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Reset Overdue: Remaking U.S.—Saudi Relations
Annelle Sheline and Steven Simon
OCTOBER 2020, QUINCY BRIEF NO. 6
• The U.S.–Saudi relationship is long overdue for a reset: The U.S. should push Saudi Arabia to engage productively with the region rather than tolerating policies that undermine stability.
• Specifically, the U.S. should pressure Saudi Arabia to end the war on Yemen, end the blockade of Qatar, participate in the development of an inclusive regional security architecture, and respect the sovereignty of other countries and the human rights of Saudi citizens.
• To encourage Saudi Arabia to adopt these policies, the U.S. should be prepared to support and invest in Saudi economic diversification and support the development of Saudi nuclear energy. If Saudi Arabia does not respond to these incentives, the U.S. should end all weapons sales to Saudi Arabia and seek other regional partners.
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The U.S.–Saudi relationship has long been problematic. Although historically justified by U.S. oil dependence and the need for a reliable supplier, Saudi Arabia no longer provides the U.S. with significant oil and is no longer a source of regional stability. Saudi Arabia continues to fund terrorist organizations abroad, despite stated efforts by the Saudi government to curtail such spending after 9/11.
Under King Salman and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS), Saudi Arabia has destabilized the region by waging war on Yemen, blockading Qatar, kidnapping the prime minister of Lebanon to
force him to resign, and forcibly silencing Saudi citizens at home and abroad. At the same time, U.S. imports of Saudi oil have fallen nearly to zero, raising the question of why Washington continues to support a deeply authoritarian regime that acts contrary to U.S. interests by fomenting violence and instability.
Until recently, Washington has lacked the strategic options necessary to push back against Riyadh's troubling policies. This maneuverability has grown significantly in recent years as the Middle East's strategic significance has declined in proportion to America's dependence on Persian Gulf oil. These
new circumstances create an opportunity to reset relations with the House of Saud. Yet U.S. policy remains effectively on autopilot, as demonstrated by the failure of the U.S. government to respond to the killing of Jamal Khashoggi, a journalist and U.S. resident, in the two years since MBS is believed to have ordered his brutal murder. Given its new maneuverability, Washington should push Riyadh to adopt a more constructive role in the region. If it is unwilling to do so, the U.S. should be prepared to significantly alter the terms of the U.S.–Saudi relationship.
U.S. policy remains effectively on autopilot, as demonstrated by the failure of the U.S. government to respond to the killing of Jamal Khashoggi.
For its part, Saudi Arabia has expressed a desire for greater autonomy and a broader leadership role on the global stage. In his ambitious plan for the future, "Vision 2030," MBS declares that Saudi Arabia should embrace technological innovation, diversify its economy away from fossil fuels, and relax strict laws and norms enforcing gender segregation, among other goals.
The United States should encourage the Saudi leadership to continue transforming its economy and allow genuine social freedoms. But these steps alone are insufficient. The U.S. should also insist that Saudi Arabia no longer pursue policies that destabilize the region. To secure Riyadh's cooperation, the U.S. must be prepared to offer adequate incentives — and to impose costs to encourage Saudi Arabia to contribute to greater stability for itself and its neighbors.
To this end, the U.S. should ask the kingdom to adopt the following foreign policies, as elaborated below:
• end the war on Yemen;
• end the blockade of Qatar;
• end all support for extremist organizations;
• support the development of an inclusive regional security architecture;
• respect the sovereignty of other countries;
• ensure the human rights of Saudi citizens.
If Saudi Arabia adopts these policies, the U.S. should help the kingdom achieve the goals established in "Vision 2030," including by investing in efforts to diversify the Saudi economy. U.S. support should focus on green technology, tourism, and the development of nuclear energy for the purpose of regional desalination — two areas that are also consistent with Vision 2030 and Saudi leadership in the G–20. If the Saudi government refuses to modify its policies, the U.S. should end all weapons sales to Saudi Arabia, while expanding outreach to more cooperative Persian Gulf partners.
Ending the war on Yemen
Saudi Arabia commenced military operations in Yemen in 2015, aiming to break the power of the Houthi movement. The Saudis justified the campaign as a defensive effort to block Iran from penetrating the Arabian Peninsula and challenging Saudi control. Saudi Arabia's most important coalition partner, the United Arab Emirates, withdrew from the conflict in late 2019, conscious of the growing financial and reputational cost of continued participation. Saudi Arabia continues to bombard Yemen, with an average of 12 airstrikes per day.
The weapons platforms and munitions the Saudis use in Yemen have been supplied primarily by the United States. A combination of poor training, disregard for the rules of war, and sheer carelessness have caused thousands of noncombatant Yemeni casualties. Civilian targets include schools, hospitals, public utilities, and other nonmilitary public and private facilities. Saudi munitions are either of indiscriminate effect or precision-guided, yet because the targeting process fails to distinguish which targets are permitted under the rules of war, the use of precision munitions has not limited collateral damage. Targeted attacks have killed more than 13,500 civilians. Human rights observers assert that a significant number of Saudi attacks meet the criteria of war crimes, and U.S. officials who administer arms transfers to Saudi Arabia now fear the possibility of prosecution by the International Criminal Court.
The Trump administration continues to justify U.S. complicity in human rights violations on two grounds. The president has asserted that the revenue from the sale of weapons and munitions to Saudi Arabia is in the U.S. economic interest. Second, lower-level bureaucrats assert that Saudi reliance on U.S. weapons will lead the Saudi military to heed U.S. guidance regarding the appropriate use of force.
In reality, U.S. cooperation with Saudi operations in Yemen has produced no discernible change in Saudi targeting practices. The State Department, according to its inspector general, has deliberately concealed the fact that the department has skirted its legal responsibility to account for the effect on civilian populations of the transfer of U.S. weapons to combatants in the Yemen war. Congress, which can block arms sales, has been cut out of the loop by the Trump administration's controversial use of an emergency declaration to unilaterally transfer weapons over congressional objections. In fact, there would be no "emergency" threat to U.S. interests, were the Saudis' ability to kill Yemeni civilians to be constrained by a shortage of munitions.
Clearly, the Trump administration will resist arguments that pressing Saudi Arabia to cease operations in Yemeni airspace will protect U.S. reputational interests as well as noncombatant Yemeni lives. In contrast, Joe Biden's presidential campaign has said Biden would
halt supplies that enable Saudi forces to wreak havoc in Yemen. The U.S. government should press the kingdom to agree to end hostilities and participate constructively in ongoing negotiations regarding the future participants in Yemen's government and the role of outside players. The Saudis perceive a threat from Yemen and, although they misjudge the nature of the Iran–Houthi relationship, it has included weapons transfers that could hurt the kingdom. The bombardment of Yemen has not mitigated this threat. As a first step, Saudi air strikes and U.S. support for them must end. The U.S. and Saudi Arabia should instead support a political process to address domestic conflicts among Yemeni actors.
If the Saudi government refuses to modify its policies, the U.S. should end all weapons sales to Saudi Arabia and expand outreach to more cooperative Persian Gulf partners.
Ending the blockade of Qatar
Although the blockade of Qatar is carried out primarily by Saudi Arabia — which controls Qatar's only land border, at Abu Samra, and prevents Qatari planes from accessing Saudi airspace — Emirati antipathy toward Qatar is a crucial factor in sustaining the blockade. The blockade followed the Emiratis' and Saudis' successful manipulation of the Trump White House in early 2017, when the Trump adminitration turned against Qatar, a U.S. security partner in the Persian Gulf and the host of Al Udeid Air Base, the largest U.S. military facility in the region. Statements from White House officials at the time, as well as Trump's tweets, reflected the Emirati– Saudi narrative that Qatar was a sponsor of extremism. This explains why the U.S. did not prevent the Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Egypt from cutting diplomatic, economic, and political relations with Qatar on June 5, 2017.
Although initially blindsided by the blockade, Qatar refused to comply with the 13 demands issued by the blockading states. These included ending diplomatic engagement with Iran, declaring the Muslim Brotherhood a terrorist organization, and shutting down the Al– Jazeera news network. Qatar has managed to survive and even thrive with the help of Oman, Kuwait, and Turkey. Qatar left OPEC and has maintained its position as the world's largest exporter of liquified natural gas. The embargo also incentivized Qatar to achieve greater self-sufficiency by reducing imports and increasing domestic food production. Despite the intra–Arab dispute, the conflict has not affected U.S. access to shared military installations in Qatar. After initially supporting the blockade, the White House gradually reversed positions, and by September 2017, Trump supported an end to the Gulf crisis.
In effect, Riyadh is now stuck between U.S. pressure to end the blockade and pressure from Abu Dhabi to continue it. Of the two, the Saudi leadership considers the UAE to be a more reliable partner than the U.S., especially given the prospect of a possible Biden administration. For this reason, Mohammed bin Salman is likely to follow the UAE's preferences and continue the blockade. The U.S. will therefore need to apply sufficient pressure and/or provide adequate incentives for the Saudis to overcome Emirati resistance to ending the Gulf crisis.
The blockade of Qatar and the war in Yemen are both self-evident failures. Because he staked his reputation on successfully transforming Saudi Arabia according to "Vision 2030," with conditional support for these goals from the U.S., MBS may be ready to cut his losses in Yemen and Qatar and refocus attention on more constructive initiatives.
Developing an inclusive regional security architecture
The Middle East is characterized by a multipolar balance of power wherein regional rivals deter or hold in check the aggressive inclinations of other regional actors. The U.S. is well served by this multipolarity, which prevents the emergence of a regional hegemon and should allow the U.S. to reduce its military footprint in the region. However, multipolarity in the absence of a regional security architecture risks perpetuating instability. Although Saudi Arabia would likely prefer the United States to continue to act as the regional security guarantor, its next best option is to take the lead in developing a security architecture that addresses Saudi concerns.
The "Saudi first" impulse can be rechanneled toward a noninterventionist foreign policy, which would reduce the resources the kingdom sends abroad and so prioritize the well-being of Saudi citizens.
Since 1981, the United States has tried, with minimal success, to push the states of the Gulf Cooperation Council to develop more integrated and interoperable military capabilities. One of the chief obstacles to successful security integration is that the U.S. itself has not committed to work with all states in the region, most notably Iran. A functioning multilateral security forum dedicated to building rather than burning bridges to
Iran would provide a framework for the United States to maintain a better equilibrium in its relationships with Saudi Arabia and Iran, to shift more responsibility for solving the region's problems to local states, and to encourage them to bear more of the burden of promoting peace, security, and cooperation in the region.
Should the U.S. government decide to test the waters with the Saudis on the creation of a new regional security forum, it should offer to lay out preliminary U.S. thinking as the basis for exploratory discussions. However, the U.S. needs to resist the temptation to lead this effort, which would arouse Iranian suspicions and make it more difficult to achieve regional buy-in. While the leaders of Iran, Bahrain, and the UAE have at one time or another expressed an interest in a new regional security forum — and while Oman, Qatar, and Kuwait have reasonably good relations with Tehran — Saudi participation is crucial for ensuring regional buy-in, as well as Iranian interest.
The U.S. should proceed slowly and cautiously as it attempts to gain traction with the Saudis. A practical first step would be to secure Saudi buy-in to launch a "track 1.5" dialogue bringing together technical experts from the Gulf states and Iran at government and nongovernmental levels to discuss less controversial and more technical, transnational issues that affect the security and prosperity of all these countries and that cannot be resolved without cross-border cooperation.
Good timing and the right context can often determine diplomatic success or failure. The U.S. will need to be agile in looking for an opening to broach this with the Saudis. The optimal time might be after Washington has signaled its intent to adopt a more conciliatory policy toward Iran.
The U.S. should leave it up to Riyadh to craft a diplomatic strategy for engaging the Iranians and Iran's Gulf partners to get exploratory discussions off the ground. The U.S. should nonetheless insist that the Saudis help create a more receptive climate in Tehran by dialing down their demonization of Iran.
A campaign of "maximum pressure" waged against Iran by Washington and Riyadh is incompatible with securing Tehran's support for a new forum. By the same token, the United States cannot credibly argue to the Saudis that they should adopt a more conciliatory policy toward Iran if the United States is not also prepared to embrace reconciliation with the Iranians. In short, there would need to be major changes in the political relationships among all three parties to have any chance of launching a new regional security forum. Because these relationships are so politically fraught, there might be value for both the U.S. and Saudi Arabia to open bilateral back channels with Iran to determine whether there is a basis for more formal talks about establishing the new forum.
Respecting the sovereignty of other countries and the human rights of Saudi citizens
Saudi Arabia's recent foreign policy blunders reflect the overt expression of what was previously a more subtle approach to foreign intervention. For half a century, Saudi Arabia has used its oil wealth to expand its economic, media, and religious influence abroad.
The death of Gamal Abdel Nasser in 1970, followed by Saudi Arabia's 1970s oil boom, as well as Egypt's peace agreement with Israel and its subsequent boycott by the Arab League, allowed Saudi Arabia to eclipse Egypt as a regional leader. Saudi Arabia purchased the loyalty of governments in Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt, and Sudan, while expanding the scope of its religious outreach by funding Islamic centers and schools throughout the world. Saudi Arabia's expansionist religious policy shaped global Islam in the image of Wahhabism for the purpose of legitimizing the rule of the House of Saud and its control of the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. Yet the spread of Wahhabism, a highly conservative interpretation of Islam based on eighteenth-century teachings, normalized religious intolerance and inspired certain groups to embrace violent jihad against perceived enemies of Islam.
The events of 9/11 caused the Saudi government to reassess the character of the global influence its petrodollars had purchased. The potential damage to the U.S.–Saudi relationship caused by the fact
that 15 of the 19 hijackers were Saudi prompted the government to extend greater surveillance over the flow of Islamic charitable giving that sometimes funded jihadi movements, including al–Qaeda. Saudi Arabia suffered a string of domestic terrorist attacks from 2003 to 2006, precipitating a significantly more robust counterterrorism partnership with the United States. Saudi Arabia continued to fund governments abroad, such as Egypt, Jordan, and Bahrain, to protect these autocratic regimes in the face of domestic dissent, especially after the Arab Spring uprisings of 2011. Although Saudi Arabia cracked down on the ability of terrorist groups to operate domestically, it continued to fund religious institutions promoting Wahhabism abroad, while also funding terrorist organizations in the Syrian civil war, supporting groups such as al–Qaeda affiliate Jabhat al–Nusra (Jabhat Fatah al–Sham since 2016) against the regime of Bashar al–Assad.
Yet, as the Saudi budget has grown tighter due to low oil prices, citizens have grown discontented that wealth is sent abroad rather than spent domestically, a sentiment expressed in the social media hashtag, "Saudi first." The rising salience of Saudi nationalism is partly the result of a 1990s–era policy to cultivate it in schools. After 9/11, Saudi nationalism received additional emphasis; by 2005, King Abdullah inaugurated the celebration of Saudi National Day, over the objections of religious scholars who saw the holiday as a Western import. Upon taking power, MBS harnessed Saudi nationalism in support of his assertively interventionist foreign policy, stoking it for his war on Yemen and invoking it against Qatar. But the "Saudi first" impulse can be rechanneled toward a noninterventionist foreign policy, which would reduce the resources the kingdom sends abroad and so prioritize the well-being of Saudi citizens.
Instead, the Saudi government imposed taxes on citizens for the first time in January 2018. The government then tripled value-added taxes to 15 percent last July. In a poll conducted in August 2020, 61 percent of respondents said the VAT increase had a "severe impact" on their finances.20 This has sharpened contradictions between the Saudis' foreign and domestic policies. Having learned that militarism abroad proves costly to his nation's wealth and his international reputation, Mohammed bin Salman may be ready to focus on keeping his promises to his people.
"Vision 2030" defines Saudi leadership in economic and technological terms. As the year 2030 draws closer, the Saudi public may begin to demand improved outcomes, despite the austerity necessitated by the Covid–19 pandemic. The U.S. can help support the goals of "Vision 2030" by encouraging and investing in Saudi efforts to diversify its economy and to participate in for a promoting international cooperation. If Saudi Arabia continues to violate other nations' sovereignty, especially by funding extremist groups, waging war, or fomenting rebellion, the U.S. should be prepared to increase pressure on the Saudis. The U.S. would be a more credible enforcer if it, too, stopped violating other nations' sovereignty.
The current U.S. relationship to Saudi Arabia undermines U.S. interests, including its own democracy.
Relatedly, the U.S. is in no position to dictate that another country respect its citizens' human rights so long as the rights of U.S. citizens are regularly violated. The U.S. should strive to lead by example and uphold Americans' rights. Yet the approach of the Trump administration, which fails to acknowledge the Saudi government's role in the murder of Saudi citizens and blocked congressional efforts to end all arms sales to Saudi Arabia following the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, represents the antithesis of the United States' professed commitment to human rights. The current U.S. relationship to Saudi Arabia undermines U.S. interests, including its own democracy.
Proposed shifts in U.S. policy
The policy shifts outlined above are those that Saudi Arabia needs to adopt to maintain a strong working relationship with the United States. To encourage these desired outcomes, the U.S. should be prepared to offer incentives and disincentives for Saudi Arabia to adopt more constructive policies.
Incentive: Support and invest in economic diversification
Although his aggressive impulses have been largely counterproductive in Saudi foreign policy, the silver lining of Mohammed bin Salman's consolidation of power is his potential ability to unilaterally alter the Saudi economy. The scale of the transformation outlined in "Vision 2030" would have been nearly impossible under the historical model of governing by consensus among various powerful branches of the Al Saud family. "Vision 2030" may yet prove too ambitious, especially with persistently low oil prices. The break-even price for Saudi Arabia to address existing budgetary needs is $80 a barrel. At writing, the price stands at around $40 per barrel. MBS' more expensive desires, such as building the futuristic city of Neom, may need to be sacrificed to the more urgent objective of developing an economy that can employ Saudi Arabia's young and growing population. His pattern of behavior has not indicated a willingness to make these necessary sacrifices.
Saudi Arabia has long declared its intention to end its dependence on fossil fuels. Like the other oil-
rich Gulf countries, the rentier state model becomes increasingly expensive as the population expands at a rate that exceeds the value of the state's resource wealth. Yet rentier states tend to struggle to overcome their economic dependence on natural resources for multiple reasons, one of which is political. By controlling the natural resource, the government controls wealth and therefore power, whereas a stronger private sector would undermine the state's central economic role.
In Saudi Arabia, a country created when tribes from the central highland region of Najd conquered the surrounding territories and imposed their puritanical interpretation of Islam, the centralization of wealth and power helped to guarantee the territorial integrity of the country. Diversifying the economy might empower these conquered regions to regain autonomy or even pursue separatist agendas.
For these reasons, related to both MBS's personality and to the structural conditions he faces, U.S. encouragement for his stated commitment to economic diversification could be transformational. As MBS declares his intention to revolutionize the economy and society, the U.S. can reinforce this trajectory with investments, statements of support, and technology sharing. But the U.S. should offer material assistance for economic diversification only if Saudi Arabia ceases to interfere in other countries and begins developing a regional security architecture. If these conditions are met, the U.S. can serve its own interest in combating climate change by supporting Saudi Arabia as it transitions away from fossil fuel dependence while also expanding the U.S.–Saudi relationship beyond the narrow military sphere.
Incentive: Support development of nuclear energy for desalination
Two developments — increasing water scarcity and the Saudis' pursuit of a nuclear energy capability — are virtually certain to unfold in the near future. Of the many attributes of global heating that climate scientists anticipate with high confidence is its effect on water supplies in the Persian Gulf region. For wealthy countries such as Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, or Kuwait, this is a manageable problem. Resource-rich economies have the money and energy supplies to desalinate seawater on a lavish scale. Poorer countries, including Yemen, Oman, and Jordan, for example, are constrained to conservation measures, and even these can be expensive when they entail large-scale repairs to deteriorating infrastructure.
As climate change gains traction and water supplies come increasingly under threat, Saudi Arabia appears committed to the construction of nuclear power plants with Chinese assistance. Unlike the kind of facility completed by the UAE with U.S. assistance, which forbade a nuclear fuel cycle, those built with Chinese assistance will produce fissile material. Proliferation is clearly a concern in this situation. The U.S. may or may not succeed in persuading the kingdom to forego enrichment capability. Reports of Saudi uranium deposits and Chinese assistance in producing yellowcake from locally mined uranium could presage a commitment to domestic fuel production regardless of U.S. or international proliferation complaints.
Regardless, a Saudi nuclear energy capability could be applied to desalination, as the Saudis have already pointed out. This would be a favorable development from an environmental perspective, given the energy-intensive nature of desalination and the significant carbon emissions this process entails. From the perspective of regional cooperation on water security, Saudi Arabia could be encouraged to take the lead in supplying its neighbors with desalinated water. The positive impact on quality of life in the less well- endowed states in the region would be incalculable. It would also reduce the scale of forced migration owing to climate change in the coming years. Saudi Arabia, in a consortium with other states, could construct a pipeline network to deliver desalinated water to contiguous states. As part of a package of U.S. initiatives to nudge Saudi Arabia's impulse to act independently of outside powers and exercise regional leadership, Riyadh's participation in a bold multilateral effort to provide water for the Persian Gulf region and apply its future nuclear energy capacity to good effect would warrant serious consideration.
Disincentive: End all weapons sales
Over the years, the United States has sold its most sophisticated weapons and military equipment to Saudi Arabia. These have included main battle tanks, combat and early warning aircraft, missile defense systems, naval surface ships, and advanced stand-off missiles and munitions. Several justifications have been proffered for these sales.
First, there was a desire to sell the Saudis weapons in the U.S. inventory to create an infrastructure for logistics and operational support for U.S. forces in the event the United States deploys forces in the region, either unilaterally or in combined operations with the Saudis. Second, these decisions were sometimes driven by an interest in lowering the unit cost for production of the same systems for the U.S. services; by achieving greater economies of scale, the services could buy more weapons to stock U.S. inventories and maintain a competitive military edge over other countries.
Third, reflecting a view widely (if uncritically) held by U.S. military and State Department officials, it was thought that weapons sales and the logistics tail that went along with these sales provided important access to and influence over key Saudi decision-makers, as well as greater transparency and information about the Saudi military establishment. Relatedly, American officials believed that Saudi dependence on U.S. training, support, and intelligence provided leverage the U.S. could use not only to shape Saudi choices on a broad range of issues, but also, if necessary, to exert some control over Saudi military operations that were inimical to U.S. interests (for example, in the event Saudi Arabia joined with other Arab forces to fight Israel). Finally, U.S. arms sales were seen as a token, by both countries, of the U.S. security commitment to Saudi Arabia — in the absence of any formal security commitment — and a concrete demonstration of America's determination to remain a major actor in the Persian Gulf.
History has demonstrated that these justifications and the expectations they created often failed to materialize. Although the Saudis rely heavily on U.S. maintenance support, there is no evidence that the U.S. has used this dependence to gain leverage over Saudi decisions. Likewise, the link between arms sales and access, and what such access buys in the coin of influence, is at best murky and at worst nonexistent. Moreover, for all the military training the U.S. has provided, Saudi Arabia, in contrast to the UAE, has not demonstrated any high degree of military competence. As a result, the Saudi military has contributed almost nothing of value to U.S.– led coalition operations in Iraq or Syria but has used U.S. weapons systems in Yemen to create a humanitarian catastrophe.
The overall trend is clear: The U.S. military has gained very little military benefit from Saudi Arabia for its regional military operations, and the amount of U.S. influence arms sales have bought over Saudi decision- making has been negligible at best. To the contrary, the military supply relationship the U.S. has created with Saudi Arabia, partly because of the other benefits the U.S. derives from it, has created a certain amount of "reverse leverage." The Saudis would obviously prefer to maintain the status quo in this relationship for political, economic, military, and symbolic reasons, but Riyadh would almost certainly turn to other arms suppliers, as it has done in the past, if the U.S. threatened to cut off weapons sales to the kingdom. However, given that the U.S. receives almost no geopolitical benefit from the sale of weapons to Saudi Arabia, ending all weapons sales represents a card the U.S. should be willing to play.
Disincentive: Seek other regional partners
If Saudi Arabia continues to pursue regionally destabilizing policies, the U.S. should demonstrate
that the so-called special relationship has ended and cultivate productive partnerships with different regional actors. The U.S. already has relations with other members of the Gulf Cooperation Council, which have not adopted the same destructive policies as Saudi Arabia. For example, the UAE's recent normalization with Israel has already precipitated a closer partnership with the U.S. on security, including an upcoming sale of F–35s. Relatedly, the U.S. has signaled that it may upgrade Qatar to the status of non–NATO ally, reinforcing that the U.S. has alternative security partners in the region. Deepening relations with Kuwait and Oman, especially in helping to support all the GCC countries as they work to diversify their economies, would expand U.S. influence without simultaneously flooding the region with additional weapons and raising the level of threat perceived by all.
The United States is best served by cultivating relationships with all states that support its interests, rather than locking into a position of perpetual friendship with some actors and enmity toward others, regardless of the impact of their policies. Although outreach to Iran is highly unlikely during the Trump administration, a Biden administration might be able to improve U.S.–Iran relations, further enhancing U.S. maneuverability in the region.
As noted above, a lasting regional security architecture will require buy-in from both Riyadh and Tehran. The U.S. needs to allow local actors to take ownership of the process and the resulting institutional structure. However, the U.S. can and should encourage all parties, including Saudi Arabia, to invest in this process.
The current U.S. position toward Saudi Arabia has allowed the Saudis to act recklessly while still maintaining U.S. support. Simultaneously, the Saudis fear a U.S. military withdrawal and are incentivized to act as spoilers and interventionists in hopes of maintaining an active U.S. presence. The U.S. needs to help the Saudis understand that a U.S. military drawdown is inevitable, and therefore that greater regional stability is in their own self-interest.
As Saudi Arabia is the wealthiest and most populous state on the Arabian Peninsula, as well as the oil reserve of last resort, its policies significantly impact the Gulf, the broader region, and the world. The Crown Prince has stated his commitment to enhancing Saudi Arabia's global leadership but has at times allowed his worst impulses to direct his actions. The U.S. should welcome and encourage constructive Saudi leadership as long as it serves stability and cooperation in the region.
Course Correction: Preventing State Collapse in Syria August 11, 2020
A New U.S. Paradigm for the Middle East: Ending America's Misguided Policy of Domination July 17, 2020
In Long-Suffering Afghanistan, This is a Peace Deal Worth Trying February 18, 2020
Annelle Sheline
Annelle Sheline is a Research Fellow at the Quincy Institute. Her research focuses on religion and politics in the Middle East. She received her doctorate from George Washington University.
Steven Simon
Steven Simon is a Senior Analyst at the Quincy Institute. He studied theology at Harvard and public policy at Princeton before government service at the State Department and the NSC.
More from Annelle Sheline and Steven Simon
'Wanton cruelty': Pompeo to declare Houthis a terrorist group, sparking fears of worsening famine in Yemen
The blockade of Qatar has ended, but the Gulf rift persists
Trump's bribe to Morocco to 'recognize' Israel means little — but could inflame a colonial conflict in the Western Sahara
Trump sells out Western Sahara for Morocco-Israel normalization deal


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Zazie Beetz on Portraying Stagecoach Mary in The Harder They Fall
By Tyler Treese
The Harder They Fall is now streaming on Netflix. Jeymes Samuel's violent western features a star-studded cast that includes Jonathan Majors, Idris Elba, Zazie Beetz, Regina King, and LaKeith Stanfield.
"When outlaw Nat Love (Jonathan Majors) discovers that his enemy Rufus Buck (Idris Elba) is being released from prison he rounds up his gang to track Rufus down and seek revenge," says the official synopsis. "Those riding with him in this assured, righteously new school Western include his former love Stagecoach Mary (Zazie Beetz), his right and left hand men — hot-tempered Bill Pickett (Edi Gathegi) and fast drawing Jim Beckwourth (R.J. Cyler)—and a surprising adversary-turned-ally. Rufus Buck has his own fearsome crew, including "Treacherous" Trudy Smith (Regina King) and Cherokee Bill (LaKeith Stanfield), and they are not a group that knows how to lose."
RELATED: The Harder They Fall Interview: Jonathan Majors on Film's Cyclical Trauma
ComingSoon Editor-in-Chief Tyler Treese spoke with The Harder They Fall star Zazie Beetz about her portrayal of Stagecoach Mary, her chemistry with Jonathan Majors, and the on-screen rivalry with Regina King.
Tyler Treese: Stagecoach Mary is such an interesting historical figure and you get to bring such an interesting version of her to life here. What did you do to prepare for this role, knowing that you're embodying such an iconic figure in history?
Zazie Beetz: Overall I felt like I wanted to read about people living during this time, not just Mary, but like all the characters and figures beyond that. I did feel like, just based essentially on like the script and the story written, that the Mary that was in the film was sort of inspiration of sort of all people of this time. I felt like I was able to sort of take the spirit of Mary Fields and what I learned about her and apply her to Mary in the movie.
But there is sort of not a lot of historical parallels between the character and the actual person. We talked a lot about filling in the blanks of where sort of storylines were. Like Nat [and] Mary being in love was never a part of actual history. So we had to create our own backstory around that. That's where it's sort of a thing, a lot of the fiction elements come in overall. But that still didn't stop me from reading about Mary and learning about her and seeing how I could imbue elements of her into this character as well. It's been cool for me. It was really lovely for me to learn and it's been cool to sort of see, as people have been talking to me about the film, how much they've been learning about all these characters because of this film. I hope that, like, it sort of opens the doors to revisiting how we see the west in general, and the kinds of characters that can be included in future films.
You mentioned the love story in the film. The chemistry between yourself and Jonathan Majors is so electric on screen. Did you work much off-screen to develop that or did it just come naturally?
I think there's always a bit of natural involved, which is why they have, although we didn't do a chemistry read, but usually they have chemistry reads for films because I think you either have chemistry or you don't. But I think you definitely got to nurture it and Jonathan and I did a bunch of rehearsals before we started shooting with Jeymes, who really allotted a good amount of time before shooting commenced for all of us, all the characters, I think we rehearsed basically every scene in the film multiple times. Really like laying down the foundation and how we all interact with each other and what our interpersonal relationships are.
Part of that was Jonathan and I establishing Mary and Nat. So we did spend time figuring out what our backstory was, things that don't come up in the film at all, but I think you can potentially feel based on the decisions we made. I think that's a part of any actor's journey, but we were lucky enough that we were given time to kind of figure things out, which isn't always the case.
Some of my favorite scenes in the film are with you and Regina King. I thought they were just so good and the fight scene was fantastic. How was it like working with her?
She's great. I just really enjoy Regina. I kind of feel a little bit like a little sister to her. She was really great at sort of taking care of everybody on set. She's a wonderful presence on set and our characters, we were kind of opposites in a way in this. We're not opposites in the film, but we were each other's villains essentially. We ended up spending a lot of time together and so it was just fun to play with her play off of her. I feel like we had a really lovely bond that has carried to after shooting as well. I'm excited to work with her again, which I'm hopeful will happen for sure.
Tyler Treese
Tyler Treese is ComingSoon's Editor-in-Chief. An experienced entertainment journalist, his work can be seen at Sherdog, Fanbyte, Rock Paper Shotgun, and more. When not watching the latest movies, Treese enjoys mixed martial arts and playing with his Shiba Inu, Kota.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Concert to raise funds for art, humanities
By By Darcy Posselli
By Darcy Posselli
By donating a couple of dollars, U students and community members will be able to listen to music about hobbits, pirates and astronauts while supporting a local high school.
The Skyline Arts and Humanities Council is holding a benefit concert aimed at raising funds for the arts and humanities programs at Skyline High School on Saturday at 7 p.m.
"Save the Arts — Share the Music" benefit concert will feature artists Peter Breinholt, who is known for his self-styled acoustic music, and Sam Payne, who writes contemporary folk songs that focus on such topics as hobbits, pirates and spacemen. Payne relates his songs to the stories told in movies like "The Princess Bride," according to his official website. He has spent some of his music career in "The Utah Jazz Quintet."
"We're really fortunate that they're both donating their time and talents," said Susan Kaelin, president of the Arts and Humanities Council.
Kaelin's daughter, Anna Kaelin, is a junior at the U who has been helping receive donations for the silent art auction that will take place during the concert. Anna Kaelin, who will graduate from the U in May, has also helped with publicity and technical elements such as sound. Kaelin, who is majoring in film, said she has a commitment to the arts.
Other local celebrities will also be contributing their time during the show.
"We have a guy named Joe Payne from the Pioneer Theater Company who is doing our sound for us," Susan Kaelin said. "Scott Haws from Channel 5 is going to emcee."
The concert is the third event of its kind organized by the Skyline Arts and Humanities Council. The council has also planned a lecture series beginning Nov. 29, featuring Jared Hess, the co-writer and director of "Napoleon Dynamite" and "Nacho Libre." Other tentative speakers include a local author and a creative director from DreamWorks.
"Our main purpose is to provide support and resources for all the arts and humanities students and department(s) at Skyline High School," Susan Kaelin said. "(Arts and humanities) really impact virtually every student in a high school, because all students are required to have 1.5 fine arts credits to graduate from high school. We fundraise to provide things to departments that are outside of the school budget but that are needed for school purposes."
Funds from events are used for annual scholarships. Every year an average of five $250 to $500 scholarships are awarded.
"We're trying to build a scholarship fund that is self-perpetuating, so that it won't deplete itself over the years," Susan Kaelin said.


text:
Related Pages.
Oracle centres.
The World-Grid.
The Eleusian Mysteries.
Geodesy.
Greece Homepage.
Index of Ancient Sites.
Homepage.
A-Z Site Index.
Gift Shop.
Earth Navels: (Navel's of the earth, Omphalos)
The term 'Earth Navel' was applied to several 'sacred' locations from the ancient world. Generally, these sites were accredited with the title following their development into a 'sacred' or 'special' place, such as Delphi or Jerusalem, but in certain cases, the original name of the site contained a translation of the word 'navel'. It appears then, that certain sites were given this status during construction. The ancient Peruvian capital Cuzco, for example, literally means 'navel', and it acted as such to the Inca empire during its great expansion. The mythology of Cuzco recalls that the city was located by the 'children of the sun', from Tiahuanaco, according to pre-designed rituals.
Featured Items:
Earth Navel's: What are they?.
Omphalos: (Navel Stones).
The Oracle centres.
The World Grid.
Prehistoric Geodesy.
Examples of Earth Navels.
The ancient landscape was a canvas upon which in prehistory, our ancestors connected points on the ground with points in the sky, There is much evidence that certain ancient cities and constructions were located according to 'geodetic' or 'geomantic' principles, and these ancient centres are now termed 'earth navel's' because of this.
The suggestion of a further geometric connection or of alignments between sacred sites has always been a bone of contention for mainstream pre-historians, who still argue that Neolithic people were simple tribal, hunter/gatherers, with only basic skills, as yet not identifying any presence of any order or hierarchy in their society, which might facilitate the existence of such grand architecture.
Earth Navel's:
There are several locations around the ancient world that have inherited the accolade of 'Earth Navel'. By definition, each location represents the place through which we connected with an invisible umbilical connection to the earth-mother-earth. These sites are invariably considered the centre of the world, or even the universe, and often become primary pilgrimage locations (such as Mecca or Allahabad).
It has long been argued that there may exist a geometric connection between such sites, with a clear geodetic connection between Delphi and Karnak (Egypt), as established by Livvio Stecchini.
Stecchini said this about the subject:-
�The Temple of Ammon at Thebes at latitude 25� 43� N was considered, and is, located at 2/7 of the distance between the Equator and the pole. Ancient geographers divided the space between the Equator and the Pole into 7 zones. Egyptologists have vainly tried to explain why the Greeks gave the name of Thebai to the city called Wast by the Egyptians; the explanation is provided by the Hebrew word thibbun meaning �navel�. From the Bible (Jud. 9:37) we learn that �a navel of the earth� was located at Mt. Gerizim where there was originally the sacred center of the Hebrews before it was moved to Jerusalem; the Samaritans never accepted such a shift, and geographically they were right, since the claim of Jerusalem to be the navel of the earth was not correct. The eastern gate of the Second Temple, where the standards of length were located, was called Gate of Susa, but Susa was located at the latitude of Mt. Gerizim which is 32� 11� N. The sanctuary of Mt. Gerizim was located at a latitude that is 2� sevenths from the Equator. Egyptian benchmarks had the shape of the �navel� found at the Temple of Delphoi in Greece. These �navels� had the shape of a hemisphere with the meridians and parallels marked upon them; at times they are half a sphere and at times they are elongated at the Pole. The sanctuary of Delphoi was considered a �navel of the earth,� as being located at 3/7 of the distance from the Equator to the Pole. This would correspond to a latitude 38� 34� N; the Temple of Delphoi is actually located at a latitude 38� 29� N, � which makes it 6� to the North of one of two Egyptian anchor points, the original apex of the Nile Delta at latitude 30� 05� N on the axis of Egypt which is 31� 13� E. Susa was computed as being 17� to the East of this point; it is at latitude 48� 15� E. When the Assyrians established their religious capital at Nimrud in 875 B.C. they chose a point that was 6� to the North and 12� to the East of this Egyptian anchor point. (5)
(See below for list of Earth Navel's)
Omphalos: (Navel stones):
Perhaps surprisingly, the oldest known 'Omphalos' is on view in the Sofia Museum, Bulgaria. It is from the Vinca culture which dates between 3,000 to 5,000 BC. Many Vinca buildings were found to have had an 'Omphalos' area set aside in them. The Vinca culture dissipated from 'Old Europe' c. 3,500 BC, vestiges of the same culture can be seen around the Mediterranean basin and beyond
Vinca Omphalos stone. (Note the presence of netting and a bird figure on top).
(More about the Vinca Culture)
The earliest Egyptian depiction of an Omphalos is seen on the walls of the Seti I pyramid.
Omphalos stones have been found at several sacred sites. (i.e. Delphi, Dodona and Thebes (Egypt). Within these stones lies a symbolism which is almost lost to us now. Although not at first apparent, the Omphalos stones from Thebes and Delphi have several features in common through which it is possible to see the fusion of Egyptian and Greek iconography and mythology, and the thread of an older set of ideas.
Thebes, Egypt (left), Greek engraving of Delphi (Note: Apollo�s harp, Doves), (right).
Service and Bradbury (2), state that 'Within concept of the Omphalos, there is also implied an umbilical cord, an invisible link reaching from the depths of the earth through the navel right up into the heavens' (Roscher 1913) (2).
Pennick (28), notes that the Roman author Varro compared the Omphalos shape with a �treasury�, the name commonly applied to dome-shaped graves (such as the �Treasury of Atreus� at Mycenae, so described by Pausanias). The suggestion that the Treasury of Atreus may be an Omphalos of �negative space�, is of interest as we are told that the site was �Treasury� was built on the site of the old oracle of the earth goddess herself, with legends stating that Python, the serpent spirit of the earth, lays buried there having been killed by Apollo the sun god.
Omphalos Stones on Greek 1st - 2nd Cent. BC Coins.
The Oracle Centres:
Following on the work of Michell, Stecchini, Temple and others, Hancock (1), suggested that an ancient network of geodetic centres was established, which were connected mathematically.
The Delos Omphalos, Greece.
(More about Delos)
Livvio Stecchini suggested that the ancient oracle centres were placed according to geodetic principles at which 'Omphalus' or 'Navel stones' were placed. This idea is supported by the historical narratives of Herodotus, who wrote that the oracle centre of Amon in Libya was founded by flying doves from Thebes, which was long considered the geodetic centre of ancient Egypt, is located 2/7ths of the distance from the equator and the North pole, and at which an Omphalus was later discovered. Herodotus also wrote that the oracle centre at Dodona was said to have been founded by Egyptian priestesses from Thebes and that doves flew between the two sites.
Following this, Robert Temple suggested that the separation of the oracle centres, each by 1� of latitude created an 'oracle octave', from which the seven major centres were placed, each devoted to one of the seven know planets, and symbolised by different sacred trees and letters (for more on this subject refer to the 'tree alphabet' in R. Graves book 'The White Goddess'), and this, he believed formed the basis of the Eleusian mysteries.
(More about the Oracle centres)
The Delphi Omphalos before restoration (left), and after (right).
There are two myths concerning the origin of the Delphi oracle. The first says that Zeus wishing to find the centre of the earth sent two eagles to the ends of the earth and they met at Delphi thus making it the centre or �navel� of the earth. (Many Omphalos have two birds on to symbolise this). The second myth says that it was dedicated originally to the mother of the gods, Gaia. The oracles were said to have been protected by Python (Gaia's daughter). Apollo slew Python making himself master of the oracle and burying her under the Omphalos stone. As a punishment because he had killed a god, Apollo had to leave Delphi every three months during the winter. Many scholars believe that the Python�s death at the hand of Apollo symbolized the change in oracles at Delphi.
(More about Delphi)
Omphalos: 'Plugging the Deep'.
Santillana (4), offers several examples to support the association between navel-stones and �the flood� by referring to their function as �plugs�; an idea typified by the following phrase �The opening of the navel brings the deluge�. However of even greater interest is that we see in �Hamlet�s Mill�, that certain common subject matter has been approached but through a different medium, namely mythology. The primary emphasis of their research was the existence of an ancient system of astronomical/ astrological knowledge involving the precession of the equinoxes, and the constellations, stored in mythologies around the world. It is from their work we are made aware of a significant set of stories concerning the purpose of navel-stones, through which such already described associations are reinforced.
In the Sumerian myth of Utnapishtim (Noah), we are told that the first ark was �a cube measuring 60x60x60 fathoms�, which represents the unit in sexagesimal system (where 60 is written as 1 or 1� ). In one version, we are told that �there is no ark, just a cubic stone, which rests on a pillar which reaches from earth to heaven�. In the Old Testament, these elements are repeated, when we learn that Noah�s ark was also a cube, whose landing symbolised the end of the great flood. In Jewish legends, it is said that �since the ark disappeared there was a stone in its place�which was called the foundation stone��and it is said to lie above the waters that are below the Holy of Holies. In Mecca, the navel of the Islam faith, there stands the Holy stone of the Ka�aba, which is also a cube, and we are told that even Christ is compared to �a cube shaped mountain�. But why a cube?
Apart from the obvious fact that a cube represents a single unit (as in the Sumerian base-6), the traditional reason for the cube-shape is suggested as being the shape designated for the planet Saturn, as illustrated in Keplers �Mysterium Cosmographicum�. To support this idea Santillana reminds us that in this group of stories, the figure (power) who warns �Noah� of the impending flood, (and suggests the dimensions of the Ark), is ��Saturn, as Jehovah, as Enki, as Tane, etc��. The antiquity of these traditions is shown by the fact that In pre-Islamic days, before the Ka�aba was constructed, there was a well on the site, which had a statue of the �God�� Hubal, across the opening �to prevent the waters from rising�. Hildegard Levy points out that, in pre-Islamic days, the god Hubal was Saturn, and that the Holy stone of the Ka�aba served the same symbolic function (4).
In addition to having been recorded as the first Greek oracle centre, Dodona has a still greater, and older claim to fame being located at the foot of Mount Tomaros, which is named in Greek myth as the refuge for Deucalion and his wife, the sole survivors of the great �flood of Deucalion�. It is within this myth that an older, perhaps hidden significance (and connection), can be found in the location of Dodona, for while Mt. Tomaros is the reputed resting place of the Greek ark, the Hebrews record the final resting place of their ark as being on Mount Ararat in Turkey (near Metsamor), which both sits on the same latitude as Dodona and happens to be equidistant from Thebes, so that the three locations form an almost perfect equilateral triangle.
While it is possible that such a geometric connection between sites may be a coincidence, the earlier mythological connection through the flood-myth is harder to explain. It is not possible to know if the significance of the site was already known to the Egyptian priests at Thebes (or Phoenicians) when the oracle at Dodona was established, but there is little doubt that the location had a special significance from before the arrival of the Egyptian oracles.
(More about Egyptian Geodesy)
There has been much speculation over the existence of a 'world-grid' - But what exactly is it?
The two general theories about a 'world grid' are:
The most common theory suggests the presence of tangible earth-energies which flow in lines around the world and which can be either reinforced or tapped into through the building of megalithic and sacred structures along their path. It is speculated that at some time in the past, our ancestors constructed sacred sites at certain locations at nodes of these energy lines.
The other theory also involves the construction of ancient and sacred sites, only it speculates that their placement was based on geometric principles. This theory is often associated with the mysterious knowledge of 'sacred geometry', and is not exclusively involved with energy, although there is suggestion of magnification of universal energies through constructions designed with certain proportions.
For the purpose of this page, we are concerned only with the latter theory, which suggests the placement of ancient and sacred sites according to geometric principles. The late, great, Alexander Thom determined the presence of geometry at numerous megalithic locations and concluded that the builders had applied 'Euclidean' geometry in the construction of many significant sites.
(More about the World-Grid)
Examples of Earth Navels:
Cuzco - Literally translated means 'Navel'. The capital of the Inca empire was situated at Cuzco, high in the Andes. Tradition states that the city was founded according to 'geomantic' principles.
Easter Island - Was also called 'Te-Pito-O-Te Henua' Which translated means, 'The Navel of the Earth'. Hancock suggested that its geographical location may have determined the original settlement. (1)
Jerusalem - As the capital of the 'Holy land' Jerusalem is called an Earth Navel.
Delphi - Contained an 'Omphalus', which was believed to mark the centre of the world. It was supposed to have fallen from heaven. The story is that Cronus, the god of time, was driven to the depths of the universe by Zeus, who forced him to vomit the stone, which landed in the centre of the Earth. The current Omphalus is a replica of the original, made in the Hellenistic period. (1)
Eridu - Iraq. The original Sumerian 'Mound of Creation'.
Angkor Wat - The 'Bayon' in the network of temples at Angkor was described by B. Groslier as 'the Omphalus in Angkor's stone cosmos'. (1)
Karnak, Egypt - An Omphalus was excavated in the sanctuary of the Great Temple of Amon at Karnak, by G. A. Reisner. It supports the Greek traditions of doves flying between Delphi and Karnak. (1)
Mecca - The centre of Islam. The location of the Kabba, and the 'black stone' which, according to Islamic tradition, fell from heaven during the time of Adam and Eve. It is said that Abraham found the black rock and when he rebuilt the Kaaba, Archangel Gabriel brought the Stone out of hiding and gave it to him.
Ref( http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kaaba )
Allahabad, India - Formerly called Prayag, and listed in the Mahabharata as the last and most important of 270 ancient holy places. Prayag was considered the mythical creation point of the universe. The chief cult shrines at Prayag stood on an island with a shrine to the primordial serpent who protected the eternal tree (seen by Hsuan Tsang in 644). A goddess-shrine was recently found south of Allahabad that dates to 11,000 BC, along with Mesolithic cave paintings of a dancing shaman with horned head-dress, bangles and a trident, closely resembling Shiva. (3)
Allahabad is still the site of the largest gathering of humanity on earth.
(The Oracle Centres)
(Earth-mother-earth)
(Geodesy Homepage)
1) G. Hancock. Heavens Mirror, 1998, Michael Joseph Ltd.
2). A. Service & J. Bradbery. Megaliths and their Mysteries. 1979. Macmillan.
3). Michael Wood. In Search of the First Civilisations. 1992. BBC Books.
4). G. Santillana and H. Von Dechend. Hamlets mill. 1983. D. R. G. Press.
22). R. Temple. The Sirius mystery.
28). Nigel Pennick. Sacred Geometry. 1994 Capal Bann.
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Our Lady of Mercy Academy recently honored its 2015 Salerno Society's inductees at the Greenview Inn in Vineland.
The Salerno Society Hall of Fame Dinner, founded in 2012, honors "those individuals who have had a profound and everlasting effect on the school as athletes, scholars, teachers, coaches, administrators and benefactors," said Jerry Covella, chairman of the annual event. This year's inductees are Christopher Romano and family. Romano and his wife Barbara have been tireless supporters of OLMA and their daughters are graduates of the Academy.
Jena Peacock, a 2008 graduate is the greatest long-distance runner in the history of the school. Jena is now pursuing her Masters of Arts degree. Alumnae Rosemary "Rockie" Angelo was also inducted. Rockie, a 1968 graduate of OLMA continues to contribute her time and resources in many different ways to her alma mater. Kathryn "Kay" Tanner served 16 years as the school secretary and has continued to support the school since her retirement in 2005.


text:
WSU president bikes 100 miles for scholarship funds
More than 1,100 cyclists participate in inaugural event, which also features rides of 20, 50 and 62 miles
WSU president bikes 100 miles for scholarship funds More than 1,100 cyclists participate in inaugural event, which also features rides of 20, 50 and 62 miles Check out this story on detroitnews.com: http://detne.ws/1EbCVSr
Kim Kozlowski and Charles E. Ramirez, Published 12:04 p.m. ET Aug. 22, 2015 | Updated 3:57 p.m. ET Aug. 22, 2015
WSU bike ride Baroudeur raises money for student scholarships
Wayne State University President M. Roy Wilson, right, talks with Don Rose, left, 60, of Shelby Township, and Phil Shrader, center, 47, of Grosse Pointe, before the ride. The president and others ride 100 miles, 62, 50 and 20 miles in Baroudeur to raise money for college scholarships, Saturday morning, Aug. 22, 2015. Todd McInturf, The Detroit News
WSU President M. Roy Wilson, right, leads the ride, briefly through campus, before turning onto Cass. Todd McInturf, The Detroit News
WSU President M. Roy Wilson rides on Cass. Todd McInturf, The Detroit News
Bicyclists briefly ride through campus before turning onto Cass. Todd McInturf, The Detroit News
Joseph Escribano, 51, of Detroit, holds his bike up side down while WSU police cadet Jamonte Horton, center, registers his bike with the university. Todd McInturf, The Detroit News
WSU President M. Roy Wilson rides on Cass Ave.(Photo: Todd McInturf / The Detroit News)Buy Photo
Detroit — The inaugural urban bike ride Saturday to raise scholarships at Wayne State University was less Tour de France and more tour de force.
It even had a cool French name: "The Baroudeur," a French word meaning warrior — which is the nickname of the university's sports teams.
More than 1,100 cyclists signed up for the event, the brainchild of WSU President M. Roy Wilson. It's the first urban bike ride event the university has organized.
"It was a bigger turnout than we expected," said Wilson. "We were hoping for close to 1,000."
Riders at the event chose one of four open road courses: a 20-, 50-, 62- or 100-mile ride, also called century. Wilson, an avid cyclist, was doing a century Saturday.
All of the courses were designed with staggered start times to begin in the center of Wayne State's campus and wind their way through Detroit's streets. The 100-mile course ended in Grosse Ile.
There was also no competition, unlike the famous French bike race.
"I wanted to bring this to Downtown Detroit and have people experience the university and the city," Wilson said. "I'm hoping this is something we can do every year. We're off to a good start."
Wilson said Saturday's event was open to all and future Baroudeur rides will be, too.
Tearey Simpson, 50, of Detroit, said he heard about the event from people he rides with. Simpson was riding the 50-mile course Saturday.
"I thought this would be nice ride to take," he said. "And it's for a good cause."
Like Wayne State's president, Katie Mathieu, 41, of Sterling Heights, was tackling the 100-mile course. She was joined by her sister, Elizabeth Riser, 35, of Marshall. Unlike Wilson, however, the Baroudeur was the sisters' first century ride.
"It's a sister-thing," Riser said. "We just enjoy cycling."
Mathieu added: "It's pretty exciting. Hopefully, I can still walk at the end."
Proceeds from the event will help fund scholarships for students at the university. Officials didn't yet have figures on how much the event raised Saturday.
Wayne State's Baroudeur is one of the many ways Michigan's universities are trying to raise funds for scholarships.
For instance earlier this month, Michigan State University held its first MSU Black alumni scholarship fundraiser with Earvin "Magic" Johnson, the NBA legend who led the Spartans to the 1979 NCAA basketball title.
Meanwhile, Eastern Michigan University last month hosted a TRUEMU night for a Tigers game at Comerica Park that raised $4,000 for student scholarships.
kkozlowski@detroitnews.com
Read or Share this story: http://detne.ws/1EbCVSr


text:
Das Projensdorfer Gehölz ist ein etwa 200 Hektar großer Wald im Stadtteil Wik der schleswig-holsteinischen Landeshauptstadt Kiel. Er liegt am Südufer des Nord-Ostsee-Kanals zwischen B76, B503 und Steenbeker Weg. Der Erlenkampsee, das Tiergehege Tannenberg, der Tannenberg (37 m), der Auberg (25 m), der Knivsberg (29 m) und der Kürberg (30 m) befinden sich im Waldgebiet.

Geschichte
Das Projensdorfer Gehölz wurde 1900 nach dem Bau des Nord-Ostsee-Kanals als Erholungsgebiet angelegt. Rund um den 37 Meter hohen Tannenberg entstand auf dem Aushub des Kanals der Stadtpark, den die Stadtplaner durch umfangreiche Aufforstungen als Wald gestalteten.

Die ehemaligen Projensdorfer Ländereien mit 225 ha Fläche bestanden vorher überwiegend aus Weizenackerland. In dem Gebiet gab  es nur sieben Wohngebäude mit 52 Einwohnern. Um den Tannenberg herum wuchs schon ein kleiner, etwa 20 Hektar großer Wald, der Projensdorfer Gehölz genannt wurde. Nach dem 1. Weltkrieg vergab die Stadt Kiel 86.000 m² des Geländes für den Bau von Siedlungshäusern durch Erbbaurecht.

Tiergehege Tannenberg
Das Tiergehege Tannenberg ist mit ca. 40 Hektar das größte von der Stadt Kiel bewirtschaftete Tierareal in dem neben Wildschweinen auch Schottische Hochlandrinder, Damhirsche, Mufflons und Rehe gehalten werden.

Weblinks

Einzelnachweise

Geographie (Kiel)
Waldgebiet in Schleswig-Holstein
Waldgebiet in Europa
Parkanlage in Kiel

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Cousins Nigeria is an established retailer and distributor of public address systems, pro audio systems, musical instruments, stage lighting equipment, DJ equipment and accessories. We represent a selection of world-renowned brands from Germany, Italy, India, Japan, Korea, China, Malaysia, Spain, Taiwan, Thailand, UK and USA. Our mission is to deliver a vast range of world-class audio, musical and lighting equipment at affordable prices to both experts and newcomers to the world of professional audio while providing unparalleled professionalism in service and support.
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For more than a decade, health maintenance organizations (HMOs) seemed to be the managed care solution for employers concerned about the rising costs of premiums. HMOs were designed to save money by offering a controlled selection of covered services provided by network physicians. Over time, however, employee dissatisfaction and lower-than-expected cost savings sparked a shift in the healthcare environment, one in which employers and members alike were increasingly demanding more from their health plans.


text:
RIB BONE TISSUE CLAMP
Systems, methods, and kits incorporating a clamp for securing to rib bone tissue.
Gordon, Charles (Tyler, TX, US)
Deaton, James E. (Georgetown, TX, US)
PRONTO PRODUCTS, LLC (Tyler, TX, US)
A61B17/84
20050267466 Thermocouple electrode December, 2005 Staunton et al.
20060025780 Dual endoscopic polypectomy instrument arrangement February, 2006 James
20090005766 Broadband microwave applicator January, 2009 Brannan
20070191851 MULTIFUNCTIONAL IMPLANT DEVICE August, 2007 Ashammakhi
20060100687 Elongate tubular member for use in medical device shafts May, 2006 Fahey et al.
20060264919 Endoscope with a flexible probe November, 2006 Schaaf
20080312582 METHOD FOR INSERTING A FLEXIBLE MEDICAL DEVICE CONDUIT December, 2008 Krulevitch et al.
20080033454 Device for Holding and /or Guiding Instruments or Cannulas February, 2008 Lukoschek et al.
20090240253 Pin Centering Guide with Goniometer September, 2009 Murray
20080058778 Performance assessment system for refractive lasers and associated methods March, 2008 Liedel et al.
20050149101 Non-traumatic surgical kit for uterine operations July, 2005 Huschmand Nia
CHANG, OLIVIA C
NORTON ROSE FULBRIGHT US LLP (AUSTIN, TX, US)
1. A bone tissue clamp comprising: a first side; a second side; a coupling portion coupling the first side to the second side; an open space between the first and second side; and a plurality of gripping members disposed on at least one of the first and second side, wherein the bone tissue clamp is configured for securement to a rib, wherein the gripping members comprise crimped portions of the bone tissue clamp.
2. The bone tissue clamp of claim 1 wherein the gripping members comprise a plurality of teeth.
3. The bone tissue clamp of claim 1 wherein the first side and the second side are angled toward each other when the bone tissue clamp is viewed from a first end of the bone tissue clamp.
4. The bone tissue clamp of claim 1 wherein the coupling portion comprises a first aperture.
5. The bone tissue clamp of claim 4 wherein the coupling portion comprises a second aperture.
6. The bone tissue clamp of claim 5 wherein the first aperture and the second aperture are configured to receive a tool that can be manipulated to spread apart the first side and the second side.
7. The bone tissue clamp of claim 1 wherein the gripping members are distal from the coupling portion.
8. The bone tissue clamp of claim 1 wherein the aperture is configured to allow access to a rib when the clamp is installed on the rib.
9. The bone tissue clamp of claim 1 wherein the first and second sides each comprise an extended central portion.
10. The bone tissue clamp of claim 1 wherein the extended central portions of the first and second sides comprise a plurality of gripping members.
11. The bone tissue clamp of claim 1 wherein the first side comprises a pocket that extends away from the first side.
12. The bone tissue clamp of claim 1 wherein the first and second side each comprise a central portion that is shorter than the remainder of the first and second sides.
13. A method of securing a fracture of a rib, the method comprising: providing a bone tissue clamp according to any of claims 1-12; and securing the bone tissue clamp to the rib so that the first side of the bone tissue clamp is engaged with a first side of the rib and a second side of the bone tissue clamp is secured to a second side of the rib.
This application claims priority to, and incorporates by reference, each of the following applications: U.S. Provisional Patent Application 61/017,336 filed Dec. 28, 2007; U.S. Provisional Patent Application 61/023,327 filed Jan. 24, 2008; U.S. Provisional Patent Application 61/104,199 filed Oct. 9, 2008; and U.S. Provisional Patent Application 61/108417 filed Oct. 24, 2008.
Exemplary embodiments of the present disclosure comprise a devices that can be secured to bone tissue in ribs and methods of securing the devices.
Exemplary embodiments comprise features that provide for ease of installation of the clamp onto a rib bone. In addition, exemplary embodiments comprise features that assist in securing the clamp to the rib bone.
Exemplary embodiments of the present disclosure provide novel systems, kits, and methods for securing medical devices to bone tissue in rib bones.
In certain embodiments, a clamp may comprise gripping members that comprise projections directed toward the open space. The clamp may be configured to allow a foreign object to be inserted into the open space. The clamp may be configured to exert a compressive force on the foreign object in certain embodiments, and a cross-section of the first clamp may be generally U-shaped. The first side and the second side of a clamp may be comprised of a unitary piece. In particular embodiments, the first side comprises a first end portion distal from the coupling portion; the second side comprises a second end portion distal from the coupling portion; and the first side and the second side are angled towards each other so that the first end portion is proximal to the second end portion.
Particular embodiments comprise a bone tissue clamp comprising: a first side; a second side; a coupling portion coupling the first side to the second side; an open space between the first and second side; and a plurality of gripping members disposed on at least one of the first and second side, wherein the bone tissue clamp is configured for securement to a rib. In certain embodiments, the gripping members comprise crimped portions of the bone tissue clamp. In specific embodiments, the gripping members comprise a plurality of teeth. In particular embodiments, the first side and the second side are angled toward each other when the bone tissue clamp is viewed from a first end of the bone tissue clamp.
In specific embodiments, the coupling portion comprises a first aperture. In particular embodiments, the coupling portion comprises a second aperture. The first aperture and the second aperture can be configured to receive a tool that can be manipulated to spread apart the first side and the second side. In certain embodiments, the gripping members are distal from the coupling portion. The aperture can also be configured to allow access to a rib when the clamp is installed on the rib.
In specific embodiments, the first and second sides each comprise an extended central portion. In particular embodiments, the extended central portions of the first and second sides comprise a plurality of gripping members. The first side may comprise a pocket that extends away from the first side. In certain embodiments, the first and second side each comprise a central portion that is shorter than the remainder of the first and second sides.
Specific embodiments also comprise a method of securing a fracture of a rib. The method may comprise: providing a bone tissue clamp according to any of clamps described above, and securing the bone tissue clamp to the rib so that the first side of the bone tissue clamp is engaged with a first side of the rib and a second side of the bone tissue clamp is secured to a second side of the rib.
While exemplary embodiments of the present invention have been shown and described in detail below, it will be clear to the person skilled in the art that changes and modifications may be made without departing from the scope of the invention. As such, that which is set forth in the following description and accompanying drawings is offered by way of illustration only and not as a limitation. The actual scope of the invention is intended to be defined by the following claims, along with the full range of equivalents to which such claims are entitled.
In addition, one of ordinary skill in the art will appreciate upon reading and understanding this disclosure that other variations for the invention described herein can be included within the scope of the present invention. For example, different materials of construction may be used for the clamps or coupling members employed in the kit or system. Furthermore, the shape of individual clamps or coupling members may also be altered.
In the following Detailed Description of Disclosed Embodiments, various features are grouped together in several embodiments for the purpose of streamlining the disclosure. This method of disclosure is not to be interpreted as reflecting an intention that exemplary embodiments of the invention require more features than are expressly recited in each claim. Rather, as the following claims reflect, inventive subject matter lies in less than all features of a single disclosed embodiment. Thus, the following claims are hereby incorporated into the Detailed Description of Exemplary Embodiments, with each claim standing on its own as a separate embodiment.
Identical reference numerals do not necessarily indicate an identical structure. Rather, the same reference numeral may be used to indicate a similar feature or a feature with similar functionality. Not every feature of each embodiment is labeled in every figure in which that embodiment appears, in order to keep the figures clear. Similar reference numbers (e.g., those that are identical except for the first numeral) are used to indicate similar features in different embodiments.
FIG. 1 is a side view of a clamp installed on a rib according to an exemplary embodiment of the present disclosure.
FIG. 2 is a perspective view of a clamp on a rib bone according to an exemplary embodiment of the present disclosure.
FIG. 3 is a perspective view of the clamp of FIG. 2.
FIG. 4 is perspective view of a clamp according to an exemplary embodiment of the present disclosure.
FIGS. 5 and 6 are perspective views of a clamp according to an exemplary embodiment of the present disclosure.
DETAILED DESCRIPTION OF EXEMPLARY EMBODIMENTS
In an exemplary embodiment shown in FIG. 1, a clamp 700 may be used to secure a fractured rib 705. In this embodiment clamp 700 is placed on rib 705 so that it is secured to each side of a fracture 710 in rib 705. Gripping members 725 and 720 grip rib 705 on each side of fracture 710. In this embodiment, gripping members 725 are crimped areas, but in other embodiments gripping members may be a different configuration.
Referring now to FIGS. 2 and 3, a clamp 900 may be used as a rib fixation device. Clamp 900 comprises a coupling portion 906 that couples a first side 902 to a second side 904. In the embodiment shown, first and second sides 902, 904 each comprise gripping members 908 at an end distal from coupling portion 906. In the embodiment shown, gripping members 908 comprise a series of teeth, but other embodiments may comprise gripping members with different configurations.
Similar to previously-described embodiments, first and second sides 902, 904 may be angled toward each other so that they provide a compressive force on rib bone 901 and aid in securing clamp 900 to bone 901. In the embodiment shown, coupling portion 906 may also comprise a pair of apertures 903 that allow a tool (not shown) to be inserted for spreading first and second sides 902 and 904 away from each other. The use of a tool to spread clamp 900 farther open can make it easier to install. In addition, apertures 903 may be used to provide access to the bone underneath clamp 900.
Another alternative embodiment of a rib fixation device or clamp is shown in FIG. 4. As shown in FIG. 4, clamp 920 is generally equivalent to clamp 900 described above and comprises a coupling portion 926 between first and second sides 922, 924 that comprise gripping members 928. However, clamp 920 may comprise an extended central portion 921 of first and second sides 922 and 924. Central portion 921 may comprise gripping members 927 that are not collinear with gripping members 928. Such a configuration may be beneficial if it is desired to secure rib bone 901 in different locations (for example depending on the shape of the fracture).
Another exemplary embodiment of a rib clamp 990 is shown in FIGS. 5 and 6. Clamp 990 is similar to the embodiment shown in FIG. 4, but also comprises a pair of pockets 935 proximal to apertures 993. The additional features of clamp 990 labeled with "99X" are equivalent to the features labeled in the embodiment of FIG. 4 with "92X". The pockets 935 may assist in engaging an installation tool (not shown) used to spread first and second sides 992 and 994.
Yet another exemplary embodiment of a rib bone clamp 930 is shown in FIGS. 7 and 8. This embodiment is similar to the embodiment of FIG. 4, with the exception that central portion 931 is shorter, instead of longer, than the remainder of first and second sides 932 and 934. Clamp 930 comprises sides 932 and 934, and a coupling portion 936 with apertures 933 similar to previously-described embodiments. In addition, central portion 931 comprises gripping members 937 that are not collinear with gripping members 938.
In certain exemplary embodiments, the tools used to set the clamps can be sterilized and re-used. In other exemplary embodiments, the tools used to set the clamps will be designed for one-time use. Clamps according to exemplary embodiments may be manufactured from suitable medical-grade materials, including titanium and stainless steel.
It should be understood that the present system, kits, apparatuses and methods are not intended to be limited to the particular forms disclosed. Rather, they are to cover all modifications, equivalents, and alternatives falling within the scope of the claims.
The claims are not to be interpreted as including means-plus- or step-plus-function limitations, unless such a limitation is explicitly recited in a given claim using the phrase(s) "means for" or "step for," respectively.
The term "coupled" is defined as connected, although not necessarily directly, and not necessarily mechanically.
The use of the word "a" or "an" when used in conjunction with the term "comprising" in the claims and/or the specification may mean "one," but it is also consistent with the meaning of "one or more" or "at least one." The term "about" means, in general, the stated value plus or minus 5%. The use of the term "or" in the claims is used to mean "and/or" unless explicitly indicated to refer to alternatives only or the alternative are mutually exclusive, although the disclosure supports a definition that refers to only alternatives and "and/or."
The terms "comprise" (and any form of comprise, such as "comprises" and "comprising"), "have" (and any form of have, such as "has" and "having"), "include" (and any form of include, such as "includes" and "including") and "contain" (and any form of contain, such as "contains" and "containing") are open-ended linking verbs. As a result, a method or device that "comprises," "has," "includes" or "contains" one or more steps or elements, possesses those one or more steps or elements, but is not limited to possessing only those one or more elements. Likewise, a step of a method or an element of a device that "comprises," "has," "includes" or "contains" one or more features, possesses those one or more features, but is not limited to possessing only those one or more features. Furthermore, a device or structure that is configured in a certain way is configured in at least that way, but may also be configured in ways that are not listed.
In the foregoing Detailed Description of Exemplary Embodiments, various features are grouped together in several embodiments for the purpose of streamlining the disclosure. This method of disclosure is not to be interpreted as reflecting an intention that the embodiments of the invention require more features than are expressly recited in each claim. Rather, as the following claims reflect, inventive subject matter lies in less than all features of a single disclosed embodiment. Thus, the following claims are hereby incorporated into the Detailed Description of Exemplary Embodiments, with each claim standing on its own as a separate embodiment.
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AgroVision provides management and accounting software for agricultural businesses in the Netherlands and abroad. In 2004 AgroVision and AgriDirect piloted a telephone-based appointment generation project, and AgriDirect is still playing a major role in AgroVision's sales strategy with this marketing method in 2015. Their advisors generate appointments the whole year round.
AgriDirect agents were already in regular contact with prospects and existing AgroVision customers for various telemarketing campaigns. 'If they have farmers on the line anyway, why not also ask them whether they would like to make an appointment with one of our account managers,' AgroVision realised back in 2004. This thought later turned out to be the start of a close collaboration between AgroVision and AgriDirect. Eleven years on, these appointment generation projects are still a formula for success.
AgroVision operates in the dairy, poultry, pig and arable sectors. It uses direct mail to bring new software packages and modules to the attention of customers and prospects. AgriDirect agents follow up AgroVision mailshot recipients with a phone call.
The way companies talk to farmers has changed in recent years. With the advent of upscaling, for example, we see that the 'farmer of today' wants to be communicated with in a different way. So AgriDirect agents are now specially trained to work on AgroVision projects. Where a prospect was previously only contacted to find out if they had received the mailshot and if they were interested in making an appointment, now the agent will try to enter into a dialogue about the software solutions with the farmer. This creates more added value for AgroVision and for the farmer. Of course, an appointment is actually made if the farmer wants one, but interest on the part of the farmer and the conversation with them are now much more important.
During ongoing AgroVision projects, AgriDirect notifies them of appointments on the same day every week. That way, AgroVision's account managers know well in advance what their diaries will look like over the coming weeks.


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