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Sonia Boyce: a revolutionary face of contemporary British art | Art UK
Colourful and feminine portraits, images representing internal emotions through patterns, paintings depicting historical events, animals and humans. When I read that Sonia Boyce (b.1962) had early on been influenced by Mexican artist Frida Kahlo (1907–1954) it made so much sense.
Photo: Sonia Boyce by Emile Holba
Boyce opened a new page in British art history, for women, Caribbean and also political artists, with aesthetically brilliant imagery and a strong personal narrative. She produces work involving a variety of media — drawing, print, photography, video and audio — exploring the interstices between sound and memory, time and space.
Born in 1962 in Islington, London, into a British Afro-Caribbean family, Boyce attended Eastlea Comprehensive School in Canning Town, East London. She was always drawing as a child, she said, so at 17 she decided to study art, and from 1979–1980 completed a Foundation Course in Art & Design at East Ham College of Art and Technology.
In Sonia Boyce: Beyond Blackness, art historian Anjalie Dalal-Clayton writes that the artist's early oeuvre was influenced by feminist artists Margaret Harrison (b.1940), Kate Walker and Monica Ross (1950–2013), and used an assemblage of texts, photography, drawings and magazine clippings. 'It was a revelation for Boyce,' Dalal-Clayton underlines, one which would come to define her practice.
In 1980 Boyce started a BA in Fine Art at the prestigious Stourbridge College in the West Midlands. But she soon felt unease. Her intuitions on postmodernism and mixed media were dismissed as delusional. 'It was very clear that I was somehow out of place,' she told The Guardian in 2018; 'the system hadn't anticipated me, or anyone like me. Even though there were a lot of female students, they were thought about as though they were being trained to become the wives of artists, not artists themselves. As a Black person, there wasn't a narrative at all.'
Luckily in 1982 she attended the first national conference of Black artists and met the Tanzanian-born painter Lubaina Himid (b.1954), a leading figure promoting the work of Black women artists and encouraging them in 'making positive images' of themselves. Sonia soon took part in this wider Black British cultural 'renaissance', a movement that arose in reaction to Margaret Thatcher's conservatism, and was embraced by artists such as Eddie Chambers (b.1960) and Horace Ové (b.1939).
Boyce wanted to recapture the conventional English narrative surrounding the Black body, with the intention to challenge it. She started drawing herself into episodes of history from which people of colour had been excluded. She depicted friends, family and childhood experiences, including wallpaper patterns and bright colours associated with the Caribbean or the Windrush generation in England. In her pieces Boyce also included texts, using creolised language to enable 'vernacular culture to enter the space of art.'
Curators began to notice how the artist examined her position as a Black woman in Britain and the historical events her experience was rooted in. As early as 1983, her piece Five Black Women was chosen to be exhibited at the Africa Centre, London. Sonia was only 21. Her works Big Women's Talk (1984), Auntie Enid — The Pose (1985) and Missionary Position II (1985) addressed issues of race and gender in day-to-day life, through large pastel drawings and photographic collages.
Made of watercolour, pastel and crayon on paper, Missionary Position II explores conflicting opinions on religious beliefs across different generations and cultures in Britain. The artist used herself as the model for the two figures, inspired (as mentioned earlier) by the work of the Mexican artist Frida Kahlo, then little known in the UK.
Boyce's practice was later influenced by the work of two other artists, according to Anjalie Dalal-Clayton: the feminist multimedia artist and performer Susan Hiller (1940–2019) and Donald G. Rodney (1961–1998), part of the BLK Art Group whose first exhibition 'Black Art An' Done' was shown at the Wolverhampton Art Gallery in 1984.
She became close to more Black British artists including John Akomfrah (b.1957) and his Black Audio Film Collective, as well as artist and curator Zak Ové (b.1966). Her work evolved toward collaborative art. Zak recalls: 'We all took part in the same group of artists coming out of early ventures into art together in and around Camden in London. We all felt like we were part of a family. Sonia exemplifies that sense of friendship in her work. She includes that closeness, offers positivity and radiance.'
In 1985, Himid selected some of Boyce's works for an exhibition she curated for the ICA titled 'The Thin Black Line'. And when Boyce was only 25, in 1987, Tate Modern bought her drawing Missionary Position II, making her the first British Black female artist to enter the collection.
During the 1990s, Boyce's work toured the UK and was widely exhibited abroad. Boyce began to question her freedom as an artist, expressing a growing desire to be understood beyond her iconic image of 'the first Black woman to…' In a 1992 interview with Manthia Diawara, Boyce commented: 'Whatever we Black people do, it's said to be about identity, first and foremost. It becomes a blanket term for everything we do, regardless of what we're doing.'
Boyce was soon invited to teach Fine Art studio practice in several art colleges across the UK. She is now a Professor of Black Art and Design at the University of the Arts London. Her practice keeps on evolving and in 2018 her first retrospective exhibition took place at the Manchester Art Gallery.
Now an OBE, Boyce will also be the 'first Black woman' to represent Great Britain at the prestigious Venice Biennale, in 2022. It is not her first appearance in Venice (she was included in the main exhibition in 2015 by late curator Okwui Enwezor), but this is still an unprecedented sign of recognition. On accepting the British Council commission, Boyce said: 'You could have knocked me down with a feather when I got the call to tell me I had been chosen to represent Britain at the Venice Biennale — it was like a bolt out of the blue.'
We are pleased to announce that Sonia Boyce OBE RA has been chosen to represent the UK at Biennale Arte 2021, presenting a solo exhibition of new work.
Find out more: https://t.co/EEwPqHIwRT
Photo Credit: Landscape of Sonia Boyce by Paul Cochrane, courtesy of UAL, 2013 pic.twitter.com/qinr0Q37yx
- British Council Visual Arts (@Brit_VisualArts) February 12, 2020
Boyce, as a Black artist, as a female artist, 'cannot help but be political in this world,' Hannah O'Leary, Head of Modern & Contemporary African Art at Sotheby's London, told me. 'I think often about the privilege and entitlement of white male artists that allows them the luxury of navel-gazing in their work. Much like Himid's Turner Prize win in 2017, the fact that Boyce became the first Black woman to achieve these milestones so late proves that we have only just begun to look at the representation of race and gender in this country, and that the true appreciation and celebration of this groundbreaking artist and her work, which resonates now more than ever, is clearly yet to come.'
Melissa Chemam, writer, cultural journalist, reporter
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Well Liz has bought herself a few days stay in Children's Hospital. She woke up feeling pretty lousy today, nauseous, lethargic, and just plain crappy. We had a blood draw at 9:00 am, by 10:00 am we had her blood results. Liz needed more platelets, she was back down to 19k. While in the hospital being pre-medicated to receive her platelets, she spiked a fever. Being neutropenic, meaning an ANC of <500, a fever will cost you a hospital stay until the docs can find out the cause of the fever. Liz's ANC is zero still and is not showing any signs of coming up. The doctors ordered blood cultures and had a nasal swab for the flu, AGAIN! The swab will be back in 24 hrs, the blood cultures are about 48 hrs. I will update when I have some answers to why she is sick.
Please pray for Natalie Bradley and her family. Natalie is dying; it is only a matter of time. They are keeping her sedated and pain free. Steve, Rita, and TJ, are staying in her room until the end. Please pray for peace and comfort during what must be the most difficult time in a family's life.
Blessings, peace, and comfort to all of you.
WOW - I'm off for a few days and MUCH happens. Thankful for your putting the chemo's behind and praying it's forever! I hope Liz is feeling better even before they find the cause of her fever.
My heart got ripped out for Natalie and her family. Literally brought me to tears. I'm wondering if she already died. I work with Saint Ursula wiht my company and they cancelled our phone conference for this morning b/c one of their students died of leukemia. I'm guessing, in this small, small world, that it is Natalie. Praying for her family and all of you.


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The Star Fox is a science fiction novel by Poul Anderson, first published in 1965. It was nominated for the Nebula Award for Best Novel in 1965.

Fixup status
The novel is a fixup of the stories "Marque and Reprisal", "Arsenal Port" and "Admiralty", originally published in The Magazine of Fantasy & Science Fiction from February to June 1965.

Plot summary
The Star Fox is set during a period of conflict between humanity and an alien race named the Aleriona, specifically, the conflict between the wily Gunnar Heim and his Alerionian adversary, Cynbe ru Taren, the Aleriona "Intellect Master of the Garden of War" who has been trained in the ways of human thought to the extent that he is alienated from his own race. Heim begins as a privateer in his illegally outfitted ship the Fox II (named after his old military ship, the Star Fox), waging a one-man war on the Aleriona who ultimately forces Earth into conflict, as he realises that the Alerionan desire to rule all other species is almost impossible to defeat. Throughout the novel, Heim and Cynbe develop a grudging respect for each other's skills, culminating in a tragic final conflict.

Themes
It is typical of Anderson's work that both Gunnar Heim and Cynbe are depicted sympathetically and honourably, in a manner not dissimilar to the depiction of Dominic Flandry and his Chereionite adversary Aycharaych in his "Terran Empire" stories. Anderson also makes a scathing comment on the anti-Vietnam War movement in his introduction of a pacifist group named "World Militants for Peace". Freedom, as Anderson sees it, may come from the expansion of humanity into space, particularly with regard to the planet of New Europe. Unlike Anderson's Mirkheim, which is inhabited by intelligent life, or the barely tolerable Rustum from Orbit Unlimited, New Europe is Earth-like and filled with native life-forms, albeit non-sentient.

The Libertarian Futurist Society says the novel espouses libertarian themes and the book was inducted into the Prometheus Award Hall of Fame by the Society in 1995. In the same year, Anderson won the main Prometheus award for his novel The Stars Are Also Fire.

Continuity
Gunnar Heim also appears in Anderson's 1974 novel Fire Time.

References

External links

1965 American novels
1965 science fiction novels
American science fiction novels
Novels by Poul Anderson
Works originally published in The Magazine of Fantasy & Science Fiction
Doubleday (publisher) books
Libertarian science fiction books

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A charming addition to our Easter Collection, the Die Cut Bunny Bouquet Placemat is a beautiful addition to Easter Brunch tables. A lifelike bunny from Elizabeth Foster is the star of the show, in a nest of gorgeous spring florals. Die-cut placemats come as a set of 12 loose sheets.


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Chelsea Regan is the associate editor of World Screen. She can be reached at [email protected]
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June 28, 2017 | Clip Of House Session This clip, title, and description were not created by C-SPAN.
Rep Schweikert - Fiscal State of the US
June 29, 2017 2017-06-28T17:41:42-04:00https://images.c-span.org/Files/e26/20170628180237001_hd.jpgRep Schweikert (AZ-06) uses demographics to highlight the state of the US economy.
Rep Schweikert (AZ-06) uses demographics to highlight the state of the US economy.
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Filter by Speaker All Speakers Marcy Kaptur David Schweikert
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H.RES. 414
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Marcy Kaptur U.S. Representative [D] Ohio
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Julián Castro's Early, Neoliberal Years
If Castro is indeed the "Latino Obama," it's because his early years in San Antonio replicated many of the ingredients of the former president's recipe for failure.
Julian Castro, former U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) Secretary and San Antonio Mayor, announces his candidacy for president in 2020, at Plaza Guadalupe on January 12, 2019 in San Antonio, Texas. Edward A. Ornelas / Getty Images
It was only a matter of time before Julián Castro threw his hat in the 2020 ring. Talked about as the "Latino Obama" for at least seven years now, Castro and his twin brother, current Texas congressman Joaquin, have long been slated for big things within the Democratic Party.
The moniker is more fitting than just a crude reference to the brothers' future in an ever more diverse party. More than just about every other Democratic candidate in 2020, Castro is the quintessential Obama-esque candidate. Though thirteen years younger he is a young, ambitious Harvard Law graduate who entered politics at the tail end of the Clinton era (1997 for Obama, 2000 for Castro) and made a national splash via a high-profile Democratic National Convention speaking slot (2004 for Obama, 2012 for Castro).
More importantly, Castro absorbed many of the political lessons and much of the approach that defined both Obama's time in the White House and the years preceding it: a technocratic, business-friendly style aiming to work squarely within existing political orthodoxy, stress consensus over class war, and one that often gave short shrift to the working class.
Despite being a major rising star in the party for around a decade now, Castro is somehow still something of an unknown. While his role in Obama's cabinet is vaguely remembered today, little is known about the bulk of his political career: the decade spent in the city council and mayoralty of his hometown of San Antonio, the United States' seventh-largest city. For those interested in finding out Castro's governing style, ideology, and approach to politics, there's no better place to look than this early incubation period.
A Place at the Boardroom Table
Early profiles of the Castros were prescient. As the Los Angeles Times noted in 2005, the brothers were the successors to the Chicano movement of the previous century, eschewing the radicalism of the older generation and, to use the paper's terms, "as comfortable in a boardroom as a barrio."
Most biographies of the Castros start with their mother, Rosie, a Chicano activist in the 1960s and 1970s who co-founded La Raza Unida, a militant Chicano party that aimed to build political power for Mexican Americans, organized around workers' rights, and was built on a deep, popular dissatisfaction with the Democratic Party. Rosie took the twins to farmworker rallies and strategy sessions, and ran for the San Antonio city council in 1971 on the Committee for Barrio Betterment slate — an election which she lost, but saw voter turnout jump twenty points from two years earlier to the still-unmatched 53 percent.
The Castros' politics are not those of their mother, who once called the Americans who died at the Alamo "a bunch of drunks and crooks and slaveholding imperialists who conquered land that didn't belong to them." As Luis Fraga, a political science professor who taught the twins at Stanford, told the Times, while "in the early 1970s, you were either with the system or against the system," the Castros "understand that that kind of dichotomy was false, that the deeper challenge is simultaneously serving the interests of both — communities that traditionally benefit from policy and those that don't."
After graduating from Stanford, the Castros went to Harvard Law, where they kept their eyes on politics. Julián submitted op-eds to the San Antonio Express-News defending affirmative action and warning the GOP about the electoral perils of its increasing hostility to immigrants. In 1998, the brothers worked for the city of San Antonio's Neighborhood Action department, liaising between the city and neighborhood groups and homeowner associations.
According to a National Journal profile of the two, a year later they made a pilgrimage to see Lionel Sosa, the GOP's point man in Texas, where they told him, "We're going to be mayor of San Antonio." When Sosa asked them to clarify which one, the reply was, "One of us will." The Castros deny the anecdote. But as the profile pointed out, they had told a local reporter only two years earlier that they had even loftier ambitions: governor or even the US Senate.
The road to get there started at the San Antonio city council, which Julián began campaigning for in 2000. With Joaquin as his campaign treasurer, Julián solicited a total of $2,000 from his Harvard classmates as seed money. His employer — megafirm Akin, Gump, Strauss, Hauer & Feld, which Joaquin also called home — agreed to make room for his political aspirations, allowing him time off to attend to council business. The firm no doubt saw having an employee in San Antonio's government as a good deal, given the numerous clients it had in the city.
At only twenty-six, Castro became the youngest ever member of the city council. Over his four years in the seat, Castro pushed for more funding for seniors' meals, proposed a ban on all tax abatements for recharge land projects to prevent more development on such areas (which failed), put forward a ban on using cell phones while driving in school zones, pushed to allow city employees to buy cheaper Canadian drugs, and championed ethics reforms that for the first time put limits on campaign donations and loans in city elections. The thing Castro's mother had fought for thirty years earlier — to sit at the table and make policy rather than pound on the door from the outside—appeared to have been fulfilled.
Early in his first term, Castro resigned from his relatively lucrative position at Akin Gump in January 2002. For Castro, whose wife is a public-school teacher, the decision was a genuine financial risk given the comparatively paltry pay of a council seat, and he later talked about falling behind on mortgage payments and coming close to foreclosure.
But Akin Gump's large client base meant frequent conflicts of interest, forcing him to abstain from votes. And no vote was more charged than the battle over the proposed PGA Village golf resort on the Edwards Aquifer recharge zone, which would dominate Castro's four years at the council and, ultimately, his mayoral run.
Out of the Rough and Into the Green
The PGA Village saga was the issue that defined Castro's early political career. The project's evolution over the years mirrored Castro's own transformation away from his early image of an idealistic, principled young politician standing up for the community against moneyed interests.
The PGA Village project was a 2,855-acre development proposed in 2001 by the Professional Golfers' Association of America (PGA), Marriott Hotels, and Lumbermen's Investment Corporation, with the finished project planned to feature homes, apartments, two hotels, and three golf courses. The problem was, part of the resort would be built over a recharge zone that replenished the city's primary source of drinking water, the Edwards Aquifer, drawing the ire of local residents, activist groups, and environmentalists who were concerned about water contamination, and pitting them against the city's business and developer community, including Akin Gump.
Owing to this conflict of interest, Castro initially sat out the issue, though having opposed tax abatements over the recharge zone in the past, it wasn't difficult to figure out his personal feelings on the matter. In fact, Castro had previously said the city shouldn't encourage any development on the aquifer.
In March 2002, Castro became the first council member to take a firm stand on the project, rejecting it. He called it a "golfopolis" and the "kind of creation I can't support," and decried the "corporate welfare" involved. He was one of only two city council members to vote against approving the project.
A hail of controversy led the PGA to withdraw from the project in August 2002, killing it, only for then-mayor Ed Garza to put forward a new, in some ways substantially worse, plan eleven days later. This time, through legal maneuvering, it would have neither public comment nor be subject to a referendum, the causes of the original project's demise. Castro was again the sole vote against approving it.
The story typically stops here when retold. As Henry Cisneros, San Antonio's first Latino mayor and something of a mentor and role model to Castro, told Texas Monthly in 2002: "I think Julián's position on the council, especially on this PGA matter, has assumed the proportions of a long tradition in San Antonio … as the person of conscience." Castro had been "the sort of protector of the grassroots, community-based person, who is willing to call it as he sees it no matter where everybody is, whether it's the political community or the business community," Cisneros said. When the LA Times covered the 2005 mayoral race that Castro was part of, it stated that he had "opposed and helped to kill" the project.
But this wasn't the end of the story. Following two years of pressure from activist groups, the PGA again pulled out of the project in May 2004, after opponents charged the city's agreement for the resort was illegal, owing to missed deadlines and undisclosed contract changes. Castro had called for the city auditor to investigate the contract.
But by this point the mayoral race was getting closer, and Castro couldn't afford to anger developers. This time, having subtly moderated his stance on the issue, Castro remarked upon the pullout that "nobody won today," and that he was "glad this division is behind us."
But it wasn't, because a month later, Garza and other officials revived the deal again. This time, opposition to the deal had weakened. Activists were exhausted after the previous fights, and city officials had cannily planned to hold public hearings and the council vote during the holidays, ensuring scarce attention and even scarcer turnout. The new plan reduced the amount of impervious cover — things like houses and concrete paths that keep aquifiers from absorbing rainfall and recharging — from 25 to 15 percent. But in exchange, the project wouldn't be annexed into the city for twenty-five years. In other words, its developers would avoid paying the city's property taxes for a quarter of a century.
One other thing had changed: Castro, previously the lone voice against the deal and development on the recharge zone in general, had now come around to support the project.
He flew to the PGA Tour's (distinct from PGA of America, from which the PGA Tour had taken over the project the third time around) Players Championship course in Jacksonville and came back praising their environmental standards. According to the San Antonio Express-News, Castro's image among the project's supporters shifted from "obstacle to progress" to "champion for a major development."
"People are saying how useful Julián has been, how impressive it is that he's come around on this issue, and some members of the chamber community are echoing those sentiments," one official involved in the meetings told the paper.
"I think we can both grow our economy and protect the environment with this agreement," Castro said. Besides, he "honestly believe[d] this is scientifically better for the aquifer and better policy for San Antonio than the alternative." He insisted to the project's opponents that it was the best deal they were going to get, and asked them: "are you going to hold a grudge now and forgo something that is better for the environment, or are you going to let this pass and address the other issues sometime in the future?"
It was a far cry from his belief years earlier that there should be no development on the recharge zone, period.
"[Castro] wants to be mayor. He's under pressure to be pro-development," Graciela Sanchez of the Esperanza Peace and Justice Center, one of the groups opposing the project, said at the time, calling it an "about-face."
In January 2005, the city council voted 10-1 to approve the project, even as new details were rammed into the agreement just hours earlier, including an extension of the tax giveaway from twenty-five to twenty-nine years. This time, the lone vote against was a different council member. At a public meeting, activists complained that the council was rushing the vote through.
Castro, previously mistrusted by business and pilloried in newspaper editorials, showed he could play ball with developers, just as the mayoral race was beginning and his opponents were raising tens of thousands of dollars from business interests. He had disappointed the activists for whom he had been a champion. But as San Antonio journalist Ken Rodriguez pointed out, they couldn't abandon him: "To whom would they turn?"
"You're Not Going to Run Away From Your Record"
Castro's shift on the PGA Village fight were part of his general, politically motivated drift toward neoliberal politics.
Castro was the first council member to advocate for a ballot measure to permanently freeze San Antonio's property taxes for seniors and disabled, even though the city already exempted the elderly from the first $65,000 of their home's value, and the first $12,500 of a disabled resident's home value. Rather than propose raising these thresholds, as San Antonio's former city manager had the previous year and as city budget writers proposed, Castro favored a blanket freeze. This would chiefly benefit residents in the city's North Side, where property values were higher, and only four of the city's ten districts would see more than half of seniors benefit from the freeze.
City officials and others warned the plan could lead to cutbacks. At 24.7 percent of the city's general fund, property taxes — which at that point hadn't risen in eleven years — were its biggest source of funding. The city's budget director pointed to Corpus Christie, which had instituted the same freeze and was forced to start slashing. (Under state law, municipal budgets had to be balanced).
The tax freeze also worked against Castro's stated goals in government. The city was already facing consecutive budget shortfalls in the tens of millions, with city officials warning cuts would be necessary. Castro flatly refused to raise property taxes even as he called for an increase in funding for assistance to the poor in the face of growing homelessness, particularly among children. When Castro later helped pass a $52 million homeless plan, perhaps it wasn't a coincidence that it didn't actually commit any funds. (Incidentally, when the council later passed four laws aimed at criminalizing homelessness, Castro missed the vote.)
The freeze may have clashed with Castro's stated desire for a more activist city government, but it was crucial to his mayoral ambitions. For one, seniors were a crucial and active voting bloc. But he was also courting right-leaning voters, touting his support for the freeze and opposition to a tax hike in districts loyal to his Republican opponent, Caroll Schubert.
"That's considered fiscally conservative," he said.
Once the race went to a runoff, and Schubert was knocked out, Castro continued to make a play for his supporters.
"I'm reaching out to Carroll's supporters and noting our common commitment to lightening the load for taxpayers," he said in an ad, comparing his record to Schubert's.
Castro easily led the mayoral race for most of its duration, despite continuing to be hammered on his previous opposition to the PGA Village project and a couple of minor "scandals" that ranged from the hilarious (having his twin brother take his place at a parade while he attended a neighborhood forum) to the somewhat embarrassing (filing a shoddy, error-filled campaign finance report after making government ethics rules a cornerstone of his campaign). When business support swung to his chief opponent, retired Democratic appeals court judge Phil Hardberger, Castro complained the judge had "all of that developer money to attack my record," even though he himself had courted developers in the lead-up to the race.
Though the two struggled to find any meaningful differences between each other, Hardberger eventually overtook Castro in the polls. Despite his attempts to court conservative voters, Castro continued to lack support in the city's North Side, and a May 2005 survey found that only 67 percent of the Latino population was backing Castro — far less than the 96.9 percent that had brought Ed Garza to the mayor's seat in 2001 or even the number who had won Cisneros the election two decades before that. Hardberger was able to pare off Latino voters based on his long history of civil rights work in the community.
In lieu of actual policy differences, Castro began attacking Hardberger's record on the bench, running ads that criticized him for overturning various criminal convictions on legal technicalities — or, in Castro's words, "turning convicted criminals loose."
Castro called it a "clear pattern of bad judgment" and told Hardberger: "You're not going to run away from your record. Those cases are important." The county's Republican district attorney even ran an ad calling the attacks "unfair and unfounded."
Hardberger ultimately beat Castro by only three points, or 3,700 votes. While Castro had easily beaten him in majority Latino areas, just as polls had predicted, Latinos hadn't fully swung behind Castro in the end. 35 percent voted for Hardberger, which USA Today called "a significant break" from the "past practice of giving near-unanimous support to the Hispanic candidate." With Hardberger's dominance in wealthier, mostly white wards, it was the crucial factor that sunk Castro's run.
A Hard Lesson Learnt
Castro's chief takeaway from his 2005 loss was that it would be impossible to win the San Antonio mayoralty without the support of local business. When asked in 2007 what he would do differently, he said that he had "spent the last two years building bridges with folks who did not support my campaign in 2005."
By the time his campaign got going in 2008, Castro was endorsed by and hired as treasurer Mike Beldon, a local businessman who had served in that position for Hardberger in 2005 and had been instrumental in securing him business backing that year. Beldon had previously chaired the Greater San Antonio Chamber of Commerce's PAC in the nineties during a battle to prevent federal control of the Edwards Aquifer. He had also been part of that era's "Majority of Six," a pro-business group likened to the Good Government League of the 1970s, the political arm of the city's business establishment whose iron grip on the city council Castro's mother had ironically tried to beat in 1971. With Beldon on board, Castro got the support of several local businesspeople and developers.
"He's broadened his horizons," Beldon said of Castro. "He knows that he must be a mayor for all of the city, not just one area."
"They know I don't have horns now," Castro said about how the hiring would impact his business standing.
He promised to continue "the progress that San Antonio has made under" Hardberger. Besides Beldon, Hardberger's former campaign manager came on board to run Castro's bid for office.
Castro now also had a substantial sum from his personal wealth to invest in the race, allowing him to claim he would be free of "undue influence." In the years between his campaigns, Castro had received an undisclosed seven-figure referral fee from local personal injury lawyer and influential Democratic donor Mikal Watts, after passing a client with a potentially lucrative lawsuit on to Watts's much bigger firm. Castro lent his campaign $215,000 in 2008, and in April 2009, Watts held a fundraiser for the former councilman.
Castro said all the right things. He expressed regret for being so "strident" on the PGA Village issue and insisted he had done "what I thought was right" when switching on the issue. Even as the city manager ordered city departments in February 2008 to plan for budget cuts of 2 percent in response to economic recession, and Castro warned that the "city's going to have to tighten its belt the way families are having to tighten their belts across the nation," he tentatively backed tax cuts.
In meetings with business leaders, Castro promised not to use the mayor's office to empower unions. While Castro backed the right of non-uniformed city employees to "meet and confer" with the city manager, something unanimously approved by a 2008 council vote, he stressed that "it's non-binding, it's not collective bargaining," and opposed granting such rights to civilian city employees. Nonetheless, he received the endorsements of several local unions, including the San Antonio Police Officers Association.
He easily trounced the competition. Raising $373,000 over his run, a combination of business and small-dollar support, Castro far outspent his opponents. Citing his "significant" newfound business backing, willingness to expand nuclear energy production, and opposition to collective bargaining, the Express-News now endorsed him, and he increased his support in the wealthier districts he'd previously lost.
Evaluating Castro's time as mayor is tricky. For one, there's the nature of San Antonio's "weak mayor-strong manager" structure, where the task of actually running the city falls to the city manager. The mayor, whose power and influence rests on a few added responsibilities and the bully pulpit, is more like the most prominent member of the city council.
Besides the mayor's lack of power, it's hard to separate local developments from wider trends at the state and federal level. So City Lab noted that while San Antonio enjoyed job growth under Castro, who in 2010 had set the ambitious goal of creating twenty thousand jobs, this growth also tracked with wider trends seen in Texas and the wider US at the time.
Still, there is enough in Castro's time as mayor to give a sense of his politics.
Castro's signature mayoral accomplishment was his "Brainpower Initiative," later changed to "Pre-K 4 SA" and passed by ballot measure in 2012. The initiative raised the sales tax by an eighth of one cent to pay for extending early childhood education to thousands of mostly impoverished four-year-olds. Castro initiated and relentlessly campaigned for the measure.
As admirable as the measure was, it also reveals much about Castro's politics. Despite the pushback it received from anti-government zealots like the Heartland Institute, Pre-K 4SA was very much a pro-business measure that enjoyed broad support and was funded through a small but regressive tax increase.
It had been devised by a "Brainpower Initiative Task Force" put together by Castro, and led by Joe Robles, Jr., the CEO of financial services firm USAA , and Charles Butt, the CEO of supermarket giant H-E-B, who, together with his company, fundraised and put more than $300,000 toward an ad blitz that helped push the vote over the top. It got the backing of the city's biggest employers and seven local chambers of commerce, and Castro justified it as an investment in a future workforce, saying, "You can't be pro-business unless you're pro-education." Even Ted Cruz didn't oppose it in a 2012 debate between the two men.
Castro also led the creation of one of the country's strictest anti-smoking laws, drafted a successful resolution denouncing Arizona's racist 2010 immigration law, supported extending benefits to same-sex partners of city employees and, after years of reluctance, eventually supported an update to anti-discrimination protections to include sexual orientation.
He successfully pushed to further tighten campaign finance and ethics rules (ones Castro, ironically, would later run afoul of when it turned out he hadn't disclosed the $27,000 worth of trips he'd taken from third parties like H-E-B and the Greater San Antonio Chamber of Commerce). And in keeping with Castro's emphasis on creating "a stronger brainpower community," there was also Café College, a center funded by the city offering free guidance and resources for San Antonians getting ready to go to university.
The other jewel in Castro's crown was his push to develop the city's downtown area and revitalize its poorer neighborhoods like the East Side. Castro wanted to "create a brainpower community that is the liveliest city in the United States," resting on "economic development, matched with a well-educated workforce that's prepared for twenty-first-century jobs and a city that is exciting to live and work in."
To this end, he drew up the ambitious SA2020 plan for the city's future and pushed for numerous development projects as part of his "Decade of Downtown," to make the city a more vibrant living space. He had the Economic Development Foundation (EDF), a nonprofit bankrolled and peopled by the city's business interests to lure capital to the city, draw up a strategic plan on economic development, which he said would "get us where we need to go."
And Castro's San Antonio made some steps forward on clean energy. He created a Green Jobs Leadership Council stocked with corporate leaders, and voted for an incentive package to bring solar panel maker Nexolon America to the city. The CPS Energy (City Public Services, San Antonio's publicly owned energy utility) invested $50 million in alternative energy research and signed a deal for the world's largest solar installation, approved energy efficiency upgrades to three landmarks, lured green tech companies to the city, inked a deal to build five solar plants, and pledged to close one of its coal plants by 2018, which it just followed through on.
Castro told City Lab in 2013 that his approach to economic development was to "focus on twenty-first century industries" like the health sector and "the new energy economy." He expressed his goal for San Antonio to become for clean energy "what Silicon Valley is to software and what Boston is to biotech." He was lauded as a rising star with a "strong green streak."
What Castro didn't mention was that this this clean, green surface rested on a dirty foundation. San Antonio, like much of Texas, relied on a drilling boom in the Eagle Ford Shale, an oil and natural gas basin that spanned more than twenty counties, and which helped turn Texas into one of the world's biggest oil producers. "This is the kind of moment that comes only once a century," Castro told the San Antonio Clean Technology Forum about the Eagle Ford's economic potential, having already brought thousands of jobs to San Antonio. Unfortunately, its exploitation also put the United States on its current road as the world's worst carbon polluter behind Saudi Arabia, and contributed to the city's poor air quality.
Nonetheless, Castro was eager to take advantage of it. "We have an unprecedented opportunity if we can train our workforce," Castro said, complaining that "capacity now is not where it needs to be" and calling for high schools and universities to do more to make sure locals were trained for oil industry jobs. He applauded the arrival of oil-field services companies like Halliburton to serve Eagle Ford drillers, declaring that "San Antonio is the place to be for companies servicing the Eagle Ford shale play."
This was Castro's "new energy economy": continued investment in and promotion of oil, natural gas, and "clean coal," partnered with a movement toward alternative energy for electricity production. In other words, it was Obama's disastrous "all of the above" energy policy, but at the municipal level. And despite it all, as of last year, CPS still only plans to transition to renewable energy over the span of decades.
Despite stressing health care as chief among "twenty-first century industries" he wanted to focus on, Castro also left out San Antonio's continued reliance on the military industrial complex. By 2011 the military's economic impact in the city was measured at $27.7 billion, larger than any other sector. And Castro wasn't a passive beneficiary — after the US Cyber Command announced plans in 2009 to hire one thousand cyber experts, Castro co-signed a letter with the head of the Greater San Antonio Chamber of Commerce asking for them to be headquartered in the city. A year later, he accompanied the Chamber on a four-day lobbying trip that included stops at the Pentagon. "San Antonio is producing the brainpower in the twenty-first century to defend our nation," he told a cybersecurity conference held by the St. Mary's University Center for Terrorism Law.
Castro's approach to job growth often involved the kind of corporate giveaways typical of today's Democratic politicians. A month after insurance company AllState announced it was opening up a bilingual customer information center in San Antonio, receiving $1.1 million from the state government for the trouble, Castro backed and voted for an incentives package that gave the company a six-year, 65 percent tax abatement, a $30,000 grant for permitting and development fees, and nominated it to be able to receive a $1.25 million refund in sales and uses taxes. He reportedly also worked overtime to try and get Tesla to move to the city, focusing, in the words of the Express-News, "on giveaways — a lot of giveaways."
An admirer of Silicon Valley, Castro courted tech entrepreneurs and looked to "learn from Silicon Valley CEOs," even as those same CEOs were pricing working-class families out of their homes a few states westward. He warmly welcomed Uber and Lyft's 2014 entry into the city, even as San Antonio taxi companies filed a twenty-three-plainitiff suit charging the companies were in violation of a local vehicle-for-hire ordinance, and seeking a temporary restraining order and injunction stopping them from operating. When the city's police chief issued the companies a cease-and-desist letter in response to the violation, Castro announced he was open to changing the ordinance.
It's little wonder the business leaders who had once been suspicious of Castro were now fully on board with him. "We believe in your vision and we believe in your leadership," the chairman of the Greater San Antonio Chamber of Commerce told him after a 2011 speech to local businesspeople.
Starving the Beast
All the while, throughout Castro's two and a half terms, the city continued to suffer from the tax freeze he'd backed and voted for before he was mayor.
By the time Castro won the mayoralty in May 2009, the city was in the midst of a major tax shortfall: revenue from the sales tax and hotel occupancy tax had both dropped, and, for the first time since 1993, so had the property tax base, as it would continue to do over his tenure. This coupled with the recession meant Castro's first order of business as mayor was dealing with the first of a series of austerity budgets he had helped produce.
The city manager's first budget in 2009 cut 334 jobs, froze wages, made across-the-board cuts to all programs, reduced hours for libraries, and cut back on services like lawn-mowing at city parks. Insulated from this pain were firefighters and police, who actually saw more personnel hired that year, the latter thanks to federal stimulus funds lobbied for by Castro. This was a regular feature: the 2010 budget would see $12 million in cuts and efficiencies balanced out with $13 million of new spending, some of which would go to yet more police and fire department staff. (Incidentally, the police and firefighters union had backed Castro early on.)
While $64 million over ten years was certainly a drop in the bucket, it started looking a lot bigger once the city government began nickel-and-diming its residents for every spare scrap of cash possible. City manager Sheryl Scully actually welcomed a 2009 summer heat wave that caused power plant shutdowns, because higher energy bills meant more money for the city, and successive budgets would continue to rely on higher energy use to make up budget shortfalls. Meanwhile, she ended events like the Houston Fair and Market and a Winter Wonderland, saving a measly $82,000 a year, while instituting $3.6 million worth of fee increases.
Castro and the council balked at raising property taxes. In fact, the 2009 budget cut them by less than 0.2 cents. When one council member suggested raising them in 2010 to avoid continued service cutbacks, Castro demurred. "I'm very comfortable leaving the property tax rate where it's at," he said. "We have made significant spending cuts over the last couple years and that has served us well during this budget year." By the time he left office, property taxes in the city hadn't gone up for more than twenty years, while their revenue intake shrunk year after year.
"Over the last six years, we've dropped our property tax rate three times and we're the first big city to embrace the senior tax freeze in 2005-6," he boasted in 2012.
But the city spent his mayoralty continuing to drain more and more from San Antonians through regressive means. With Castro and the rest of the council's approval, public utilities raised rates, which were 80 percent of customers' bills, year after year: 7.5 and 4.25 percent for electricity in 2010 and 2013, respectively, and 7.9 and 8.4 percent for water in 2011 and 2013, respectively.
"Nobody ever likes a rate increase," said Castro. But, he explained, this was "a reasonable rate request that benefits the entire community" and the hike was "a necessary and prudent thing." In 2013, with Castro's backing, the San Antonio Water System (SAWS) hiked water rates yet again.
Castro and the council also had no issue proposing a hike to the sales tax to fund worthy projects, as they did in 2010 to fund protection of the Edwards Aquifer. He was sanguine about any public opposition to reauthorizing the sales tax hike, saying that voters would do it "if we remind them of the benefits." Indeed, it later passed for the third time in ten years.
There were exceptions of course. When all but one of the SAWS board members suggested doubling a water supply impact fee on developers in 2014, Castro supported it, despite opposition from business leaders and developers who claimed it would halt all development. He ultimately supported a compromise, phasing in the much higher fee over the course of a year (though this fee ultimately tends to be passed on to ratepayers anyway).
But the sum total of Castro's time in San Antonio saw him help gradually starve the city of funds, even as he lamented the rise of hunger in San Antonio and the city's lack of investment in "human capital," all while austerity at the state and federal levels further hit the municipal government. Meanwhile, more and more of the funding burden fell disproportionately on the city's poor and working-class residents, while its older, wealthier, white residents disproportionately avoided paying.
The Riverwalk and the Rot
By 2014, Castro would be tapped by Obama to be secretary of Housing and Urban Development, and, with higher ambition calling, he would depart the city midway through his third term to take up the position.
Castro was seen as a perfect fit for the position given his role in San Antonio's revitalization, viewed by some on the eve of his departure as his greatest legacy. Castro was a board member of Centro Partnership (also known as Centro San Antonio), a powerful public-private entity created by the city manager, staffed with city officials and business leaders, and tasked with steering this project and luring development to the city. Castro aimed to transform the previously un-exciting downtown area into a vibrant hub that would attract both tourists and residents, and keep young San Antonians from fleeing the city.
He helped see through his predecessor's expansion of the San Antonio Riverwalk, presided over the building of thousands of new residential units, and led the approval of development projects in the both the city's downtown and its most blighted areas, among other things. Castro pitched the city's development to business leaders, developers, and bankers ("let's make a deal") and pushed for an incentive package that would waive impact fees for projects in San Antonio's inner city.
But Castro also left office just as discontent with his vision began bubbling up.
The city government didn't always live up to its promises of guaranteeing affordability. A 2012 report by the HUD's Inspector General chided the city for failing to administer its federal housing grant in accordance with the program's affordability requirements, when it doled out $1.8 million to third parties to renovate and resell fifteen residential properties. At nine of these fifteen, according to the report, the city either failed to make sure homebuyers knew about affordability provisions or didn't make agreements that complied with them.
The report noted this wasn't intentional — the city "was apparently unaware of the requirements." Yet it hardly speaks of a government that viewed the issue as a priority.
Neither did a June 2014 luncheon hosted by Centro Partnership, which steered the development and on whose board Castro sat. Held to discuss locals' concerns with creeping gentrification, the luncheon charged ninety dollars per ticket, which, as critics pointed out at the time, effectively locked out those most likely to be concerned about gentrification.
The problem festered. By 2014, the waitlist for the Section 8 program that gives vouchers to residents to bring down housing costs had grown to forty thousand families, a waiting period of around four to seven years — "the largest it's been in memory," the San Antonio Housing Authority's spokesperson said at the time. Just last year, the city's current council placed a six-month moratorium on a 2012 program that aimed to incentivize housing developments downtown because, in the current mayor's words, "there have been some unhealthy consequences" from it, including "the subsidization of housing that the general public can't afford."
As the Express-News' Joshua Fletcher recently reported, that program gave $102 million worth of incentives to developers over five years, many of whom built high-end projects downtown that were out of reach for many of the city's residents, and less than a quarter of which were for affordable housing. Housing costs have far outpaced incomes since 2010, while housing advocates charge that the city under Castro didn't prioritize affordable housing.
Other damning indicators suggest the level of decline that rumbled beneath the glowing press releases. From 2012 to 2014 to today, San Antonio has held on to the dubious honor of being the most economically segregated city in the United States. In 2015, the year after Castro left, the city's poverty rate stood at 19.8 percent, higher than the national rate of 13.5 percent and even Texas' statewide average of 17.3 percent. It's an issue that's only exacerbated by the influx of more affluent residents to the city explicitly encouraged by Castro's policies.
A twenty-five-city survey conducted by the United States Conference of Mayors in 2013 put things into further perspective. Of the twelve cities that estimated what percentage of demand for food assistance went unmet, San Antonio had the highest rate, at 40 percent. While the city had one of the lower rates for unmet need for shelter (10 percent), the report nevertheless noted that there was "a need for more affordable permanent housing" in the city, particularly for veterans, and that the number of homeless families and individuals had jumped by 11 percent over the previous year. (Meanwhile, in 2011, Castro had voted with the rest of the city council to toughen San Antonio's already strict anti-panhandling ordinance).
Such woeful statistics are as much Castro's legacy as San Antonio's new downtown and frequently touted job numbers.
Regardless, by the time Castro left the San Antonio mayoralty for D.C., his tenure was considered a success. The mayor was sent off with glowing tributes from the local press, after being re-elected twice with sky-high margins. Those margins came via dismal voter turnout that only dropped lower the longer Castro was in power — from less than 12 percent in 2009, to 7 percent two years later and, finally, 6.9 percent in 2013.
Such disengagement perhaps speaks to the voting public's disconnectedness from local politics. Or perhaps it speaks more to a popular rejection of a city hall that had long since ceased to look after the interests of most of those it was meant to represent.
In the Footsteps of Failure
If Castro is the "Latino Obama," it's because his career has followed remarkably similar beats as the former president: a likeable, ambitious young politician who plotted out a path to national power from a young age and sublimated his political goals to that overarching ambition.
In the process, rather than pursue a fundamental break from or transformation of the existing political consensus, Castro accommodated it, working in the interests of the wealthy and powerful. Meanwhile, his tinkering, while welcome when it came to programs like Pre-K 4 SA, was not enough to halt the accelerating decay in quality of life for a widening swath of people — a decay exacerbated by some of his own policies. Castro's mayoralty was the Obama administration writ small.
It may be true that Castro was one man who could do only so much to resist the wider political atmosphere he was in, one hostile to most left-wing reform. Yet any Democrat who finds themselves in the White House in 2021 will be faced with not just a far more ruthless and hostile Right than this, but an oligarchic class united to prevent even moderate changes to the existing consensus. Castro's quick accommodation to moneyed interests as mayor — and his failure to mobilize to his cause most of the city's working people, who overwhelmingly didn't see it worth their while to even vote for him in his three election wins — suggests how he might respond to such a challenge.
Castro could of course surprise the world once in office; no one would've expected Franklin Roosevelt to end up railing against "economic royalists," either. But based on his record in power, don't count on it.
Julián Castro
It was only a matter of time before Julián Castro threw his hat in the 2020 ring. Talked about as the "Latino Obama" for at least seven years now, Castro and his twin brother, current Texas congressman Joaquin, have long been slated for big things within the Democratic Party. The moniker is more fitting than […]
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text:
import {TestAppComponent} from './src/app/test-app/test-app.component';

describe('Dashboard page', function() {

    var dashboard: TestAppComponent = new TestAppComponent();

    beforeEach(function() {
        browser.get('#/dashboard');
    });

    it('should say hello', function() {
        dashboard.sayHi('yo');
        expect(dashboard.greeting.getText()).toEqual('Yo yo');
    });

});

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Why Republicans and Democrats Both Fail Latin American Voters
By Edgardo J. Gonzalez on	 December 29, 2021 Media Platforms
A recent poll reinforced a recurring theme as we approach the mid-terms of 2022: Latin American voters, who make up the largest ethnic voting bloc in the country, believe the Democratic and Republican parties "take them for granted." .
What will both parties actually do to win the Latin vote?
The poll, carried out by Axios and Ipsos in partnership with Telemundo, also raised an urgent question: what will the two parties actually do to win the Latin vote?
The answer to this question is deeply complicated by the fight against online disinformation targeting voters, especially Spanish speakers. With figures from the Pew Research Center showing that Latin Americans use YouTube Instagram and WhatsApp more than any other racial or ethnic demographic, it's no surprise that influencing these voters online is part of a political strategy.
Companies like Meta (formerly Facebook) have failed to deal with the threat of disinformation in previous election cycles. If the 2021 elections in Virginia and New Jersey are any indication, the disinformation machine shows no signs of slowing down, with false claims ranging from President Joe Biden ordering the arrest of relatives in Virginia to videos in Spanish telling the results in New Jersey. Jersey were rigged.
"Misinformation poses a threat to Hispanics, who are particularly vulnerable due to increased reliance on social media and messaging platforms," a September Nielsen study said.
In addition, according to the Nielsen study, "much of the content, both user-generated and shared, is in Spanish, Spanish or fluent Spanish, which challenges conventional verification procedures. facts and content moderation ".
It's encouraging to see initiatives like former Univision White House correspondent Janet Rodríguez joining WhatsApp as head of internal communications to tackle disinformation in Spanish. Rodríguez, an Emmy-winning journalist, understands how the media is consumed by the Spanish speaking population of the country.
A $ 22 million Latino Anti-Disinformation Lab announced in February by liberal groups Voto Latino and Media Matters seeks to tackle similar disinformation issues. Voto Latino founding president Maria Teresa Kumar, who is also an MSNBC collaborator, said the organization "tries to create role models that identify people who may be more prone to political misinformation in an effort to intervene ". The laboratory is still awaiting launch.
But much more needs to change, and soon. We already know that the disinformation playbook has been an effective tool in influencing Latin American voters, especially when it comes to voters who might be Democrats but voting Republicans.
Unless we see some action, the same playbook will repeat itself, likely with some dangerous updates.
Covid-19 misinformation issues aside – a 2020 report said Facebook had yet to report 70% of the fake coronavirus-related messages in Spanish that have been scanned – there are already indications that it could be too late to remedy the problem. A high-profile WhatsApp fact-checking program in Spanish and English launched by the Poynter Institute in the 2020 presidential election is on hold. Meanwhile, as The New York Times reported in late 2020, "outright disinformation – the deliberate spreading of lies – comes almost exclusively from conservatives, researchers say, including a host of right-wing websites. in Spanish designed to sound like non-partisan news outlets.
These outlets, and the radio programs that amplify them in major Spanish-speaking markets like Miami, have not disappeared. In fact, they are doubling; Vice President Kamala Harris' recent criticisms of Spanish-language radio stations suggest a coordinated effort.
A 2020 autopsy of Latinos Americans based on multiple data points and focus groups confirmed what so many Latin American policy watchers already knew about Republicans: The disinformation push from "socialism" has created "a space for defection "which was" focused on people receiving media from WhatsApp and right-wing media, as well as those who believe the most in social mobility through hard work (aka the American Dream).
Unless we see some action, the same playbook will repeat itself, likely with some dangerous updates. The election of 35-year-old leftist Gabriel Boric to Chile earlier this month has already left conservatives in Latinos and Latinos hoping the South American country does not turn into "Chilezuela", a reference to the current left-wing government from Venezuela. Surely we'll start to see terms like "Chilezuela" popping up in WhatsApp messages, letting people know that is what Biden's America will become if Congress remains Democratic in 2022. It will be difficult to determine who is. directly behind such tactics, but it's just saying that they will continue unchecked.
So far, there has been a lot of talk about the intention to tackle disinformation. But that has been and will continue to be limited as long as Latin Americans continue to be ignored. That could change, but it will take more intent outside of simple fact-checking, greater investment, and a unified belief that disinformation is a real threat to democracy.
Unless that happens, the same cycles will keep repeating.
Julio Ricardo Varela is the founder of Latino Rebels, co-host of the political podcast In The Thick and interim co-executive director of Futuro Media.
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Tomatoes are widely said to be a staple for any home grown garden across the world. You can eat them raw without having to cook them, especially in the summer, and you can also make sauce from it and store it for when winter rolls around. When trying to sow the seeds of tomatoes, it is advisable to do so early in case you are planting them indoors.
Cucumbers are known to be a good plant for places that experience warm weather. Another benefit of growing cucumbers is that they can be grown even in limited space, because just like the tomatoes, they have the ability to climb upwards.
Zucchini is a great grilling vegetable that is also good for your health. It is a variety of squash that is another mid-summer plant for your home garden. They are very easy to plant as you only need to sow the seeds one inch deep in the ground at approx. 2-3 feet apart. That's it!
Bell Peppers are sweet when compared to some other pepper varieties that are readily available. One of the main benefits of planting bell peppers is that they strongly resist pest invasion which means there is little need of caring on your part.
Basil is a herb and is commonly used in pasta, pizzas and even several tomato based sauces, and of course they're the main ingredient in the pesto sauce. You can also use them artistically as dressing in salads.
Home gardening is an excellent hobby that will keep you closer to nature and help you save on your grocery bills as well – so why not try it?
What Type of Soil Do Plants Grow Best In?


text:
Gazprom Tries to Reassure Europe Clients They Can Still Buy Gas
Fiji seizes $300 mln yacht of Russian oligarch
STORY: Authorities in Fiji seized a $300 million yacht of Russian oligarch Suleiman Kerimov on Thursday.The 348-foot luxury vessel – the Amadea — arrived in Fiji last month after an 18-day voyage across the Pacific from Mexico.The U.S requested Fiji to seize the superyacht as its allies imposed sanctions on Russia over its invasion of Ukraine, which Russia calls a special military operation.Outgoing White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki announced the seizure:"Fijian authorities executed the request, obtaining a domestic seizure warrant from a Fijian court. As you know, the president has made clear we will go after Russian oligarchs and their ill gotten gains using every authority we have to hold them accountable. Oh, and here is the yacht. Look at that. I want to really go with a bang, so we got a yacht — just to make the point about oligarchs."The U.S. Justice department's 'KleptoCapture' taskforce has focused on seizing luxury assets of Russian oligarchs, including yachts like Amadea.Kerimov, the yacht's owner, was sanctioned by the United States in 2014 and 2018 in response to Russia's actions in Syria and Ukraine. He has also been sanctioned by the EU.Kerimov has been designated by the U.S Treasury as part of a group of Russian oligarchs who profit from the Russian government through corruption and its activities around the globe, including the occupation of Crimea.
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The Guild has a large area of its own built on FurryMUCK (FM). A MUCK is a text-based interactive multiplayer environment. Players can explore, moving from room to room, chatting and roleplaying, taking advantage of built in programs, games, and bots. Each room and player has a description which other players can look at. MUCKs are similar to MUSHes, MOOs and MUDs.
First, you must connect to FurryMUCK to check if your desired character name is available. You will need a MUCK client, such as MUSHclient or WyrmNet. Alternately you can use a TelNet application. WyrmNet is the simplest program, and may be easiest for beginners to use. Of these, MUSHclient has the most bells and whistles.
In the client, you will need to enter connection information.
Could not find the player named PoofGryphon.
That means that character name is available!
Once you find a character name that is available, you must register a character on FurryMUCK. Registration can take a couple days.
After your character registration is approved, it's time to sign on! Connect to the MUCK using your client, and instead of connecting as a guest, connect as your new character.
Look at a place, person or thing. Abbreviated 'L' (upper or lowercase).
You'll see something like: A dark and spooky room.
You'll see: An exceedingly poofy gryphon!
Speak. Abbreviated with a quotation mark, '"'.
You'll see: You say, "Hi there!"
Others will see: PoofGryphon says, "Hi there!"
To describe the actions of your character. Abbreviated with a colon, ':'. Equivalent of /me on IRC.
You'll see: PoofGryphon runs amok!
Logs you off of FurryMUCK. Must be all uppercase letters.
Lists all the characters connected in the room you are currently in. Must be all lowercase letters.
Lists all players connected to the MUCK. Must be all uppercase letters.
Abbreviated 'ws'. Lists all players connected in the room you are currently in, along with their gender and species.
Teleport. Abbreviated t. Go to a room. Not all rooms are set to accept teleporters. Some rooms have custom destinations, such as 't sewer'. The Guild's destination code is 'gg'. Others, you must enter the room's 'dbref #', or database reference number.
You'll see: You feel a wrenching sensation.
Returns you to your home on the MUCK.
Send a private message to someone in another part of the MUCK. Abbreviated 'p'. If you do not specify a name, it will send to the last person you paged.
Example: p PoofGryphon = Hey there, Poofykins!
You'll see: You page, "Hey there, Poofykins!" to PoofGryphon.
Send a private message to someone in the same room of the MUCK as you. Abbreviated 'w'. If you do not specify a name, it will send to the last person you whispered to.
Example: w PoofGryphon = Whatcha up to?
You'll see: You whisper, "Whatcha up to?" to PoofGryphon.
Send a quick-mail to an offline player. To send mail or check your mail, you can also simply type 'mail'.
Example: mail PoofGryphon = Help!
Type your message, then hit enter to type '.send' on its own line.
Example: Next time you're on, could you help me build my home?
You'll see: Sent to PoofGryphon.
Lists the wizards, MUCK admin, who are currently connected. If you're having trouble, they can help you if you send them a private message.
Now that you've connected to the MUCK, you'll want to join the other Guilders in the Guild Mountain area of the MUCK. You'll need to teleport to the Newbie Nook. The command for teleporting is 't' or 'tport'.
You can also teleport using the room number, which is #166397 (i.e. 'tport #166397').
Read the rules and description. In order to enter the Guild, you will have to verify that you read the rules by setting the appropriate property on yourself. The rules are the same as for the rest of the Guild, so be sure to read the FAQ! If you are a flying creature, you should also set the appropriate property indicating that you are. (Don't worry, if you can't fly, you can still get all around the Guildlands!) These properties start with '@set me='. Just copy them exactly to set them on yourself.
Now, you can enter the rest of the Guild! To enter the Guildlands proper from the Newbie Nook, type 'c' or 'common room'.
There are several ways to get around the MUCK. To find a list of occupied areas of the MUCK type 'whereare' or 'wa'. Teleporting or taking the taxi will take you directly to different parts of the MUCK.
Type 'taxi' to summon the taxi. Once in the taxi, you can type 'l sign' to get a list of taxi destinations.
If you would like to find a teleport destination, 't #help' will give you a list of teleport help topics; '2' lists destinations and 'q' exits the teleport help program. Another way to find many teleport destinations is to go to BoingDragon's JumpRoom, which can be accessed by typing 'jr' once you are in the taxi. From there, typing 'sites' will give you a list of teleport destinations.
The other way to navigate on the MUCK is to travel directly from room to room. Typically, exits are listed at the bottom of the room description, along with a list of all people and objects located in the room. Entering the exit name will move you to the next room.
Each exit has a name which you can enter to go into that room. The letters in [square brackets] are shortcuts to those rooms (do not type the brackets themselves). Exits are typically not case sensitive. The Guild is also set up to allow navigation through the cardinal directions where appropriate (north, south, east, west, etc.). In the room's description, you may see other details, such as "The Entry Hall is to the south, the Newbie Nook to the northwest, and a tunnel ascends to the north."
To go into the Newbie Nook, you have several options. You could type 'Newbie Nook', 'nn', 'northwest', or 'nw'. All will take you into the Newbie Nook!
If you get lost, you can always find your way back to the Newbie Nook by typing 't gg', or go home by typing 'home'.
When directions to an area are written, each command is typically separated by a comma. For example, the instructions on how to get to the Guild's Common Room from anywhere on the MUCK would be written, 't gg, c'. Each command must be entered separately.
Your home is the location where your character "sleeps" when you sign off. If you are "swept" from a room, your character will be sent back to your home. Typically, it is also the place that you build and design yourself.
You have several options on the MUCK for your home.
Another option is to make your home in the Guild Eyries. This is also very easy, and it also allows you to make your own room just for yourself, with whatever description and name you want. It also gives you a link to your room from the Guild (though you can lock your room for privacy, if desired), and a listing in the eyries of the Guildlands (like an apartment directory). Here are instructions on how to claim an eyrie in the Guildlands.
In addition to the Guild Eyries, there are many other apartment areas around the MUCK as an option for a publicly accessible home. You may find these through exploring.
The final option is to build your own home. It is the most flexible option, but your area will be "unlinked" from the rest of the MUCK (unless you find someone willing to link to your home from their area).
Here are some outside links with more information.
� 1994 - 2012 Andrea "Tserisa" Supalla/The Gryphon's Guild. Art is � respective artists, and used with permission.


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For custom payment plans, contact our CO.STARTERS administrator.
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Dated 1865 2-storey, 3-bay house; some modern additions to rear. Painted squared and snecked rubble to E elevation; remaining elevations harled. Painted rybated margins, and long and short quoins to E elevation. Ornate cast-iron window guards to E elevation.
E (PRINCIPAL) ELEVATION: square-plan stone porch at centre; doorway to S, with modern door and plate glass fanlight; set of granite steps up to door, with decorative cast-iron handrail; windows to E and N; string course, with blocking course above; polished granite panel, inscribed "1865", to blocking course to E; 2 modern urns surmounting porch at outer-corners. Regular fenestration.
S ELEVATION: enlarged window to right of centre at ground floor. Window to right of centre, and to left at 1st floor. Small segmental-arched window in gablehead. Modern flat-roofed addition to left at ground floor, and continued round to W elevation. One gatepier, of pair of tall, modern stone gatepiers, adjoined to outer right; pair of tall decorative metal gates.
N ELEVATION: door to left of centre. Windows to outer right to both floors. Small segmental-arched window in gablehead.
surmounted by modern urns. Harled gablehead stacks, with red sandstone copes to E and W, and to N to 2-storey wing. Grey slates, larger and slightly graded to wings. Octagonal cans. Red sandstone ridges.
GARDEN WALLS: rubble walls with angled rubble coping. Pair of cast-iron gatepiers and spearhead detailed double-leaf gates at centre to E.
to N section. Pair of plain cast-iron gates to S section.
Situated to the E are the former Elrig Mills, an extensive complex of ruinous rubble buildings dating from the late 18th and early 19th centuries. According to the THIRD STATISTICAL ACCOUNT, the farina mill closed in 1850, the bone-meal mill in 1904, and the oatmeal mill in 1913. Donnachie states that Elrig Mills, formerly bone and meal mills, have "probably been the largest mill in the Machars". Listed Category B in consideration of the fine ironwork.
THIRD STATISTICAL ACCOUNT Vol 14 (1965) p 435 *J R Hume THE INDUSTRIAL ARCHAEOLOGY OF SCOTLAND Vol I (1976) p 268. * I Donnachie THE INDUSTRIAL ARCHAEOLOGY OF GALLOWAY (1971) p 202.


text:
Га́нькіно () — станційне селище у складі району Магжана Жумабаєва Північноказахстанської області Казахстану. Входить до складу Полудінського сільського округу, раніше входило до складу ліквідованої Новотроїцької сільської ради.

Населення — 165 осіб (2009; 169 у 1999, 189 у 1989).

Національний склад станом на 1989 рік:
 росіяни — 67 %.

Примітки

Джерела

Посилання
 На Вікімапії

Населені пункти району Магжана Жумабаєва
Селища Північноказахстанської області


Butch Cassidy joined Key Food Brokers in July of 1992. Over the past 23 years, Butch has held various positions within KeyImpact Sales & Systems, overseeing multiple sales divisions including operator segment sales and Sysco. Currently, Butch is Senior Vice President of the KeyImpact Sysco Sales Division.
Butch's extensive foodservice background began with educational cooperative from 1988 to 1992 that exposed him to various responsibilities within the food industry. Butch has worked for the US government at the Defense Personnel Support Center (DPSC) as part of the Subsistence Team tasked with food bids for the US Army and as a merchandiser for Ferolie Food Brokerage. This practical expertise is underscored by a Master of Business Administration in Marketing from the Haub School of Business, Saint Joseph's University and a Bachelor of Science in Food Marketing from Saint Joseph's University.
Armed with this comprehensive understanding of the foodservice industry and a desire for continued success, Butch utilizes his avid love of reading to learn about other industries and draw parallels with our own. This allows him to set the bar for the progressive thinking necessary for growth.
Butch Cassidy is based in Burlington, NJ and can be reached at bcassidy@kisales.com.


text:
A look at the Trail Run Series standings
Written on Aug 9th, 2015 by Steve, Category Events, News, Trail Running
WENATCHEE — Individual titles in the Volyn Law Wenatchee Valley Trail Run Series remain up for grabs as the fall trail running season nears.
Jody Chinchen
Jody Chinchen of Ellensburg holds a three-point lead over Wenatchee's Selina Danko in the women's long-course division, and Cashmere's Barry Hodges has a six-point edge over Michael Tonge in the men's long-course division.
In the short-course divisions, Sarah Barkley of Wenatchee leads on the women's side by five points over Hayley Grant, while Wenatchee's Doug Wood has a nine-point advantage over Kyle Almekinder of Wenatchee on the men's side.
(For the complete standings, see below.)
The Volyn Law Wenatchee Valley Trail Run Series, put on by RunWenatchee, begins anew with the (non-competitive) Sept. 26 Dark Side Festival Trail Run at Mission Ridge before concluding with the Oct. 18 Oktoberfest Pumpkin Trail Runs at Leavenworth.
Barry Hodges
The first two events in the series — Horse Lake Trail Runs and the Red Devil Challenge Trail Runs — were held this spring.
Sarah Barkley
To be considered for the individual titles and series prize money, runners must complete all three timed races in either the long-course division or short-course division. The top 10 finishers in each men's race and each women's race will be given points (i.e. 10 points for first, 9 points for second, 8 points for third, and so on). At the conclusion of the Oktoberfest Pumpkin Trail Runs, the total points will be tallied and the runners with the top three total points in each division will be announced. If there is a tie, the overall placing will be determined by totaling each runner's finishing times and the runner with the fastest cumulative time will be awarded the position.
We will be offering prize money to the top 3 places (male and female) of the overall series in both short-course and long-course divisions and swag prizes to fourth- and fifth-place finishers. The money/prizes will be divided as follows:
Long Course Division — First place (men and women): $200 each; second place (men and women): $100 each; third place (men and women): $50 each; fourth place (men and women) $25 dollars worth of swag; fifth place (men and women) $25 dollars worth of swag.
Doug Wood
Short Course Division — First place (men and women): $100 each; second place (men and women): $50 each; third place (men and women): $25 each; fourth place (men and women) $20 dollars worth of swag; fifth place (men and women) $20 dollars worth of swag.
Wenatchee Valley Trail Run Series
Points standings (after two events)
Long-course division men
1. Barry Hodges, 18 points
2. Michael Tonge, 12 points
3. Brent Biggar, 6 points
4. Jon Speiker, 5 points
5. Ed Henley, 4 points
6. Jason Lundgren, 1 point
Long-course division women
1. Jody Chinchen, 20 points
2. Selina Danko, 17 points
3. Justin Hambleton, 12 points
4. Cody Graf, 9 points
5. Emelia Burgess, 5 points
Short-course division men
1. Doug Wood, 18 points
2. Kyle Almekinder, 9 points
3. Cory Feil, 7 points
4. Jim White, 1 point
Short-course division women
1. Sarah Barkley, 20 points
2. Hayley Grant, 15 points
3. Ann Hendrickson, 12 points
4. Kristie Pedersen, 7 points
5. Faby Hamilton, 5 points
Trail film fest a stamp for Wenatchee
Written on Mar 9th, 2014 by Steve, Category News
Sleeping Lady to host St. Paddy's Day run
Written on Dec 17th, 2015 by Steve, Category Events, News
Lake Chelan Shore to Shore set for Sept. 7, 2013
Written on Oct 1st, 2012 by Steve, Category Events, News


text:
Meeting online to share best practice on energy efficiency
2 August 2021 By Joanne Thompson
A specialist energy efficiency team from Durham County Council along with others from across Europe met online to share ideas of best practice to support SMEs (Small Medium Enterprises).
Representatives from the UK, the Republic of Ireland, Germany, Finland, Slovenia, Spain and Italy, who have been exploring low carbon options for small businesses, joined together online for Interreg Europe's SME Power virtual study visit event.
Durham County Council is participating in SME Power to share good practice with partners with similar schemes, to learn from their experiences and highlight some of the features which makes projects successful.
The study visit was held online due to the ongoing coronavirus restrictions and enabled international partners to learn from Durham without having to physically be here. The visit was deemed a success and partners are now scheduling follow up discussions to look at aspects of projects in more detail.
It highlighted the BEEP (Business Energy Efficiency Project) programme, which is now in its second phase, supporting SMEs in County Durham to make financial savings by being more energy efficient. BEEP is supported by the European Regional Development Fund and can also provide SMEs with finance in the form of grant support to further reduce the payback of any energy efficient installation.
The council's low carbon economy team was on hand to talk about how County Durham businesses Beamish Park Golf Course and Ace Motorcycle Training have both accessed support through the BEEP2 scheme to save money by making themselves more energy efficient.
Beamish Park Golf Club members made a unanimous decision, having had advice from the BEEP team, to replace the club's gas guzzling golf buggies with a complete fleet of 12 new electric ones. Members also had 750 old halogen bulbs replaced with LEDs in the clubhouse, meaning energy bills have gone down providing huge saving. But they didn't stop there and also decided to put solar panels on the roof.
The club's hope is that within a year it can reach the maximum amount of solar panels allowed for the size of the building. The club also plans to change the equipment used to maintain its golf course greens to an electric fleet as this is currently another huge expenditure.
Trevor Robson, club member, who was interviewed for a video which was shown at the SME Power event, said: "We had a call from the council asking for a very informal chat and would we be interested in listening to initiatives to do with business efficiency, energy savings and of course the answer was 'yes please'.
"And from that formed the relationship with BEEP. It was wonderful to have somebody at the end of a phone for a little bit of advice, such as whether we were going down the right road and what they could do to support us in any way. And that support was always there."
Cllr Mark Wilkes, Durham County Council's Cabinet member for neighbourhoods and climate change, said: "We're delighted that our BEEP team was able to be a part of this online meeting and share ideas with others about energy efficiency.
"If you feel that your business could be spending too much on energy bills or you don't know where to start with making sure your lighting and equipment meets modern efficiency standards, please contact the team to find out more."
More details on how to apply for funding through BEEP are available at www.beep.uk.net/apply-now
For more on SME Power go to www.interregeurope.eu/sme-power/


text:
Political Junkie Ken Rudin
Published March 21, 2019 at 5:00 AM EDT
Beto O'Rourke raised more than $6 million within the first 24 hours of announcing his bid for president last week.
The early burst of fundraising was the highest among O'Rourke's rivals for the Democratic nomination, making an emphatic statement about his grass-roots financial strength.
Coming up on All Sides, veteran political journalist Ken Rudin joins us again to discuss O'Rourke's campaign and the latest in national politics.
Ken Rudin, veteran political journalist, host of Ken Rudin's Political Junkie podcast
All Sides with Ann Fisher presidental raceDemocratsrepublicianohio politicsnational politicsKen Rudin
Democratic Candidates Target Tech Giants, Who Are Major Party Donors
Aarti Shahani
Silicon Valley has emerged early as a presidential campaign issue among Democrats at SXSW. Calls to regulate tech put the party in an awkward position, given its reliance on tech donors.
Beto O'Rourke Announces His Run For President In 2020
The former Texas congressman raised a national profile, and a lot of campaign money, in his unsuccessful bid to unseat Sen. Ted Cruz in 2018. He has been touring the country since.
In Budget Talks, Ohio House Democrats Push Paid Family Leave, Minimum Wage Hike
Andy Chow
As the Ohio House prepares to hold hearings on Gov. Mike DeWine's proposed operating budget, Democratic members want to make sure their priorities are…
House Speaker Pelosi To Headline Ohio Democrats' Dinner
U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi will headline an Ohio Democratic Party fundraising dinner.The state party announced Tuesday that the California Democrat…


text:
Q: Merge json list having same index in javascript I have the following json data:
{
    "leadId": 0,

    "nationalAvg": {
        "2007": 822.0,
        "2008": 830.0,
        "2009": 880.0,
        "2010": 909.0,
        "2011": 979.0,
    },
    "stateAvg": {
        "2007": 1023.0,
        "2008": 1026.0,
        "2009": 1035.0,
        "2010": 1050.0,
        "2011": 1072.0,
        "2012": 1150.0,
    },
    "zipCodeAvg": {
        "2007": 1050.98,
        "2008": 1054.06,
        "2009": 1063.29,
        "2010": 1078.69,
        "2011": 1101.27,
        "2012": 1181.49,
        "2013": 1297.64,
        "2014": 1349.99,
    }
}

I want to merge nationalAvg, stateAvg, zipCodeAvg together to have a result like:
["2007":  822.0,      1023.0,   1050.98]
["2008":  830.0,      1026.0,   1054.06]
["2009":  880.0,      1035.0,   1063.29]
["2010":  909.0,      1050.0,   1078.69]
["2011":  null,       1072.0,   1101.27]
["2012":  null,      1150.0,    1181.49]
["2013":  null,      null,      1297.64]
["2014":  null,      null,      1349.99]

I want to show this data on google line chart.

A: You can do something like this:

const data = {
    "leadId": 0,

    "nationalAvg": {
        "2007": 822.0,
        "2008": 830.0,
        "2009": 880.0,
        "2010": 909.0,
        "2011": 979.0,
    },
    "stateAvg": {
        "2007": 1023.0,
        "2008": 1026.0,
        "2009": 1035.0,
        "2010": 1050.0,
        "2011": 1072.0,
        "2012": 1150.0,
    },
    "zipCodeAvg": {
        "2007": 1050.98,
        "2008": 1054.06,
        "2009": 1063.29,
        "2010": 1078.69,
        "2011": 1101.27,
        "2012": 1181.49,
        "2013": 1297.64,
        "2014": 1349.99,
    }
}

const keys = ['nationalAvg', 'stateAvg', 'zipCodeAvg'];

const years = keys
  .reduce((a, k) => [...a, ...Object.keys(data[k])], [])
  .filter((v, i, arr) => arr.indexOf(v) === i)
  .sort();

const result = years.map((year) =>
  [year, ...keys.reduce((a, k) => [...a, data[k][year]], [])]
);

console.log(result);

How this works: it first creates an array of all the years (all the keys of the three objects), filters out all the duplicates from that array and then map it to add the value for those years (those properties) from the three objects.

A:

    const  list = {
        "leadId": 0,

        "nationalAvg": {
            "2007": 822.0,
            "2008": 830.0,
            "2009": 880.0,
            "2010": 909.0,
            "2011": 979.0,
        },
        "stateAvg": {
            "2007": 1023.0,
            "2008": 1026.0,
            "2009": 1035.0,
            "2010": 1050.0,
            "2011": 1072.0,
            "2012": 1150.0,
        },
        "zipCodeAvg": {
            "2007": 1050.98,
            "2008": 1054.06,
            "2009": 1063.29,
            "2010": 1078.69,
            "2011": 1101.27,
            "2012": 1181.49,
            "2013": 1297.64,
            "2014": 1349.99,
        }
    }

    let keys = ['nationalAvg', 'stateAvg', 'zipCodeAvg'];

    let obj =keys.reduce((acc, c, i) => {
     Object.entries(list[c]).map(( o ) => {
      acc[o[0]] = (acc[o[0]] || Array.from({length: keys.length}).fill(null));
      acc[o[0]][i] = (o[1]);
        });
     return acc;
    }, {});

// Format 1
console.log(obj);

const result = Object.entries(obj).map(o=> [ o[0], ...o[1]]);
//Format 2
console.log(result)

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