Saor is a one man band that caused a big impression on me with the début album (under the former name Àrsaidh). In fact, not only me, of course, but, as a general consensus, "Roots" was/ is one hell of a release. And, because of this, I was looking forward to Saor's sophomore album, released this year, 2014, titled Aura. I wanted to know if Andy would be able to live up the expectations and my answer is yes, yes, he did. That in my modest view, surely.
The "atmospheric celtic metal" band from Scotland nailed it again. The sound, which is indeed very well crafted, just to give an idea for those that aren't familiar with it, could be described as an amalgamation of Summoning, Agalloch, Primordial and Moonsorrow, filled with Black Folk and Post-Metal. As the "genre" already gives you an idea, the music is very atmospheric, beautiful, haunting and Celtic.
While listening to Aura, you feel like you're walking around the misty Scottish mountains, fog everywhere, cold and raining, but with no worries in your mind, just you and the nature, in a perfect symbiosis. This majestic and powerful music takes you to the highlands and it is an amazing journey.
The chants are also intriguing; they feel mystical, magnificent and graceful, turning the mood of the album even more epic. I must add that the compositions are so rich, breathtaking and heart-stirring. You have acoustic and electric guitars, bass, pads, tin whistle, bodhrán and all feel so organic, moving and uplifting. This is, in my humble opinion, such a beautiful and emotional release that should be heard by anyone slighted interested in good music, no matter the genre.
Production of the album is sublime, as it should be in order to be able to enjoy all the elements that build up the greatness of Aura. I have to add again, this is a pure, honest, beautiful (I know I used this adjective a lot, but the release deserves) and creative, proving to some that atmospheric metal isn't always boring. I urge you all to give it a try and to help promote the band the way that you are able to.


text:
Enjoy the sights, sounds and tastes of Charleston, while also experiencing a world-class tennis tournament like none other in the world.
Charleston, South Carolina is a treat for the senses. From its cobblestone streets and historic plantations to its five-star dining and shopping districts. Charleston is home to a wide variety of activities and events, including the world-known Volvo Car Open. Voted America's #1 City in the United States and Canada for the fifth consecutive year in Travel + Leisure's 2017 World's Best Awards, Charleston should be on everyone's list of places to visit. The first week of April, during the Volvo Car Open, provides the perfect opportunity to travel to this coastal oasis. Enjoy the sights, sounds and tastes of Charleston, while also experiencing a world-class tennis tournament like none other in the world.
Explore Charleston
Whether you're looking to immerse yourself in a rich coastal culture, hop on a tour, splash in the waves or find your bliss in a spa oasis, you'll find what you are looking for here in Charleston.
Stay up to date with the latest news and promotions.
Every singles match from the first ball struck to the last ball played broadcasted exclusively on Tennis Channel and Tennis Channel Plus.
© Charleston Tennis LLC 2021. All rights reseved.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


A growing number of people have fallen for Sheridan's small-town appeal, likely due to the scenic Arkansas Timberlands as much as to its proximity to the capital city, Little Rock. Then again, maybe the annual Timberfest with its popular Lumberjack Championship has a little something to do with it. At Pine Bluff Heating & Air, we value knowing our neighbors and establishing strong roots in the community. We've been serving Grant County since 1962 and plan to be around for many more years.
Day or night, we are available for emergency heating or air conditioning repair service. Our service techs are professional and courteous and qualified to repair all brands and models of equipment. We never try to sell you something you don't need, and we stand behind all of our work.
Whether your HVAC system is new or nearing the end of its life, you need a heating and air conditioning service company that can deliver the right solutions. Contact us to arrange for a pre-season service appointment that could extend the life of the equipment and help it run more efficiently. Our budget-friendly energy savings agreement includes an annual tuneup and follows a comprehensive checklist to help you get the most from your system.
Don't trust your home comfort system to just anybody. Pine Bluff Heating & Air is the region's exclusive Trane Comfort Specialist. Our service techs are factory-trained and knowledgeable about all types of equipment. We have earned an A-plus rating with the Better Business Bureau, and we're proud of the number of happy customers who continue to refer their family and friends to us.
When you want reliable service, quality products, and a fair price, call Pine Bluff Heating & Air. We'll treat you like family and do the job right the first time. You can put your comfort in our hands.


Will this performance become your personal favorite?
If you were to ask me my personal favorite Vanessa-Mae song, I'd have to say Red Hot. However, she's best known for Mike Batt's arrangement for Bach's Toccata & Fugue in D Minor. After all, this song was released as her very first single, and the title track on her first pop album. In fact, it reached #24 on the Billboard charts. To my knowledge, no other violinist has ever reached that high where the solo instrument is the violin.
P.S. Believe it or not, this was recorded over 20 years ago!


text:
Election Matching Funds information about election matching funds with the City of Albuquerque. https://www.cabq.gov/vote/candidate-information/publicly-financed-candidates/election-matching-funds https://www.cabq.gov/@@site-logo/seal-small.png
Election Matching Funds
information about election matching funds with the City of Albuquerque.
Matching Funds
On June 27, 2011, the United States Supreme Court issued an opinion which effectively declared that matching funds in public financing laws is unconstitutional.
Specifically, the opinion provides "additional funds to a publicly funded candidate when expenditures by a privately financed candidate and independent groups exceed the funding initially allotted to the publicly financed candidate, substantially burdens political speech and is not sufficiently justified by a compelling interest to survive First Amendment scrutiny."
View entire opinion.
Matching Funds in Albuquerque
The City of Albuquerque Open and Ethical Elections Code has a matching funds provision. The City Clerk's Rules and Regulations also contains provisions for administering the matching funds provision.
The City of Albuquerque is subject to a permanent injunction issued from the United States District Court, District of New Mexico, from taking any action to implement the matching funds provision of the Charter Code and the corresponding rules and regulations.
Albuquerque Affected
Participating candidates in Regular Municipal Election will not receive matching funds from the City and will receive only the initial distribution of funds as outlined in the City Charter.
Information for Candidates
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Historical Election Information


text:
Q: How to check if date is between interval in java? I have six int variables: currentMonth, currentDay, monthFrom, dayFrom, monthUntil and dayUntil. I need to check if todays month and day falls within a range of from and until variables.
For example if currentMonth = 1, currentDay = 2, monthFrom = 11, dayFrom =
 24, monthUntil = 3 and dayUntil = 3 the date is in the interval and the method should return true.
I'm not sure how to do it though. Is there any other option than to check every possible outcome using ifs?

A: Just do a quick range check with the calendar:
Note: Make sure to import java.util.GregorianCalendar;
public static boolean isDateInRange(int month, int day,
                                    int monthFrom, int dayFrom,
                                    int monthUntil, int dayUntil) {
    int yearRoll = 0;
    int currentRoll = 0;
    if (monthUntil < monthFrom) yearRoll = -1; // Ensures date is calculated correctly.
    if (month >= monthFrom && yearRoll < 0) currentRoll = -1;

    GregorianCalendar testDate = new GregorianCalendar(currentRoll, month, day);
    GregorianCalendar startDate = new GregorianCalendar(yearRoll, monthFrom, dayFrom);
    GregorianCalendar endDate = new GregorianCalendar(0, monthUntil, dayUntil);

    // This makes it pass if its between OR EQUAL to the interval.
    // Remove if you only want to pass dates explicitly BETWEEN intervals.
    if (testDate.compareTo(startDate) == 0 || testDate.compareTo(endDate) == 0) {
        return true;
    }

    return !(testDate.before(startDate) || testDate.after(endDate));
}

This will also take into account the fact that say February is between November and March. Since November is a part of the previous year, it will move the from date back a year to ensure passing.
What it doesn't take into account however, is the fact that February has an extra day on leap-years. To add extra-precision, you need integers for the years. You can do the following:
public static boolean isDateInRange(int year, int month, int day,
                                    int yearFrom, int monthFrom, int dayFrom,
                                    int yearUntil, int monthUntil, int dayUntil) {

    GregorianCalendar testDate = new GregorianCalendar(year, month, day);
    GregorianCalendar startDate = new GregorianCalendar(yearFrom, monthFrom, dayFrom);
    GregorianCalendar endDate = new GregorianCalendar(yearUntil, monthUntil, dayUntil);

    return !(testDate.before(startDate) || testDate.after(endDate));
}

And here is an implementation with the date values you gave plus a few more:
public static void main(String[] args) {
    System.out.println(isDateInRange(1, 2,
                                     11, 24,
                                     3, 3));
    System.out.println(isDateInRange(11, 25,
                                     11, 24,
                                     3, 3));
    System.out.println(isDateInRange(1, 2,
                                     1, 1,
                                     3, 3));
    System.out.println(isDateInRange(1, 22,
                                     1, 21,
                                     1, 25));
}

And the results are:
true
true
true
true

Will also work with @Marvin's tests.

A: I would suggest using java.time.MonthDay to represent each value involved. You then need to consider two alternative situations:

*

*from is before or equal to until, in which case you need to perform a test of from <= current && current <= until.

*from is later than until, in which case you need to perform a test of current <= until || current >= from
So:
public static boolean isBetween(
    int currentMonth, int currentDay,
    int fromMonth, int fromDay,
    int untilMonth, int untilDay)
{
    MonthDay current = MonthDay.of(currentMonth, currentDay);
    MonthDay from = MonthDay.of(fromMonth, fromDay);
    MonthDay until = MonthDay.of(untilMonth, untilDay);

    if (from.compareTo(until) <= 0)
    {
        return from.compareTo(current) <= 0 &&
            current.compareTo(until) <= 0;
    }
    else
    {
        return current.compareTo(until) <= 0 ||
            current.compareTo(from) >= 0;
    }
}

The two return statements could be combined, but it's probably simpler not to.
(This gives the same results as Marvin's code for his test cases.)

A: You can create LocalDate objects from your inputs and let java do the checks. The only difficulty is to determine which years all those dates should fall in.
import java.time.LocalDate;

public class DateBetween {

    public static void main(String[] args) {
        System.out.println(isBetween(1, 2, 11, 24, 3, 3)); // true
        System.out.println(isBetween(4, 4, 1, 20, 6, 3)); // true
        System.out.println(isBetween(1, 1, 2, 3, 7, 8)); // false
        System.out.println(isBetween(11, 4, 2, 3, 7, 8)); // false
        System.out.println(isBetween(2, 29, 2, 3, 7, 8)); // true
        System.out.println(isBetween(2, 29, 11, 24, 3, 3)); // true
        System.out.println(isBetween(1, 1, 1, 1, 1, 1)); // true
    }

    private static boolean isBetween(int currentMonth, int currentDay, int monthFrom, int dayFrom, int monthUntil,
            int dayUntil) {
        // Default to 2000 so that Feb 29st will be valid.
        int currentYear = 2000;
        LocalDate dateFrom = LocalDate.of(currentYear, monthFrom, dayFrom);
        LocalDate dateUntil = LocalDate.of(currentYear, monthUntil, dayUntil);
        if (dateFrom.isAfter(dateUntil)) {
            // Assume dateUntil is in the next year (e.g. for 11/24/2000 -
            // 6/3/2001)
            dateUntil = dateUntil.plusYears(1);
        }
        // Day to check in current year (for non-overlapping ranges)
        LocalDate currentDateThisYear = LocalDate.of(currentYear, currentMonth, currentDay);
        // Day to check in next year (for overlapping ranges)
        LocalDate currentDateNextYear = currentDateThisYear.plusYears(1);
        if (!(currentDateThisYear.isBefore(dateFrom) || currentDateThisYear.isAfter(dateUntil))) {
            return true;
        } else if (!(currentDateNextYear.isBefore(dateFrom) || currentDateNextYear.isAfter(dateUntil))) {
            return true;
        }
        // Neither of the days to check are in the range
        return false;
    }
}

The method considers dateUntil to be in the next year if it is after dateFrom. For overlapping ranges the "current" date is checked for the current as well as for the next year, as e.g. in the range from "Nov 1st" (2017) to "Mar 1st" (2018) you might want to check for "Dec 24st" or "Jan 1st".
Obviously this will become a lot easier if you can also provide currentYear, yearFrom and yearUntil.

A: Here's the hack.
I didn't want to use neither GregorianCalendar nor LocalDate when you don't have years for your dates because they force you to pick a year anyway. Particularly with February 29 this is not just picking any year you can think of.
First I want you to think about, is there a way you can solve the year problem where you get your dates from, and also, why are you having your dates as two ints when there are date and calendar classes to choose from? If it doesn't make sense to add a year component to your dates, I would still think you could benefit from always storing them as MonthDay rather than two ints. On Android you will have to weigh the cost of the dependency on ThreeTenABP, of course, but it seems to me to be a future-proof one in this case: let's hope there will come Java 8 for Android with java.time built in sooner or later.
In the meantime, if you don't want to use MonthDay, here's the solution without any library classes at all. Just pretend there are 32 days in a month and calculate a day number for each of the dates involved. It won't make sense as a day number, but it will have the convenient property that we want: the day numbers will be in the same order as the days in the calendar.
public static boolean isBetween(int currentMonth, int currentDay,
        int monthFrom, int dayFrom,
        int monthUntil, int dayUntil) {
    final int daysInMonth = 32; // just imagine; pick any number >= 31
    int current = currentMonth * daysInMonth + currentDay;
    int from = monthFrom * daysInMonth + dayFrom;
    int until = monthUntil * daysInMonth + dayUntil;

    if (until < from) { // until is in the following year
        return current >= from || current <= until;
    } else {
        return current >= from && current <= until;
    }
}

Please adjust the use of < and <= etc. to your exact requirements.
One of the downsides (apart for the trickyness or obscurity) is you get no input validation at all. I may nonsensically call isBetween(55, -45, 83, 98, -29, 84) and it will return either false or true with no sign that anything is not quite right.
Link: Get java.time classes for Android in ThreeTenABP.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Are you an agency deliberating if a marketing person is worth the hire for your bottom line? Hot off Elevate 2019, Kevin Brandt, IIABA joins Closing the Gap. Kevin explains the value of marketing staff and shares how AgencyNation provides a CMO in a box.
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text:
'Come to Gangwon-do'
Host province of PyeongChang 2018 promotes its rugged appeal at Seongbuk World Beer Festival
It's Saturday afternoon, and Seongbuk Fountain Square is jam-packed with people. Appealingly exotic aromas fill the air, and long lines form in front of the many tents that have been set up in the square. Along the fountain pool, families, couples and friends sit and chat in small groups, a plate of adventurously unfamiliar cuisine in one hand and an equally exotic beer in the other. On a stage overlooking the fun, an expat band belts out some indie rock.
Welcome to the first-ever Seongbuk World Beer Festival.
Hosted by Seongbuk-gu Office and sponsored by the embassies of the Czech Republic, Myanmar, Pakistan, Serbia, Slovakia, Spain, Switzerland, Thailand and the United Kingdom as well as the Songbukcheon Merchants Association, the 2016 Seongbuk World Beer Festival, held on Sept. 24, fostered communication and global brotherhood through the international language of beer. Beer merchants and the drinkers who love them weren't the only participants, however. The province of Gangwon-do, the host of the upcoming 2018 PyeongChang Olympic Games, was present as well. Gangwon-do might be more famous for its coffee than its beer (see page 26), but the festival was still an excellent opportunity for the province to promote its many, many charms to an international audience.
Discovering Gangwon-do's magic in Seoul
Kim Yong-chul, a spokesperson for Gangwon-do, explains that for his province, the beer festival was too good an opportunity to pass up to reach Seoul's cosmopolitan community. "We chose to participate in this particular festival because many international residents live in Seongbuk-dong," he says. "About 1.55 million people live in Gangwon-do. There are about 1.57 million foreigners living in Korea. So there are more foreigners in Korea than Gangwon-do residents."
In a corner of the festival grounds, an artificial snow machine turns early autumn into a winter wonderland. Soohorang and Bandabi, the white tiger and Asiatic black bear, respectively, who are the mascots of the PyeongChang games, stand underneath the falling snow, children gathered beneath them and parents snapping away with their phone cameras. At a nearby tent, visitors get their photos with the mascots instantly printed using Bluetooth technology. At another tent, young children – and even a couple of adults – have images of the lovable mascots painted on their faces. At the Gangwon-do information tent, a couple of visitors, their eyes obscured by black headsets, bob and weave as they experience some of the upcoming Olympic events in virtual reality.
Kim invites international residents to discover the beauty of Gangwon-do, a province renowned for its rugged mountains, deep valleys and rich local traditions. He implores, "When the Olympics open in PyeongChang, please come to Gangwon-do."
Written by SEOUL staff
10월 12, 2016 /0 코멘트/작성자: cyn
https://magazine.seoulselection.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/NIKON-CORPORATION_NIKON-D750974.jpg 854 1280 cyn http://magazine.seoulselection.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/Seoul-logo.png cyn2016-10-12 10:54:562016-10-12 10:54:56'Come to Gangwon-do'
A Secret No Longer 방배동 Seaside Inspiration 강릉


And so last week's Value of Journalism conference continues, with blogger/journalists Martin Cloake and Freelance Unbound asking whether it's still relevant to talking about 'a thing called journalism'.
During this week, we'll be debating the issues on our respective blogs and we'd like to invite you to follow and, better still, comment. You can follow the debate through the magic of web interlinkage or by subscribing to our feeds.
This entry was posted in Editors' pick, Journalism, Social media and blogging and tagged #voj10, Martin Cloake, value of journalism 2010 on June 14, 2010 by Judith Townend.
This entry was posted in Journalism Daily and tagged Adam Westbrook, Adrian Sudbury, alpha, CBS, director On, e-newsletter, Ed, editor, finance, Freelance, Journalism Daily, Journalism.co.uk, Martin Cloake, News International, online service, the Journalism Daily, thelondonpaper, TwitPic on August 20, 2009 by Laura Oliver.
Martin Cloake responds to Liisa Rohumaa's piece on Journalism.co.uk about the need for journalists to reinvent themselves to deal with the current – and rapidly changing – shape of the industry.
This entry was posted in Editors' pick, Journalism and tagged changing technologies, Journalism.co.uk, liisa rohumaa, Martin Cloake on August 20, 2009 by Laura Oliver.


text:
FNQ organisations successful under Heritage Grants Program
FNQ organisations successful under Heritage…
The Morrison Government is supporting eligible land-owners and managers to improve the conservation, preservation and access to the heritage values of National Heritage Listed places.
Federal Leichhardt MP Warren Entsch said three local organisations had been successful under the federal government's Heritage Grants Program.
The successful organisations include:
Dabu Jajikal Aboriginal Corporation: $194,652
Girringun Aboriginal Corporation: $400,000
Cairns Aquarium and Reef Research Centre: $195,000
"I am delighted to see these three organisations awarded funding for their respective projects," Mr Entsch said.
"The Dabu Jajikal Aboriginal Corporation project will promote and protect the special indigenous values of the Great Barrier Reef.
"The Jajikal Sea Country people of Cape York hold unique Cultural Stories and Traditional Ecological Knowledge of the Reef
"They will share this information through the development of a digital knowledge library and the 'Jajikal Reef Life' phone App.
"Features of the App will include video, audio stories by elders, illustrations and an mapping function to enable user to visit and enjoy the sites.
"The Girringun Aboriginal Corporation project will develop a new management plan for the 2012 National Heritage Listed Indigenous cultural values of the Wet Tropics of Queensland
"Project activities will deliver indigenous spatial identities mapping pilots, support existing and emerging cultural values management systems, develop cultural values capacity, update intellectual cultural property kit and progress a Wet Tropics cultural landscape nomination on the Queensland Heritage Register.
"The Cairns Aquarium and Reef Research Centre will develop interactive and interpretive display will provide an immersive experience to its visitors on the key natural values of the Wet Tropics World Heritage Area.
"It will use varying forms from 2D, 3D, digital and interactive display formats that will tell the story of how the Wet Tropics formed and the processes and events that shaped it, the biodiversity and endemism found in it."
Federal Environment Minister Sussan Ley said under the program, National Heritage Listed places can receive funding to protect and promote their heritage values through strengthened recognition, management, conservation and public engagement.
"The Australian Government provides up to $5.3 million a year in grants of between $25,000 and $400,000, for projects improving the conservation and protection of National Heritage Listed areas," Ms Ley said.
"This program helps build a strong sense of identity for many communities at the centre of National Heritage Listed Areas.
"We want to ensure our places of national and cultural significant value are protected and maintained for their communities and for future generations."
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text:
Q: Approximation theory and proximinal sets The question is to give an example such that the finite union of proximinal sets is not proximinal.
I have no idea to construct any example to suit this problem, will anybody help me?

A: There is no such example. Suppose $A_1,\dots,A_n$ are proximinal subsets of a normed space $X$, and $A=\bigcup_{i=1}^n A_i$. Let $x\in X$. For every $i$, pick $a_i\in A_i$ such that $\inf_{a\in A_i}\|x-a\| =\|x-a_i\|$. Among the points $a_i$, choose one that minimizes $\|x-a_i\|$. This point attains the minimum of $\|x-a\|$ over all $a\in A$.
Same works in metric spaces, actually.
It is true that the uniqueness of nearest point is not preserved under finite unions. That is, a finite union of Chebyshev sets is usually not Chebyshev. E.g., the union of two one-point sets.


text:
Q: How can I map an array in ruby? I have an array of integers
a = [3, 4, 5, 6]

and I need to POW this numbers, so they can be like this
a
# => [9, 16, 25, 36]

I'm trying to do this with this piece of code:
a.map!(&:**2)

but Isn't working :(
Can anyone help me?

A: You can use a lambda with & if you so desire:
square = lambda { |x| x**2 }
a.map!(&square)

This sort of thing is pointless busywork with a block so simple but it can be nice if you have a chain of such things and the blocks are more complicated:
ary.select(&some_complicated_criteria)
   .map(&some_mangling_that_takes_more_than_one_line)
   ...

Collecting bits of logic in lambdas so that you can name the steps has its uses.

A: You should do this
a.map! { |i| i**2 }

Read the docs.

A: As a matter of rule, you cannot add parameters to methods using the &:sym syntax.
However, if you follow my suggestion here you could do the following:
class Symbol
  def with(*args, &block)
    ->(caller, *rest) { caller.send(self, *rest, *args, &block) }
  end
end

a.map!(&:**.with(2))
# => [9, 16, 25, 36]

A: You can only use the &: shortcut syntax if you are calling a method on the object with no arguments. In this case, you need to pass 2 as an argument to the ** method.
Instead, expand the block to the full syntax
a.map! { |n| n**2 }


 SPORT.EVENT.PRINT. A printing house for organising sporting events.
We are digital print printing house specializing in sport event print. Digital printing allows us to quickly and efficiently fulfill a great deal of different print jobs, such as variable data printing (number and / or name) as well as printing just a small number of copies. We have been successfully working in this area in Latvian and Scandinavian markets since 2007.
Our passion is sports. We are experienced orienteers, runners, cyclists, and skiers, so we know what is necessary to be successful in various sporting events. It is very important to choose the appropriate print material so that it will not interfere with running, or lose its qualities in unfavorable weather conditions during the race.


For the 38 years of their sojourn in the midbar [and more], Bnei Yisrael had all their needs taken care of to a rather miraculous extent, were immersed in Torah learning like no other generation…and were "nezufin lifnei hamakom" for that entire period.
It is actually that very state of affairs that is the proximate cause of the new generation's first brush with divine retribution: the complaint about the "lechem haklokel", the fact that the manna, being a completely "spiritual" food, never resulted in any waste byproduct—in other words, no going to the bathroom for 40 years.
Rashi notes the foreshadowing: the last time there was an "express trip" to make a dash for the border—in parshas Beha'alosecha—it elicited a similar complaint [the "misonenim"], and the resulting 38 year delay. And, here, as Rashi notes, the analog between the lashon hara of the meraglim and the lashon hara here [the reason for the snakebites].
The Divine response is interesting precisely because G-d Himself seems to go out of His way, as it were, to prevent a re-occurrence of the meraglim: as Rav Dessler points out, He sanctions an approach with the Nachash Necshoshes which is virtually the same method as what the egel was supposed to have been [albeit, this time as a Divine command as opposed to done on a questionable human initiative].
Similarly, one might find loose parallels between Bilaam and Amalek: Amalek attacked the stragglers, the "lo yirei Elo-kim"; Bilaam looked specifically for what would be Bnei Yisrael's weakest point of resistance, and eventually all the "work" of eradicating the Jews would be done by the Divine wrath incurred by the resulting transgressions.
Again, we see that Bnei Yisrael were afflicted with a plague [as they were at the time of Korach, possibly the nadir of the entire sequence of events that started with the misonenim and ended with Korach's rebellion], and to avoid what seemed to be a repeat, an extraordinary sequence of events occurred culminating in Pinchas' single-handed staying of the plague—except, when one looks at the Gemara in Sanhedrin [83a or thereabouts], which describe how the hand of G-d paved the way for his action to be successful, we see again that G-d himself was actually willing to get involved to change the outcome from what might have otherwise been as tragic as it had been nearly forty years previously.
I would venture to say, in a way, the G-d, kevayachol, was implementing a "curve" of sorts for this generation so that they wouldn't suffer as their forebears had, even if it meant implementing a form af "affirmative action" that was unavailable for the dor yetziah; this despite the fact that, in this case, if one would try to make an analog between aveiros, one might think the "klokel" complaint was worse than the quail complaint, as it attacked the obvious [and long-ongoing] manifestation of divine providence; and, if one could "compare" avoda zaras, if one considers that there were very few actual "worshippers" vis-à-vis the egel [erev rav notwithstanding], the sin of Peor was worse, with or without the ick factor.
So it's plausible that, even thought this generation had known nothing but Torah and the "Eibishter provided" in the most literal sense possible, something was still missing. To the point that, as the Gemara in Brachos 7a details, G-d withheld Himself from his daily allowance of anger so Bilaam couldn't pull off an efficacious curse.
The conclusion that might be drawn from all this is that, for all the talk of "yeridas hadoros" and our generation's ostensible lack of worthiness compared to our ancestors, sometimes there are reasons that Divine Providence deems the "lesser" doros worthy of the kind of help that wasn't necessarily meted out to those previous doros. The aforementioned parallels between Chukas/Balak and Behaalosecha/Shelach—and other pratfalls—serve as one example. The contrast between the European generations and our current ones serve as another one. Regardless of the historical truth of whether or not "nobody was frei", again, there are reasons that things happen now that didn't happen then—l'tova and l'ra'a, but I would say more l'tova.
While history may repeat itself, it always leaves enough of a window, and at some point, G-d will be looking through that window.


text: LONDON CALLING O KA, the stylish purveyor of English- designed furniture and objects, opens its first stateside stores in early 2021, following the launch of online U.S. availability in 2019. Headquartered in the Chelsea area of London, the 21-year-old brand was founded by Sue Jones, Annabel Astor, and Lucinda Waterhouse with the philosophy that good interior design should be accessible to everyone. While they're being hush- hush for now about which cities will get brick-and-mortar stores early next year, Dallas and Houston are likely StyLISh ENGLISh interiors brand OKA rolls out stores in america. locations. In 2018, OKA purchased the Dallas-based catalog and online home furnishings company Wisteria, which had retail stores in both cities and shuttered all three stores over the summer. Speculation is that OKA will move into these Wisteria stores, and that its U.S. headquarters will be in Farmer's Branch. We caught up with Sue Jones, who chatted about her fashion background, Jasper Conran, and her mission to bring a bit of British quirkiness to America. InFLUEnCES. For me, interiors and fashion are both about creating beauty, style, and comfort. Recognizing when to spend money is key: Just because something is expensive, it doesn't mean it's great. Interiors were always something that fascinated me, but much of my interest in them came when I met my husband, who has a very sophisticated eye and is a great collector. We've traveled extensively, and from that, I've discovered that very English quality of recognizing what is beautiful and how it can be adapted into a more English way of life. I'm not interested in recreating a Moroccan souk, but I am interested in Moroccan textiles and how they can be used in a way that suits my lifestyle. I love mixing different styles and products — combining old with new, super modern with blatantly classic. THE JASpER COnRAn FACTOR. I worked with Jasper Conran for 10 years and watched everything. I'm a great believer that creative people don't have to stick to their particular chosen field. Jasper is a natural master of color and form who can turn his aesthetic to anything and is as well-known for his interiors as his fashion collections. He had fantastically exciting input from his father, the late Sir Terence Conran, who was our chairman and, at that time, in the '80s, about the most important person in the home-wares and retail world. FEEDIng AMERICA. This year marks 21 years of OKA — a landmark birthday. Such a milestone usually calls for a big celebration, and that's what we initially had in mind. However, over the last few months, everyone's priorities have shifted. We're very aware that what's important right now is not a big party, but appreciating By REBECCA SHERMAn OKA Fall 2020 collection From left, OKA founders Sue Jones, Annabel Astor, Lucinda Waterhouse 60


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By John Storey/Getty Images.
Hosting a Talk Show With Tammy Faye Bakker Was the Best Kind of Chaos
Jim J. Bullock on working with the infamous evangelical, and his first response when the idea was floated to him: "My honest-to-Jesus reaction was 'She's fucking crazy.' And he said, 'Well, would you meet with her?' I said, 'Oh, my God, yes, of course.'"
By Matthew Jacobs
Tammy Faye Bakker's gilded world came crashing down in 1987. The perky cohost of The PTL Club, a long-running Christian program that made Bakker one of America's most famous evangelicals, was too closely affiliated with her husband—Assemblies of God televangelist Jim Bakker—to evade the fraud scandal that landed him in federal prison. But Tammy Faye, with her cartoonish makeup and Midwestern magnetism, was always the more charismatic Bakker. In the '90s, after remarrying and changing her last name to Messner, she made a soft comeback in the form of The Jim J. & Tammy Faye Show, a daytime talk show full of wacky segments like goat-milking contests.
The Jim of the title was not Messner's incarcerated ex, but Jim J. Bullock—a comedic actor best known for the ABC sitcom Too Close for Comfort, a recurring role on ALF, and the late-'80s iteration of Hollywood Squares. As her cohost, Bullock saw Messner's post-scandal life up close and personal in a way that few others did. In addition to Jim J. & Tammy Faye, he appeared in the 2000 documentary The Eyes of Tammy Faye, a good primer for the new movie of the same name starring Jessica Chastain as Messner and Andrew Garfield as Bakker.
"Tammy was always a real person; what you saw is what you got," Bullock tells Vanity Fair. "Her faith was everything to her. She was an incredibly compassionate woman and very Christlike, loving everyone. It's hard when you get into a situation like that that spins out of control so quickly. It's hard to know which way is up and which way is down, and she never said anything bad about Jim."
The idea for a Messner-led series arose when she appeared on Leeza, the NBC talk show hosted by former Entertainment Tonight correspondent Leeza Gibbons. Leeza producer John Redmann had put together a 1994 episode that united three scandal-plagued women of the late-20th century: Messner, Gennifer Flowers, and Roxanne Pulitzer. Gibbons says she initially worried the concept was exploitative, but once Redmann convinced Messner to participate, the others agreed too. At the end of the episode, the trio performed "I Will Survive" together.
"Seeing her in person was like when you're a kid and you see a character at Disneyland," Redmann says. "You can't believe that she's a real person and she really exists. She was tiny but with a huge presence. She knew how to turn it on, whether on camera or off camera. She was scared people wouldn't like her. Every time I saw her and hugged her, my shirts would have half her face imprinted on them because she wore so much makeup. I'd have orange bronzer and red lipstick marks all over."
Gibbons describes Messner as "the quintessential talk show guest" because she was "uninhibited, vulnerable, and a visual bonanza with her eyelashes." After the taping, Gibbons told Messner she should have her own show. Redmann suggested the idea to producer Dan Weaver, who had also worked on Donahue and The Geraldo Rivera Show. So Weaver started to develop the project, determining that Messner would be a great talker but not such a reliable emcee. She'd need a cohost to help keep the broadcast on track. Weaver, who died in 2018, also decided that cohost should be an openly gay man—a rare request circa 1994. Somehow, though, it made sense. Messner's primary audience seemed to have two halves: conservatives who loved her parables, and gays who loved her pageantry.
Bullock was working on a little-seen sitcom in Canada when he got the call from Weaver. "My honest-to-Jesus reaction was 'She's fucking crazy,'" Bullock says. "That's literally what I said to him, and he said, 'Well, would you meet with her?' I said, 'Oh, my God, yes, of course.' I didn't know anything about Tammy, but I used to tune in, like everyone else, to PTL [the Bakker-run network that aired The PTL Club] and laugh at her."
Messner and Bullock clicked right away, and they soon filmed trial runs—no fancy lighting, no wardrobe, just a camera on a tripod and a set that Messner likened to the junkyard from Sanford and Son. "We were just trying to be who we were, but Regis and Kathie Lee was sort of the template, and this little show called Mike & Maty," Bullock says. Eventually, they shot and sold a pilot to Fox, recording a peppy theme song composed by "The Nanny Named Fran" writer Ann Hampton Callaway.
By Ron Galella Collection/Getty Images.
"Everyone who worked on that show, including Tammy and myself, worked for pennies on the dollar because no one was going, 'This is magic, this is gold,'" Bullock says. People were going, 'We're taking a real chance here.' The warm-up guy [comedian Steve Moore] was making more than Tammy and me."
The Jim J. & Tammy Faye Show premiered at the tail end of 1995. According to Bullock, it had a Pee-wee's Playhouse aura. "Tammy Faye channeled Lucille Ball whenever she was seeking 'the funny,'" producer Jan Landis says; indeed, an early episode found Messner shoving chocolate in her bra during a fondue segment. (Landis also says Bakker was "an emotional child both on and off camera and maintained a sense of entitlement that she enjoyed during her PTL days.") The series struggled to book A-list celebrities. When asked to name an especially famous guest, Bullock cites a post–Golden Girls Estelle Getty. But there was one exception: Rosie O'Donnell, who adored Messner. O'Donnell, as Bullock recalls it, encouraged the show's micromanaging higher-ups to let Messner and Bullock be as silly as they wanted. Those higher-ups, Bullock says, were too busy doing the opposite, attempting to reign in the hosts' whimsy.
Throughout their time together, Bullock never saw Messner without her signature cosmetics—heavy mascara, colorful eyeshadow, lip liner, the works. "We wanted to do a makeover show," he says. "We said, 'Tammy, we're just going to take it off for a minute. And we want to do your hair.' She'd say, 'A clown never takes off his makeup.'" Bullock says he did see the staff feed her deli turkey during commercial breaks in an effort to balance out Messner's Diet Coke and powdered-sugar-donut consumption.
Bullock also says he never saw an ounce of judgment in her. Messner had embraced gay people on The PTL Show, compassionately interviewing an AIDS patient at a time when the virus was the source of nationwide discrimination. Bullock himself had contracted HIV in 1985, and his partner, John, would die from AIDS complications in 1996. "I would be at the studio all day shooting, and then I'd come home and John was so sick," Bullock recalls. "So many good things and so many bad things were happening at the same time. I can remember many times Tammy knocking on my dressing-room door, coming in, and just holding me. She knew what I was going through. She loved John, and so she was right there with me as much as she could be."
The Jim J. & Tammy Faye Show didn't last long. Messner was diagnosed with colon cancer in 1996 and left to seek treatment. Bullock and the producers attempted to move forward without her, auditioning a handful of female replacements, including KTLA Morning News reporter Gayle Anderson and a relatively unknown Kris Jenner. But the producers settled on Ann Abernathy, who had cohosted alongside Regis Philbin before Kathie Lee Gifford entered the picture. The Jim J. & Ann Show didn't survive the year. "Ann was a lovely woman and a total pro," Bullock says. "But they changed the theme song, and everything just became diluted."
Once the show disbanded, Bullock and Messner didn't see much of each other, as they didn't run in the same social circles. Messner later frequented gay-pride parades, did a season of the reality series The Surreal Life, and published a memoir called I Will Survive…and You Will, Too. Bullock says they had coffee together before Messner died in 2007, when Bullock was appearing in Hairspray on Broadway.
"There was a real sweetness to Tammy Faye," Redmann, the Leeza producer, says. "She was incredibly kind and funny. She loved to joke and make people laugh, even at her own expense. But there was a sadness under the surface. I remember going to visit her in Rancho Mirage, just laughing and having a good time. She would call me and check in on how I was doing. I know she was happy to be back on television."
The fact that both hosts had experienced the rise and fall of fame contributed to their loose, lawless approach on The Jim J. & Tammy Faye Show. They were thrilled just to show up and have fun. In the midst of a decade overflowing with talk shows hoping to be the next Oprah or Jerry Springer, Bullock and Messner offered an unpolished camp that set them apart from their daytime competitors, even if they never became a sensation.
"That's why Tammy and I were so good together, I think," Bullock says. "We both had joyous spirits."
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More than 13 million augmented reality (AR) apps have been installed using Apple's ARKit framework in its first six months according to data from Sensor Tower – with almost half of these coming from gaming.
By James Bourne, 03 April 2018, 0 comments. Categories: AR, iOS, Platforms.
Apple are due to release the highly anticipated iOS 11 to compatible devices on 19 September, meaning owners of recent Apple devices could have an AR-capable device before the launch of the new iPhone.
The new operating system supports Apple's big move into the AR space, ARKit, which was released earlier this year. The AR development tool will now be available on hundreds of millions of iPhones and iPads after the release of the new flagship smartphone.
By Colm Hebblethwaite, 13 September 2017, 0 comments. Categories: iOS.
Another day, another VR issue solved. This time, it's media sharing platform Simian, which has launched an update to its Simian Now! app to support VR/360 video on iOS.
Over three-quarters of creative companies use iOS devices, but they don't natively support VR/360 videos, a recent Simian report found. This could only be done previously via apps such as Facebook.
By Rachael Power, 22 July 2016, 0 comments. Categories: iOS.


Rock Star Tri: My journey back to the endurance world frequently interrupted by life : What were the most significant days in your life?
That is quite a list, and I still can't believe how close you were to the 9/11 attacks. insane.
I keep a list of my favorite days of the year that will change year over year sometimes. It always has the first saturday of the college football season, race day of the Umstead 100, any big goal race or A+ race for that year.
IMFL day where I turned iron is certainly on the all - time list as well. Of course so is the day I got my eagle scout rank, married the wife, birth of the kids.
Cool post, it made me stop and think what would be on my list.


Hosts Australia delivered a clinical performance to beat India in the opening one-day game of the series played at Sydney Cricket Ground on Saturday. Despite Rohit Sharma's defiant knock, Australia managed to win the game by 34 runs and take 1-0 lead in the three-match one-day series.
In pursuit of 289 runs, India got off to worse possible start as left-arm quick Jason Behrendorff dismissed Shikhar Dhawan for a first-ball duck. Pace bowler Jhye Richardson dismissed Virat Kohli and Ambati Rayudu in a space of few deliveries to see India reeling at 4 for 3 after 3.5 overs. MS Dhoni came to the crease to join Rohit Sharma. The duo was able to revive India's innings and keep them alive in the contest. Dhoni added 137-run partnership with Sharma to see India get back into the game.
Rohit Sharma was not able to score freely as Jhye Richardson and Jason Behrendorff bowled probing lengths in the initial over of the innings. India were comfortably placed at 141 for 3 after 32 overs. Aaron Finch brought Jason Behrendorff into the attack and it proved to be a masterstroke as left-arm seamer dismissed Dhoni to turn the tide in favor of Australia.
Richardson came back for his second spell and dismissed Dinesh Karthik, who dragged the ball onto his stumps. Rohit Sharma decided to shift gears and smashed veteran pacer Peter Siddle for three boundaries in one over to bring up his 22nd ton in limited-overs cricket.
Sharma continued to score quickly but found no support at the other end as India kept losing wickets at regular intervals. Sharma scored 133 runs off 129 balls with the help of ten fours and six sixes. In the end, India only managed to score 254 for 9 from their 50 overs.
For Australia, Pace bowler Jhye Richardson was the pick of the bowlers with four wickets to his name. Jason Behrendorff also produced a tidy performance with the ball in hand and picked up big wickets of MS Dhoni and Shikhar Dhawan.
Earlier in the game, Aaron Finch won the toss for Australia and decided to bat first. Australia lost Finch early in the innings. Alex Carey also fell in the ninth over of the innings to see Australia placed at a precarious position in the game.
Usman Khuwaja and Shaun Marsh produced crucial half-centuries to see the scoreboard ticking along nicely. Peter Handscomb also played a majestic innings of 73 runs off 61 balls with the help of six fours and two sixes. All-rounder Marcus Stoinis went berserk in the final over of the innings to see Australia post 288 for 5 from their 50 overs.
The second game of the one-day series will be played on Tuesday at Adelaide Oval.


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Russia's Global Reach: A Security and Statecraft Assessment
Chapter 6: Russia and China: Putin Turns to the East
jimmyjamesbond/Getty Images
The Russia-China partnership may become the most important of our time.
Wade Turvold, Michael Burgoyne, and Michael Dorschner
The Russia-People's Republic of China (PRC) partnership is perhaps the most important relationship of the 21st Century because it multiplies the already formidable threat from two capable strategic competitors and therefore enhances the challenge to the United States. This chapter will seek to outline Russia's objectives for the relationship, means it is using, and how the United States should address this challenge.
Russia pursues various strategic ends in its relationship with the PRC, including goals related to economics and its place in the international system, but Vladimir Putin's primary strategic goal for Russia remains regime survival, which includes maintenance of the oligarchic and elite power capitalism that forms Putin's base of power. Early in his presidency, Putin explored closer relations with the West, but a series of events in the 2000s such as the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, followed closely by color revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine, EU expansion to Eastern Europe, and NATO overtures to former Soviet states, convinced Putin the West was irrevocably hostile to Russian interests. Western criticism of, and perceived interference in, Putin's disputed 2011 re-election proved a breaking point, convincing Putin the West was committed to Russian regime change.1 Western liberal values supporting an open political system, active civil society, free media, independent legislature, transparency in governance, and removal of trade and investment barriers became the primary perceived threat to Putin's regime. Russia's corresponding accelerated outreach to the PRC can be viewed through the lens of providing non-Western options to support regime survival.
Russia sees the PRC as key to its ability to achieve its desired economic end state of increasing Gross Domestic Product (GDP), while expanding state influence in the economy and improving prosperity for its citizens. Specifically, Russia announced its near-term economic goals in May 2018 of sustaining a three percent annual GDP growth rate and halving its domestic poverty rate to 6.6 percent by 2024.2 The validity of using the PRC to help meet these goals is not unfounded, as the PRC was Russia's sixth largest export destination and eighth largest source of imports in the year 2000, and now occupies the top spot in both categories by a fair margin.3 This growing economic cooperation between Russia and the PRC is partly due to structural reasons. Russia is flush with natural resources and the PRC needs them. Russia's export-driven economy also requires import of finished goods to satisfy consumer demand, and the PRC nicely fills that role. In the whole, the balanced trade arrangement suits both partners. Any ideological socialist underpinnings to this arrangement are probably now historic artifact.
Finally, one of Russia's strategic ends that coincides with aims of the PRC is an overall focus on resisting and reforming the U.S.-led international system, ultimately creating a multi-polar system that advantages Russia as one of several poles in this system. This strategic end both supports other objectives and in some cases encompasses them, whether this includes ensuring regime survival, working around or eliminating debilitating sanctions, or enhancing Russian prestige on the international stage. A perceived threat in the current international system to both Russia and the PRC are the aforementioned liberal values that underlie many of these institutions, especially as they pertain to human rights and transparency. Both Russia and the PRC see these values in particular as pretexts for other countries to criticize or even interfere in their respective domestic affairs. The color revolutions and other perceived Western influences that caused regime change in other countries remain a prime concern, and both countries strive to insulate themselves from such an eventuality.
Russian Ways and Means
Vladimir Putin intended to use the emerging 21st century Great Power rivalry between the United States and the PRC as an opportunity to extract economic and political benefits from both sides while maintaining an independent Russian foreign policy.4 However, a decade of deteriorating relations with the West, punctuated by the sharp break after the Crimea crisis in 2014, changed this calculus and prompted Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov's "Pivot to Asia" strategy, which forced a closer alignment with the PRC out of necessity to protect Russian interests and regime stability. An examination of Russia's interactions with the PRC provide some insight into the various ways and means being leveraged to achieve Russia's strategic objectives of regime stability, economic advancement, and reform of the international system into a multi-polar structure. Frequently the interests of these two countries align, but Russia has also demonstrated a willingness to subordinate certain matters of greater national economic, security, and political interest in order to establish a higher baseline for the PRC relationship to benefit overall regime stability.
Russia is now bandwagoning with the PRC to demonstrate geopolitical and economic centrality. The PRC is the world's rising economic star and provides a partner of convenience in countering the U.S.-led world order. In economic, military, and political spheres, the relationship is strengthening. Extensive collaboration in technology, telecommunications, artificial intelligence, biotechnology, and digital economy is now taking place.5 The expanding economic partnership enables both states to collectively gain more global market share, and therefore influence, in promoting a model for future growth at the expense of the West, rather than being led by it.
The complementary economic relationship centered on natural resources is a key driver of this relationship, and an exemplar of this is the Power of Siberia natural gas pipeline that opened in December 2019. Connecting gas fields in Siberia to North East China, this pipeline turns Russia into the PRC's largest natural gas supplier. The PRC's interests in this project are clear, which are providing energy for its growing market while diversifying supply away from the Middle East and the Malacca security dilemma.6 For Russia, as an energy-producing nation, this pipeline represents security of markets and a shift away from its heavy reliance on European sales. A clear win-win scenario between the two neighbors, this pipeline had actually been under discussion since the 1970's without resolution. Distrust between the Russian and Chinese states influenced the business negotiations, and up until 2014 had prevented agreement on a fixed pricing contract. The deal was quickly finalized in May 2014, just months after the Crimea annexation. The exact details of the pricing agreement have not been released and Russian natural gas provider Gazprom has publicly stated that the terms are mutually beneficial, but analysts suggest that implied terms give the PRC a fixed gas supply at a reduced price of twenty-five percent and forty percent lower than the cost of importing overseas liquid natural gas.7 The Power of Siberia pipeline is an example of Russian alignment with the PRC on mostly Chinese terms, and Russian willingness to accept less than maximized economic and political return on investment in order to bolster a relationship that is proving essential for short-term regime stability. However, plans for a Power of Siberia 2 pipeline were announced in March 2020, with a larger throughput, and using Moscow's preferred route through Mongolia to the PRC which affords Russia flexibility between its Asian and European markets. This new deal indicates greater recent leverage on Russia's part due to increasing demand in the PRC.8
Implementation of Russia and the PRC's economic engagement plans, the Eurasian Economic Union and the One Belt One Road initiative, is potentially another way Russia can work with the PRC to improve their economies, while also creating economic and political structures that support their objectives. Both of these programs are intended to increase economic activity in areas proximate to Russia and the PRC, among other purposes, and there have been agreements to integrate the two efforts to benefit both parties.9 Optimally, joint investments into a common region would secure markets, expand infrastructure links, and perhaps even elevate the stature of both currencies, making both parties less vulnerable to sanctions and other outside interference. However, there are significant obstructions to this integration—not even including the current and future effects of COVID-19—and any significant progress is likely to be made in the mid to long-term, if at all.10
Arms sales are critically important to the Russian economy and to Russia's ability to maintain its own military capacity at current scale, while also extending Russian influence with the arms recipients. Russia is the world's second largest arms exporter, after the United States, and South and Southeast Asia are central to Russia's exports. These regions account for sixty percent of Russia's total weapons sales, and by many estimates, Russia is the Indo-Pacific region's largest arms provider.11 As evidence of the importance of arms sales in the Indo-Pacific, Russia backed India in the days leading up to the fatal clash along the tense Line of Actual Control with the PRC, and quietly worked behind the scenes afterwards to facilitate the release of captured Indian soldiers.12 The importance of Russia's arms exports, especially in the Indo-Pacific region, shows that Russia will even take some risk with the 'China-Russia Comprehensive Strategic Partnership of Coordination' to preserve these sales.13
Russian arms sales to the PRC itself represent another aspect of this dynamic. Arms sales between the two countries' surged in the 1990s as Russia unloaded surplus Soviet stock to a PRC market restricted by Tiananmen sanctions, but plateaued in the early 2000s and began declining as the PRC's domestic arms industry became more capable, and Russia was stung by intellectual property (IP) theft. The PRC's violation of the 1996 production agreement for the SU-27SK Flanker and IP theft to design the indigenous J-11B was particularly galling, and Russia stopped selling its most advanced technology. After the Crimea crisis, however, Russia reversed course and agreed to sell the PRC more advanced technology, to include the Sukhoi SU-35 aircraft with some of the world's most advanced engines, and the S-400 Triumf air defense system. While Russia received assurances for more robust intellectual property protection prior to these sales, Chinese deficiency in domestic engine technology presents a significant risk for IP theft.14 Russia's decision to allow these sales suggests a willingness to accept potential future loss in exchange for a short-term financial support and regime stability in a time of need.15 Other ongoing security cooperation efforts also present a tale of collaboration with caveats. Sino-Russo military engagement has been steadily increasing, both bilateral and multilateral; to now represent Russia's most robust engagement with any foreign country. This includes dialogues, educational exchanges, competitions, and exercises. A maritime cooperation exercise established in 2012 now rotates between Russian and Chinese waters, and Russia has begun inviting PLA participation in national defense exercises, as showcased in the massive Vostok 2018.16 Notably, Putin announced in 2019 that Russia was helping the PRC develop a missile attack early warning system, and furthermore labeled the relationship as, "an allied relationship in the full sense of a multifaceted strategic partnership."17 While some of this cooperation represents more signaling over substance, it all focuses on challenging the U.S.-led security order. The trust deficit between the two militaries appears to be narrowing through increasingly substantial engagement but remains an inhibitor to full alignment.
Russia has collaborated with the PRC in various ways to further its goal of reforming the international system to better serve its interests. The two countries have effectively cooperated in a variety of global and regional fora to re-write existing rules and norms and influence emerging global standards. For instance, as with the PRC, Russia also holds one of the five permanent seats on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and thus can veto any proposal that is contrary to its interests.
The United Nations Human Rights Council is another forum where Russia and the PRC have collaborated within the existing system for mutual benefit. From 2009 to present, Russia and the PRC have worked to minimize the Council's impact on their human rights practices, accomplishing this in two ways. First, they have actively tried to dilute the mechanisms available to the Council and its member states to draw attention to human rights abuses. Second, they have tried to redefine human rights to be more in line with how Russia and the PRC define the term, in an effort to systematically remove the possibility of UN criticism of these countries' practices.18 Removing human rights concerns, or ameliorating their effects, addresses one of the major concerns Russia and the PRC have with the current international system, as it minimizes the potential of human rights abuses to be used as a justification for foreign interference in their domestic affairs, especially if abuses approached a Responsibility to Protect threshold. This is perceived as an effective mechanism for protecting regime stability.
Russia has also been active regionally with the PRC in creating organizations and mechanisms that support their objectives. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization was created in 1996 as the Shanghai Five group, ostensibly to address the terrorism threat in the region. Since its founding, it has grown to eight countries with several observers and has taken on roles outside of counter-terrorism, to include broader security activities, economic cooperation, and cultural events.19 The SCO represents an alternative to the existing U.S. alliance structure for supporting regional stability.
Another organization that allows Russia to advance its economic and political interests is the BRICS, a dialogue of five large and emerging economies: Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. Together these states comprise forty-two percent of the world population and twenty-three percent of global GDP. In particular, the PRC and Russia, the world's second and sixth largest economies, respectively, are using this forum to degrade the international institutions that underpin the current U.S.-led world order. Methods such as questioning the origins of the COVID-19 pandemic, quarreling over the effectiveness and funding of the World Health Organization, and building alternative financial instruments, including new ways to provide grants and loans during the pandemic, are being used to advance political legitimacy and erode the current multilateral systems.20
Opportunities, Limits, and Challenges
In 2019, U.S. Director of National Intelligence Dan Coats testified to the Senate that Russia and the PRC are more closely aligned now than at any point since the mid-1950s and the relationship is likely to strengthen in the coming year.21 Both Russia and the PRC have permanent seats in the UNSC, stature in the UN, and thus are strong partners for each other in international organizations. They also share a concern about the underlying values in these organizations, and how these values could threaten their domestic situation, especially as it affects regime stability. In this sense, they have strong reasons to work together, even if they differ in some of their approaches. In doing so, they are eroding once well-established security norms and increasing the risk of regional conflicts.
Russia has several economic opportunities, especially as it concerns the PRC. In particular, the PRC has incentives to increase its oil, and especially gas, imports from Russia to mitigate its Malacca dilemma, but market access and production infrastructure limits are hampering further development. The opportunity for Russia to exert leverage over a PRC dependent on Russian hydrocarbons would indeed be an appealing prospect for President Putin, as a way to gain some influence in the partnership. As it currently stands, however, collaboration in technology development is a more positive aspect of the relationship. Russia and the PRC are cooperating, through their strategic partnership, in the development of non-Western technology. These technologies, intended to replace Western modernism and particularly American ingenuity, present the prospect for Russia and the PRC to eliminate dependence on external sources of expertise.22
While the aforementioned opportunities drive these two countries together, there are factors that limit this association. Both sides studiously refuse to label the relationship an alliance despite the vague verbiage Putin used in 2019; Wang Yi called it a "bilateral strategic cooperation," and Putin and Xi upgraded the relationship to a "comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination" in June 2019.23 In any case, the relationship is an asymmetric one driven by economic and demographic factors that pre-determines Russia's role as junior partner in the relationship, though neither side wants this appellation. Taken to its logical conclusion, that role undermines the Putin regime's ability to rally national pride or stake a role as a global Great Power. In the same vein, while aligning closer with the PRC can help shape global norms to better insulate Russia from threatening Western influence and ideology, it will not moderate other existing friction points in the relationship. Public opinion still reflects a strong historic distrust between the two countries, where according to one 2018 poll sixty percent of Russians in Eastern Siberia consider the PRC's rise to be a threat, and a popular conspiracy theory whispers that a secret agreement gifts the PRC a small piece of Russian territory annually.24 For its part, memories linger in the PRC of Russia's land grab and role in the Unequal Treaties in the 19th Century, which form the core of the Century of Humiliation narrative the CCP pushes domestically to legitimize its rule. Similarly, Russian reluctance to back the PRC's expansive territorial claims in the East and South China Seas for fear of alienating other potential economic and security partners in Asia is mirrored by Chinese reluctance to support Russian sponsored popular uprisings, referendums, and threats to sovereignty in Eastern Europe for fear of losing control in Chinese controlled territories.25
There are also limits economically. The Russian economy is overly reliant on hydrocarbon exports, and lack of economic diversification, infrastructure constraints, and internal corruption will leave the Russian economy at the mercy of global oil process for the foreseeable future. This prospect should be fresh in the memories of Moscow leadership, who saw the market flooded with oil with a simultaneous significant decrease in demand during the beginning of the pandemic, which resulted in extremely low oil prices in the international marketplace for a period. This Russian vulnerability provides an opportunity for the PRC to sign potential long-term deals at extremely low prices at opportune times. While the Russian economy and citizens have been hardened to these economic downturns, this situation does not bode well for long-term economic growth. Moreover, though technology development with the PRC is seemingly a positive step to keep pace with Western innovation, continuous Russian exposure to the PRC's aggressive intellectual property theft scheme may not result in sustained indigenous advancement in technology. These limits, when combined, may see a future Russia reduced to being a resource appendage of the PRC.
COVID-19 has played the role of disruptor across the globe, and its ultimate effects will not be clear for some time. In this sense, opportunities for Russia are potentially balanced with challenges. For instance, global discussions about diversifying supply chains before the pandemic have only been accelerated as countries now see the security implications of this lack of diversification, in addition to the pre-existing business implications. Although it is highly unlikely that globalization would see reverses to the extent of bipolar arrangement as during the Cold War, some movement into separate economic camps is possible which would potentially drive Russia and the PRC closer together.
Implications for United States, Friends, and Allies
The implications of the Russia-PRC strategic partnership for the United States, and its friends and allies, are significant and varied. Russia and the PRC both place regime stability as their foremost priority, and while both parties will do whatever it takes to ensure regime survival, they both seek economic growth as the most accessible method of pacifying the populace to enable this outcome. Furthermore, providing an alternative to the U.S.-led international order, one in which they are two more poles in a multipolar arrangement, is the desired outcome for both states. Both Russia and the PRC are significant strategic challenges in their own right, and multiply in complexity when paired. Addressing this extraordinary danger will be the strategic challenge of our age.
Russia's complex economic condition, and burgeoning strategic partnership with the PRC, will present equally complex repercussions for the United States and it friends and allies. In particular, the complementary trade relationships, overland energy transfers, and growth of regional trade and security initiatives and organizations will insulate both parties to an extent if faced with future diplomatic actions or economic sanctions from Western countries or intergovernmental organizations.
Both Russia and the PRC share common interest in weakening the U.S. alliance system to disrupt systemically Western liberal influence. While Russia focuses on disrupting the NATO alliance in Europe, and the PRC prioritizes unsettling the Japan and Korea alliances with the United States in Asia, there is enough overlap in intent to enable both to exert pressure in the opposing regions. The PRC's One Belt One Road economic inroads into Eastern Europe provide a tool for creating dissent within NATO and weakening the consensus against Russia. Likewise, Russia has a role to play in exploiting Korean-Japanese tensions over unsettled historic grievances in a way that splits those alliances in the PRC's favor. The July 2019 joint Russian-Chinese military overflight of the disputed Dokdo islands, which triggered a military response from both Korea and Japan but then devolved into political squabbling between the two over who owned the territory and therefore the right to respond, best exemplifies this capacity. Closer alignment of Russian and Chinese political and security objectives will only continue to increase stress on the U.S. alliance system.26
More broadly, Russian and PRC goals to reform the international system have significant implications in multiple theaters. In short, this is the system that the United States, along with its friends and allies, created after World War II. This system reflects the values of its founders and provides significant advantages to the West. While these systems are in many ways meant to be democratic, the changes Russia and the PRC want to make would alter some of the foundational values in these organizations. A related concern is that by changing the system to make it more in line with Russian and PRC values and priorities, it would provide a safe space for other authoritarian governments that would legitimate or at least permit behaviors inconsistent with the current structure. With COVID-19 potentially enabling various countries' leaders to assume more power under the pretext of fighting the virus, it is not unreasonable to assume the world may have more authoritarian governments after COVID-19 has run its course than before, so this is a real concern.
While initial statements from the Biden administration suggest continuity with the Trump administration's Russia and PRC policy, some evolution of the U.S. strategic approach could affect more positive outcomes in region. These recommendations seek to help that effort.
To provide effective recommendations to the United States and its allies, it is first important to note which actions are unlikely to work. Policy makers must recognize that splitting the partnership of the two countries through U.S. actions may not be fully possible in the near term. This recognition follows from acknowledging the vital interests of each regime as they see it. If Russia's alignment with the PRC centers on a shared recognition that regime survival is their top priority, and that it is threatened by Western ideology and color revolutions, then both countries are in agreement that their primary security threat comes from the United States. Unlike during the Cold War, when the toxic relationship between the two countries opened space for Henry Kissinger's realignment of the strategic triangle, today there is far less motivation for Russia and the PRC to readjust as any move toward the West would only heighten the internal threat against the ruling regimes. Only security guarantees to the Putin regime and economic relief from Crimea sanctions would yield any impact on Russia's assessment of the Western liberal threat to regime stability. However, this is impossible to do while still upholding U.S. values with regard to Crimea, and it is unlikely that Putin would trust the West after a decade-plus of mistrust in any case.
While it may not be possible to split this partnership, it may be possible to incentivize Russia to moderate its support of the PRC in the Indo-Pacific. Economic integration between the Russian Far East and non-PRC partners in Asia that could be accomplished without violating Crimea sanctions would create political and economic considerations that may lead to this effect. In particular, if Japan resolved the Kuril Islands dispute and normalized trade relations with Russia, however unlikely, it could allow Japan to prioritize its defense planning against the PRC threat, while creating ties between Russia and a PRC competitor.
To address the challenge presented by Russia and the PRC, the Biden Administration has proposed that the United States needs to show positive world leadership and substantively re-engage globally. A model for this engagement is the U.S. Indo-Pacific Strategy, which is nominally not against anything, but instead champions each states' sovereignty, fair trade, and the role of regional institutions. U.S. government leadership and other figures need to support this positive approach by taking visible action. This is achieved by visibly engaging partners and allies at all levels, and expanding engagement with countries beyond the military domain. This is not only good practice because it has demonstrably been shown to work in the post-World War II era, but also because Russia and the PRC engage where the United States does not. Failing to provide this global leadership opens the door to Russia and the PRC, who are more than willing to lead.
As part of this engagement, the United States needs to redouble its efforts to support and strengthen its existing alliance system. Scholars and policymakers wistfully reference the strategic triangle, though with our alliance partners we expand beyond just these three vertices into a different shape that advantages the United States. A multinational approach to Russia and the PRC is more effective than a unilateral response, and regular alliance maintenance will be critical to resisting revisionist pressures. This effort to strengthen the alliance system needs to expand beyond military exercises, arms sales, and senior leader dialogues to encompass the diplomatic, economic, and, in some cases, development communities. The United States and its allies, when appropriate, should also prioritize and increase spending on joint research and development, especially in emerging technologies. A whole of government approach, across the alliance network, will be necessary to address the burgeoning Russia-PRC relationship.
Beyond the U.S. Alliance system, the United States and its friends and allies need to support the international system they themselves created through statements and actions – both word and deed. The international system has proven to be resilient, even if it is not perfect. Instead of focusing on negative aspects of the system, the United States and its partners would gain more by continuing to be strong supporters of the system and reminding constituent states why they joined and how it has benefited them. This support of the international system has practical applications during the COVID-19 pandemic, when its members can best observe its utility, and its value can be immeasurable to countries that need its support. All of this can be done while concurrently calling out Russian and PRC efforts to change or circumvent a system that is largely working for its members.
Finally, the United States needs to improve its external messaging, both to partners and allies as well as to potential adversaries. Consistent, unambiguous messaging to partners and allies reassures them of U.S. commitment and helps build consensus necessary to address large challenges. Consistent, unambiguous messaging also provides very clear policy positions to adversaries, which prevents misunderstandings from spiraling into conflict.
For Academic Citation
Wade Turvold, Michael Burgoyne, and Michael Dorschner, "Russia and China: Putin Turns to the East," in Russia's Global Reach: A Security and Statecraft Assessment, ed. Graeme P. Herd (Garmisch-Partenkirchen: George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies, 2021), https://www.marshallcenter.org/en/publications/marshall-center-books/russias-global-reach/chapter-6-russia-and-china-putin-turns-east, 44-52.
1 Eugene B. Rumer, "Russia's China Policy: This Bear Hug is Real," in Russia-China Relations: Assessing Common Ground and Strategic Fault Lines, (Seattle: The National Bureau of Asian Research, July 2017), 16-17.
2 "The World Bank in Russia: Overview," The World Bank, last updated April 16, 2020, https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/russia/overview.
3 Daniel Workman, "Russia's Top Trading Partners," World's Top Exports, March 16, 2020, http://www.worldstopexports.com/russias-top-import-partners/.
4 Vasily Kashin, "Russia-China Cooperation: A Russian Perspective," in Sino-Russian Relations: Perspectives from Russia, China, and Japan, (Seattle: National Bureau of Asian Research, May 2019), 20.
5 Samuel Bendett and Elsa Kania, "A New Sino-Russian High-Tech Partnership," Australian Strategic Policy Institute, October 29, 2019, https://www.aspi.org.au/report/new-sino-russian-high-tech-partnership.
6 Chinese Premier Hu Jintao first used the term Malacca Dilemma in 2003 to describe China's reliance on energy imported by sea through the Strait of Malacca. Eighty percent of China's energy currently passes through that chokepoint in Southeast Asia. China has since been trying to diversify its sources of energy and routes by which energy is shipped, which China perceives as a strategic vulnerability. For more information, see Navya Mudunuri, "The Malacca Dilemma and Chinese Ambitions: Two Sides of a Coin," Diplomatist, July 7, 2020, https://diplomatist.com/2020/07/07/the-malacca-dilemma-and-chinese-ambitions-two-sides-of-a-coin/.
7 Brian Spegele, Wayne Ma, and Gregory L. White, "Russia and China Agree on Long-Sought Natural Gas Supply Contract," The Wall Street Journal, May 21, 2014, https://www.wsj.com/articles/russia-and-china-agree-on-long-sought-natural-gas-agreement-1400683490.
8 Elizabeth Buchanan, "There's No (New) China-Russia Alliance," The Strategist, June 26, 2020, https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/theres-no-new-china-russia-alliance/.
9 Oleg Remyga, "Linking the Eurasian Economic Union and China's Belt and Road," Reconnecting Asia, November 9, 2018, https://reconnectingasia.csis.org/analysis/entries/linking-eurasian-economic-union-and-chinas-belt-and-road/.
10 Vladislav Inozemtsev, "Integrating the Eurasian Union and China's Belt and Road: A Bridge Too Far," Eurasia Daily Monitor 16, no. 91, June 21, 2019, https://jamestown.org/program/integrating-the-eurasian-union-and-chinas-belt-and-road-a-bridge-too-far/.
11 Matt Bartlett, "Russian Arms Flood Southeast Asia," The Interpreter by the Lowy Institute, February 8, 2019, https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/russian-arms-flood-southeast-asia.
12 Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury, "Russian Envoy to India Meets Foreign Secretary in Show of Support amid LAC Stand Off," The Economic Times, June 4, 2020, https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/russian-envoy-to-india-meets-foreign-secretary-in-show-of-support-amid-lac-stand-off/articleshow/76162439.cms; Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury, "How Russia's 'Quiet Diplomacy' Helped in Reducing Tensions Between India and China," The Economic Times, July 6, 2020, https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/how-russias-quiet-diplomacy-helped-in-reducing-tensions-between-delhi-and-beijing/articleshow/76802915.cms.
13 Buchanan, "There's No (New) China-Russia Alliance."
14 Richard Weitz, "Sino-Russian Security Ties," In Russia-China Relations: Assessing Common Ground and Strategic Fault Lines, (Seattle: National Bureau of Asian Research, July 2017), 30-31.
15 Richard Weitz, "Sino-Russian Security Ties."
16 Kashin, "Russia-China Cooperation: A Russian Perspective," 10-13.
17 Jonathan E. Hillman, "China and Russia: Economic Unequals," Center for Strategic and International Studies, July 15, 2020, https://www.csis.org/analysis/china-and-russia-economic-unequals.
18 Geoffrey Roberts, "Russia and China's Assault on the International Human Rights System," Australian Institute of International Affairs, February 6, 2020, http://www.internationalaffairs.org.au/australianoutlook/russia-and-chinas-assault-on-the-international-human-rights-system/.
19 Shanghai Cooperation Organization, accessed June 12, 2020, http://eng.sectsco.org/.
20 Nazia Hussain, "BRICS in Time of Pandemic: Leadership from Emerging Economies?," S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Commentary No. 102/2020, May 22, 2020, https://www.rsis.edu.sg/rsis-publication/cms/global-health-security-covid-19-and-its-impacts-brics-in-time-of-pandemic-leadership-from-emerging-economies/.
21 Daniel R. Coats, "Statement for the Record: Worldwide Threat Assessment of the US Intelligence Community," Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, January 29, 2019, 4, https://www.dni.gov/files/ODNI/documents/2019-ATA-SFR---SSCI.pdf.
22 Bendett and Kania, "A New Sino-Russian High-Tech Partnership."
24 Eugene Chausovsky, "The Ever-Shifting Strategic Triangle Between Russia, China, and the U.S.," STRATFOR, June 4, 2019, https://worldview.stratfor.com/article/ever-shifting-strategic-triangle-between-russia-china-and-us.
25 Ian Storey, "Moscow, Beijing and the South China Sea Dispute: Convergence and Divergence," China US Focus, October 19, 2017, https://www.chinausfocus.com/peace-security/moscow-beijing-and-the-south-china-sea-dispute-convergence-and-divergence.
26 Brad Lendon, "Why Russia and China Are Wading into a Centuries' Old Dispute over a Tiny Island Cluster," CNN, July 27, 2019, https://www.cnn.com/2019/07/26/asia/south-korea-russia-japan-china-warplanes-analysis-intl-hnk/index.html.
Wade Turvold joined the DKI APCSS in June 2019 after a thirty-year career in the U.S. Navy. He was privileged to serve in two educational assignments during this time, as the U.S. Navy Senior Service Representative and Director National Security Studies at the U.S. Army War College and the U.S. Navy Exchange Directing Staff at the Joint Services Command and Staff College, Defence Academy of the United Kingdom in Shrivenham, England. The opinions expressed in this book are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views or policies of the U.S. or any other government.
Lt. Col. (ret) Michael Burgoyne joined the Daniel K. Inouye Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (DKI APCSS) in July 2016 as a military professor, where he currently focuses on Northeast Asian Security, Taiwan, and China. His experience in the Asia-Pacific includes most recently serving as the Army Programs Officer at the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT), Taipei. He is co-editor of China's Global Influence: Perspectives and Recommendations.
Lt. Col. Michael Dorschner joined the Daniel K. Inouye Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (DKI APCSS) in 2019 as a military faculty member. As a U.S. Army Foreign Area Officer, he brings experience from living, studying, and working in a variety of positions around the Indo-Pacific region, with specific expertise in Northeast Asian security, Chinese relations, and security cooperation throughout Southeast Asia. His recent assignments included postings as the U.S. Defense Attaché at the U.S. Embassy in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia and as the Army Liaison Officer at the U.S. Consulate in Hong Kong.
The George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies
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The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the George C. Marshall European Center for Security Studies, the U.S. Department of Defense, the German Ministry of Defense, or the United States, German, or any other governments. This report is approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.
Chapter 6: Russia and China
Marshall Center