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Looking Back, Thinking Ahead
Which of the Three Bitter Scen..
Which of the Three Bitter Scenarios is More Acceptable
By Ziad AbuZayyad
PIJ Vol. 26 No. 3&4 2021 - Looking Back, Thinking Ahead
Vol. 26 No. 3&4 2021
Ziad AbuZayyad
Ziad AbuZayyad is the co-Founder and co-Editor of Palestine Israel Journal. He is a lawyer, graduate of Damascus University. He is a weekly columnist at al-Quds Arabic Daily, a former Palestinian Authority minister, former legislator, and former negotiator.
After spending six months in administrative detention in the Nablus central jail under a military order issued by the Israeli military commander of the Central Region of the West Bank in November 1990, I was released in May 1991. The only reason mentioned in the
detention order was that I was considered "a danger to security and the public order for involvement in the leadership of the intifada and writing the leaflets that guided its activities in the occupied territories."
I don't trust military appeal committees, but under pressure from some of my friends, I challenged the order in front of the military appeal committee. As expected, the security services (Shabak) claimed to have secret evidence which they wouldn't reveal in order to protect their sources. The military appeal committee accepted their argument and confirmed the order.
My fear at the time was that, as was usual, the six months would be renewed automatically unlimited number of times, sometimes turning into years. This is still the case for many Palestinians who are not involved in violent activities but whose political or human rights activities do not sit well with the occupation security services.
Fortunately, toward the end of my term, Secretary of State James Baker started his first of eight shuttle visits to the Middle East to prepare the Madrid Conference which took place on the October 30, 1991. My colleague, the late Faisal Husseini, was invited to meet with Baker and demanded my release as a condition for the meeting. In a message I smuggled out of jail, however, I asked Faisal not to miss the opportunity and accept the invitation. "I'll catch up with you after my release," I wrote to him. And that's what happened.
Two months after my release, I was invited to attend a roundtable discussion organized by Prof. Herbert C. Kelman at Harvard University in Boston as part of a series of dialog meetings he was organizing between Palestinian and Israeli figures. These were later published as a series of articles in his book Resolving Deep-Rooted Conflicts.
Among the Palestinians who participated in that meeting was Dr. Ghassan al-Khatib, currently a professor at Bir Zeit University, who was identified at that time with the Communist Party was one of the Orient House Group led by Faisal Husseini, and was a member of the Palestinian delegation to the Washington peace talks in 1992.
During that meeting, I was notified by Faisal that the State Department would contact me and invite us — Dr. Ghassan al-Khatib and myself — for a meeting with them, and we should accept the invitation.
U.S. Position Rejected Palestinian Statehood
The meeting was held at the State Department in Washington, DC., and we met with Dennis Ross, Aaron David Miller, and John Kelly. The first two continued to be involved in all activities related to achieving a political settlement to the conflict, while John Kelly, to my knowledge, disappeared in the first stages of the peace process.
Dennis Ross started the meeting by talking about the Madrid Conference, saying, "We understand that we are talking about autonomy, not a state, and about a Palestinian delegation from the inside and not from the outside (without any PLO participation), and the delegation from the inside will not include any participants from East Jerusalem."
Of course, we rejected this approach and insisted that the PLO is the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people and that Jerusalem is an integral part of the occupied territories, and it is the address of the Palestinian people, and they should be involved. We tried to explain to them that without the PLO and without East Jerusalem, no one will participate, but this made no impact on our American addressees.
I conveyed the message to Chairman Arafat through a telephone call from Paris on my way back to Jerusalem. His furious response, shouting and calling the Americans bad names, offended me to the point that I asked him to end the conversation in a civilized manner, but then he changed his tone 180 degrees, spoke nicely to me, and asked me to come to Tunis. I apologized, telling him that I had just been released from jail and didn't want to be jailed again. Then he asked me to send him a written report about the meeting, which I did. After hanging up, the contact person whose home telephone I had been using said that I should not be offended because Arafat was not shouting at me but at the Americans whom he knows bug his telephone and wanted them to hear his response.
Looking back to that meeting with Dennis Ross and his colleagues after 30 years shows clearly that the position expressed by Ross in our meeting at the State Department in the summer of 1991, before any conference or peace talks, continued to be and still is the dominant basis of the American position through the decades of fruitless negotiations under US auspices whose goal, they claimed, was to find a political solution to the conflict.
I believe that Dennis Ross advanced this position through all the different central official positions and responsibilities that he filled during the negotiations processes, where he was a key player. And many observers believe that this position fits with the position of the right wing of the Israeli Labor Party, with whom he was on good terms. The position outlined by Dennis Ross in 1991 has continued to be the cornerstone in the coordinated Israel and U.S. positions in the peace talks.
This position, which was strongly against allowing the creation of a Palestinian state, has been shared by successive Israeli Governments and U.S. Administrations. It is based upon the Alon Plan of the seventies, which demands full Israeli control of the Jordan Valley and the mountains overlooking it, annexing areas from the West Bank alongside the ceasefire lines of 1948 known as the Green Line, and readiness to give Jordan some control through the so-called functional solution, or the Palestinians some control through so-called self-rule or autonomy, allowing them to run Palestinian civil affairs in the Palestinian populated cities and towns inside the West Bank, without any real control over the land. Autonomy for the people and not for the land.
PM Benjamin Netanyahu, US envoy Dennis Ross, and PA President Yasser Arafat after a meeting at Gaza's Erez Crossing, January 15, 1997. (photo credit: AP Photo/ Nati Harnik)
U.S. Support for Israeli Occupation
In addition, the consistent U.S. policy is taking measures that abort any possibility of real progress toward ending the Israeli occupation and achieving a political settlement to the conflict. Such measures encourage Israel to continue its occupation and its colonizing project and refrain from engaging in a real negotiations process.
The U.S. is the main supporter of Israel and its occupation, politically, economically, and militarily. Tens of billions of dollars were and are pouring annually into Israel in cash or in different forms of military and economic aid. This aid provides Israel with financial resources for its settlement activities in the occupied Palestinian territory and to continue its exploitation of Palestinian natural resources and repression of the Palestinian people. The U.S. is not only aiding Israel but its occupation, too.
The U.S. provides Israel with the most advanced sophisticated war technology in the U.S. military arsenal and claims that its aim is to maintain Israel's military superiority in the region.
In addition, the U.S. offers Israel full political support and vetoes any resolutions of the UN Security Council and opposes resolutions of the UN General Assembly or other agencies if they are against Israel occupation practices in occupied East Jerusalem, Gaza, and the West Bank, and it uses its influence on many other countries to make them vote on the side of Israel. The only exception is UN Security Council Resolution 2334 in 2016, when President Obama abstained on the resolution that declared the occupation and the settlements illegal.
Backed and encouraged by U.S. political, economic, and military aid, Israel is challenging the international legitimacy resolutions, refraining from joining any serious negotiations to end the occupation, and behaving as if it is above international law.
As for peacemaking in the Middle East, the U.S. dominated the socalled peace process by preventing any third party from playing any role to push the process forward. It intimidated Arab countries from seeking or facilitating any Soviet, later Russian, effective role and pressured EU countries not to take any active role beyond writing checks to subsidize the occupation. The U.S. traditional claim was that any such intervention from third parties would "disturb"!! the peace process. The U.S. invented the Quartet formula to put the UN under its auspices and contain all possible players under its umbrella.
The U.S., while pretending to play the role of peace broker, was in fact the peace spoiler, the obstacle to progress toward peace, and indirectly the Godfather of the settlements and continued occupation.
Efforts to Sideline the PLO
The American principles expressed by Dennis Ross in the abovementioned meeting, stressing that the delegation should be only from the occupied territories, switched on a red light for the Palestinian leadership in Tunis and raised the level of their fears that the U.S. and Israel were trying to promote a local leadership in the territories to bypass the Tunis leadership and strike a deal that would leave the PLO outside the game. This fear was the main reason behind the PLO efforts to seek a secret parallel track to Washington negotiations to abort the efforts to create an alternative leadership to the PLO and to get a seat at the front row of the negotiating table. As such, the Oslo process started secretly behind the backs of the team negotiating in Washington, and the PLO made substantial concessions to Israel to achieve recognition and be at the table.
The Palestinian negotiating team in Washington led by the late Dr. Haider Abdul Shafi felt betrayed and stabbed in the back. The Washington talks stopped, and the Oslo process started.
The bilateral Palestinian-Israeli negotiations under the auspices of the U.S. proved to be impotent. The Israelis had no intention to allow a settlement ending the occupation and creating a Palestinian state, because they are committed to their settlements plan in all the occupied Palestinian territory which they call the Land of Israel and were trying to gain time to complete this plan.
The U.S. refused numerous demands from the Palestinians to use its influence on Israel and push the talks forward toward an agreement. Its traditional argument was that "we can facilitate the negotiations but will not interfere in them because the parties should make the deal themselves."
This argument is misleading, because the moderate Palestinians, namely Fateh, which opted for negotiations and abandoned their legitimate right of resistance against the occupation, a right embodied in the UN Charter, and were left like beggars at the negotiating table. They were accepted to join the peace process after yielding to the U.S. conditions of abandoning violence and denouncing terror, recognizing the right of Israel to exist; and recognizing UNSCR 242. After doing that, they stopped all kinds of resistance against the Israeli occupation and became hostages of the peace process.
The failure of the moderate Palestinian leadership to deliver to its people what it promised — ending the Israeli occupation and creating a Palestinian state — through negotiations caused severe damage to the image of that leadership in the eyes of its people and raised the credit of the militant groups, such as Hamas, which continued to adopt armed resistance against the occupation.
Furthermore, a strange alliance emerged between Hamas on the Palestinian side and extreme Israeli right-wing fanatics. Both shared the goal of undermining the negotiations each for its own reasons. Right after signing Oslo, from mid-1994 until 1996, Hamas carried out suicide attacks against civilian targets inside Israel which incited Israeli public opinion against the negotiations, and right-wing Jewish fanatics assassinated the late Prime Minster Rabin because they thought that he might agree to withdraw from the territories and endanger their expansionist settlements project.
Lack of Parity Caused Negotiations to Fail
Looking back at the Oslo process, the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA), and the failure to conclude the talks as scheduled in May 1999 by dissolving the PA and creating the independent state of Palestine alongside the state of Israel, it is clear that the negotiations were not between equal partners. The Palestinian negotiators had no tools to use to exert pressure at the negotiating table, while Israel didn't seriously intend to reach a negotiated agreement.
Lack of parity caused the failure of the bilateral negotiations to reach their destination. The conclusion is that in the absence of a neutral, fair, and active broker who aggressively steers the sides in a positive direction, there is no chance for any progress in bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians.
In addition to the said above, two points should be noted:
a) Politically speaking, the Oslo Accords did not define the outcome of the negotiations and left the door open for each side to understand it as he wants. The Palestinians, who recognized the state of Israel, believe that they already compromised on 78% of their homeland, historical Mandatory Palestine, and believe that they are entitled to creating the state of Palestine in the West Bank and Gaza Strip with East Jerusalem as its capital based on the June 4, 1967 lines, if not on the total area designated for the Arab state in the Partition Resolution 181 of 1947. The Israelis kept their ambiguity, had their hidden agenda, and worked intensively on the ground to undermine and prevent any withdrawal from the occupied territories and prevent the creation of any Palestinian state or national entity. Their aim is to keep the PA as is — a subcontractor for the occupation carrying out the civil duties usually done by the occupiers but financed by the donor countries and serving the security of the occupation through the so-called security coordination.
b) Israel refused to commit itself in the Oslo Accords to freezing all settlement activities in the occupied territories, including East Jerusalem, until the negotiations were concluded. It continued building and changing the topography and demography of East Jerusalem and the West Bank, creating facts on the ground, undermining the possibility of a political solution, ignoring international demands to halt this activity, and ignoring Palestinian protests. Israel's insistence on accelerating the implementation of the settlement strategy in the West Bank and East Jerusalem killed the peace process.
The PA, which was supposed to be a temporary body and be dissolved in May 1999 after concluding the talks and reaching an agreement, became permanent, and the area where the Palestinian state was supposed to be created became fragmented by Jewish settlements, making the goal of achieving a two-state solution almost impossible.
Situation on the Ground Conducive to Apartheid
The situation on the ground now doesn't allow for the creation of a Palestinian state, and its continuity is conducive to the creation of an apartheid regime of two communities with a dual legal system, one enjoying all the privileges of being citizens of the Jewish state and the other deprived of its basic human rights, subjected to systematic discrimination, becoming an easy target for attacks on people and on their lands and properties by Jewish settlers who are backed and protected by the Israeli occupation army whose ranks include soldiers and officers who are themselves settlers.
Optimistic or unrealistic people are still talking about the two-state formula. And I say "formula" rather than option because it is not an option. The two-state formula is not realistic or possible because of the Jewish settlements spread over the occupied territories like mushrooms.
The two-state formula can be realistic in only two cases:
First, if there will be a leader in Israel who will have the guts to evacuate the settlements from the occupied territories in order to achieve a historic deal and peace not only with the Palestinians but with all the Arab and Islamic countries as proposed to Israel in the Arab Peace Initiative of 2002, which was endorsed by the 57 member countries of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. Is the emergence of such a leader possible? All signs in Israel assure us that the emergence of such a leader is beyond the impossible.
Second, if there will be international pressure on Israel, including a boycott or threat of a boycott, or other punitive measures, until Israel agrees to evacuate settlements and abide by relevant UN resolutions, end the occupation, evacuate settlements, and enable the creation of a Palestinian state. Is this possible while the U.S. is there blocking not only the implementation but even the discussion of such an action? The answer is negative, but there is no other option but to make it positive.
One State, Two States, or Status Quo
The continuity of the current situation, the status quo, is the best recipe for the development of an apartheid regime which will be accompanied with violence and bloodshed on both sides until it collapses, and with its collapse will come the end of the Zionist project of creating a Jewish state.
Obviously, the average Israeli is not interested in knowing about the real situation in the occupied territories and does not like to think about future scenarios. They believe that the status quo is the most comfortable solution.
Finally, if the two-state formula is obviously unrealistic and almost impossible, and the current status quo is a guaranteed path to the apartheid regime, is one state a realistic formula?
I'm in favor of one democratic state with equal rights for all its citizens regardless of their ethnicity or religion but unfortunately, I don't see that as a realistic option. One state is like a marriage. It needs the agreement and willingness of the two sides, and I don't think that the Jews will agree to one state because that will mean the end of the Jewish state.
Furthermore, Arabs and Jews have lived for years under the circumstances of conflict, each with his own religious, cultural, and ethnic identity and each wanting to protect its unique character. Therefore, they need a different formula rather than one state to accommodate this situation, even if only for a transitional period.
Two-State Formula Requires International Intervention
Ruling out the possible applicability of any of the three commonly known scenarios — one state, two states, and the status quo — requires us to think seriously and decide which of the three could be made possible and how, bearing in mind the need for durable peace and stability.
I believe that the most acceptable formula is still the two-state formula and that the only way to make it possible is through outside intervention. Pressure on Israel, including sanctions and boycott, to end the occupation and come to a peace agreement with Palestine is necessary. If this doesn't happen, we will stay on the apartheid track. There should be no doubt about this and no underestimating the consequences.
© 2023 Palestine-Israel Journal. All Rights Reserved. Articles, excerpts, and translations may not be reproduced in any form without written permission.


Econet is anticipating value creation and growth from fledgeling services that include the new pay TV startup, Kwesé TV.
In a statement published after its results announcement the operator's CEO Douglas Mboweni highlighted how Kwese TV would enable the operator to deliver services in media and entertainment to subscribers while "creating further headroom for value".
As an Over the Top service Kwesé TV represents an ideal investment for a future business model for telecoms.
Rather than just act as a dumb pipe carrying content, services like Video On Demand (VOD), digital media platforms and e-commerce solutions give telecoms operators a stake in the content that rides atop their infrastructure while carrying more value.
Kwese TV has been placed in the media and e-commerce subset, one of the four clusters outlined for Econet's "Quad Play Transition".
Other investments grouped in this subset cover online retailing, digital media content and online education – references to services launched in the past year namely Ownai and Ruzivo Digital Learning.
All these are still in their formative stages, but the prognosis is that they will blossom into revenue drivers that can eventually offset the strain carried by the death of voice revenue.
What's a bit off, though, is how Kwesé TV is now being placed at the centre of Econet Zimbabwe's strategy yet in the past, it has always been identified as part of Econet Media which is an Econet Wireless Group investment.
Does Econet Zimbabwe have a stake in Kwesé TV or it was just a way to pacify shareholders in the face of another huge drop in profits and revenue?
If Econet Zimbabwe does own Kwesé TV does this mean that the operator will be pouring its own capital into the internet TV startup and has it done so for the other licencing deals inked by Kwesé TV?
Is Econet Zimbabwe geared to make multi-million dollar investments that are characteristic of plays into video content and will it be able to scale across Africa against other media companies like Netflix and Naspers?
If the service is tucked under the Econet Group but is now being positioned as part of Econet Zimbabwe's future plans will the operator create maximum value for shareholders by championing the growth of a service that it owns or is this benefiting the Econet Group instead?
We sought clarification from Econet Wireless Zimbabwe regarding this relationship and are yet to get feedback.
Without all the necessary information any sort of conclusion would largely speculative and the Kwesé TV arrangement between Econet Wireless Zimbabwe and the Econet Group remains is opaque.
In any case, the move to make content services part of Econet Wireless Zimbabwe's future should be lauded. There are still a lot of aspects around how this will be executed that deserve attention but it shows that there is a look into the future.
Once upon a time, a small-time investor was looking to invest his hard-earned money in a local Zimbabwean business. The investor was advised to follow Econet Wireless and tipped to buy stock if the share price fell below 20 cents. As time went by, the stock price crashed from 45 to 35 to 25 to 21 cents. Realising his opportunity was near, the investor began researching the business and was shocked by what he found.
Following conversations with sources close to the action, the investor soon realised that the privately-owned Econet Group, controlled by Mr. Masiwya, was effectively looting funds from the publicly-traded Econet Wireless Zimbabwe. Apparently, "a team of forensic auditors would have a field day," he overheard at a local Church event.
This small-time investor had a lucky escape. But what about existing and future shareholders? He decided it was his duty to make others aware of these unethical business practices so they could be investigated before the evidence gets covered up. For unlike Mr. Masiwya, who flies over Zimbabwe in his private jet, he knew fellow local investors deserve to hear the truth about conflicts of interest and the abuse of power.
I am tired of these Kwese and Vivazim updates. We just want the services to be launched.
Good point there Opolopo, even if Kwese become a success, how exactly will Econet bring the service into our homes? I mean, streaming live TV on mobile phones, tablets and laptops is cool, but what about our home tv's? haasi munhu wese ane Smart TV kaa.


text:
In praise of mercenary central bankers
Why the ECB should be led by a foreigner after Mario Draghi.
Elvira Nabiullina has managed to keep the Russian central bank independent from Vladimir Putin | Yuri Kadobnov/AFP via Getty Images
By Pierre Briançon
May 8, 2018	6:00 am
PARIS — Eurozone leaders could learn a thing or two from Philip Hammond. Notably, they should heed the example he's showing them on how to choose a central banker.
As Hammond reiterated recently, foreigners are allowed at the top of the Bank of England. So maybe it's time for the European Central Bank to look literally outside the box and hire from abroad.
The U.K. chancellor of the exchequer hasn't yet launched the formal process of choosing a successor to Mark Carney, the BoE governor who will step down in June 2019. But Hammond has indicated how he would go about it.
It reads like a list of the things eurozone leaders should also do when choosing the replacement for ECB President Mario Draghi in November next year — but won't.
An advert will be posted for the job. Foreigners will be welcome (Carney hails from Canada). And Hammond said he would cast a wide net and was already scouting global forums such as International Monetary Fund meetings to identify potential big-impact candidates.
The choice will be influenced by other EU appointments, part of a big personnel trade-off having nothing to do with monetary policy.
Contrast that with the way the next ECB chief will be chosen: First, a secretive backroom deal between France and Germany; then confidential bargaining sessions with other eurozone members; followed by the selection of whoever is judged to meet the political balance considerations of the moment.
The choice will be influenced by other EU appointments, part of a big personnel trade-off having nothing to do with monetary policy. Meanwhile, the candidate's plans, ideas and proposals on everything from quantitative easing to interest rates will remain clouded in all the ambiguity demanded by this most diplomatic of appointment processes.
Oh, and by the way, forget about a non-EU citizen getting the job.
The legal reason is that the eurozone's founding treaty explicitly states that the job should be held by the national of a member country. The real, political reason is that governments are much too afraid to give the job that is the expression of their sovereignty to some outlander.
But think about it and it's easy to see why the ECB would benefit from a foreign president.
Mark Carney, left, the governor of the Bank of England with his former deputy Paul Tucker | Jason Alden/AFP via Getty Images
What better way to guarantee the central bank's independence, away from the permanent debate between "northern" and "southern" countries, "hawks" and "doves?" Why not appoint a mercenary, whose mission will be to meet the inflation target and, in his or her spare time, keep the eurozone together?
National football teams, after all, can be trained and managed by talented foreigners. And when you look at the global pool of academics, treasury officials, and current or former central bankers available, it's clear that there's no shortage of talent to fill the job. Raghuram Rajan, a celebrated economist and former Indian central banker, and Mexico's Agustín Carstens, who heads the Bank for International Settlements, are some of the names mentioned as possible contenders for the BoE job. They could also aspire to take over the ECB.
Imagine, for example, the potential candidacy to the ECB of Elvira Nabiullina, the successful chair of the Central Bank of Russia. Surely, the woman who kept the Russian central bank independent from Vladimir Putin could succeed in resisting eurozone governments' meddling in monetary policy?
Or consider another post-Brexit possibility: Wouldn't regulatory cooperation between the U.K. and the EU be much smoother if a Brit presided over the ECB while a European took over the BoE? Think of, say, former deputy BoE head Paul Tucker moving to Frankfurt, and current ECB executive board member Benoit Cœuré taking office in London.
Of course, there is still that irritating treaty thing. But as recent events have shown, anyone these days can easily buy an EU passport in Malta or Cyprus. There's no reason this accelerated procedure to create a eurozone citizen couldn't be used for the future ECB head.
And, for once, that would be all in the name of the greater good.
Pierre Briançon is chief European economics correspondent for POLITICO.
Europe's plan to turn banks green
By Fiona Maxwell
French central banker calls for modesty but results on eurozone
By Florian Eder
More from ... Pierre Briançon
1 Pope Benedict failed to act over child abuse, report says
2 French parliament puts pressure on Macron by declaring Chinese treatment of Uyghurs a 'genocide'
3 Far-right Dutch MEP ditches Geert Wilders' party over its vaccination stance
4 Brussels to Warsaw: Pay up!
5 Twitter loses appeal in French content moderation trial
Europe is ready to shed its fiscal straitjacket
The political stars are aligning for a loosening of the EU's spending rules.
Court declines to jail Petro Poroshenko in treason case
Judge rules that Ukraine's ex-president should not face pre-trial detention in case tied to coal sales.
Europe's veto threatens to stall global tax reform
Estonia, Hungary and Poland are unhappy with plans to introduce a minimum global corporate tax rate of 15 percent by January 2023.
UK unemployment falls but cost-of-living concerns rise
While unemployment is falling, wages are stagnating.
By Mujtaba Rahman
By Bjarke Smith-Meyer
By Matei Rosca
Economic governance	European Monetary Union	Finance and banking	Monetary Policy	Political Economy
France	United Kingdom
Agustín Carstens	Benoît Cœuré	Elvira Nabiullina	Mark Carney	Paul Tucker	Philip Hammond	Raghuram Rajan
Bank of England	European Central Bank

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Flora Drummond (1878 – 17. ledna 1949) byla britská sufražetka.

Vyrůstala na ostrově Arran. Pro svoji malou postavu se nemohla stát listonoškou. Byla jednou z organizátorek WSPU. Za svoji činnost ve WSPU byla několikrát uvězněna. Přezdívali jí Generál, pro její zálibu v nošení kabátce ve vojenském stylu.

Externí odkazy

Britské feministky
Narození v roce 1878
Úmrtí v roce 1949
Ženy
Zemřelí na cévní mozkovou příhodu

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


VIA University College — s. m. w.
VIA University College is Denmark's largest university with over 18,000 students spread across most of Jutland. The institution got a strong brand story, a library of icons that appeals the to individual student and lecturer and a wide range of publication templates.
The identity and the Student Guide publication was both shortlisted for a Creative Circle Award in 2014.


I would like to assign the selectedIndexPath.row to the variable newRow. Is that possible or is there a better way to make the loop ignore the current row I am on?
Re: Convert selectedindexpath.row to integer?
Please show more context. What is `selectedIndexPath`? Where and how you declare it? Especially, what is the type of it?


Beautifully updated townhouse style condo in supreme West Seattle location. Remodeled kitchen and baths, hard wood floors throughout, newer appliances, windows and more. This home has been meticulously updated and maintained. Tons of natural light and vaulted ceilings upstairs. Enjoy the lovely deck off of the family room to take in sound and territorial views. No shared walls, attached garage, loft, an enormous fully fenced yard, this home is quiet and private. Wonderful, neighborly community.


Myoporum Debile, the famous Boobialla. The fruit is edible, the bark was stripped and bruised and soaked in cold water overnight, the liquid was then used to treat venereal disease. The roots and leaved could be boiled and when cooled, the liquid was taken again to treat venereal disease. You could alternate the treatments or you could just do one treatment or the other.


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C-Squat
Squatters' notice at C-Squat
155 Avenue C
Town or city
40°43′33″N 73°58′40″W / 40.725708°N 73.977791°W / 40.725708; -73.977791Coordinates: 40°43′33″N 73°58′40″W / 40.725708°N 73.977791°W / 40.725708; -73.977791
1872; 149 years ago (1872)
Former squat house
C (See)-Squat is a former squat house located at 155 Avenue C (between 9th and 10th Streets) in the Alphabet City neighborhood of Manhattan, New York City that has been home to musicians, artists and activists, among others. After a fire, it was taken into city ownership in 1978 and squatters moved in in 1989. The building was restored in 2002 and since then it has been legally owned by the occupants. Its ground-floor storefront now houses the Museum of Reclaimed Urban Space.
1.1 Founding
2 Restoration
3 Museum of Reclaimed Urban Space
Constructed in 1872, this pre-Old Law Tenement housed a pickle shop, cigar factory, cabinetmaker's workshop,[1] saloon, bookbinder, tailor, and Republican meeting hall.[2] The building was ravaged by a fire and New York City assumed possession in 1978.[3] Some tenants, mainly Latino and black people, stayed on as squatters, running an illegal after-hours club. Six years later, they were evicted. The building then stood empty until 1989 until the current squatters arrived. It has remained occupied.[4]
Journalist and author Robert Neuwirth described the situation that gave birth to many of New York's squats, including C-Squat, in the late 1970s through 1980s, "In the 1970s, scores of landlords walked away from old tenement buildings. Many buildings slid into vacancy and rot. By the 1980s, squatters took over many of the structures in fringe areas such as Alphabet City (Avenues A to D) in the Lower East Side and in certain areas of the Bronx and Brooklyn. They had to fight to stay. The city dispossessed hundreds of squatters, sometimes mounting massive paramilitary attacks on their buildings. In the end, 12 squatter buildings survived, and they outlasted official resistance."[5]
After extensive negotiations beginning under Giuliani's administration, New York City granted provisional ownership of C-Squat and 11 other Lower East Side squats to the Urban Homesteading Assistance Board (UHAB) in 2002. The not-for-profit oversaw the squat's renovation and conversion into resident-owned cooperative housing.[6][7][8] One squat's residents elected not to participate in the UHAB-managed legalization process and are suing for ownership under adverse possession.[9][10]
Working in partnership with the squatters, the National Co-op Bank (NCB), and the New York City Department of Housing Preservation and Development (HPD), UHAB secured loans to help repair the remaining eleven Lower East Side squats, bringing them up to building and fire code, and forming HDFCs – a kind of co-op housing, which transfers ownership to the building's occupants.[7][8][11] Having completed this process, C-Squat is no longer a "squat," but rather a legally occupied building, purchased by the former squatters in a deal brokered with the city council by the Urban Homesteading Assistance Board in 2002 for one dollar.[9][12]
For many years, the building had a half-pipe built from reclaimed materials for skaters in the basement[6] and used to regularly host punk rock shows.[3][4][13]
Members of the bands Crash Worship, Missing Foundation, Leftöver Crack, Morning Glory, and Star Fucking Hipsters live there.[3][14] In the past, it has been home to members of the bands INDK, Choking Victim, No Commercial Value, Old Skull, Eden and John's East River String Band, The World/Inferno Friendship Society, Aus-Rotten, and Nausea, among many others.[3][4][13][15]
The building has also hosted a number of artists and activists throughout its history,[3] as Neuwirth discovered when he wrote his article, Squatter's Rites for City Limits Magazine, "To climb the steps in C Squat is to walk up a living graffiti artwork. The halls resemble subway cars a few decades ago. But instead of monikers, these tags are battle cries for revolution, outlaw logos, complaints and humorous takes on official slogans..."[16]
When it was first squatted, the building was falling apart and central joists had to be replaced. These were sourced second-hand and as cheaply as possible. All repairs on the gutted structure were performed by the squatters themselves, transforming the space as they worked on it.[3][6][17] The DIY rehabilitation of the building was no small task, as Neuwirth noted in his article, "At C Squat, the beams were so rotted that the building had sunk almost a foot in the center. The squatters replaced the joists one by one. They got their replacement beams from workers at a nearby gut rehab. The workers saved the old but still usable joists they were removing and passed them on to the squatters."[16]
Under the terms of the homesteading agreement made in 2002, the Urban Homesteading Assistance Board secured a loan through the National Co-op Bank to help pay for essential renovations (bringing the building up to city code regulations for legal occupancy), which the squatters performed themselves, as much as possible, to reduce costs.[7] When construction work was complete, the residents assumed ownership of the building as a limited equity housing cooperative.[6]
Museum of Reclaimed Urban Space
The Museum of Reclaimed Urban Space (MoRUS) is a living archive of the Lower East Side's squats and gardens, located in the ground-floor storefront of C Squat at 155 Avenue C. It runs neighborhood tours highlighting the efforts of local residents and organizations to clean up vacant lots and fix up abandoned buildings for community use, also promotes scholarship of grassroots urban space activism by researching and archiving efforts to create community spaces. The exhibitions feature materials that document these actions in order to educate people on the political implications of reclaimed space.
East Village community activists began planning the museum in May 2011 and opened it with public tours in October 2012.
The museum's storefront displays materials such as photographs, posters, zines, underground newspapers, comics, banners and buttons that show how local residents cleaned up vacant lots and buildings in the area and made them organizing spaces for the community. The museum offers three public walking tours that lead participants to the East Village's most legendary community gardens, squats and sites of social change and explain their complex and often controversial histories. Tour guides are generally longtime activists, squatters, gardeners, academics, and journalists who were directly involved in some aspect of the neighborhood that is relevant to the museum.[18][19]
Shortly after its opening, The New York Times ran an online feature, proclaiming, "MoRUS Squats on Avenue C"[20] – though the museum is not technically affiliated with C Squat (nor are they squatters there), but rather an independently operated space, founded under the auspices of Time's Up!, a New York City-based nonprofit environmental organization. As another Times article from the period noted, the process of legalization brought many new questions to the fore for the squatters, including how to strike a balance between the building's collective needs and those of the larger community. "Ultimately, a majority decided that the [museum] project made sense... [as] a tenant that promised to reflect the philosophy that was an important part of the building and the East Village itself."[21]
Loisaida, nearby
Lower East Side, nearby
^ "BLAMING HIS PARTNER; AN OLD GERMAN, MADE DESPONDENT BY BUSINESS REVERSES, HANGS HIMSELF" (PDF). The New York Times. January 27, 1886. p. 8. Archived from the original on 2019. Retrieved May 18, 2019.
^ "The Campaign's Windup: The List of Political Meetings Arranged for This Week" (PDF). The New York Times. November 2, 1905. Retrieved August 17, 2016.
^ a b c d e f Bickerknocker, W.D. (2014). Homeo-Empathy 9th & C. New York, NY: Bill Cashman. Archived from the original on 2019.
^ a b c "Create to Destroy! NYC's C-Squat: Homeo-Empathy 9th & C". Maximum Rock n Roll. July 10, 2014. Retrieved August 17, 2016.
^ Neuwirth, Robert (2005) Squatter Cities: A Billion Squatters, A New Urban World, p. 236. (Routledge Press, New York, NY) ISBN 0-415-93319-6
^ a b c d Ferguson, Sarah (August 27, 2002). "Better Homes and Squatters". This process was documented in the documentary film, Your House Is Mine [1]. The Village Voice.
^ a b c Steinhauer, Jennifer (August 20, 2002). "Once Vilified, Squatters Will Inherit 11 Buildings". The New York Times. Retrieved August 17, 2016.
^ a b Strausbaugh, John (September 14, 2007). "Paths of Resistance in the East Village". The New York Times. Retrieved August 17, 2016.
^ a b Ferguson, Sarah (2014). Bickerknocker, W.D. (ed.). The Struggle for Space: 10 Years of Turf battling on the Lower East Side (PDF). Homeo-Empathy 9th & C. New York, NY: Bill Cashman.
^ Anderson, Lincoln (2008). "Former squats are worth lots, but residents can't cash in" Archived 2009-01-24 at the Wayback Machine. The Villager, Volume 78 – Number 31 / December 31, 2008 – January 6, 2009.
^ Higgins, Michelle (June 27, 2014). "Bargains With a 'But' – Affordable New York Apartments With a Catch". The New York Times. Retrieved August 17, 2016.
^ Wilson, Michael (August 21, 2002). "Squatters Get New Name: Residents". New York Times.
^ a b Correal, Annie (June 12, 2015). "Photographs From the History of C-Squat, a Punk Homestead". The New York Times. Retrieved August 17, 2016.
^ Barker, Samuel (October 2, 2001). "A Conversation With Stza and Ezra". Rockzone. Retrieved on 31 January 2009.
^ Kviza and the comrades (August 2013)
^ a b Neuwirth, Robert (2002). "Squatters' Rites" Archived 2007-09-28 at the Wayback Machine. City Limits Magazine, September/October 2002.
^ Baitcher, Robyn (December 6, 2010). "On Ave. C, 'The Countercultural Squat'". The New York Times. Retrieved August 17, 2016.
^ https://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/05/nyregion/east-village-museum-shares-a-piece-of-activist-history.html?_r=1&ref=nyregion
^ http://eastvillage.thelocal.nytimes.com/2012/03/07/31421/
^ Rajitkul, Remika (December 28, 2012). "MoRUS Squats on Avenue C". The New York Times. Retrieved August 17, 2016.
^ Moynihan, Colin (March 4, 2012). "Sharing a Part of Activist History in the East Village". The New York Times. Retrieved August 17, 2016.
Anderson, Lincoln (December 31, 2008 – January 6, 2009). "Former Squats Are Worth Lots, but Residents Can't Cash in". 78 (31). The Villager. Archived from the original on January 24, 2009. Retrieved January 2, 2009.
Barker, Samuel (October 2, 2001). "A Conversation With Stza and Ezra". Rockzone. Retrieved 21 June 2008.
Ferguson, Sarah (2014). Bickerknocker, W. D. (ed.). "The Struggle for Space: 10 Years of Turf battling on the Lower East Side" (PDF). Homeo-Empathy 9th & C. New York, NY: Bill Cashman.
Hammett, Jerilou; Hammett, Kingsley (2007). The Suburbanization of New York. Princeton Architectural Press. ISBN 978-1-56898-678-4.
Marx, Eric (September 2003). "Squatters Face Challenges as New Homeowners". The Real Deal. Archived from the original on 2008-11-23. Retrieved 31 January 2009.
Mele, Christopher (2000). Selling the Lower East Side: Culture, Real Estate, and Resistance in New York City. University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 0-8166-3182-4.
Mitlin, Diana; Satterthwaite, David (2004). Empowering Squatter Citizen: Local Government, Civil Society and Urban Poverty Reduction. Earthscan Publications. ISBN 1-84407-101-4.
Rainey, Clint (October 8, 2012). "Cooperative Punks". New York. 45 (32): 12. ISSN 0028-7369.
Neuwirth, Robert (2005). Squatter Cities: A Billion Squatters, A New Urban World. Routledge Press, New York, NY. pp. 236–237. ISBN 0-415-93319-6.
Neuwirth, Robert (September–October 2002). "Squatters' Rites". City Limits Magazine. Archived from the original on 2007-09-28. Retrieved 2008-01-17.
Shaffrey, Ted (October 14, 2002). "N.Y. Squatters Move on to State of Ownership". Seattle Times.
Starecheski, Amy (2012). "Interviews by Amy Starecheski, 2009–2012" (Audio recordings, images, and transcripts from this series are stored in 176 digital files.). The Squatters' Collective Oral Histories Project OH.068 – via NYU Tamiment Library and Robert F. Wagner Labor Archive, New York, NY.
Steinhauer, Jennifer (August 20, 2002). "Once Vilified, Squatters Will Inherit 11 Buildings". New York Times.
Strausbaugh, John (September 14, 2007). "Paths of Resistance in the East Village". New York Times.
Wilson, Michael (August 21, 2002). "Squatters Get New Name: Residents". New York Times.


text:
/**
 * @module EaselJS
 */

// namespace:
this.createjs = this.createjs||{};

(function() {
	"use strict";

// constructor:
	/**
	 * Base class that all filters should inherit from. Appli
	 *
	 * When on a regular Stage apply the Filters and then cache the object using the {{#crossLink "DisplayObject/cache"}}{{/crossLink}} method.
	 * When a cached object changes, please use {{#crossLink "DisplayObject/updateCache"}}{{/crossLink}}.
	 * When on a StageGL simply setting content in the `.filters` array will trigger an automatic and constantly updated cache.
	 *
	 *
Example

	 *
	 *      myInstance.filters = [
	 *          new createjs.ColorFilter(0, 0, 0, 1, 255, 0, 0),
	 *          new createjs.BlurFilter(5, 5, 10)
	 *      ];
	 *      myInstance.cache(0,0, 100, 100);
	 *
	 * Note that each filter can implement a {{#crossLink "Filter/getBounds"}}{{/crossLink}} method, which returns the
	 * margins that need to be applied in order to fully display the filter. For example, the {{#crossLink "BlurFilter"}}{{/crossLink}}
	 * will cause an object to feather outwards, resulting in a margin around the shape.
	 *
	 * Any filter that consumes an external image stretches the image to cover the cached bounds. If this is an undesired
	 * visual result, then use an intermediary cache to properly size and layout your data before passing it to a filter.
	 *
	 *
	 *
EaselJS Filters

	 * EaselJS comes with a number of pre-built filters:
	 *

	 *
{{#crossLink "AberrationFilter"}}{{/crossLink}} : Shift the RGB components separately along a given vector

	 *
{{#crossLink "AlphaMapFilter"}}{{/crossLink}} : Map a greyscale image to the alpha channel of a display object

	 *
{{#crossLink "AlphaMaskFilter"}}{{/crossLink}}: Map an image's alpha channel to the alpha channel of a display object

	 *
{{#crossLink "BlurFilter"}}{{/crossLink}}: Apply vertical and horizontal blur to a display object

	 *
{{#crossLink "ColorFilter"}}{{/crossLink}}: Color transform a display object

	 *
{{#crossLink "ColorMatrixFilter"}}{{/crossLink}}: Transform an image using a {{#crossLink "ColorMatrix"}}{{/crossLink}}

	 *
{{#crossLink "DisplacementFilter"}}{{/crossLink}}: Create localized distortions in supplied display object

	 *

	 *
	 * @class Filter
	 * @constructor
	 **/
	function Filter() {
		/**
		 * A flag stating that this filter uses a context draw mode and cannot be batched into imageData processing.
		 * @property usesContext
		 * @type {boolean}
		 * @default false
		 */
		this.usesContext = false;

		/**
		 * Another filter that is required to act as part of this filter and created and managed under the hood.
		 * @private
		 * @property _multiPass
		 * @type {Filter}
		 * @default null
		 */
		this._multiPass = null;

		/**
		 * Pre-processed template shader code. It will be parsed before being fed in into the shader compiler.
		 * This should be based upon StageGL.SHADER_VERTEX_BODY_REGULAR
		 * @property VTX_SHADER
		 * @type {String}
		 * @readonly
		 */
		this.VTX_SHADER_BODY = null;

		/**
		 * Pre-processed template shader code. It will be parsed before being fed in into the shader compiler.
		 * This should be based upon StageGL.SHADER_FRAGMENT_BODY_REGULAR
		 * @property FRAG_SHADER
		 * @type {String}
		 * @readonly
		 */
		this.FRAG_SHADER_BODY = null;
	}
	var p = Filter.prototype;

// static methods:
	/**
	 * Check to see if an image source being provided is one that is valid.
	 *
Valid Sources:

	 *

	 *
Image Object

	 *
HTML Canvas Element

	 *
`.cacheCanvas` on an object with the same stage

	 *

	 * WebGLTextures CANNOT be shared between multiple WebGL contexts. This means the only safe source for a WebGLTexture
	 * is an object cached using the same StageGL as the object trying to use it in a filter. This function does not
	 * enforce that restriction, as it is difficult or expensive to detect. The render will crash or fail to load the
	 * image data if the rule isn't followed.
	 * @param {HTMLImageElement|HTMLCanvasElement|WebGLTexture} src The element to check for validity
	 * @return Boolean Whether the source is valid
	 */
	Filter.isValidImageSource = function(src) {
		return Boolean(src) && (
			src instanceof Image ||
			src instanceof WebGLTexture ||
			src instanceof HTMLCanvasElement
		);
	};

// public methods:
	/**
	 * Provides padding values for this filter. That is, how much the filter will extend the visual bounds of an object it is applied to.
	 * @method getBounds
	 * @param {Rectangle} [rect] If specified, the provided Rectangle instance will be expanded by the padding amounts and returned.
	 * @return {Rectangle} If a `rect` param was provided, it is returned. If not, either a new rectangle with the padding values, or null if no padding is required for this filter.
	 **/
	p.getBounds = function(rect) {
		return rect;
	};

	/**
	 * Assign any unique uniforms or other setup functionality here.
	 * @method shaderParamSetup
	 * @param {WebGLContext} gl The context associated with the stage performing the render.
	 * @param {StageGL} stage The stage instance that will be rendering.
	 * @param {ShaderProgram} shaderProgram The compiled shader that is going to be used to perform the render.
	 */
	p.shaderParamSetup = function(gl, stage, shaderProgram) {};

	/**
	 * Applies the filter to the specified context.
	 * @method applyFilter
	 * @param {CanvasRenderingContext2D} ctx The 2D context to use as the source.
	 * @param {Number} x The x position to use for the source rect.
	 * @param {Number} y The y position to use for the source rect.
	 * @param {Number} width The width to use for the source rect.
	 * @param {Number} height The height to use for the source rect.
	 * @param {CanvasRenderingContext2D} [targetCtx=ctx] The 2D context to draw the result to. Defaults to the context passed to ctx.
	 * @return {Boolean} If the filter was applied successfully.
	 **/
	p.applyFilter = function(ctx, x, y, width, height, targetCtx) {
		// this is the default behaviour because most filters access pixel data. It is overridden when not needed.
		targetCtx = targetCtx || ctx;
		try {
			var imageData = ctx.getImageData(x, y, width, height);
		} catch (e) {
			return false;
		}
		if (this._applyFilter(imageData)) {
			targetCtx.putImageData(imageData, x, y);
			return true;
		}
		return false;
	};

	/**
	 * Returns a string representation of this object.
	 * @method toString
	 * @return {String} a string representation of the instance.
	 **/
	p.toString = function() {
		return "[Filter]";
	};

	/**
	 * Returns a clone of this Filter instance.
	 * @method clone
	 * @return {Filter} A clone of the current Filter instance.
	 **/
	p.clone = function() {
		return new Filter();
	};

// private methods:
	/**
	 * @method _applyFilter
	 * @param {ImageData} imageData Target ImageData instance.
	 * @return {Boolean}
	 **/
	p._applyFilter = function(imageData) { return true; };

	createjs.Filter = Filter;
}());

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
The Difficult Part
Cathleen Schine
And Now You Can Go
by Vendela Vida
Knopf, 190 pp., $19.95
And Now You Can Go, Vendela Vida's first novel, begins with a poem. Ellis, a twenty-one-year-old graduate student at Columbia, is stopped by a man in Riverside Park who puts a gun to her head. He wants to die, he says, but he doesn't want to die alone. Ellis notices that the gun smells of garlic. She notices that the man ties his shoes with double bows. She begins to recite poetry "like a cheerleader gone haywire." She tries Ezra Pound, discards Yeats's "Leda and the Swan" (no rape poems!) and Frost's "The Road Not Taken" (no death poems!), sings the William Carlos Williams poem about plums to the tune of a Liz Phair song, then ends up with the first stanza of Philip Larkin's "Love":
The difficult part of love
Is being selfish enough,
Is having the blind persistence
To upset an existence
Just for your own sake.
What cheek it must take.
The man in the park listens, and lets Ellis go. And Now You Can Go is the story of Ellis's release not only from the man with the gun and the double-knotted shoelaces, but from the past, with all its own vivid scraps of perception, as well. This is a tender and sensual book. The tone is casual, but Vida is never chilly or knowing—she just has a light touch. She is clever and dry and funny, and she honors detail. The unpredictable dip and swell of Ellis's sensibility creates a giddy momentum. Though nothing much happens in the novel, Vida has written a thriller: a thriller about how we love and how we forgive and when and how we have to choose to do so.
Vida recognizes the seamless bond between the profound and the mundane. Ellis's roommate leaves her annoying Post-its in verse. "'Cording to ancient lore," says a Post-it Ellis finds on the bathroom mirror back at her apartment, "She who doesn't wash the floor/Owns evil in her true heart's core/O! Won't you won't you do your _____?" Poetry in the face of death, poetry in the face of mops. Ellis notes that her roommate
hasn't talked to me since the night when, drunk, she told me she'd had anal sex with her cousin on Thanksgiving. She's Catholic and still considers herself a virgin. But now we forget all this. She hugs me, and I smell something familiar: she's helped herself to my perfume.
Vida's careful detection and description of defining bits and pieces feel offhand, yet each one pops, like a flash of light, illuminating the scene around it eccentrically.
The man in the park does not kill himself. He does not shoot Ellis. In some ways, this is a spare, impressionistic novel about what does not happen. "Now I'm saying 'No, no, no,' in something like a chant," Ellis says when first confronted by the man and his gun, "and I realize I'm not saying no to him, but to the plot I sense developing." Ellis seems to say "no, no, no" throughout the book, preferring immediate incident to plot, a kind of protective myopia that keeps the future at bay, always just out of sight. As a child she used to try to count to infinity.
Her narrative-phobia leads her to dump her pleasant boyfriend, Tom. She is drawn instead to a series of random guys she designates with titles rather than names. A reckless, puerile hockey player who stands in the street dodging traffic for fun, has sheets crusted with rough dried stains, and wonders why she didn't recite Dante to her attacker ("Dante's the fucking king") is called only "the ROTC boy." His appeal, though he puts tacks in his face to show his devotion, is palpable, as are his limitations.
"If I ever see that guy who did that to you…."
"Yeah?" I say, and wait. I'm actually balancing on my tiptoes.
"I'll kill him."
"With what?" I say, suddenly enthralled, thrilled, and in love.
"With my bare hands."
"Your bare hands?" I ask. I come down off my toes, deflated, and look at his hands. "Would that really work?"
Then there is the "red faced and earnest and soapy-smelling" guy whom she calls simply "the representative of the world." "I'm sorry," he says, when he meets her for the first time.
He says it like he's the representative of everyone in the world who's sorry. He's the representative of the world, I think. The whole world is sending its apologies through him…. He's the first person I've seen since the incident who hasn't told me what I should have done, or what he wants from me, or what I should do now. I want to smell his skin close up.
Ellis, reeling from the attack, admires these nameless guys, and feels a comforting, anonymous affection for them. "It seems like there are too many men," her new therapist tells her. "I can't keep them straight." But for Ellis, that is the point. "It's all nonspecific, this affection, this longing," she tells the therapist. "'Nothing is personal,' I say. 'Not who you want to die with or who you want to love. It's all non-specific.'" She is drifting in order not to be swept up.
By Christmas, the man has still not been caught, though he has begun writing "I'm sorry" on the police drawings posted around campus, and Ellis goes home for the holidays. Her mother is Italian, a surgical nurse who is the reason Ellis could recite poetry at gunpoint. She made Ellis and her younger sister memorize a poem a week. "When my father was gone, I'd sleep in my mother's bed…every night," Ellis remembers,
hoping it would make her feel less alone. I'd watch my mother go through her nightly rituals: applying her hand cream, putting aside her book, checking the alarm clock twice. When I was certain she was asleep, I'd turn off the light.
There were many such nights, for Ellis's father disappeared for four years when she was fifteen and her sister, Freddie, thirteen. "One day we came back home from the grocery store and found him on the couch watching Wheel of Fortune; in all the time he'd been gone, my mother never changed the locks."
Freddie is also home for the holidays.
When we were young, most of her diary entries were about how she'd been snooping in my diaries and was worried about my choice of friends, the alcohol I drank with them at parties, the lies I told my parents. After that, I started writing only positive, Panglossed versions of events.
Ellis spends the holiday listlessly, aimlessly, stomping around in oversized decorative clogs to annoy her mother, listening to her father's stories, telling an old boyfriend she was hog-tied and raped, until one day her mother comes home with seventy-two pairs of sunglasses. Her mother is accompanying a group of ophthalmologists and other volunteers to the Philippines, and she asks Ellis if she would like to join them. Ellis has drifted into a mission.
In the Philippines, the string of boys is replaced by a line of people waiting for surgery, thousands camped outside the hospital, and Ellis is carried along by their need, by the determination of the doctors, by heat and fatigue and optimism. Back in California, she goes camping with her mother and sister. Her emotional tone has changed, gained intensity, the way colors deepen with the rising of the sun. Instead of resisting as her story unfolds, Ellis begins to allow herself back into her own life.
During the four years that her father was away, Ellis's physics teacher taught the class the concept of infinity.
I cried about it every night for months…. If my father was never coming back, I wanted to know how long never was, how long infinity lasted.
She sat on the roof every evening watching the other fathers come home and trying to count the days until infinity. It was only when the teacher told them about an astronaut circling the earth, who, without gravity, could not tell when it was time to sleep, and so could not count the days, that Ellis stopped counting. For Ellis, gravity and numbered days are the same as waiting. Counting is judging. And it is only when she stops counting that she is able to forgive her father. "My life is for me," Larkin wrote in one of the stanzas Ellis could not recall in the park. "As well ignore gravity." But that is just what Ellis chooses to do, and it is only in that way that she can take hold of her life.
Ellis does eventually find the man who threatened her. The ROTC boy drags him to her door, gagged, at gunpoint. "I see the gun and feel it at my temple," Ellis says. "I look the gagged man in the eyes and he looks back at me…. Behind the bandanna, his mouth is moving. I know what he's trying to say to me." Everyone is waiting for her to identify him but what she sees is more than the man in the park. She sees a man who is sorry and she forgives him: "I know sorry men when I see them…. I've seen a sorry man come home after being away four years."
The world in this novel is brisk and insistent, and Ellis cannot finally resist it. Both the stubborn assurance and the dazed uncertainty of youth give way to possibilities. The world can be divided into two kinds of people, Ellis realizes:
Those who would take their lives if they thought things were bad enough, and those who, even if they were on the brink, like the man from the park, would see their error and turn back, sprinting fast and humming with relief.
Oddly, the man in the park, the man who chose to give himself, and her, a second chance, has become an inspiration: sprinting fast and humming with relief. And Now You Can Go is about choosing that second chance, choosing to take it and choosing to give it.
More by Cathleen Schine
The Struggle and the Scramble
Cynthia Ozick's writing hurtles forward with the force of anticipation and intellectual surprise.
It Had to Be Her
Like the stories of most notorious women, Alma Mahler's is one of sex and power. She had a liking and a talent for both.
January 16, 2020 issue
Heaven Can't Wait
Giacomo Sartori's outrageously charming novel 'I Am God'
April 18, 2019 issue
Cathleen Schine's latest novel is The Grammarians. (April 2021)
Alex Dimitrov
February 11, 2021 issue
Maureen N. McLane
Sylvia Legris
Corn Crowfoot, Corn Buttercup
Jason Epstein
V. S. Pritchett, 1900–1997
'Animal Farm': What Orwell Really Meant
July 11, 2013 issue
'Love Is Like Park Avenue'
Midge Decter
February 1, 1963 issue
Sandra Lim


text:
/*
 * @author max
 */
package com.intellij.util.indexing;

import com.intellij.diagnostic.PerformanceWatcher;
import com.intellij.ide.IdeBundle;
import com.intellij.openapi.Disposable;
import com.intellij.openapi.application.ApplicationManager;
import com.intellij.openapi.application.TransactionGuard;
import com.intellij.openapi.diagnostic.Logger;
import com.intellij.openapi.progress.ProgressIndicator;
import com.intellij.openapi.project.*;
import com.intellij.openapi.roots.ContentIterator;
import com.intellij.openapi.roots.impl.PushedFilePropertiesUpdater;
import com.intellij.openapi.startup.StartupManager;
import com.intellij.openapi.util.registry.Registry;
import com.intellij.openapi.vfs.VfsUtilCore;
import com.intellij.openapi.vfs.VirtualFile;
import com.intellij.openapi.vfs.VirtualFileVisitor;
import org.jetbrains.annotations.NotNull;
import org.jetbrains.annotations.Nullable;

import java.util.Collection;

public class FileBasedIndexProjectHandler implements IndexableFileSet, Disposable {
  private static final Logger LOG = Logger.getInstance("#com.intellij.util.indexing.FileBasedIndexProjectHandler");

  private final FileBasedIndex myIndex;
  private FileBasedIndexScanRunnableCollector myCollector;

  public FileBasedIndexProjectHandler(@NotNull Project project, FileBasedIndex index, FileBasedIndexScanRunnableCollector collector) {
    myIndex = index;
    myCollector = collector;

    if (ApplicationManager.getApplication().isInternal()) {
      project.getMessageBus().connect(this).subscribe(DumbService.DUMB_MODE, new DumbService.DumbModeListener() {
        @Override
        public void enteredDumbMode() { }

        @Override
        public void exitDumbMode() {
          LOG.info("Has changed files: " + (createChangedFilesIndexingTask(project) != null) + "; project=" + project);
        }
      });
    }

    StartupManager startupManager = StartupManager.getInstance(project);
    if (startupManager != null) {
      startupManager.registerPreStartupActivity(() -> {
        PushedFilePropertiesUpdater.getInstance(project).initializeProperties();

        // schedule dumb mode start after the read action we're currently in
        TransactionGuard.submitTransaction(project, () -> {
          if (FileBasedIndex.getInstance() instanceof FileBasedIndexImpl) {
            DumbService.getInstance(project).queueTask(new UnindexedFilesUpdater(project));
          }
        });

        myIndex.registerIndexableSet(this, project);
        project.getMessageBus().connect(this).subscribe(ProjectManager.TOPIC, new ProjectManagerListener() {
          private boolean removed;

          @Override
          public void projectClosing(Project eventProject) {
            if (eventProject == project && !removed) {
              removed = true;
              myIndex.removeIndexableSet(FileBasedIndexProjectHandler.this);
            }
          }
        });
      });
    }
  }

  @Override
  public boolean isInSet(@NotNull final VirtualFile file) {
    return myCollector.shouldCollect(file);
  }

  @Override
  public void iterateIndexableFilesIn(@NotNull final VirtualFile file, @NotNull final ContentIterator iterator) {
    VfsUtilCore.visitChildrenRecursively(file, new VirtualFileVisitor() {
      @Override
      public boolean visitFile(@NotNull VirtualFile file) {

        if (!isInSet(file)) return false;
        iterator.processFile(file);

        return true;
      }
    });
  }

  @Override
  public void dispose() {
    // done mostly for tests. In real life this is no-op, because the set was removed on project closing
    myIndex.removeIndexableSet(this);
  }

  private static final int ourMinFilesToStartDumMode = Registry.intValue("ide.dumb.mode.minFilesToStart", 20);
  private static final int ourMinFilesSizeToStartDumMode = Registry.intValue("ide.dumb.mode.minFilesSizeToStart", 1048576);

  @Nullable
  public static DumbModeTask createChangedFilesIndexingTask(final Project project) {
    final FileBasedIndex i = FileBasedIndex.getInstance();
    if (!(i instanceof FileBasedIndexImpl)) {
      return null;
    }

    final FileBasedIndexImpl index = (FileBasedIndexImpl)i;
    if (index.getChangedFileCount() < ourMinFilesToStartDumMode) {
      if (index.getChangedFilesSize() < ourMinFilesSizeToStartDumMode) return null;
    }

    return new DumbModeTask(project.getComponent(FileBasedIndexProjectHandler.class)) {
      @Override
      public void performInDumbMode(@NotNull ProgressIndicator indicator) {
        long start = System.currentTimeMillis();
        Collection<VirtualFile> files = index.getFilesToUpdate(project);
        long calcDuration = System.currentTimeMillis() - start;

        indicator.setIndeterminate(false);
        indicator.setText(IdeBundle.message("progress.indexing.updating"));

        LOG.info("Reindexing refreshed files: " + files.size() + " to update, calculated in " + calcDuration + "ms");
        if (!files.isEmpty()) {
          PerformanceWatcher.Snapshot snapshot = PerformanceWatcher.takeSnapshot();
          reindexRefreshedFiles(indicator, files, project, index);
          snapshot.logResponsivenessSinceCreation("Reindexing refreshed files");
        }
      }

      @Override
      public String toString() {
        return getClass().getName() + "[" + index.dumpSomeChangedFiles() + "]";
      }
    };
  }

  private static void reindexRefreshedFiles(ProgressIndicator indicator,
                                            Collection<VirtualFile> files,
                                            final Project project,
                                            final FileBasedIndexImpl index) {
    CacheUpdateRunner.processFiles(indicator, files, project, content -> index.processRefreshedFile(project, content));
  }
}


text:
Betsson Group is celebrating a major milestone: its 60th anniversary!
Home » Betsson Group is celebrating a major milestone: its 60th anniversary!
SBC is excited to announce that nominations for the Game Creation and Game People categories of the prestigious Game Developer Awards, returning to Malta for their third edition in May, are now open. The nomination period will last until 24 February.
The awards ceremony, which is part of the CasinoBeats Summit conference and exhibition, will take place at the InterContinental Hotel on 25 May. The lavish event that recognises and celebrates the creative and innovative game development teams behind the industry's most successful titles will be attended by 400 guests.
The CasinoBeats Game Developer Awards will feature 19 categories that honour the top game studios, individual casino games, streamers and game elements as well as innovation and the people who have contributed to the success of the best casino titles of the year. The categories are divided into five main groups:
Game Performance (Slot of the Year, Slot to Watch, Slot Debut, Slot Legacy Title, Slot Collaboration of the Year)
Game Creation (Game Mechanic of the Year, Game Feature of the Year, Game Licensed Content, Game Retro-style, Game Design & Art Direction, Game Music/Soundtrack)
Game Marketing (Streamer of the Year, Innovation in Marketing)
Game People (Product Manager, Game Designer, Game Composer).
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SBC has also once again teamed up with SlotCatalog, a casino game ranking and insights platform, to create three data-driven categories for the CasinoBeats Game Developer Awards 2023.
These categories include Outperforming Game Studio of the Year, which will be presented to the three game studios (small, medium, large) whose slot rank has increased the most compared to their position a year ago; Game Studio of the Year, which will be given to three game studios with the highest slot rank over the last 12 months; and Rookie of the Year, which will be awarded to the new game studio that went from having no distribution last year to achieving the biggest impact over the past year
Rasmus Sojmark, CEO & Founder of the event organiser SBC, said: "The CasinoBeats Game Developer Awards are a truly special occasion in my eyes. This ceremony is an opportunity to honour the often overlooked elements of game development, such as the best soundtrack, innovative game mechanics, unexpected success, and the individuals who made it all happen. It's an event that recognises and celebrates the creativity, fun, and entertainment that make our industry a great place to work."
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The shortlists for the Game Performance and Game Marketing categories of the CasinoBeats Game Developer Awards will be selected by SBC's independent panel of judges, and the winners will be chosen through audience live voting at the CasinoBeats Summit conference and trade show.
The Game Creation and Game People categories will be open for nominations from 12 January to 24 February and the winners will be decided by the independent panel of judges. The Game People category is a new addition to the CasinoBeats Game Developer Awards that aims to recognise and celebrate individuals who have actively contributed to the success of a top casino product.
The SlotCatalog categories, which are purely data-driven, will not require nominations or go through a judging process.
Last year's winners of the CasinoBeats Game Developer Awards included companies such as Blueprint Gaming, Habanero, Peter & Sons, Playtech, Pragmatic Play, Relax Gaming and Stakelogic.
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This year's ceremony at the luxurious InterContinental Hotel will feature a welcome drinks reception and a lavish three-course dinner with complimentary beer, wine, and spirits. Tables and individual tickets are available to purchase here.
The shortlists will be announced on 21 March. Nominate here.
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Denis Poroy/Getty Images
Travis Jankowski to miss three months with fractured left wrist
By Bill BaerMar 5, 2019, 12:34 PM EDT
Padres outfielder Travis Jankowski suffered a fractured left wrist diving for a ball during Saturday's Cactus League game against the Rangers. MLB.com's AJ Cassavell reports that Jankowski will have surgery to repair his wrist and will miss about three months.
Jankowski, 27, was slated to be a backup outfielder on the Padres' 25-man roster. The starting sports are already spoken for with Manuel Margot, Wil Myers, and Hunter Renfroe. However, Franmil Reyes now has much improved odds of making the Opening Day roster.
Last season, Jankowski hit .259/.332/.346 with 24 stolen bases in 387 plate appearances. He was one of only three Padres to reach double-digits in stolen bases, so the club will certainly miss his speed and defense coming off the bench.
Tags: Franmil Reyes, Hunter Renfroe, Manuel Margot, Travis Jankowski, Wil Myers