucrative consumer market and earn loyal customers.
The present study examined the influence of Hispanic consumers' perceived importance of retail store environmental cues and two demographic characteristics (i.e., age and the number of years lived in the US) on their store patronage behavior across various retail store formats. The results support the overall models of regression analyses testing the relationships between aforementioned variables. The exploratory factor analysis of retail store attributes identified three dimensions: Convenience, Physical Atmosphere, and Customer Service. Of the three factors, Convenience received the highest mean value, followed by Physical Atmosphere and Customer Service. This result suggests that when Hispanic consumers shop for clothing items, they place the highest importance on the convenience of the store's location, shopping hours and store layout, and pleasant dressing rooms. However, results of this study also suggest that they value nice store displays (e.g., informative, entertaining, and neat displays) with music playing at the store, as well as customer service aspects such as assistance from the sales associates and store policies that allow for exchanging and returning items. When examining the degree of using five different retail store formats by comparing the mean values, Hispanic consumers used department stores most frequently, followed by mass merchant stores and specialty stores. As discussed earlier in the literature review (May, 1981), consumers may be involved in multiple activities when shopping and may make their store selections accordingly. Thus, the proximity to other shopping facilities might be one of the possible determinants of consumer store choice and their patronage behaviors to the store. One possible reason for Hispanic consumers' more frequent use of department stores and mass merchant stores than other types of retail formats is that department stores and mass merchant stores carry a wide variety of product categories beyond apparel items, so consumers can accomplish multiple purposes of their shopping trip by visiting one place. This result is not consistent with the report released by Cotton Incorporated's Lifestyle Monitor (2005a), indicating that Hispanics tend to most frequently shop at specialty stores. The result also shows that Internet website was the least frequently used retail format for Hispanic respondents. Enabling consumers to obtain information for potential purchases as well as making actual purchases, the Internet has become a major shopping channel. However, the Internet might be the least effective channel in reaching Hispanic consumers. Considering Hispanic consumers' lower average income level when compared to the national average income, low computer ownership among Hispanic consumers might be one reason that Hispanics tend not to shop for clothes online. Another possible reason why Hispanic consumers do not use the Internet as a major shopping channel could be due to a language barrier; most Internet websites offer information only in English, while many Hispanics are more comfortable with information in Spanish. By offering their websites in Spanish, retailers may be able to multiply the effectiveness of selling products online. Five separate hierarchical regression analyses were conducted to examine the influence of Hispanic consumers' perceived importance of apparel retail store environmental cues and two demographic variables on the degree of using five different retail store formats when shopping for clothing items. In this study, Customer Service appeared as the strongest and most significant environmental cue in the respondents' use of traditional brick-and-mortar retail stores, including department stores, specialty stores, and mass merchant stores, when shopping for clothing items. The results of the study support the previous findings that suggest the significant influences of customer service aspects, such as salespeople, in-store service and store reputation and image, on store patronage behavior (Bearden, 1977; Louviere, 1984; Thang and Tan, 2003). That is, customer service aspect is one of the most important retail store environmental cues in determining both general US consumers and Hispanic consumers' store patronage behavior. However, being different from general US consumers, the results of the study suggest that customer service is the key environmental cue for Hispanic consumers' frequent visits to the brick-and-mortar apparel retail stores, regardless of the store format. The findings also imply that employees' attitudes toward their customers and store policies are crucial to Hispanic consumers' frequent or repeat visits to apparel retail stores when shopping for clothing items. These findings could provide fundamental guidelines for department, specialty, and mass merchant store executives and managers who attempt to resurrect or improve their retail store's environment in order to attract Hispanic consumers. Sales personnel's attitude and manner toward their customers, as well as their knowledge regarding the products on sale, might be of great importance in encouraging Hispanic customers' repeat visits to the store and eventually insuring purchase behavior at the store. To attract Hispanic consumers to their stores, apparel retail stores should provide more personal assistance with services such as ushering, locating items, explaining functions and uses of products, and carrying preferred products for them. Thus, hiring sales associates who can speak Spanish could help attract more Hispanic consumers to the store because Spanish-speaking sales associates may be better equipped to communicate effectively with some Hispanic consumers. In addition, they should offer flexible store return and exchange policies in Spanish because they prefer Spanish in their shopping environment and often read only Spanish (MarketingVOX, April 06, 2006). They also need to consider the convenience of their store location, and offer convenient shopping hours. By doing so, they may be able to give their retail stores a unique and positive image and, thus, appeal strongly to this group of consumers. In addition, Convenience was significantly, but negatively related to the respondents' use of specialty stores for shopping clothing items, suggesting that Hispanic consumers who place high importance on the convenience features of retail stores do not tend to shop frequently at specialty stores. This finding implies that they may perceive specialty stores as less convenient than department stores and mass merchant stores, possibly due to the limited product categories carried by the specialty stores. This finding is understandable when considering the mean scores for the degree of visiting different retail store formats in the earlier discussion, which suggests that Hispanic consumers use the department stores and mass merchant stores more frequently than specialty stores. Although the lowest mean score of the degree of using Internet websites suggests that this retail format might be the least effective shopping channel to reach Hispanic consumers, Physical Atmosphere appeared as a significant predictor of the frequent use of Internet websites when shopping for clothing items. The result also showed that Physical Atmosphere was positively related to the degree of using Internet websites. The findings of the study suggest that Hispanic consumers who place high importance on the physical atmosphere of a retail store, such as window display, store layout, product display, and music playing at the store, tend frequently to visit Internet websites when shopping for clothing items. Thus, applying physical atmospheric cues from the traditional retail stores to Internet websites, thus creating a visually appealing Internet website design with well organized product display and music playing online, might be crucial for apparel retailers to increase Hispanic consumers' repeat visits to websites when shopping for clothing items. Between the two demographic variables, the number of years lived in the US predicted Hispanic consumers' use of department stores, Internet websites, and catalogues for shopping apparel items. The longer the respondents lived in the US, the more they tended to shop at department stores. However, the number of years lived in the US negatively influenced the use of Internet websites and catalogues. For those who just arrived in the US, communication with the people in the store and transportation might be critical deterrents in going out for shopping. Thus, it might be easier for them to stay home and place orders online or through the catalogues. Considering the language barrier for those who just arrived or lived only for a short period of time in the US, apparel retailers need to consider offering their websites or catalogues in Spanish to encourage those consumers to shop through those channels. This strategy also will be of help in attracting other Hispanic consumers because Hispanics, in general, prefer Spanish in their shopping environment and often read only Spanish (MarketingVOX, April 06, 2006). Age was another significant predictor in using Internet websites and catalogues for shopping clothing items. Age negatively influenced the frequency of shopping via Internet and catalogues. This result is understandable in that young people are more technology savvy than older people, and technology and the media are significant parts of their lifestyle (Harris Interactive, 2004). The results of this study suggest that Hispanic consumers who lived in the US for a comparatively short period of time and young people under age 20 are the major users of Internet websites and catalogues as shopping channels. However, they are vulnerable consumers in terms of their living circumstances and age. Considering the prevalence of Internet shopping and the potential for its future growth, apparel retailers should provide a safe shopping environment via the Internet and catalogues in order to protect these consumers. For example, possible dangers and risks related to online and catalogue shopping such as fraudulent credit card payments and privacy issues should be explained in Spanish on the websites and catalogues. In addition, safe and secure shopping guides such as keeping a record of transactions and checking the limit of a credit line before using it could accommodate sound consumption pattern. The results of this study, focused on Hispanics, are consistent with earlier studies of the influence of retail store environment on store patronage behavior (Bearden, 1977; Donovan and Rossiter, 1982; Louviere, 1984; Mazursky and Jacoby, 1986; Thang and Tan, 2003). This study has practical implications for apparel retailers regarding how to position their stores and how to allocate their resources in creating attractive and optimized apparel retail store environments in different retail store formats in order to attract Hispanic consumers. The findings from the study could serve as an important benchmark for retailing strategy, and retailers will be able to effectively redesign their retail stores to attract Hispanic consumers and eventually increase sales. As the results of this study suggest a strong and significant influence of customer service aspects on Hispanic consumers' store patronage behaviors at brick-and-mortar stores including department stores, specialty stores, and mass merchant stores, further study investigating their perceptions or preferences of specific service quality features is recommended. Although this research offers insights to apparel retailers in building an effective retail store environment and differentiating their stores from others, the study has some limitations. Despite the significant results of the multiple regression analyses, only a small percentage of the variances in Hispanic consumers' use of Internet websites and catalogues were explained by the three retail store environmental cue constructs. This result may be partly because of the Hispanic consumers' significantly less frequent use of those retail formats than brick-and-mortar stores when shopping for apparel items. Moreover, the items used in this study to measure retail store environmental cues were more appropriate to measure brick-and-mortar stores rather than direct shopping channels such as the Internet and catalogues. Future study that investigates Hispanic consumers' evaluations of Internet website- and catalogue-specific store environmental cues is recommended. Such research could help apparel retailers increase their retail channel efficiency in targeting Hispanic consumers. In addition, using one item scale to measure patronage behavior may raise concern for validity issue of the study. Thus, use of multiple item scale is recommended for future study. As the present study was conducted with a convenience sample in the southeastern part of the US, the research results cannot be generalized to the entire US Hispanic population. Future research is needed to gather a sample of Hispanic consumers from various areas across the United States in order to generalize their use of information sources in their apparel shopping activity.
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REVIEW of a decision of the Court of Appeals reversing an order of the Circuit Court for Milwaukee County: DAVID V. JENNINGS, JR., Circuit Judge. Affirmed.
For the respondent-petitioner there were briefs by Frank J. Daily, Matthew J. Flynn and Quarles Brady of Milwaukee, and Brian S. Hucker and McDermott, Will Emery of Chicago, Illinois, of counsel, and oral argument by Frank J. Daily.
For the defendants-appellants there was a brief and oral argument by Thomas E. Smith, enforcements section of Department of Industry, Labor and Human Relations.
Petitioner Aparacor, Inc., a non-resident foreign corporation, commenced this action for judicial review in Milwaukee County circuit court, seeking a reversal of a determination by the Department of Industry, Labor and Human Relations that Aparacor is subject to the provisions of Chapter 108, Stats. After filing motions to drop a party defendant and to strike certain portions of the complaint, the Department filed a motion for change of venue. The circuit court for Milwaukee County heard oral argument and subsequently ordered that the Department's motion for change of venue be denied. The Department petitioned the court of appeals for leave to appeal from that order. On April 23, 1979, the court of appeals granted the Department's petition and summarily reversed the order of the circuit court, ordering that venue be changed to the circuit court for Dane County. On June 20, 1979, we granted Aparacor's petition for review of the court of appeals' order. We conclude that an order denying a motion for change of venue is appealable by permission of the court of appeals; that the Department's right to object to improper venue was not waived by its first making other motions; and that venue in this action lies in Dane County. Accordingly, we affirm the order of the court of appeals.
"(c) Clarify an issue of general importance in the administration of justice."
Aparacor's argument is twofold: Relying on legislative history, Aparacor first argues that orders relating to venue are not appealable under the permissive appeals statute; Aparacor then argues that, if venue orders are subject to appeal by permission, the court of appeals improperly applied the standards of sec. 808.03(2)(a), (b), and (c), Stats., in granting the Department's petition for leave to appeal. Neither of these contentions is tenable.
To determine whether interlocutory review of venue orders is permitted, Aparacor turns to the legislative history of sec. 808.03, Stats. The proper starting point, however, is the statute itself. As we recently stated, sec. 808.03 creates "an easily applied dichotomy: `Orders which "[dispose] of the entire matter in litigation" are appealable by right; all other [orders] are appealable only by permission.'" State v. Jenich, 94 Wis.2d 74, 97b, 288 N.W.2d 114, 292 N.W.2d 348 (1980), quoting State v. Rabe, 96 Wis.2d 48, 291 N.W.2d 809, 813 (1980). Since the circuit court's order denying the Department's motion to change venue allows the litigation to continue and does not dispose of the entire matter in dispute, it is not a final order appealable as a matter of right under sec. 808.03(1), Stats. Therefore, it may be appealed to the court of appeals pursuant to sec. 808.03(2), Stats., upon leave granted by that court. As counsel for Aparacor apparently conceded, nothing in the language of that section precludes a permissive appeal from avenue order.
"Q. ( By Justice Abrahamson) (after reading sec. 808.03(2), Stats.): Now what in that language would lead you to think that an order changing venue is not appealable by permission?
"A. ( By Mr. Daily): Nothing in that language, your Honor. I agree, the language on that is . . .
"A. Well, I think when you read the commentaries and look at the purpose, I think there may be some ambiguity.
"Q. You don't look at the commentaries to make it ambiguous; you look at the commentaries to clarify an ambiguity. That's the usual rule of construction."
Oral Argument, Aparacor, Inc. v. Department of Industry, Labor and Human Relations, No. 79-325, June 2, 1980.
Aparacor argues, however, that the legislative history of that section discloses an intent to preclude interlocutory review of venue orders. This contention cannot be considered because a basic precept of statutory construction is that no resort may be had to legislative history when a statute is clear and unambiguous. Wirth v. Ehly, 93 Wis.2d 433, 441-42, 287 N.W.2d 140 (1980); Miller v. Wadkins, 31 Wis.2d 281, 285, 142 N.W.2d 855 (1966). It is equally well established that reference to legislative history cannot be made for the purpose of rendering a statute ambiguous. Evangelical Alliance Mission v. Williams Bay, 54 Wis.2d 187, 190, 194 N.W.2d 646 (1972). Since Aparacor has pointed to no ambiguity in the text of sec. 808.03(2), Stats., the proffered legislative history will not be considered.
Nor shall we consider Aparacor's contention that the Milwaukee County circuit court's order, denying the Department's motion for change of venue to Dane County, does not meet the standards for discretionary review set out in sec. 808.03(2), Stats. "When the parties agree that the order of the circuit court is not a final order appealable as of right, this court will not review the court of appeals' exercise of its discretion whether to hear the appeal." State v. Jenich, 94 Wis.2d at 77 n. 2. Where the court of appeals denies permission to appeal from an order conceded by the parties to be nonfinal, no review by this court is permitted. State v. Whitty, 86 Wis.2d 380, 388, 272 N.W.2d 842 (1978); State v. Jenich, supra at 77 n. 2, 97d. Where the court of appeals grants permission to appeal, this court will not, case by case, review the court of appeals' exercise of discretion. Once the court of appeals has exercised its discretion and permissive appeal is allowed, review in this court is confined to the merits of the court of appeals' decision. A contrary practice would divest the court of appeals of the discretion entrusted to it by sec. 808.03(2). Accordingly, we turn to the merits of Aparacor's claims.
Aparacor next argues that, even if the venue order is appealable, the Department waived any objection to venue it may have in this case by filing a motion to strike a portion of the complaint and a motion to drop a party defendant in the circuit court of Milwaukee County prior to filing its motion for a change of venue. Aparacor reasons that the Department's prior motions signify an acceptance of Milwaukee County circuit court as the proper forum for the parties' dispute. We do not agree.
Sec. 801.53, Stats., set forth the procedure which must be followed by litigants seeking a change of venue. Its closing sentence provides: "The right to obtain a change of the place of trial shall not be affected by any other proceedings in the action." This sentence restates what has been law in Wisconsin since 1859 when this court held a defendant who demanded a change of venue, then demurred to the complaint, and appeared to argue the demurrer did not waive his right to object to improper venue by his demurrer and appearance. Foster v. Bacon, 9 Wis. 317 (*345), 319-20 (*347) (1859). In the present case, the Department served a demand for change of venue and subsequently served its motions to strike and to drop a party defendant. As in Foster, we find no waiver. The cases on which Aparacor relies deal with waiver of objections to personal or subject matter jurisdiction, matters distinct from venue, Voight v. Aetna Casualty Surety Co., 80 Wis.2d 376, 390, 259 N.W.2d 85 (1977), and with which they are too often confused. Comment, Effect of Erroneous Refusal to Change Venue, 1938 Wis. L. Rev. 349, 350; Comment, Venue Problems in Wisconsin, 56 Marq. L. Rev. 87, 117 (1972).
We find no reason to question the vitality of Foster and to judicially amend sec. 801.53, Stats., by finding a waiver in the present case. Sec. 801.53 requires that a demand for change of venue must first be served within twenty days after service of the complaint. The plaintiff then has five days to respond affirmatively. If no affirmative response is received, the motion for change of venue must be served within twenty days after service of the demand. Thus a defendant has a maximum of forty days to make a motion for change of venue under sec. 801.53. However, the same defendant has only twenty days to answer or make other defensive motions. Sec. 802.06, Stats. No provision in either secs. 801.53 or 802.06 suspends the time for responsive pleading if a demand or motion for change of venue is made. Aparacor's argument, that the filing of defensive motions prior to the motion for change of venue constitutes a waiver of objections to venue, requires that the demand for change of venue be made, the response time expire, and the motion be served, heard, and disposed of in less than twenty days so as to avoid a waiver of objection and a default judgment. We refuse to require such haste where not mandated by statute. Filing responsive pleadings does not constitute waiver of objection to venue.
On the merits of the circuit court's order, Aparacor contends venue properly lies in Milwaukee County. It argues that sec. 102.23(1), Stats., contemplates the convenience of private parties in review proceedings involving the Department and that the most convenient forum is Milwaukee County.
"The proceedings shall be in the circuit court of the county where the petitioner resides, except that if the petitioner is a state agency, the proceedings shall be in the circuit court of the county where the respondent resides. The proceedings may be brought in any circuit court if all parties stipulate and that court agrees. The judicial review provisions of ch. 227 do not apply to the review proceedings under this subsection."
When the petitioner is not a state agency, venue is established in the circuit court for the county of the petitioner's residence. An exception to this rule, not relevant here, allows venue to be brought in any circuit court if all parties stipulate and that court agrees. Aparacor is not a resident of Wisconsin. Thus no place of venue for this action is provided in sec. 102.23(1). Because of this omission, venue is to be determined by the provisions of Chapter 801, Stats., Commencement of Action and Venue.
"(9) ACTIONS AGAINST THE STATE. Of an action brought against the state or any state board or commission or any state officer in an official capacity, the county of Dane unless another place is specifically authorized by law."
Any question as to whether an action brought against a department of the state is an action brought against the state was removed by our decision in State ex rel. HSS Dept. v. Dane Co. Cir. Ct., 71 Wis.2d 156, 158, 237 N.W.2d 692 (1976), where we held that an action brought by a department of the state "is obviously an action by the state," with venue determined by the predecessor of sec. 801.50(8), Stats. Aparacor correctly notes that sec. 102.23(1), Stats, specifically provides that actions for judicial review commenced under that statute are not subject to sec. 801.02, Stats. This provision has nothing to do with venue and was added by order of this court to make clear that actions for review must be commenced by service, see: sec. 102.23(1)(a), Stats., and that such action is not commenced by filing as are other civil actions. See: sec. 801.02, Stats. We conclude venue for this action is determined by sec. 801.50(9) and that venue is in Dane County. Accordingly, the case must be removed to that county. See, e.g.: Stahl v. Broeckert, 167 Wis. 113, 117, 166 N.W. 653 (1918); State ex rel. Klabacka v. Charles, 36 Wis.2d 122, 126, 152 N.W.2d 857 (1967). Aparacor's arguments concerning "the convenience of witnesses and the ends of justice" are arguments to be addressed to the Dane County circuit court should Aparacor seek a change of venue to Milwaukee County under sec. 801.54(2), Stats. They are of no relevance here.
Sec. 801.50(8), Stats., provides: "ACTIONS BY STATE. Of an action by the state against any county or county officer in any county; and actions brought to recover damages for trespass upon public lands, when the amount in controversy exceeds $200 in any county."
By the Court. — The decision of the court of appeals is affirmed and cause remanded to the circuit court for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.


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Cover to Cover was the second solo concert tour by English recording artist George Michael. The tour spanned 9 months between January and October 1991, comprising 30 shows across the United Kingdom, Brazil, Japan, Canada and the United States.

The tour was not a proper promotion for Listen Without Prejudice Vol. 1. Rather, it was more about Michael singing covers of his favourite songs. Among his favourites was "Don't Let the Sun Go Down on Me", a 1974 song by Elton John. Michael and John had performed the song together at the Live Aid concert in 1985, and again at Michael's concert at Wembley Arena on 23 March 1991, where the duet was recorded. The single was released at the end of 1991 and became a massive hit on both sides of the Atlantic.  In 1993, live performances of "Killer", "Papa Was a Rollin' Stone" and "Calling You" from 22 March 1991 at Wembley Arena formed part of the hugely successful Five Live EP which again topped the Singles Chart in his homeland United Kingdom.  His next tour happened only 15 years later.

Set list
 "Killer" / "Papa Was a Rollin' Stone"
 "Victims"
 "Father Figure"
 "Fame"
 "Waiting for That Day"
 "Ain't No Stoppin' Us Now"
 "Living for the City"
 "Hard Day"
 "Calling You"
 "Lady Marmalade"
 "Back to Life"
 "Faith"
 "Superstition"
 "Tonight"
 "I Believe (When I Fall in Love It Will Be Forever)"
 "Why Did You Do It?"
 ""Baby Don't Change Your Mind"
 "Everything She Wants"
 "Desperado"
 "Mother's Pride"
 "What a Fool Believes"
 "Freedom"
 "Ain't Nobody"
 "Suzanne"
 "I'm Your Man"
 "Every Breath You Take"
 "Sign Your Name"
 "Don't Let the Sun Go Down on Me"
 "I Knew You Were Waiting (For Me)"
 "Careless Whisper"
 "They Won't Go When I Go"
 "Freedom! '90"

Shows

Wembley Arena, March 19/20/22/23 1991 promotional cassette
A free exclusive cassette was given to audience members at the Wembley Arena concerts between 19–23 March.  It contained one previously unreleased track, a cover of "I Believe (When I Fall in Love It Will Be Forever)", which was later released as a b-side to "Don't Let The Sun Go Down On Me".

Cassette tracklisting
 "I Believe (When I Fall in Love It Will Be Forever)"
 "Freedom (Back To Reality Mix)"
 "If You Were My Woman"
 "Fantasy"

References

External links

Official Tour Page
George Michael Concert Archive

1991 concert tours
George Michael concert tours
Orchestral music

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
package com.amazonaws.services.codepipeline.model.transform;

import static com.amazonaws.util.StringUtils.UTF8;
import java.io.ByteArrayInputStream;
import java.io.ByteArrayOutputStream;
import java.io.OutputStreamWriter;
import java.io.StringWriter;
import java.io.Writer;
import java.util.Map;
import java.util.List;

import com.amazonaws.AmazonClientException;
import com.amazonaws.services.codepipeline.model.*;
import com.amazonaws.transform.Marshaller;
import com.amazonaws.util.BinaryUtils;
import com.amazonaws.util.StringUtils;
import com.amazonaws.util.StringInputStream;
import com.amazonaws.util.json.*;

/**
 * AWSSessionCredentialsMarshaller
 */
public class AWSSessionCredentialsJsonMarshaller {

    /**
     * Marshall the given parameter object, and output to a JSONWriter
     */
    public void marshall(AWSSessionCredentials aWSSessionCredentials,
            JSONWriter jsonWriter) {
        if (aWSSessionCredentials == null) {
            throw new AmazonClientException(
                    "Invalid argument passed to marshall(...)");
        }

        try {
            jsonWriter.object();

            if (aWSSessionCredentials.getAccessKeyId() != null) {
                jsonWriter.key("accessKeyId").value(
                        aWSSessionCredentials.getAccessKeyId());
            }

            if (aWSSessionCredentials.getSecretAccessKey() != null) {
                jsonWriter.key("secretAccessKey").value(
                        aWSSessionCredentials.getSecretAccessKey());
            }

            if (aWSSessionCredentials.getSessionToken() != null) {
                jsonWriter.key("sessionToken").value(
                        aWSSessionCredentials.getSessionToken());
            }

            jsonWriter.endObject();
        } catch (Throwable t) {
            throw new AmazonClientException(
                    "Unable to marshall request to JSON: " + t.getMessage(), t);
        }
    }

    private static AWSSessionCredentialsJsonMarshaller instance;

    public static AWSSessionCredentialsJsonMarshaller getInstance() {
        if (instance == null)
            instance = new AWSSessionCredentialsJsonMarshaller();
        return instance;
    }

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Get HUD Exchange Updates: Get critical deadlines, policy changes, and upcoming trainings in your inbox.
HOPWA In Focus: Client Confidentiality
September 28, 2018 Print ShareThis
If you attended the Housing Opportunities for Persons With AIDS (HOPWA) Institute last year, you heard me speak about my past experiences working in a small HIV clinic. In the 1990s, I started my journey of work in the HIV field as a Prevention Education Specialist, taking the current prevention message to school kids, church groups, and businesses in a very rural 14-county area. By this time, tens of thousands of Americans were living with HIV, and new medications to treat the virus were on the fast track from development to production. As the epidemic neared the 15-year mark in the United States, we had a better understanding of the disease in the medical community…but outside of the medical setting, HIV stigma remained rampant. It was part of my job to help people understand that fear and stigma, or "otherism," did not make them safe from HIV.
It was through this work that I became aware of the importance of protecting the confidentiality of our clients and their family members. Our organization had strong policies and procedures in place around confidentiality, and we upheld those high standards because our clients' lives depended on it.
In 1998 I was in the parking lot of the local Winn Dixie grocery store where I happened to see a client, Ralphie. In accordance with the policy of the clinic, I did not smile, wave, or acknowledge Ralphie in any way. When I saw him again at the clinic the following week, I explained the policy of not acknowledging clients outside of the medical setting to maintain confidentiality. Ralphie laughed out loud. "Rita," he said, "the next time you see me in public I want you to wave your arms and yell at me across the parking lot, 'HEY, RALPHIE! It's me, Rita, from the AIDS Clinic!'" Ralphie was an advocate for people living with HIV, and he was fortunate that he felt supported and safe in his small community. As much as I admired his spark, I would never break the agency policy even after he made that humorous comment. Ralphie would have to acknowledge me in public first, and from that day forward he always did.
In 2005 another client, Chuck, had moved into our HOPWA short-term housing facility while on the waiting list for a permanent unit. He got a job working in a restaurant and became friends with some of his coworkers. One of them gave Chuck a ride back to the HOPWA house after work, and later this coworker told their manager that Chuck lived in "AIDS Housing." Chuck was called into the office, and the manager questioned him about HIV and food safety. Chuck was moved to tasks away from food and customer interaction, instead given cleaning and stocking jobs. Suddenly, his work was reduced to only a few hours a week and only late night after public transportation ended. Within days strangers were stopping Chuck in public and asking why he was risking the life of innocent people by working in a restaurant, handling food. After several instances of this, Chuck quit the job. He first wanted to fight the discrimination, but after a few weeks he decided it was safer for him to just move to a new city. Gossip spreads quickly in small communities, and people living with HIV, or even perceived to be living with HIV, suffer the consequences.
More than 10 years have passed since Chuck was forced out of his restaurant job, and yet HIV stigma still persists. Leading the Office of HIV/AIDS Housing allows me to stay connected to HOPWA grantees and providers and to get occasional glimpses into the small towns and cities served by the program. Although housing discrimination, stereotypes, and lack of HIV education is pervasive, more people living with HIV have chosen to disclose their status openly as Ralphie did years ago. Nevertheless, HUD insists that all grantees and all project sponsors remain vigilant in protecting the health information for every client served by HOPWA, including family members and friends who may be perceived as HIV positive.
It's critical to develop good policies and procedures that are explained and implemented by all staff and volunteers. All policies of a HOPWA program should have provisions around confidentiality including accounting practices, records release, and electronic records management, so that a "Confidentiality Policy" does not stand alone. The physical address of HOPWA facilities must be protected, and the agency name and website should be carefully considered for potential breaches in confidentiality. HOPWA recipient information should only be shared on a "need to know" basis, including staff who are directly delivering services and HUD-required monitoring of records.
Our country has seen miraculous advances in HIV prevention, testing, and treatment since the 1990s including housing as a structural intervention; however, one thing has not changed – the health information of an individual belongs to the individual. A person living with HIV makes decisions about if, when, where, and to whom their HIV status is shared. We must all work to ensure the rights and the safety of people assisted by HOPWA. For more information on HUD's expectations on confidentiality, please review the HOPWA Confidentiality Manual.
As always, thank you for your commitment to providing housing and services to people living with HIV as we all work toward the day when AIDS is no longer an epidemic.
Rita Flegel
Director, Office of HIV/AIDS Housing
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Enhance Tufts' reputation as a leader.
Promote the strength of Tufts sustainability efforts, including those of faculty and students.
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Please send the link/details to sustainabilityoffice@tufts.edu and we would be happy to post it in our Careers section.
My name is Darya Nicol and I am one of the authors of The Green Dandelion blog. The Green Dandelion is a sustainability blog run by the University of Rochester.
I am writing to you today because I found your site while looking for sustainability blogs and was very impressed by your articles. The Green Dandelion is looking to collaborate with other colleges and universities to help advertise one another's' blogs through mutual posts. We would post articles from your blog on our site provided you do the same.
We would also be willing to share other articles on our blog for your use, providing the author and source is sited.
I believe both of our websites could benefit from a guest post and would be honored to have one of our articles featured on (blog name). If you are interested, please let me know. I appreciate your time and consideration and I look forward to hearing back from you. Have an excellent day!


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Central Asians Fleeced in Moscow
In the Russian capital, rogue property agents rob migrants desperate for someone cheap to stay – and it's all legal.
By Erbol Jumagulov
Central Asian migrants arriving in Moscow face many difficulties adjusting to life in the city – not the least of which is being robbed by unscrupulous accommodation agencies.
The scam is simple enough: the newcomer pays over some money to receive a list of telephone numbers for rented accommodation. When he tries ringing the numbers, he or she rapidly finds out the list is fraudulent.
There are several hundred shady property-rental firms in the city, exploiting people who do not have the money to go to a proper estate agent in a spiralling rental market. Their adverts can be seen posted at any bus stops or underground stations. Many of the Central Asians coming to Moscow to work, study or settle permanently make easy victims, as they are unfamiliar with life in Russia and are often short of money.
Bohtior Yuldashev, a 24-year-old computer programmer, landed a job in the Russian capital in May, and after staying with relatives for a month until he got his first wages, he set about renting a room.
With a pay cheque of 400 US dollars for the month, Yuldashev's options were limited in a city where renting a room costs 150 to 250 US dollars a month. So he jumped at an advert he saw at a bus stop offering rooms at just 50 dollars.
When he visited the property agency which posted the ad, a firm called Bely Parus, his positive feelings only increased. "They were very kind, they offered me tea and treated me very politely," he told IWPR. "I was given some papers to sign, and then I paid 50 dollars and was given a list of 10 telephone numbers, which the agency staff said belonged to people who were renting out rooms."
But when Yuldashev began ringing the numbers, he found that three were answered by people who had no plans to rent out rooms, and the other numbers appeared not to exist.
He returned to agency the next morning to clear things up. "In response to my complaints, the agency employees simply shrugged and said that they didn't know anything about it and couldn't help. They told me to come back later, and gave me another piece of paper with telephone numbers. But those numbers were wrong too," said Yuldashev.
The small print in the contract allows such companies to exploit a legal loophole by stating that they are not offering to find accommodation, but simply offering information. It is virtually impossible to prove that the lists of phone numbers are deliberately fraudulent rather than erroneous or out of date.
As IWPR's contributor was told when he went to the Bely Parus agency, "We're operating within the law, selling information." When the reporter asked more questions, he was shown out of the office.
The shady firms avoid leaving a trail by changing their names and premises frequently, and in any case the people they defraud are by definition too poor to take them to court.
Some Central Asians, including Yuldashev, are even more vulnerable because their knowledge of Russian is limited. "If Russian-speakers fall for this fraud, then of course the Uzbeks will too, as most of them can't understand what's in the agreement they sign," said Moscow sociologist Gennady Averintsev.
Russian police appear unconcerned at the scale of the problem. "The problem of fraudulent estate agencies is a problem for the foreigners themselves, because they sign the agreements," said a spokesman for the central police precinct in Moscow.
In a city where renting even a small apartment is beyond the means of the average migrant, the fraudsters target those at the bottom of the property ladder.
"The worst thing is that it's not people with money who are deceived, but people who are trying to rent a small, cheap room," said Piotr Obraztsov, editor of the Izvestiya Nauki newspaper. "People who can afford a decent apartment, even if it's only got one room, go to large estate agencies which do not practice fraud."
Olga Kindra, who works for one such reputable estate agency, Miel-Real Estate, confirmed that money was a major factor which led people to be duped, saying, "Foreigners fall victim to fraud because they can't afford to pay [legitimate] agents a commission equal to the monthly rent of the accommodation being transacted."
Erkebulan Jamaladdinov, who comes from the Kazak city of Kokshetau, admitted as much, recalling, "When I fell for this fraud a year ago, I really did want to save on agent's fees. They are very good at winning a client's trust – when I signed the documents, I would never have imagined I could be cheated."
The influx of Central Asians attracted by the relative prosperity of Moscow is unlikely to slow, so the rogue property agencies are likely to flourish as long as the law allows them.
"I lost the last of savings because of one of these agencies, and I had to live on the street," said Oleg Kulakov, a Russian from Kyrgyzstan. "Thank God, I was lucky enough to get out of that situation, but I tell all my friends who're trying to rent accommodation to go to a major agency.
"It's better to pay more but be safe."
Erbol Jumagulov is an independent journalist in Moscow.
Stavropol, Russia, North Ossetia, Kyrgyzstan
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Knife and pricker (Skewer) set. Spike is intended to be used as we would use a modern day fork. It is to hold food whilst cutting with the knife and then is used to prick the food and to elevate into the mouth.
Pricker sheath is currently dark brown.


Comparative historical research is a method of social science that examines historical events in order to create explanations that are valid beyond a particular time and place, either by direct comparison to other historical events, theory building, or reference to the present day. Generally, it involves comparisons of social processes across times and places. It overlaps with historical sociology. While the disciplines of history and sociology have always been connected, they have connected in different ways at different times (see 'Major researchers' below). This form of research may use any of several theoretical orientations. It is distinguished by the types of questions it asks, not the theoretical framework it employs (see 'Illustrations' below).
Some commentators have identified three waves of historical comparative research. The first wave of historical comparative research concerned how societies came to be modern, i.e. based on individual and rational action, with exact definitions varying widely. Some of the major researchers in this mode were Alexis de Tocqueville,Karl Marx,Emile Durkheim,Max Weber, and W.E.B. Du Bois. The second wave reacted to a perceived ahistorical body of theory and sought to show how social systems were not static, but developed over time. Notable authors of this wave include Barrington Moore, Jr.,Theda Skocpol,Charles Tilly,Michael Mann, and Mark Gould. Some have placed the Annales school and Pierre Bourdieu in this general group, despite their stylistic differences. The current wave of historical comparative research sociology is often but not exclusively post-structural in its theoretical orientation. Influential current authors include Julia Adams, Anne Laura Stoler,Philip Gorski, and James Mahoney.
Studies of comparative nature have taken place in recent years. For PhD dissertations this can be an approach used. One example is comparing communities and minorities and social groups. Mordechai Zaken compared two non-Muslim minorities in Kurdistan, the Jews and the Assyrian Christians in their relationships with their Muslim rulers and tribal chieftains during the 19th and 20th centuries. His comparative study gave a much clearer picture on the status of the minorities and their relationships with the ruling elites in and around Kurdistan. His PhD dissertation and the online book upon which it was based have been widely spread and translated into the local languages in Kurdistan and the surrounding.
There are four major methods that researchers use to collect historical data. These are archival data, secondary sources, running records, and recollections. The archival data, or primary sources, are typically the resources that researchers rely most heavily on. Archival data includes official documents and other items that would be found in archives, museums, etc. Secondary sources are the works of other historians who have written history. Running records are ongoing series of statistical or other sorts of data, such as census data, ship's registries, property deeds, etc. Finally recollections include sources such as autobiographies, memoirs or diaries.
There are four stages, as discussed by Schutt, to systematic qualitative comparative historical studies: (1) develop the premise of the investigation, identifying events, concepts, etc., that may explain the phenomena; (2) choose the case(s) (location- nation, region) to examine; (3) use what Theda Skocpol has termed as "interpretive historical sociology" and examine the similarities and the differences; and (4) based on the information gathered, propose a causal explanation for the phenomena.
The key issues in methods for historical comparative research stem from the incomplete nature of historical data, the complexity and scale of the social systems, and the nature of the questions asked. Historical data is a difficult set of data to work with due to multiple factors. This data set can be very biased, such as diaries, memoirs, letters, which are all influenced not only by the person writing them, that person's world view but can also, logically, be linked to that individual's socioeconomic status. In this way the data can be corrupt/skewed. Historical data regardless or whether it may or may not be biased (diaries vs. official documents) is also vulnerable to time. Time can destroy fragile paper, fade ink until it is illegible, wars, environmental disasters can all destroy data and special interest groups can destroy mass amounts of data to serve a specific purpose at the time they lived, etc. Hence, data is naturally incomplete and can lead social scientists to many barriers in their research. Often historical comparative research is a broad and wide reaching topic such as how democracy evolved in three specific regions. Tracking how democracy developed is a daunting task for one country or region let alone three. Here the scale of the social system, which is attempting to be studied, is overwhelming but also the complexity is extreme. Within each case there are multiple different social systems that can affect the development of a society and its political system. The factors must be separated and analyzed so that causality can be attained. It is causality that brings us to yet another key issue in methods for historical comparative research, the nature of the questions which are asked is attempting to propose causal relationships between a set of variables. Determining causality alone is a difficult task; coupled with the incomplete nature of historical data and the complexity and scale of the social systems being used to examine causality the task becomes even more challenging.
The three identifying issues of historical comparative research are causal relationships, processes over time, and comparisons. As mentioned above causal relationships are difficult to support although we make causal assumptions daily. Schutt discusses the five criteria, which must be met in order to have a causal relationship. Of the five the first three are the most important: association, time order and nonspuriousness. Association simply means that between two variables; the change in one variable is related to the change in another variable. Time order refers to the fact that the cause (the independent variable) must be shown to have occurred first and the effect (the dependent variable) to have occurred second. Nonspuriousness says that the association between two variables is not because of a third variable. The final two criteria are; identifying a causal mechanism- how the connection/association among variables is thought to have occurred- and the context in which this association occurs. The deterministic causal approach requires that in every study, the independent and dependent variable have an association, and within that study every case (nation, region) the independent variable has an effect on the dependent variable.
John Stuart Mill devised five methods for systematically analyzing observations and making more accurate assumptions about causality. Mill's Methods discusses; direct method of agreement, method of difference, joint method of agreement and difference, method of residues and method of concomitant variations. Mill's methods are typically the most useful when the causal relationship is already suspected and can therefore be a tool for eliminating other explanations. Some methodologists contend Mill's methods cannot provide proof that the variation in one variable was caused by the variation of another variable.
There are several difficulties that historical comparative research faces. James Mahoney, one of the current leading figures in historical comparative research, identifies several of these in his book "Comparative Historical Analysis in the Social Sciences." Mahoney highlights key issues such as how micro level studies can be incorporated into the macro level field of historical comparative research, issues ripe for historical comparative research that continue to remain overlooked, such as law, and the issue of whether historical comparative research should be approached as a science or approached as a history. This is one of the more prevalent debates today, often debated between Theda Skocpol, who sides with the historical approach, and Kiser and Hechter, who are proponents of the scientific view that should search for general causal principles. Both Kiser and Hechter employ models within Rational Choice Theory for their general causal principles. Historical researchers that oppose them (Skocpol, Summers, others) argue that Kiser and Hechter do not suggest many other plausible general theories, and thus it seems as though their advocacy for general theories is actually advocacy for their preferred general theory. They also raise other criticisms of using rational choice theory in historical comparative research.
In recent decades historical comparative researchers have debated the proper role of general theory. Two of the main players in this debate have been Edgar Kiser and Michael Hechter. They have argued that it is important to use a general theory in order to be able to test the results of the research that has been conducted. They do not argue that one specific theory is better than the other just that a theory needs to be used. Their chosen theory is rational choice. One of the main problems is that everyone has a different concept of what a theory is and what makes something a theory. Some of their opponents feel that any theory can be tested and they are arguing that some cannot be. Kiser and Hecter do acknowledge that this is a growing field and that their perspective may change in the future.
The comparative-historical method can be clarified with a recent and highly regarded example. In The Familial State, Julia Adams draws on both original archival work and secondary sources to analyze how merchant families contested with noble families for influence in the early modern Dutch Republic. Adams argues that those contests produced the political institutions that became the modern Dutch state. She frequently makes reference to England and France, but the main topic is the Dutch Republic. Adams examines what earlier sociologists said about state formation in light of the Dutch case, finding there are decisive elements in the Dutch Republic, like patriarchal kinship structures in the ruling families, that aren't accounted for in the earlier theories. Adams draws on feminist theory, which was not originally intended to explain modern state formation, to create an expanded theory of how modern states came to be. This is an illustration of how comparative-historical analysis uses cases and theories together.
^Mission of the Comparative and Historical Sociology Section of the American Sociological Association. www2.asanet.org/sectionchs/sectioninfo.htmlArchived 2011-09-14 at the Wayback Machine. (Accessed 15 December 2011).
^J. Adams, E.S. Clemens, and A.S. Orloff. 2005. Remaking Modernity: Politics, History, and Sociology. Duke University Press.
^For example, Democracy In America. 1969 [1835-40]. Trans. George Lawrence. Perennial Classics.
^For example, "The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte." 1979 . In Marx/Engels Collected Works, Vol. 11. International Publishers. pg. 99-197.
^For example, The Division of Labor in Society. 1984 . Trans. W.D. Halls. The Free Press.
^For example, Economy And Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology. 1968 . Ed. Guenther Roth and Claus Wittich. University of California Press.
^For example, The Suppression of the African Slave Trade to the United States of America 1638-1870. In W.E.B. Du Bois Writings. Library of America. pg. 1-356.
^D. Smith. 1991. The Rise of Historical Sociology. Temple University Press.
^For example, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World. 1966. Beacon Press.
^For example, States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China. 1979. Cambridge University Press.
^For example, Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990-1992. 1992. Blackwell Publishing.
^For example, The Sources of Social Power, Vols. 1-2. 1986-93. Cambridge University Press.
^Revolution in the Development of Capitalism: The Coming of the English Revolution. 1987. University of California Press.
^For example, P. Bourdieu. 1988 . Homo Academicus. Trans. Peter Collier. Stanford University Press.
^Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule. 2002. University of California Press.
^The Disciplinary Revolution: Calvinism and the Rise of the State in Early Modern Europe. 2003. University of Chicago Press.
^J. Mahoney. 2003. "Knowledge Accumulation in Comparative Historical Research: The Case of Democracy and Authoritarianism." In Comparative Historical Analysis in the Social Sciences. Ed. J. Mahoney and D. Rueschemeyer. Cambridge University Press.
^Revised and Second Ebook edition and digital format, The Jews of Kurdistan and their Tribal Chieftains: A Study in Survival, Mordechai (Moti) Zaken (Jerusalem, 2015); Jewish Subjects and their Tribal Chieftains in Kurdistan: A Study in Survival, (Leiden and Boston): Brill, 2007. ISBN 978-9004161900; Yahud Kurdistan wa-ru'as'uhum al-qabaliyun: Dirasa fi fan al-baqa'. Transl., Su'ad M. Khader; Reviewers: Abd al-Fatah Ali Yihya and Farast Mir'i; Published by the Center for Academic Research, Beirut, 2013; يهود كردستان ورؤساؤهم القبليون : (دراسة في فن البقاء) / تأليف مردخاي زاكن ؛ ترجمة عن الانكليزية سعاد محمد خضر ؛ مراجعة عبد الفتاح علي يحيى، فرست مرعي. زاكن، مردخاي، ١٩٥٨م-;خضر، سعاد محمد; بيروت, 2013 : المركز الأكاديمي للأبحاث. 27; D. MORDIXZI ZAKIN, CULEKEKANY KURDISTAN, ERBIL, 2015; French into Kurmanji translation of an article by Moti Zaken, "Jews, Kurds and Arabs, between 1941 and 1952", by Dr. Amr Taher Ahmed Metîn n° 148, October 2006, p. 98-123. 28; "Juifs, Kurdes et Arabes, entre 1941 et 1952," Errance et Terre promise: Juifs, Kurdes, Assyro-Chaldéens, etudes kurdes, revue semestrielle de recherches, 2005: 7-43, translated by Sandrine Alexie.
^ "UNKNOWN". Archived from the original on 2007-10-31. Retrieved 2007-11-27.
^ abc Schutt, R. K. (2006). Investigating the Social World: The Process and Practice of Research. London: SAGE Publications.
^ Mahoney,, J; Rueschemeyer, D. (2003). Comparative historical analysis of the social sciences. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
^J. Adams. 2005. The Familial State: Ruling Families and Merchant Capitalism in Early Modern Europe. Cornell University Press.
Mahoney, James. 2004. "Comparative-Historical Methodology." Annual Review of Sociology, 30:81-101.
Deflem, Mathieu. 2015. "Comparative Historical Analysis in Criminology and Criminal Justice." Pp. 63-73 in The Routledge Handbook of Qualitative Criminology, edited by Heith Copes and J. Mitchell Miller. London: Routledge.
Deflem, Mathieu, and April Lee Dove. 2013. "Historical Research and Social Movements." pp. 560–563 in The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Social and Political Movements, edited by D.A. Snow, et al. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.
Deflem, Mathieu. 2007. "Useless Tilly (et al.): Teaching Comparative-Historical Sociology Wisely,"Trajectories, Newsletter of the ASA Comparative & Historical Sociology section 19 (1): 14-17.
Although the assignment may say "compare," the assumption is that you will consider both the similarities and differences; in other words, you will compare and contrast.
The assignment sheet may say exactly what you need to compare, or it may ask you to come up with a basis for comparison yourself.
Provided by the essay question: The essay question may ask that you consider the figure of the gentleman in Charles Dickens's Great Expectations and Anne Brontë's The Tenant of Wildfell Hall. The basis for comparison will be the figure of the gentleman.
Developed by you: The question may simply ask that you compare the two novels. If so, you will need to develop a basis for comparison, that is, a theme, concern, or device common to both works from which you can draw similarities and differences.
Once you know your basis for comparison, think critically about the similarities and differences between the items you are comparing, and compile a list of them.
The list you have generated is not yet your outline for the essay, but it should provide you with enough similarities and differences to construct an initial plan.
While Callaghan's "All the Years of Her Life" and Mistry's "Of White Hairs and Cricket" both follow the conventions of the coming-of-age narrative, Callaghan's story adheres more closely to these conventions by allowing its central protagonist to mature. In Mistry's story, by contrast, no real growth occurs.
Alternating method: Point-by-point patternIn the alternating method, you find related points common to your central subjects A and B, and alternate between A and B on the basis of these points (ABABAB …). For instance, a comparative essay on the French and Russian revolutions might examine how both revolutions either encouraged or thwarted innovation in terms of new technology, military strategy, and the administrative system.
When do I use the alternating method? Professors often like the alternating system because it generally does a better job of highlighting similarities and differences by juxtaposing your points about A and B. It also tends to produce a more tightly integrated and analytical paper. Consider the alternating method if you are able to identify clearly related points between A and B. Otherwise, if you attempt to impose the alternating method, you will probably find it counterproductive.
Block method: Subject-by-subject patternIn the block method (AB), you discuss all of A, then all of B. For example, a comparative essay using the block method on the French and Russian revolutions would address the French Revolution in the first half of the essay and the Russian Revolution in the second half. If you choose the block method, however, do not simply append two disconnected essays to an introductory thesis. The B block, or second half of your essay, should refer to the A block, or first half, and make clear points of comparison whenever comparisons are relevant. ("Unlike A, B . . ." or "Like A, B . . .") This technique will allow for a higher level of critical engagement, continuity, and cohesion.
You are unable to find points about A and B that are closely related to each other.
Your ideas about B build upon or extend your ideas about A.
You are comparing three or more subjects as opposed to the traditional two.