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Star Wars: Episode I - The Phantom Menace (1999)
In the final scene of the movie, you can see a girl in a peach-colored dress standing behind R2-D2 and Anakin. A few shots later, she is seen in the foreground of a shot of children throwing confetti down onto the parade. A few shots later she is back behind R2-D2, Anakin, and the Queen.
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Jump to: Audio/visual unsynchronised (13) | Character error (5) | Continuity (126) | Crew or equipment visible (4) | Factual errors (1) | Incorrectly regarded as goofs (7) | Plot holes (2) | Revealing mistakes (37) | Spoilers (4)
Audio/visual unsynchronised
After Daultay Dofine's first line of dialogue ("I knew it! They're here to force a settlement!"), he and Rune Haako switch voices. For the rest of the film, Haako speaks with Dofine's voice, and vice versa.
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After Anakin has won the Podrace, he yells, "Mum, I did it! Yeah!", but the words don't match his actual lip movement.
When Darth Maul and Obi-Wan are fighting at the end of the film, Darth Maul hits Obi-Wan's light saber three times but there are four clashing sounds.
As Anakin and Qui-Gon are heading to the Queen's ship, Anakin says, "Qui-Gon sir, wait, I'm tired." But his lips are moving only half the time.
After the transport is destroyed in the hangar (near the beginning of the film) the scene cuts to Obi-Wan and Qui-Gon. The sound of their lightsabers being activated occurs before they even draw them from their belts.
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When Queen Amidala is explaining the attack plan and she is on the left side of the screen, her mouth is moving only half of the time.
Before Anakin shoots down the Destroyer Droids in the Theed hangar with the Naboo Starfighter, his mouth is shown moving before he says, "No, wait, here it is" while referring to the starfighter's laser cannon trigger.
Before the Trade Federation Droid Control Ship starts exploding from the inside, a Neimoidian says, "Nothing can get through our shield". But his mouth doesn't move until after he's said it.
When Sabé says "then we will plead our case to the Senate" her lips say "take" instead of "plead".
When Daultay Dofine says his first line of dialogue which is, "I knew it. They're here to force a settlement.", he speaks with the voice of Rune Haako, the Neimoidian who says, "Have you ever encountered a Jedi knight before, sir?"" shortly after.
Tey How says, "Sir, we're losing power. There is some problem with the main reactor... ." When Captain Dofine replies, "Impossible! I don't... .", his lips don't move until he is almost finished speaking. When they move, he appears to be saying "Impossible... ."
When Obi-Wan rushes through the Force Doors, after Qui-Gon's death, to face Maul, watch and listen carefully. Obi swings his lightsabre three times in rapid seccession, Maul blocks all three attacks. The lightsabres appear to contact, there is even the almost subliminal flash from the beams hitting each other, but the sound crew only inserted two contact sound effects, and those two sounds are slightly out of synch with the actual movements.
When the trade federation members talk, their lips usually don't match what they're saying.
Character error
As Qui-Gon is weighing his options for payment, Anakin states, "there's a big race tomorrow..." However, the race is the day after tomorrow, as Anakin spends the next day getting his pod ready for the race and another evening follows.
Queen Amidala slips just after they have taken the viceroy hostage in the throne room.
During the podrace, the top of R2-D2's head becomes briefly detached from his body.
After Darth Maul is chased into the large room with the chasm by Obi-Wan and Qui-Gon, he backs off to the edge and the camera goes back to a more distant angle. At that moment Darth Maul seems to almost stumble into the chasm and quickly catch himself again.
In the final battle, Obi-Wan, stuck between two force fields (the first time), times turning his light saber on like he knew when it will open, despite having seen it for the first time. EDIT: This is not necessarily an error. As a Jedi, Obi-Wan could have sensed when the force field was about to open.
Upon the Queen's landing to meet the Senate we see loads of air-traffic, yet when they land, there's no reflection of any of the ships flying overhead on the shiny ship itself.
When Jar Jar activates the Pit Droid in Watto's shop he knocks over a protocol droid and some other junk. A moment later the droid is upright again.
In the final fight scene with Obi-Wan and Darth Maul, Obi-Wan leaps up from the hole, and grabs the lightsaber with his left hand. As he twists above Darth Maul's head, the lightsaber is in his right hand, when he lands, it's in his left hand again.
When Anakin and Padmé arrive at the pod racer hanger, Anakin is taller in the close-up shots, and Padmé's hair is noticeably a little different. The close-up shots were done almost a year after the principal photography.
In the Nubian parade scene at the end of the movie, Anakin Skywalker is seen as a Jedi Padawan and sports a new haircut and a Padawan braid. The braid is considerably longer than his hair had been at any other point in the film.
During the fight over and around the droid control ship, Anakin says to R2-D2, "I'll try spinning, that's a good trick." Anakin is seen to turn the flight controls to the left, but his craft spins to his right. In an earlier scene (right after the auto pilot is disconnected) Anakin says, "Let's go left", turns the controls to the left, and the scene tilts to Anakin's left, showing that the controls are working backwards in one of the two scenes.
When Qui-Gon and Obi-Wan are talking to Jar Jar when they first arrive on Naboo, Obi-Wan's hair is wet. When Jar Jar spins around and Obi-Wan is forced to duck, his hair suddenly becomes dry. In the next shot it is wet again.
Several times, during the fight scene in the Theed Hangar, the Droidekas are shown shooting, but no lasers are coming out of their guns.
Obi-Wan's hair length and style changes between shots, starting when Amidala returns from Coruscant. It goes from spiky to smooth and back once or twice.
Before the start of the pod race, Sebulba breaks the stabilizer on Anakin's pod. In the following scene, you can clearly see the stabilizer over Sebulba's right shoulder, unbroken.
During the pod racing scene, Shmi Skywalker watches Anakin's progress using a personal view screen with handles. In the close-up, she is holding a view screen without handles.
Obi-Wan's Padawan braid moves from the left side of his head to the right side and back throughout the film.
When Anakin is in the hangar begging Qui-Gon to let him come with them, a yellow stick with a ball on top disappears from the background.
When Palpatine and Queen Amidala are conversing in his office (when Palpatine refers to Valorum having 'very little real power') his outfit switches from a green breasted cloak with a blue collar area to a green breasted cloak and dark green collar. It switches back after one shot.
During the pod race, Anakin's face switches between being dirty and being clean several times.
During the final fight between Obi-Wan and Darth Maul, Maul force pushes Obi-Wan into the pit. For the wide shot Maul is seen using his left hand to do this, but for the close up he is using his right hand.
When addressing Boss Nass, Obi-Wan's and Qui-Gon's shadows keep changing direction.
When Qui-Gon and Watto are talking in the hangar before the Podrace, Qui-Gon says "You don't think the boy can win?". You can see Watto's waist strap disappear into him.
During the pod-race, as the racers pass the start/finish line between laps, we see a view of R2, C-3PO and Anakin's friends. R2 turns his head to watch the pods go by and it raises up about an inch and a half on one side, then seems to be stuck, the view changes and R2's head is swivelling fine, then we get another view of the wonky lid.
In the scene where Qui-Gon is cutting through the door aboard the trade federation ship, two destroyer droids roll along the corridor towards them. Both droids are seen to deploy blue energy shields as they unfold; however, when Obi-Wan makes his comment about them having said shields, the camera cuts back to a brief shot of the two droids, during which the droid nearest the camera is seen re-deploying its shield.
Obi-Wan's braided hair keeps changing sides, and getting longer and shorter, most noticeably in the scenes around the underwater city.
After the race, Anakin's face is dirty. When his mother kisses him, his face cleans itself between shots.
When Obi-Wan and Qui-Gon are talking to Jar Jar in the forest, Obi-Wan's hair is wet. But when Jar Jar says, "This way, hurry." Obi-Wan's hair is completely dry. In the next shot, it's wet again.
Just before the podrace Qui-Gon talks to Shmi on the platform. After the conversation, they walk towards the camera. Pay attention to the background, it's the same as the previous shot even though Qui-Gon and the others are walking in the other direction.
During the attack on the Trade Federation's control ship, One of the pilots says, "Look! One of ours out of the main hold!" before Anakin's ship is even close to leaving the hangar.
The shadows that the battle-droids leave on the ground when escorting the captured Queen across the courtyard do not match the shot from above just before the Jedi Knights leap down to rescue them.
When the Queen in leaving Coruscant, as Qui-Gon says, "Your majesty", Captain Panaka is walking towards him. In the next shot, Panaka is closer to him, and standing.
R2-D2 plugs a hose into the ship to get the shield generator working again when the group is running the blockade to get off of Naboo, but in the next shot it is gone.
When Qui-Gon and Obi-Wan are waiting for Jar Jar to get help from the Gungans we see shadows and light on their faces from the leaves on the trees. These shadows move constantly. In the close-ups, they are entirely in shadow and there is no light showing through.
When Obi-Wan is watching Darth Maul from behind the last barricade, his Padawan braid switches from behind his ear to resting on his tunic and back.
When the Gungan army's front line of solders pull out their personnel deflector shield rims they all switch them on. This fills in the rims with a blue light. A few moments later looking out from behind the army's front line you can see the personnel deflector shield rims but not one is filled in with blue light.
When Amidala and some other guards use the ascension guns from the palace windows seven of them go up, when they are running along the corridor after coming off the window-ledge, there are about 13 or 14 of them. Then finally when they are surrounded by the droids, there are about 10 or 11 of them and Captain Panaka is not there.
When the flag-bearers walk across the starting grid of the Boonta Eve Podrace, the position of each person and flag changes between shots.
After the final battle scene when the Jedi council come down to the Naboo city, as they are leaving the space craft there is a figure in the background who is obviously supposed to be Mace Windu, but is definitely NOT Samuel L. Jackson. The man is African-American, bald and dressed in Windu's clothes, but is not him. Perhaps Mr. Jackson was unavailable that day.
When Qui-Gon and Obi-Wan are landing the Naboo ship on Tatooine to repair it, watch the landing closely. The shadow of the ship is already on the ground before the ship lands on it. Also the ship tilts back and forth during the landing but the shadow never changes or moves. Also, if you look carefully at the dust (which was shot using a helicopter landing) some of the dust being flicked up actually passes through the ship.
Near the beginning of the film, there's a few shots of the droid army landing on Naboo, with one shot of one of those hover tanks moving out of the landing ship towards the camera. In front of it are three droids in a line who are also walking towards the camera. Unfortunately, the tank is moving much faster and is bearing down on the droids with no sign of stopping - unfortunately the shot changes just before it runs them over.
When they quit the spaceship to go to Mos Espa, R2-D2 has a metal bar retaining his rear legs. He doesn't have this in the rest of the film.
After Darth Maul falls off the walkway, Qui-Gon jumps down after him, and as they continue the fight, there are several vertical beams behind them. The number of beams and their size change between shots.
Before the battle on Naboo begins, the Gungans turn on their shields. In a following shot, their shields are off.
In Otoh Gunga (the Gungan city), when Captain Tarpals comes to arrest Jar Jar, the background in the shots of Obi-Wan and Jar Jar doesn't match the background in the previous and following shots.
When Jar Jar is helping repair Anakin's podracer, he loses his tool in the motor. When he tries to take it, it is suddenly stuck in the compressor, some centimeters ahead and over.
After Obi-Wan falls off the walkway, he manages to grab hold of the edge of another walkway, and on the floor, there's a lit strip near his hands, to his right. When Qui-Gon and Darth Maul continue the fight, there's a wideshot where Obi-Wan (still hanging from the edge of the walkway) can be seen in the lower left hand corner of the screen. His hands are now further away from the strip, and are closer to the strip on his left.
When Obi-Wan runs towards Darth Maul and Qui-Gon he is halfway down the walkway, but when it cuts to Darth Maul and Qui-Gon Obi-Wan is now at the far end.
During the fight against the Trade Federation Droid Control Ship, Anakin says, "Okay, let's go left" and turns the controls of his spacecraft to the left. The ship turns left. A few shots later, Anakin says, "I'll try spinning, that's a good trick" and turns the controls to the left, but this time, the ship turns right.
When Obi-Wan is fighting with Darth Maul, Maul knocks Obi-Wan back into the reactor pit using the force. When they first show Maul's hand, it is his right hand that takes off the lighsaber and pushes Obi-Wan back. When the camera angle changes to show Obi-Wan rolling backwards into the pit, Maul's left hand is clearly shown raised.
When Anakin and Obi-Wan walk up to greet Palpatine on Naboo, in the wideshot, a Republic guard is passing by them. In the close-up, the guard is gone.
When Qui-Gon is fighting Darth Maul on Tatooine, Obi-Wan sits down in the cockpit of Amidala's starship. As the shot ends, his hand is up by the top of Ric Olié's (the pilot) seat. In the beginning of the next shot, his hand is down by his side, and Anakin's hand has suddenly appeared on top of the seat.
When Qui-Gon delivers the hyperdrive, the amount and arrangement of the load carried by the two eopies keep changing between shots.
When Captain Tarpals gives Jar Jar a zap with his power pole, the fish and the appearance, size and position of some of the bubble building outside the membrane change between shots.
After Darth Maul sits down in his speeder, the probe droid flies past him, but in the previous shot, it was nowhere to be seen. It should have been visible, because of its position and the direction it was coming from.
As Obi-Wan is looking up at Darth Maul and Qui-Gon, they are fighting in the middle of the walkway. When Obi-Wan jumps up, they are at the doorway at the end of the walkway. They couldn't have reached the end of the walkway that quickly.
At the beginning of the Battle of Naboo, the Gungans create a shield around themselves using a number of shield generators on the backs of their mounted creatures. In a later scene, only one of these creatures has a shield generator on its back.
When Obi-Wan is hanging from the ledge in the abyss after Darth Maul knocks him into it, he sees Qui-Gon's lightsaber a distance from him and uses the force to grab it. Between shots, the lightsaber changes position on the floor.
During the climatic light-saber duel, just as Qui-Gon and Obi-Wan have forced Darth Maul onto a ledge, look quickly and you will see that the red blade of Maul's light saber goes from being behind his waist to in front of it between shots.
When the laser cannon is lowered from the ceiling to fire at the Radiant VII (the Jedi's cruiser), as the copilot, Lieutenant Williams, says, "Captain, look!", his right arm is on the controls and Captain Madakor's head is on the left side of the top of her seat. In the next shot, her head is on the other side of the seat, and Williams' arm in no longer at the controls.
During the battle in the hangar, the Droidikas roll out and stop near the ship exit, but when the Jedis ignite their lightsabers, we see the droids are missing in the background.
When Jar Jar is arrested, he and Obi-Wan switch position after the second shot of them. Also, Captain Tarpals has moved to the other side of them.
In the shot where Obi-Wan is looking up at Qui-Gon and Darth Maul, there are several vertical beams on the right side of the walkway. In the previous shots, the beams were on the left side. When Obi-Wan lands on the walkway after jumping up, the beams are again on the correct side.
At one point before Obi-Wan and Qui-Gon fight Darth Maul, Anakin stands up in the fighter he's in, Artoo's nozzle thing is on the wrong side of his dome, then it switches back to the right side the next time we see him.
When Nute Gunray (the Viceroy) and Daultay Dofine are talking to TC-14, they are standing further away from each other in the wide shot than in the following close-ups.
In the Trade Federation spaceship, when Obi-Wan and Qui-Gon jumps from the ventilation shaft to the hangar, everything changes in the next shot. The boxes are different, Obi-Wan is closer to Qui-Gon, they are closer to the edge of the wall and the wall itself is different.
Obi-Wan and Maul are fighting and Obi-Wan stands side on to the Sith and puts his lightsaber in front of him and then directly vertical behind him, he then repeats this motion in close up, just before he cuts Maul's lightsaber in half.
When Anakin is packing his backpack while speaking to C-3PO, there is a toy on his bed like a Naboo fighter. In the next shot, it changes place and orientation.
When the captured Queen is being escorted by the battle droids towards the balcony where the Jedi are hiding, the ground is sunlit. In the next shot, it is not.
When Jar Jar goes to retrieve the wrench that he dropped in the engine of Anakin's podracer, he moves his hand towards the upper part of the engine. In the next shot, he sticks his hand into the middle of the engine. In the following shots, his hand remains in the middle, but when he says that he's stuck, his hand is once again in the upper part.
When the battle droids first walk through the Gungan shield you see the Gungans throwing hundreds of boomas at the droids but in the wide shots of all of the droids not many droids have been hit and you can't see any boomas on the ground.
Right after Anakin blows up the generators on the droid control ship and he is flying out of the hanger you can see a close up of R2, his lens is on the wrong side.
When Qui-Gon first talks to Watto about the pod race, Watto's arms change position during the first three shots.
Before the pod race begins, as Jabba the Hutt says, "Welcome.", the woman to his right has her hand on the wall. In the next shot, she is no longer touching the wall and her head is turned in a different direction.
When Obi-Wan kills Darth Maul, he grabs Qui-Gon's lightsabre with his left hand. But when he twists above Maul's head, he's holding it in his right hand. In the next shot, it's back in his left hand.
When Amidala's starship runs the blockade, after the spacecraft flies towards the screen, there's a shot where R2-D2 is missing from the top of the ship.
When the queen's ship lands on Tatooine you can see that there aren't very many big rocks near the ship but later when Panaka and Obi-Wan are talking about the storm they pass a row of rocks that wasn't there before.
When Qui-Gon delivers the hyperdrive, the way he holds the reins of the eopie he's riding changes between the first two shots.
When the final duel between Obi-Wan and Darth Maul begins, they are fighting in a particular area next to the pit. But when Obi-Wan cuts Maul's lightsabre in half, the background changes and they are suddenly fighting on a different side of the pit.
Jar Jar knocks down a bunch of droids in Watto's shop, but when they leave, you can see the feet of the now stacked up droids.
At the end, after Darth Maul has knocked Obi-Wan into the pit, Obi-Wan is beginning to remember about Qui-Gon's lightsaber. The scene shows Darth Maul with the lightsaber in his right hand. When Obi-Wan leaps out of the pit and flies over Darth Maul, the lightsaber switches to Maul's left hand.
In the shot where Qui-Gon introduces himself to Anakin's mother, Jar Jar, Padmé, R2-D2 and Anakin are standing half a metre to the left (your right) of where they were standing in the previous shot.
Before Anakin says goodbye to his mother, she is standing in sunlight next to the hut. As Anakin runs back, she is standing in shadow. When he reaches her, the area is covered by sunlight again.
The shadows change angles all over the movie. First the shadows appear right beneath the characters, then in the next clip they are cast with an angle. And the shadows that ships and computer-animated animals cast are different from the "real" characters.
When the storm is approaching and Anakin offers them a safe haven, as they set off you can see R2-D2 in the background and there are no tread tracks leading to him - he's obviously been carried there and set down to wheel away.
When the queen is being escorted by some droids after she has been captured, there is a shot of Obi-Wan and Qui-Gon watching the queen from a balcony. The shot shows the queen passing by them. Qui-Gon then takes a few steps and is somehow very far ahead of the queen and the droids. They didn't use the force run because Jar Jar was right up with them.
When Palpatine and Queen Amidala address the Senate, the holocam flying around near them is inconsistently placed between shots.
After R2-D2 repairs the shield generator of the Queen's ship and the power comes back, in the next shot of Artoo on top of the ship, the hose that the droid plugged into the generator is gone.
When Anakin and Kitster are talking to Padmé in the Podracer hangar, Kitster says,"Finish the race, of course" and in the background, Qui-Gon walks into the shot from the right and touches the arm of an alien. In the next shot of the boys, Qui-Gon enters the shot from the right again, and touches the alien's arm a second time.
In the beginning of the scene where Obi-Wan and Qui-Gon are addressing Boss Nass, they change positions between shots. This can be seen from the pattern on the floor.
When R2-D2 and three other astromech droids fixing the Queen's ship in flight, Jar Jar is talking to them and there is a black one. This black one turns into a blue one when they are fixing the ship. It's the second one to get blasted.
When Obi-Wan falls off the walkway during the duel with Darth Maul, his lightsabre lands on a lit strip of the floor. A few shots later he jumps up and retrieves his sabre, which is now resting on a dark area on the floor. Even if the sabre continued to roll on the floor between the shots, it couldn't have ended up in this position.
When Anakin's friends show up while he is working on the Pod, in the second shot, the youngest girl is standing in front of Wald (the young Rodian), to his left. In the same shot, Padmé begins to walk past them and Anakin begins turning right. In the next shot, the girl is standing on Wald's right, the older girl is standing further away from him, Anakin has turned the other way and Padmé is nowhere to be seen. Then, when Anakin says, "That isn't the half of it", the youngest girl is crouching down, but in the next shot, she's standing straight up. And when the oldest girl says, "You've been working on that thing for years", she is standing closer to Wald than in the previous shot, and the other girl has moved from his right to in front of him.
When Padmé is to come with Qui-Gon after the Queen's ship has landed on Tatooine, he says, "This is not a good idea", and something blurry flies by in the upper right hand corner. It is not there before or after.
When the queen is being escorted by some droids after she has been captured, the shadows change completely. When we first see everyone walking past, their shadows stretch ahead of them, but when we see them walking towards Obi-Wan and Qui-Gon, the shadows are really elongated and at an angle.
When the Queen and her entourage enter the hangar where the pilots are being held, Jar Jar is not among the first people who walk in. In the next shot from behind, he is suddenly walking in the front part of the group.
During the Podrace, Anakin's face alternates between being dirty and being clean several times.
When Anakin's mother kisses him after the Podrace, her hands change position between shots twice.
During the funeral pyre scene, the folds in Obi-Wan's hood change between consecutive shots.
During the Podrace, the announcer says, "Skywalker's been forced onto he service ramp," and the people standing behind the gate begin to run away. At the end of the shot, they are still behind the gate, but in the next shot, all of them have moved away from it.
In the first scene in Watto's shop, a cloth lying on a device on his desk keeps changing position between shots.
When Qui-Gon and Obi-Wan are fighting battle droids in the Trade Federation ship, Nute Gunray says, "I want droidekas up here at once." As he says this, he turns his head, causing the "straps" hanging from each side of his headgear to hang slightly behind his shoulders. In the next shot from behind, they are hanging in front of his shoulders like they normally do.
When Anakin and Padmé arrive at the Podracer hangar, Anakin is taller in the first shots than in the shot where he gets off the animal they're riding on.
When Obi-Wan, Qui-Gon, and Darth Maul get cut off from each other in the corridor and Qui-Gon kneels down, Obi-Wan is standing in the background with his lightsabre pointed downwards. In the next shot, it's pointing upwards.
When Anakin says goodbye to his mother, his shirt collar keeps moving up and down his neck between shots. The easiest way to see this is to watch his necklace, which is more covered up by his shirt in some shots than others.
When the gungan submarine exits the water, you can see water flowing on the force field. The shot later, the submarine is completely dry.
When Darth Maul is fighting with Qui-Gon, only one blade of his lightsaber is on and on the other side there is just a flat end, with no hole. When he fights with Obi-Wan and Qui-Gon in the palace, there is now a hole at both ends.
When Anakin says his last words to his mother, she is closer to the door than in the previous shot.
When Qui-Gon dies, you see him fall down - his hands clearly hit the ground and rest there after sliding off his body. In the close-up shot, Qui-Gon's right hand does not and rests on his stomach.
When C-3PO meets R2-D2 for the first time, Natalie Portman and Jake Lloyd (Padmé and Anakin) can be seen in the background. They are obviously NOT watching the action in the foreground, but instead Mike Lynch, the robotics operator, moving 3PO about.
Immediately before Watto throws the chance cube, watch the shot as he says "...Red, the mother.", there are no colours on the cube for a second.
When Qui-Gon is cleaning Anakin's wound there's no blood on the swab after he wipes the cut.
How do they get from Naboo to Tatooine in such a short period of time without a functioning hyperdrive? By looking at a map of The Galaxy, and using material from the games and comics, we know Naboo and Tatooine are roughly 4,500 parsecs (14,677 light-years) apart. At sub-light velocities (maximum sub-light speed is 0.25c or 1/4 the speed of light) it would take roughly 58,700 years to travel from Naboo to Tatooine.
Anakin's shadow changes direction during his final goodbye to his mother.
R2-D2 is briefly and unaccountably missing from the back of the Queen's ship as they run the blockade.
Just before Anakin's pod-racer gets stuck with Sebulba's, he is on Sebulba's right side. When they get stuck together in the next shot, Anakin is suddenly on Sebulba's left side without having changed positions.
Anakin takes C-3PO's eye in his right hand. Transfers it to the left hand. Starts to put the eye on its place. In the very next shot he puts the eye there, but with the right hand.
In the establishing shot of the funeral pyre scene, there is nobody standing next to Boss Nass. In the following shot, Jedi Master Saesee Tiin is suddenly standing to Nass' right.
During the podrace, Anakin is in front of Sebulba and has him on his tail. One view looking towards Anakin you can see Sebulba's pod in the background, but the driver's seat is empty.
When the flags are first brought out onto the course, we see C-3PO carrying Anakin's flag (a blue cross) three back from the front. Then in a closeup of him, he's suddenly between two different flag carriers. Worse still, in a wide shot of the flag carriers leaving the course before the race, he and the flag have disappeared completely.
When Anakin attaches 3PO's right eye, one shot has the eye in his left hand, then the angle changes and the eye is being applied with the right hand.
During the dinner scene, when Anakin says, "I'm the only human who can do it", his wrist is bare. In the next shot, it's covered up by his sleeve, and the cup in front of him has moved closer to the edge of the table.
In the scene in the podracer hangar after the Podrace, the existence and position of the people and objects keeps changing between shots.
When the Queen's starship is approaching Naboo after leaving Coruscant, Ric Olié says, "Those are the forward stabilizers." In the next shot, Anakin's head is reaching higher over the back of his seat than it was in the previous shot.
Right before Darth Maul kicks Obi-Wan off the walkway, there's a wideshot where Obi-Wan and Qui-Gon are fighting Maul on a straight part of the walkway. In the following shots, all three of them are suddenly standing on a round part of the walkway.
When Darth Maul is killed and begins to fall, he is holding his lightsabre, but when we see him falling down the pit, no lightsabre is falling through the air.
When Anakin, Qui-Gon, Jar Jar and Padmé arrives at Anakin's house, they are near each other. In the next shot, view from inside the house, Anakin is separated from the others.
There is no floor in the Podracer hangar, only sand, but when Watto throws his chance cube, it lands on flat, sand-coloured stone.
During dinner, as Anakin says, "I had a dream I was a Jedi", his arms are on the table. In the next shot, they're off the table, and there's a piece of cutlery in his food bowl, which wasn't there in the previous shot.
When the Queen and her guards are standing on the window ledge, the ledge is clean. When they are lifted up, the edge is covered with powder and debris from the window being blown out. There are also no foot prints in the powder after they are lifted up.
Is this interesting? Interesting?
When Anakin first uses the laser cannons on the Naboo Starfighter to destroy the Droidekas in the Theed Hangar, the lasers make the sound effect of Proton Torpedoes (as seen and heard later when Anakin is firing inside the hangar of the Droid Control Ship) not laser cannons. (which again, sound different in later scenes with Naboo Starfighters)
Crew or equipment visible
When Darth Maul takes his speeder bike after finding the missing Jedi, you can see a pair of tire tracks from a car or truck.
In the Boardroom in Otoh Gunga, as Obi-Wan and Qui-Gon turn to leave, you can see Obi-Wan's lapel mic just inside his tunic.
The droid army is entering the city it cuts to the scene where the Queen is looking out of the window in her palace. As it shows her approach the window you can clearly see a large ILM (Industrial Light & Magic) sign written in what looks like red spray paint at the bottom right hand corner of the screen.
When Queen Amidala is standing before a big window (she watches the Trade Federation enter the city) she is wearing a dress with lights at the bottom. Behind her the power cable of those bulbs is visible.
When the engines start turning on Anakin's pod racer, they are turning the wrong direction. They should be turning so that the fan blades will force air into the engine, but the direction they are turning, air will blow out the front of the engine.
Incorrectly regarded as goofs
Some naturalists have stated that Watto's wings weren't big enough to lift his body in flight. George Lucas explains that Watto's digestive system filled his rotund belly with helium, making Watto a blimp, not a bird.
It is established early in the film that Qui-Gon Jinn and Obi-Wan Kenobi have the ability to dash several feet across in a few seconds yet it never occurs to Obi-Wan to use it in the hallway with the revolving forcefields to reach Qui-Gon and Darth Maul in time. Of course, if he did, he could have crashed right into a force field as they turn on and off so quickly.
During the final lightsaber battle, the red force fields can be regularly seen opening and closing before Obi-Wan emerges from them. After he does, they cannot be seen or heard opening or closing again. However, the force fields are not necessarily on permanently and may have simply finished a regular or semi-regular cycle when Obi-Wan emerges from them.
When listing candidates for Chancellor, Captain Panaka includes "Bail Antilles of Alderaan." Some viewers think he means Bail Organa of Alderaan (played by Jimmy Smits in later movies). However, there is nothing unusual about two men from the same planet having the same first name. The script explains that these are indeed two different characters.
Qui-Gon's "comlink" is a modified Gillette Sensor Excel woman's razor, with some extra tech added to it. This is not a mistake, as the filmmakers have stated how they made the prop themselves.
As the Jedi run from the droidekas, they disappear (or at least become very faint) briefly. This is a deliberate effect to indicate the speed of their departure.
It is not clear in what way, if any, the Naboo and the Gungans are symbiotic. However, this is not a goof as all the audience needs to know is that they share the planet of Naboo together and have clearly made it a thriving world with its natural beauty intact.
The premise behind Anakin having to win his pod race is due to the fact that Watto wouldn't accept Republic Credits from Qui-Gon Jinn in payment for the parts their ship needs. Surely there is at least one person in the spaceport (a banker perhaps?) that would be willing to exchange local currency for the Republic credits. Especially since Qui-Gon was willing to use the Force to "persuade" Watto to accept the currency he had.
Qui-Gon says that he tried to free Shmi too "but Watto wouldn't have it". At this point, Watto is a bankrupt disreputable junk dealer in a town run by gangsters. Qui-Gon could free Shmi easily.
As Qui-Gon, Padme, and R2 enter Anakin Skywalker's home Qui-gon introduces himself to Anakin's mother. As Qui-Gon says, "I'm Qui-Gon Jinn", Padme mouths these same words. This might not be visible in the pan and scan version of the film.
When Anakin is sitting in the Naboo Starfighter cockpit, the text on the side of the cockpit switches back/forth between scenes, revealing the use of mirrored images.
When Sebulba is on the verge of running down Anakin during the pod race, there is an over the shoulder shot clearly showing that Sebulba's pod is unmanned. An acknowledged animation error.
At the beginning of the pod race, we see Annikin's hand throwing a switch to start his engines. The hand we see is clearly that of an adult and not a little boy.
When Darths Maul and Sidious are conversing on Coruscant ("At last we will have revenge!"), Maul's neck is visible beneath his cloak, and is flesh-toned. Everywhere else in the film, his neck is black.
When Qui-Gon and Jar Jar are eating the meal at Anakin's house, his mother goes around the table pouring water into everyone's cups. She pretends to pour it into Jar Jar's computer-generated cup, and it sounds as if she does, but no computer-generated water has been added into the scene.
There is a support bar visible betweens R2-D2's legs before the gang enters Watto's junk shop
When Amidala's groups and the two Jedi approach the gate that leads to the hangar, while slaughtering battle droids, a laser can be seen hitting Obi-Wan, but he doesn't seems to feel it.
When Jar Jar Binks is leading Qui-Gon Jinn and Obi-Wan Kenobi to the underwater city, Qui-Gon Jinn asks, "How much further?" to which Jar Jar Binks states they must go under water. Qui-Gon Jinn and Obi-Wan Kenobi make motions to get out breathing apparatus but it can be seen that they have been carrying them in hand for the entire scene, even before finding out the city was underwater.
As they enter the hangar on Naboo to prepare for their escape, only three members of the party are reflected in the fighter above them, the others are not.
When Darth Maul is slashing at Obi-Wan in the pit, sparks form from areas of the pit wall Maul isn't even slashing.
After R2-D2 repairs the shield generator, there is a scene where Padmé is cleaning up the droid and talking to Jar Jar. In the last shot of this scene, the film is reversed (mirror image) - evident from R2-D2's features.
Same point-of-view footage of the crowd is used twice during the pod race - the characters on the steps make the exact same moves each time.
Senator Palpatine and Viceroy Nute Gunray are about the same height, and Darth Maul taller than both. But in one scene while Nute Gunray is sitting and Darth Maul is standing next to him, Darth Maul appears much shorter than usual.
A green Landspeeder similar to Luke Skywalkers in Episode IV is visible when Qui-Gon's party enters Mos Espa. It should be floating above the ground, but two of it's three wheels are visible, despite two black clad humans standing in front of it trying to cover up the wheels.
When Qui-Gon is talking to Jar Jar for the first time, they are walking through the forest. A branch with leaves comes up and Jar Jar dips his head to avoid it, but his eye and part of his head go through the leaves.
The aerial traffic on Coruscant repeats itself frequently.
Whenever Jar Jar, Padmé and Qui-Gon are seeking shelter from the impending sandstorm, Jar Jar's shadow is missing as he's walking through the entrance to Anakin's home.
When Qui-Gon delivers the hyperdrive, Obi-Wan's braid is on the left side and not the right. Evidently, this was done deliberately with the intention that the shot would later be flopped, but for some reason it never was, leaving the braid on the wrong side.
When Anakin and Jar Jar are readying the podracer, Jar Jar inserts his hands into the metal turbine blades, but the blades can briefly be seen to bend like foam or rubber.
Part of Darth Maul's lightsaber (his left side) disappears for a few frames during the big lightsaber battle.
In Anakin's hovel, where everyone is introducing themselves, Qui-Gon says "I'm Qui-Gon Jinn," and you can see Padmé mouth the words.
After everyone leaves Tatooine after the short stay they land on Coruscant in the middle of busy air traffic. Unfortunately, the ship that they fly in (the Nubian), with its incredibly shiny and mirror-like appearance does not reflect the bustling traffic above, nor the people walking out of it. It only seems to reflect the basic landscape.
When the Queen blasts the window to gain entrance into the upper floor of the palace, a shot from down the corridor reveals that the window was already open before the sparks and smoke appeared on screen.
When Qui-Gon is attacked by Darth Maul for the first time, he escapes by leaping onto his ship which quickly takes off. As they zoom up into space, he discusses the mystery attacker with Obi-Wan. However, the lighting from outside the windows never changes giving the impression that they are static on a set rather than whizzing up into space.
When the Queen is escorted down the stairs in the Theed Royal Palace, right before Nute Gunray says, "Process them.", watch the space between Sabé (the Queen's decoy) and Captain Panaka, before a handmaiden and one of the Queen's guards block the view; the battle droid behind Sabé doesn't cast a shadow on the railing, as everyone else does in this shot.
In the final celebratory parade/ceremony scene, sun/shadow angles vary drastically between shots and a variety of items (flags for example) cast no shadows at all.
During the second lap of the Podrace, the announcer says, "Skywalker's spinning out of control" and there's a shot of the audience. After Anakin has won the race, the same shot is used again. This can be seen, for example, from that the people on the steps make the exact same movements in each shot.
As Darth Maul lands on Tatooine, in the night sky is the Earth's view of constellation Orion.
When the Gungan army set up their shield at the Naboo plains, you see the Trade Federation tanks coming over the hill. When the camera turns to behind the tanks, you see the bottom of one of the beige tanks disappear slowly.
When Jar Jar tries to retrieve the wrench that he dropped in the engine of Anakin's podracer, the metal slat above his hand bends like rubber.
When Qui-Gon and Obi-Wan are being gassed, Nute Gunray's hologram says, "Destroy what's left of them." After he says this, watch the battle droid on the left side of the screen closest to the hologram. One of its fingers goes through the barrel of the gun it's holding.
During the race, Anakin's clothes don't move in some shots, even though he's going at an extremely high speed.
When Darth Maul is harassing Obi-Wan as he dangles in the pit, the first swing of Darth Maul's sabre is out of sync with the resultant sparks (very evident in slo-mo).
When Qui-Gon and Obi-Wan are talking to Jar Jar for the first time, Ewan McGregor is looking in the wrong place: his gaze goes over Jar Jar's head.
At the end, after the battle, as the Jedi are getting off the ship on Naboo, there is a stand in for Mace Windu, who is clearly not Samuel L. Jackson.
The goof items below may give away important plot points.
When Darth Maul is killed, he is holding his lightsaber as he falls. When we switch shots to see him falling, he has no lightsaber and we do not see one falling through the air.
After the Trade Federation is defeated, Padmé's decoy is again playing the role of Queen Amidala when she is speaking to the Viceroy after their defeat, even after Padmé revealed herself to the Viceroy as the real Queen Amidala in the throne room.
After Obi-Wan kills Darth Maul, the reflection of his lightsaber blade does not appear in the floor where it did appear before.
When Darth Maul is killed and seen hurtling towards the bottom of the melting pit, you can clearly see his digital form created for this feat.
Watched 4th Time
Pre-2000 movies list
created 2 days ago


linkedin view profile as someone else How will LinkedIn Profile Optimization help to boost your individual brand name?
linkedin view profile as someone else LinkedIn is an extraordinary channel for individual branding and also might allow you to fabricate a competent existence on one of the most prominent social media with greater than 377 million specialists.
LinkedIn could be useful for the pursuit of work, arranging and also additionally for lead generation particularly when you are conscious of all concealed methods in addition to methods to LinkedIn Profile Optimization. In the event that your "Who's Viewed Your Profile" diagram is level covering week after week like a body without a beat, here is a personality check rip off sheet and couple of tips to enhance the LinkedIn profile that will certainly assist bring some life into your account and create even more profile views linkedin view profile as someone else.
The good news is, there is a cost-free tool you could make use of to place on your own as well as your very own brand and also it is called LinkedIn!
This is the area you could user interface with the feasible consumers to make the company, customers that are particularly keen on what you bring to the table or even find the one outstanding contract you have actually been looking for.
When someone first interacts with the profile, they will certainly choose an instant arrangement to proceed seeking or hand down to the following account that is most likely your competitor. Because of this, you've to focus around advancing the account to influence it to arise.
The concern various people face is that they merely transfer their return to or toss something with each other. Which indicates the account is unimpressive or undistinct.
You have the extraordinary placement of standing where you are today, viewing exactly how you got here as well as concentrating on where you are going. You get the chance to make your tale.
You obtain the opportunity to pick which work you take into your account and which components of those professions to feature. All that you put on your account ought to be coordinated specifically to the brand name you are making as well as for that LinkedIn Profile Optimization is a must.
It might be predictable as well as time-worn – yet the what's what is keywords and also the succeeding discover capability is exactly what affecting the Internet globe to go round. Consider exactly what someone might kind right into Google if they were searching down someone like you.
Think verb, thing, equivalent word, and acronym. Just what is your company name? These are keyword phrases to use in your account.
You call for a lift pitch or speech, as well as you need to add it to LinkedIn. linkedin view profile as someone else A "lift speech" is that incredibly brief speech you would use (pitch) to an official amidst the flight up to his workplace or down to her auto. You have possibly 30 secs to pitch an inconceivable tale, book or assumed to them.
Primarily, you have no opportunity to squander and also require to strike all the invigorating concentrates. You need to do also with your LinkedIn brand. In case someone messages you or you have to speak with them concerning your brand name, have a suitable lift speech prepared. In the occasion that it is in on-line message frame, you can make use of a one area pitch. Maintain it short, uncomplicated and also straight to the point. Your pitch is simply comparable to the weakest link.
Odds are that you have actually seen the records on Facebook where someone has a few thousand "buddies." Do they understandably have these numerous real friends? Most likely not. Do they truly talk with this numerous individuals? Once again, it's not likely.
LinkedIn is a professional systems administration account, so basically going out and interfacing with your companions really isn't really important. Obviously, it could sustain a little direct exposure, which is fine, yet you need to center around the nature of your links. Do not merely user interface with the partner. Seek people in your area, look for those you value or who speak to their company in such a way you like.
Impressive among various other approaches to LinkedIn Profile Optimization along with to develop the networking potential and also to find new service partners is to make use of the publishing tool. Make up material on the subject you are inhabited with. Make a week by week or biweekly blog because your very own brand. This will help sustain the direct exposure and bring extra connections. There are a variety of LinkedIn profile optimization examples that you could consider and these LinkedIn profile optimization examples will certainly assist you to improve your own brand name.
When you make a LinkedIn account you will wind up with some baffled wreck of a URL. It encourages it to arise on a page as well as will certainly assist in LinkedIn profile optimization as well as in enhancement enhance your very own brand.
Utilize an account photograph that talks to your professional side as well as interfaces with the company. There is many LinkedIn profile optimization instances that you could look and also see just what kind of images they have actually uploaded on their account.
You do not usually need to make web content to help your own brand. This can accomplish new connections essentially to leverage the various other content and additionally aid in LinkedIn profile optimization.
It does not make a difference in case you are at first phases of the organization, are merely beginning to remove or in situation that you are a heavy steam train as well as absolutely nothing could avoid you from progress. By manipulating these ideas, you will certainly see the broadened interest for your account, along with you will host your account over the opposition, which is something you need to attain your specified purposes.


DM and Player for W40K-RPG Rogue Trader, D&D 3.5 and oWoD Vampire: The Masquerade. Player of Shadowrun; DnD 3.5, 4.0, and Pathfinder; W40K RP Rogue Trader and Dark Heresey. Fan of Science Fiction and 90's vampires (Buffy/Angel, oWoD). Currently useing/learning Maptools and Roll20.net .


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You are here: Home / New Hampshire Military Bases / Portsmouth Shipyard Navy Base in Portsmouth, NH
Portsmouth Shipyard Navy Base in Portsmouth, NH
Portsmouth Shipyard is a United States Navy installation located on the border of New Hampshire and Maine in the northeastern United States. The shipyard technically falls in Kittery, Maine on Seavey's Island. The 54 acre facility is a mere two miles from the New Hampshire city of Portsmouth. The location of the base has often led to its confusion with another shipyard located within the actual boundaries of Portsmouth.
The Portsmouth Naval Shipyard has a fairly straightforward mission. The facility is tasked with repairing and maintaining much of the US Navy's fleet of Los Angeles Class Nuclear Submarines on the east coast. Due its location, the Portsmouth Naval Shipyard deals almost exclusively with Navy vessels from the Atlantic fleet. The shipyard keeps on staff experts in all types of structural, internal and engine repair in order to service any and all parts of the ships needing their service. In addition to the regular maintenance and repair operations, the shipyard is equally adept at upgrading and updating ships. Navy ships in need of structural and technological upgrades can receive all services at the Portsmouth Shipyard.
Like almost all US military bases, the amount of facilities and services at the installation are too numerous to list. The Portsmouth Naval Shipyard does however maintain a wide range of services and amenities for the sailors stationed there. The base takes several steps to keep up the welfare and support of sailors and their families along with the civilian contractors that work on site.
The shipyard maintains a medical and dental clinic, multiple dining options, clubs, and fitness facilities. The base also offers childcare services, religious services and a full service PX and commissary for shopping. Several schooling options are available in the communities surround the base, and transportation is available.
The Portsmouth Naval Shipyard was established in 1800 by the Federal Government to deal with aging fleets of merchant and government ships and was in full operation by 1815. Throughout the years the shipyard took on additional roles, including housing prisoners of war during the Spanish American War. During World War I and II the Portsmouth Naval Shipyard was in constant activity, repairing battle damaged vessels and building new additions to the fleet. It was during World War II that the Portsmouth Naval Shipyard gained a reputation as the premier facility for the construction and repair of submarines, a tradition it continues with today.
Today, the Portsmouth Naval Shipyard deals primarily with the maintenance, repair and upgrading of Los Angeles Class Attack Nuclear Submarines. In 2008, the base was recognized as Star Site by the OSHA Voluntary Protection Program.
Photos of Portsmouth Shipyard Navy Base in Portsmouth, NH
Nearby Schools to Portsmouth Shipyard Navy Base in Portsmouth, NH
The Birchtree Center
Newington, 1.09 miles away.
29 enrolled in this private school. Grades range K-12.
New Franklin School
Portsmouth, 1.64 miles away.
252 enrolled in this public school. Grades range K-5.
Newington Public School
40 enrolled in this public school. Grades range K-6.
St Patrick School
180 enrolled in this private school. Grades range PK-8.
Portsmouth Middle School
529 enrolled in this public school. Grades range 6-8.
Nearby Hotels to Portsmouth Shipyard Navy Base in Portsmouth, NH
Residence Inn by Marriott Portsmouth
The Port Inn, an Ascend Hotel Collection Member
The Hotel Portsmouth
Nearby Car Rental Agencies to Portsmouth Shipyard Navy Base in Portsmouth, NH
Nearby Restaurants to Portsmouth Shipyard Navy Base in Portsmouth, NH
Lexie's Joint
The Black Birch
What A Crock

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Fondul Român Post Privatizare (FRPP) este un fond de investiții din România, administrat de GED Capital Development.
A fost înființat în 1996 în scopul susținerii prin investiții de capital a companiilor privatizate.
BERD și Uniunea Europeană au avut participațiile cele mai consitente la resursele Fondului, care a investit 40 milioane de euro în capitalul a 12 companii, pe parcursul a 11 ani de activitate.
Statul român a participat la investițiile FRPP prin Fundația pentru Post Privatizare.

Vezi și
 Privatizare

Note

Legături externe
www.postprivatizare.ro - Site web Fundația pentru Post Privatizare

Fonduri de investiții din România

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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Home › Media › Customer Magazine › DEUTZWORLD 3 / 2019 › New joint venture in China
CHINA RELIES ON DRIVE TECHNOLOGY "MADE IN GERMANY"
DEUTZ AND CHINA'S LARGEST CONSTRUCTION MACHINERY MANUFACTURER SANY ARE BUILDING A HIGH-PERFORMANCE ENGINE ASSEMBLY PLANT IN THE HUNAN PROVINCE.
China is the world's largest single market for construction machinery. The application range is correspondingly large in order to make a significant contribution to environmental and climate protection with clean engine technology. Chinese legislation is already making rapid progress in the area of emissions regulation. What is often missing, however, are highly developed drives that can meet the new standards.
With China IV, the nitrogen oxide and particulate mass limit values are being significantly reduced compared to China III. Moreover, a new limit value for the number of particles will be introduced that requires the technological use of a diesel particulate filter – similar to EU Stage V legislation. In addition, the new China VI Stage (which largely complies with EU Stage Euro VI) will be introduced in the heavy-duty onroad sector, initially for urban commercial vehicles and later nationwide.
These official figures represent an enormous challenge, especially since the Chinese provisions are rapidly catching up to the European standards. Conversely, this also opens up attractive opportunities for experienced manufacturers to capture market share as technology partners in China and simultaneously promote clean and sustainable mobility locally to relieve the climate and the environment.
China's largest construction machinery manufacturer SANY, for example, relies on engine expertise from Cologne. As part of a joint venture in which DEUTZ holds 51 percent, a new production site is currently being built in Changsha, which is expected to supply up to 75,000 engines for SANY by 2022. For comparison DEUTZ currently supplies a total of around 10,000 engines to China. There is still more growth potential in terms of unit sales. Dr. Frank Hiller, CEO of DEUTZ AG, explains: "We assume that demand in China will continue to rise. We can also serve other customers locally through our joint venture. The Chinese government is consistently pushing enhancement of diesel engines and alternative drive concepts such as electrification, sustainable fuels, and hydrogen drives. At DEUTZ, we're open to technology in all these areas, which means we're perfectly equipped for the Chinese market."
Such a broad range of technologies is in great demand in the up-and-coming Middle Kingdom and opens many a door. The joint venture between DEUTZ and SANY is part of SANY's "Intelligent Heavy Truck" project, a major project within the framework of SANY's digitalization strategy. This means that, in addition to various non-road applications, DEUTZ will take over engine production for SANY in the heavy trucks sector.
"China is focusing on sustainable mobility – and companies like SANY rely on experienced partners such as DEUTZ. We provide the best possible support for this path with highly developed drives in line with local and global sustainability. This is a real win-win situation for us, as growth and a positive impact on the environment and climate can be perfectly fused here," says Dr. Frank Hiller.
Liang Wengen, CEO of SANY Group
SANY relies on engine know-how from Cologne
Contract signed between SANY and DEUTZ with representatives of the local government of Changsha
Dr. Frank Hiller, CEO of DEUTZ AG
The contract was signed as part of the ground-breaking ceremonies at the production site


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A Nation Must Think Before it Acts Introduction Spring 1998
Introduction Spring 1998
Walter A. McDougall
Home / Articles / Introduction Spring 1998
Everyone talks, but hardly anyone thinks or does anything about it. I refer to the upsurge in awareness of religion's impact on international politics, a phenomenon almost as startling as the crackup of the Soviet empire which faith-based movements did so much to promote. In Afghanistan, ragtag mujaheddin defied the Red Army and shouted "Allah O Akbar" as their U.S.-supplied Stinger missiles knocked Soviet aircraft out of the sky. In Poland, Lech Walesa placed the Solidarity labor movement under the patronage of the Blessed Virgin, and Pope John Paul II funnelled clandestine support to the Polish resistance. In East Germany, Lutheran churches sheltered dissidents and partly inspired the massive nonviolent demonstrations that brought down the Berlin Wall. And as Librarian of Congress James Billington has recounted, Orthodox clergy and grandmothers stood guard around Boris Yeltsin and the patriots holed up in Moscow's White House, prayerfully imploring the soldiers in tanks to obey a higher law than that of the Communist coup-makers. The witness of religious leaders such as Desmond Tutu and repentant clergy in the Dutch Reformed Church likewise helped to bring down apartheid in South Africa.
On the unhappy side of the ledger, Islamic fundamentalists played the decisive role in the installation of an anti-American theocratic republic in Iran, and continue to stoke the terrorism that frustrates the Arab-Israeli peace process. And since the end of the Cold War religious zeal seems to express itself less often in peaceful struggles against tyrannical regimes than in violent assaults against innocent peoples, most tragically in Bosnia and Algeria.
Yet, while foreign policy analysts grant that faith-based political action seems more influential in world affairs today than at any time since the Enlightenment, the University of Pennsylvania library catalog lists a mere seven titles published under the rubric "Religion and International Affairs" in the past decade. Now, thanks to a grant from Dr. John M. Templeton Jr., the Foreign Policy Research Institute endeavors to encourage more scholarship on this vast and amorphous subject by dedicating this issue of Orbis to a survey of the world's major religions in search of their past and potential impact on the behavior of states in the world arena.
Why So Little Is Known
It is not difficult to imagine some of the reasons for the scarcity of literature on religion and international relations. First, very few scholars, much less pundits, theologians, or diplomats, display expertise in both fields. Some have a profound understanding of one or more religious traditions, perhaps also a personal faith, but lack knowledge or experience of the rough and tumble of politics. Others are wise in the ways of statecraft either from analysis or practice, but confess to being out of their depth in spiritual matters. Secondly, a profound disconnect would seem to hamper analysis of the phenomenon for the simple reason that international relations are immanentan arena of power and conflict over discernible material stakes whereas religious motivations are transcendent and their impact unpredictable, if not immeasurable. Hence, religion is an unwelcome intruder that confounds rational models of world politics based on balance of power, economic self-interest, or comparative sociology. Conversely, if one accepts on faith a prophetic vision in which Divine Providence, the Mandate of Heaven, or the eternal play of yin and yang is the engine that drives history forward, then the rise and fall of empires, indeed all creaturely struggles for dominion and wealth, are but ephemeral monuments to human vanity hardly in need of explaining at all. How does one make sense of occasions when some people act in this world according to precepts "not of this world"when, in effect, time and eternity intersect?
A third reason why our otherwise sophisticated civilization has so loose a grip on this subject is that we in the West have misread, or more often nowadays forgotten, our own history. The standard textbook account teaches that religion was central to the international relations of Europe from the Fall of the Roman Empire until the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, when the princes, chastised by the bloody wars of the Reformation, resolved to purge their conflicts of religious passions. The 1555 formula of cuius regio eius religio (whoever's domain, his religion prevails) was reaffirmed, and henceforth European states practiced diplomacy according to the secular principle of raison d'etat (reason of state, or national interest). Political scientists today take this Westphalian system for granted, trace its spread around the world through the agencies of imperialism and decolonization, and wonder if global economics, communications, and concerns such as the environment and weapons of mass destruction are bringing the curtain down on the secular nation-state system.
The textbook account, however, is too pat. To begin with, Europe's so-called religious wars had at least as much to do with normal dynastic rivalry as they did with theology. The Catholic French fought as vigorously against the dominant Catholic Habsburgs as did the Protestant Danes, Swedes, and German princes. Spain and Venice answered the papacy's call for a Christian coalition to contain the Muslim Turks, culminating in the naval victory at Lepanto (1571), but the other Catholic rulers, fearing Spanish power, stayed home. The sixteenth-century "religious wars" in France were civil conflicts among rival claimants to the throne, and the ultimate victor, Henri de Bourbon, happily converted to Catholicism ("Paris is well worth a mass") to placate the majority of his subjects. The Dutch rebellion against Spain (1580-1640) was a war of independence in which some Catholic patriots made common cause with the Protestants. The English Civil War Cromwell's Presbyterian crusade notwithstanding began and ended as a political quarrel between crown and parliament. Even the Thirty Years' War in Germany (1618-48) was as much a dispute over how much autonomy the princes of the Holy Roman Empire would enjoy as it was a fight for Germany's soul. To be sure, all sides in these conflicts stoked religious fervor more or less sincerely to rally support, often with savage results. But none was a crusade in the medieval sense.
Nor did religion cease to influence statecraft after Westphalia. Louis XIV, in a fit of folly, revoked the tolerant Edict of Nantes and drove the Protestant Huguenots out of France, thereby enriching those states such as Prussia that welcomed the talented, hard-working Calvinists. France's refusal to permit Huguenots to emigrate to her colonies likewise weakened Quebec and contributed to the British conquest of North America. To be sure, sectarian rivalry played little role in eighteenth-century European diplomacy, but the romantic reaction against the excesses of Reason in the French Revolution restored religious conviction to a prominent place in world affairs. From Alexander I to Nicholas II, Russian tsars repeatedly took fateful initiatives in part because they styled themselves champions of Orthodoxy. English, American, French, and German missionaries scoured the globe for chances to proselytize, thereby determining which of those nations would come to annex Fiji, Hawaii, Tahiti, East Africa, and Indochina, or win spheres of influence in this or that province of China. Napoleon III, even as he fought for the cause of Italian unification, occupied Rome to protect the papacy from the anticlerical Italian nationalists. Bismarck claimed to have undergone an adult conversion (albeit he was said to believe in a God who never disagreed with him), and Gladstone was notorious for subjecting his foreign policy to the test of Christian morality. Gladstone, in fact, was the principal role model for T. Woodrow Wilson.
Americans have been especially prone to justify their behavior abroad in Protestant Christian terms, however much they may disagree about what constitutes right and wrong. The fact that most American churches were on board for the Spanish-American War and acquisition of colonies goes far to explain the United States' abrupt shift into self-confident overseas expansion in 1898. When the Truman administration had to justify nuclear armaments and rally Americans to wage the Cold War, Reinhold Niebuhr and Bishop Sheen provided the moral theology to reassure the nation. Truman and Eisenhower themselves, not to mention John Foster Dulles, unabashedly defined the Cold War as a spiritual contest and invoked God's blessing on their defense of civilization.
In sum, religious zeal was not the sole scourge of European politics before 1648, nor has it suddenly reemerged after the Cold War for the simple fact that it never went entirely away. The interplay of religion and politics has been and remains more complicated than conventional wisdom suggests. In some cases, apparent religious conflicts from early modern times to the Northern Irish and Bosnian strife today can be interpreted as familiar turf battles in which religious prejudice has played the role of a "force multiplier," inspiring greater zeal and sacrifice from the masses. By the same token, the origins and outcomes of apparent political conflicts from the Crimean and Russo-Japanese wars to the recent war in Afghanistan were powerfully influenced by religion, with results that astounded the world. It was Napoleon, after all, who recognized that "In war, the moral is to the material as three is to one."
Finally, our notions of history are skewed by the tendency of Western intellectuals to think in dialectical terms. Thus, we set realism and idealism, or secularism and religion, against one another as if they were mutually exclusive. In fact, the most profound students of Christian moral theology from Thomas Aquinas to Niebuhr argued that whatever is "unrealistic" (hence contrary to natural law) cannot by definition be moral! Applied to statecraft, this means that to expect utopian results from diplomacy and war is inevitably to invite immoral consequences whether the crusade in question is one of self-righteous knights or innocent children led like lambs to the slaughter. Courage borne of religious faith may expand the bounds of the possible, but politics, as Bismarck said, remains the art of the possible. A truly moral approach to statecraft, therefore, takes human nature as it is, respects limits, and acknowledges the contingency of all human creations. It is one that pursues and upholds international order, seeks peace but prepares in extremis to fight, practices proportionality of force, receives defeated enemies back into the fold, and is honest and realistic about one's own ends and means. For there is no virtue in stupidity or dishonesty, however lofty one's motives. Or as Winston Churchill observed, "The high belief in the perfection of man is appropriate in a man of the cloth but not in a prime minister."
This line of thought suggests that the sort of reasonable, restrained balance-of-power system founded in Westphalia, promoted by philosophers such as Hugo Grotius, Samuel Pufendorf, and Immanuel Kant, and nurtured by such hard-headed diplomats as Talleyrand, Metternich, and Palmerston, was not the antithesis of a "Christian" politics, but rather the best possible expression of it, especially by contrast to the "religious" wars that preceded it and the even more vicious era of nationalist and ideological wars that followed. Anglican historian Herbert Butterfield made the point presciently in 1954 when he wrote,
It is better to say that you are fighting for Persian oil than to talk of a "war of righteousness" when you really mean that you believe you have a right to the oil; for you would be conducting an altogether unjust war if for a single moment you believed anything less than this. . . . If you possess an international order . . . you are the party which must refrain from conceiving the ends of war as though you were fighting barbarian hordes entirely outside the system.
What Has Been Ventured So Far
If getting the history right, or at least confronting its ambiguities, is critical, so too is correctly identifying the mysteries and paradoxes of contemporary religious influences on international politics. Happily, we do not start from scratch. In 1991 the American Academy of Arts and Sciences devoted an entire number of its journal Daedalus to "Religion and Politics," and three years later a book naming religion "the missing dimension" in diplomacy explored a number of recent case studies. Their authors and editors expended much energy just to persuade readers of the salience of their subject. That, we trust, is no longer needed. But they also introduced many substantive themes and findings, a review of which is the best way to introduce the present volume.
The Daedalus survey began by recalling that the reigning sociological theories of the 1950s and 1960s made an implicit assumption (disguised as a conclusion) to the effect that as material forces of progress worked their magic around the world, cultural divides would erode and the First, Second, and Third Worlds would increasingly resemble each other. But "memory and tradition, in fact, are not so easily erased," and "if the world is a village today a dubious proposition at best the village is too little known." The most embarrassing prediction made by social scientists from Karl Marx onward was that religion was an atavism from which science and material progress would liberate mankind, and Robert Wuthnow's lead article pinpointed the shortcomings of the theories that belittled the role of religion in world affairs. The first, modernization theory, is built on Max Weber's observations about the Entzauberung (disenchantment, or profanation) of modern life as science, medicine, and state bureaucracies took over the epistemological, psychic, and social duties previously performed by religious institutions. In functional terms, modern society had no "use" anymore for religion, hence it was bound to disappear as the democratization and secularization that inevitably flowed from industrialization and urbanization spread from Europe and America to Third World countries. Perversely, religion did not disappear, and not least in the United States, the most "modern" nation of all. Faced with such evidence, modernization theorists concocted such an array of exceptions, countertrends, special cases, and the like, that their model came to resemble the "late Ptolemaic conceptions of the solar system . . . a profusion of ad hoc arguments." To be sure, a sharp decline in religious observance has characterized most of Europe, but that such a decline is inevitable clearly is false.
A second school accounted for the persistence of religion by making it a dependent variable. These "world system" theorists criticized modernizationists for treating countries as discrete units when in fact the trend of capitalism since at least the sixteenth century has been to meld all countries into a single world economy. Neo-Marxist in their approach, historians such as Immanuel Wallerstein described the often traumatic effects that the turbulent and inequitable capitalist marketplace has on locales, and interpreted the occasional outbursts of millenarianism and folk revivals to psychological needs borne of a sense of helplessness. That sounded plausible, especially to academics, but the world systematizers, no less than the modernizationists, posited a structuralism that left no room for culture, free will, and genuine religiosity as independent factors in history.
The so-called Frankfurt School of "critical theorists" offered a third theory meant to account for the survival of religion. Led by Jurgen Habermas, it focused on cultural evolution, and invented the notion of the "postmodern" era. In the merely modern industrial era, advanced societies did display the expected retreat of religious influence on politics. But in the postmodern era, precisely because of the alienation brought on by capitalism and bureaucratization, people direct their attention to "quality of life" issues such as the environment and human potential. Thus, a renewed interest in spirituality, whether in traditional or New Age manifestations, is a predictable phase in the evolution of culture but, the Frankfurt theorists confidently concluded, a phase that is bound to give way over time to a universal humanism based on reason, not superstition.
Wuthnow dismisses these theories because they share the flawed Enlightenment assumption to the effect that individual and collective human behavior can in fact be rationally explained, rendered predictable, and ultimately controlled. They permit no role for spirituality as expressed through the charisma of religious leaders or followers, because anyone who purports to act out of religious conviction is ipso facto fooling himself. The alternative, Wuthnow suggests, is to pursue a genuine theory derived from the empirical evidence of "the restructuring of religious belief and institutions." He grants that religious communities are affected by scientific and socioeconomic change, but notes that they react by adjusting, not abandoning, their traditions "because these traditions carry intrinsic meaning." Indeed, dramatic shifts in the politics of Iran or the United States may be better explained as effects of religious restructuring. One need only contemplate the degree to which the revival called the First Great Awakening helped to inspire the American Revolution, or the Second Awakening the Abolitionist movement, to imagine how a prima facie case can be made.
If tectonic shifts in a people's religious sensibilities help to explain political change, then it would appear that the United States is not unique, in spite of its separation of church and state. That is what N.J. Demerath argues in the next Daedalus essay. Every society, he writes, is an "enterprise of faith" of one sort of another. It may be hierocratic, in which the secular state dominates but cloaks itself in spiritual authority, or theocratic, in which the church dominates but cloaks itself in secular authority, or caesaropapist, in which the secular ruler governs both state and religion. Examining cases as varied as Buddhist Thailand, Lutheran Sweden, and the United States, Demerath concludes that both "official" religion and "separation" of church and state are ideal types. In fact, religious hierarchies that enjoy established status almost always suffer as a result of their identification with the state, while virulently secular states invariably provoke the very religious expression they hope to suppress. Countries with the most religious liberty and diversity, such as the United States and Indonesia (!), tend to develop ecumenical "civic religions," betraying yet another anomaly. Their politics oblige leaders to pay lip service to religious conviction by way of legitimating their claim to high office, but also to spurn religious agendas once in office since sectarianism of any sort can be a liability when it comes to governing a diverse population. That is a phenomenon the so-called "Christian Right" in America quadrennially rues.
The other Daedalus articles examine specific countries, but some findings have universal validity. For instance, religious people of any tradition cling by definition to concepts of right and wrong that may transcend the laws of their state. Senator William Henry Seward invoked that concept ("There is a higher law. . . .") when he spoke out against the extension of slavery in the 1850s, as do opponents of abortion today. Strikingly, Islamist parties of North Africa made the same sort of appeal in 1990-91 when they opposed their governments' support for Kuwait and Saudi Arabia against the predations of Saddam Hussein. "For the ordinary citizen of North Africa, the challenge by ostensibly 'revolutionary' Iraq to the notoriously arrogant, selfish, and inequitable Kuwaiti government was a compelling dramatization of their own grievances against unresponsive, corrupt, and arbitrary rulers." In Islam, as in Christianity, a believer is called to obey God's law and not to conform to the world. In the words of Turkish poet Ismet Ozel, a Marxist convert to Islam: "I did not consider myself a part of the society I was in but as a candidate for the courageous and uncompromising defense of the cause of the just." What is justice? To that the mystic al-Gazali replied that "this world is seen as a reflection of the unseen world. . . . Whoever abstracts and isolates the outward from the whole is a materialist and whoever abstracts the inward is a spiritualist, while he who joins the two together is catholic, perfect." A pope, imam, and rabbi might agree on that but few statesmen struggling to resolve disputes through diplomacy would welcome having to take into account the "cause of the just" as defined in the bazaar.
In sum, individuals and religious communities who dare to follow a higher calling may have been responsible for some of the most sublime (as well as most sordid) achievements in history. But insofar as they are out of control they not only complicate statecraft, but puncture the modern state's pretense of being "the more reliable interpreter of human nature" and best provider of human needs. Not for nothing is Turkey's fundamentalist political movement today called the Welfare Party.
The authors of Religion: the Missing Dimension of Statecraft have a different mission altogether, which is to argue the case for the positive role religious belief can play in resolving political conflicts. Jimmy Carter recalls how he appealed to the common precepts of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam in order to win Menachem Begin and Anwar el-Sadat to the Camp David Accords. Having served as a roving peacemaker in his years as former president, Carter calls on religious spokesmen to "exercise their moral authority and mobilize the vast human resources of their communities in the service of peacemaking." This is the clearest statement of the belief that religion, far from dividing mankind, is the surest and perhaps only way of uniting it.
The Carter method, as expressed by editor Douglas Johnston, is not to approach mediation of international disputes with a shrewd eye to the conflicting interests that need to be reconciled, but rather with "an understanding of the emotional stakes of the parties." It is at least as important, he writes, to ask of contesting parties how they feel as what they want. A wizened statesman might laugh at such a proposition imagine "getting in touch with the feelings" of a Saddam Hussein or Kim Jong-il but that is the recommended approach. Johnston admits that with the exception of Christians, who are clearly admonished to be peacemakers, it is difficult to find cases in which religiously inspired mediators have helped to resolve conflicts. But he has a point when he urges diplomats to pay more attention to the "human dimensions" of conflicts rooted as much in history and culture as in power and wealth.
Edward Luttwak, whom none would accuse of romanticism, provides the title essay. He begins by mocking the Enlightenment's dismissal of religion as "barbarism" (in Gibbon's word), and accuses rational social science of prejudice as extreme as that displayed by premodern churches. He then draws on Max Weber's distinction between society and community (Gesellschaft and Gemeinschaft), noting that even as capitalism and the modern state produce unprecedented wealth they tend to undermine a people's sense of community. That in turn can delegitimize the market and state inasmuch as people are unlikely to welcome new increments to their material well-being at the cost of further erosion of the cultural traditions that give meaning to life. That is a fancy way of saying that "man doth not live by bread alone," or, as the Ayatollah Khomeini put it, that "the masses are naturally drawn to religion"and not because it is an opiate, but because it is an indispensable medicine for mortal, suffering, souls.
Religion, therefore, is a perennial, but Luttwak shrewdly observes that its utility in international affairs is problematical. For rulers who enlist the religious convictions of their people in a political struggle sacrifice their freedom to maneuver, negotiate, and compromise. On the other hand, Luttwak observes, religiously motivated mediators may succeed in "introducing the authority of religion into the negotiating equation" and thereby win conflicting parties to concessions they could not otherwise make for the reason that the parties would be acceding, not to their enemies, but to some divine principle their people can understand.
Here Luttwak places his finger on the crucial dilemma regarding religion and politics. Tapping religious fervor may be a powerful tactic for a leader embroiled in a conflict, but that very fervor ties his hands when it comes to reaching a settlement. On the other hand, if the leader pursues an apparently amoral realpolitik so as not to incite a "religious war," he risks losing legitimacy in the eyes of his own people. Luttwak concludes that third-party negotiators, whether sectarian or ecumenical/secular (e.g., the United Nations) can theoretically be effective insofar as they introduce a higher authority to which two warring sides may defer without losing face. But the conditions for such interventions are rare and delicate.
The case studies described in the book only demonstrate how marginal such interventions have been. Religious groups attempted to mediate the conflicts in Nicaragua, Nigeria during the Ibo rebellion, Rhodesia during the transition from white rule, and the Philippines during the last days of Ferdinand Marcos. While the authors are at pains to show that the Quakers or other intermediaries "won the parties' trust" or "brought the sides together" in no case did they succeed in resolving the dispute. Luttwak's own case study describes the role played by the Moral Rearmament Movement in the reconciliation of France and West Germany after World War II, but rightly concludes that the rapprochement proceeded for other powerful reasons, above all fear of the Soviet Union. In the Philippine case, the Catholic Church assuredly helped to delegitimize Marcos, but Filipino politics soon reverted to their corrupt pattern. "We thought [the revolution] was what Exodus was to the Jews," lamented one priest, "but it wasn't. We're back to normal." This is an illustration of the "morning after" problem common to all enthusiastic political movements, and a serious check on the transformative power of religion. Faith may move mountains, but they still cast their shadows.
A final conundrum lies in the "clash of civilizations" manner of perceiving the impact of religion on politics. We tend to assume that theological cleavages are what prevent Christians, Confucians, Muslims, et al., from seeing eye to eye, hence the heavy investment made in the ecumenical movement. If only the world's religions could merge, or at least celebrate the humane principles common to all, then peace might break out. One hero of the ecumenical movement was Gandhi, whose ethic of nonviolent civil disobedience seemed to be a model for a spiritual, but effective and universally applicable politics. What is more, Gandhi was open to all wisdom, whether derived from the Upanishads, Bible, Quran, or Tao, and acted on the Hindu principles that "what appears to be divided is at some level essentially one, and that conflict lies at the level of perception, not of reality."
But the ecumenical movement has failed, not least because its proponents consistently err in separating precept from authority. Perhaps all major religions do teach a variant of the Golden Rule, but if the World Council of Churches, for instance, preaches the moral injunctions taught by religions while jettisoning the supernatural authority behind them, it robs people of the main reason they might be inclined to obey them. What many ecumenicists peddle is really a watered-down humanitarianism that is not religious at all. (As Malcolm Muggeridge quipped, Christianity without the cross is Liberalism.)
Gandhi understood. This proselytizing, he said, "will mean no peace in the world," for what the human race needs is not a syncretic religion, but rather that "Hindus become better Hindus and Mussulmans become better Mussulmans and Christians become better Christians." God, not man, must occupy the center if any politics of decency is to survive. G.K. Chesterton, pondering the roots of American democracy, made the same point: "The Declaration of Independence dogmatically bases all rights on the fact that God created all men equal; and it is right; for if they were not created equal, they were certainly evolved unequal."
The bottom line, it would seem, is that religions will neither disappear nor merge, cannot be drained out of politics, and ought not to be drained lest the world be rendered defenseless against far more destructive secular totalitarianisms. But insofar as religions remain distinct and inspire obedience, they will continue to make warriors of zealots and martyrs of peacemakers.
The famed political scientist Ken Waltz gave scholars and students the neatest model when he posited three images, or levels of analysis, of international relations. First-image analysis focuses on the policymakers themselves and the influence of their own personalities, ambitions, or ideologies. In the case of authoritarian regimes or democracies led by dynamic statesmen, first-image analysis is indispensable. How can one explain the policies of a Louis XIV, Hitler, or Wilson without reference to the leader's proclivities? Second-image analysis stresses the domestic environment in which policy is shaped, including the impact of politics, economic interests, competing bureaucracies, parliamentary and public opinion. Second-image analysis is indispensable, especially in modern democratic states. Third-image analysis examines the international environment, the balance of power, and all the threats and opportunities that emerge from beyond a state's borders, compelling or inviting response.
Applying Waltz's model to the impact of religion on foreign affairs we can readily imagine a matrix in which each of his fruitful paths is pursued for each of the world's great religions. In these pages, eight distinguished authors examine the past and present influence of religious traditions on international relations. Arthur Waldron examines Confucianism, Islam, Lamaism, and Christianity as forces in Communist China. "Cappy" Hurst tackles Japan, the Buddhist and Shint" nation in which religion is said to play the least role in politics. Emmanuel Sivan provides a much-needed scholarly account of the "holy war" tradition that is really marginal to the Islamic faith. Edward Lynch reveals the surprising collaboration between Catholic and evangelical reformers in Latin America. John Langan, S.J., volunteers for the most Herculean chore, assessing the history and future of Roman Catholic teaching and practice in world affairs. Michael Radu does the same for Eastern Orthodoxy, and Harvey Sicherman for Judaism and present-day Israel. Finally, James Kurth describes the foreign policy posture, not of evangelicals, whose influence is well-known, but of mainstream American churches in light of what he provocatively terms "the Protestant Deformation."
To paraphrase the Book of Common Prayer, we do not presume to come to this table trusting in our own erudition. The place of the gods in the affairs of mortals is the most ineffable and probably oldest object of human curiosity. But we take it up in the belief that Alexander Pope was too curt when he wrote that "The proper study of mankind is man." The proper study of mankind is man, God, and the relationship between the two. Or, as the great priest, doctor, and skeptical wit Rabelais murmured to those circling his deathbed: "I go in search of the great Perhaps."
Walter A. McDougall is the Ginsburg-Satell Chair of FPRI's Center for the Study of America and the West. He is also the Co-Chair of FPRI's Madeleine and W.W. Keen Butcher History Institute, Chairman of FPRI Board of Advisors, and sits on the Board of Editors for FPRI's journal, Orbis. He is the Alloy-Ansin Professor of International Relations and Professor of History at the University of Pennsylvania.


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text:
Q: Unpacking multiple values from a nested dictionary in one line "pythonically" Suppose I have a nested dictionary that looks like this:
numbers = {
    'one': {"square": "one", "cube": "one"},
    'two': {"square": "four", "cube": "eight"},
    'three': {"square": "nine", "cube": "twenty-seven"},
    'four': {"square": "sixteen", "cube": "sixty-four"}
}

and I want to unpack the squares and cubes into lists.   I could do this:
squares = [n["square"] for n in numbers.values()]
cubes = [n["cube"] for n in numbers.values()]

but that doesn't seem very satisfactory for the repetitive code.   I could also bring in numpy and do this:
import numpy
squares_array, cubes_array = numpy.array([(n["square"],n["cube"]) for n in numbers.values()]).T

and that neatly unpacks everything into numpy arrays, but it looks a little unsatisfactory since I shouldn't need numpy to do this, and taking the transpose at the end is a little weird in my highly subjective opinion.   It doesn't seem "pythonic" to me.
So the question is how can I do this in one line without numpy?

A: squares, cubes = zip(*[(n["square"], n["cube"]) for n in numbers.values()])

A: You could use zip and a iterator:
squares, cubes = map(list, zip(*(d.values() for d in numbers.values())))

If there are more keys or a different order, specify them manually:
squares, cubes = map(list, zip(*([d['square'], d['cube']]
                                 for d in numbers.values())))

output:
>>> squares
['one', 'four', 'nine', 'sixteen']

>>> cubes
['one', 'eight', 'twenty-seven', 'sixty-four']

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Calgary citizens, listen up: while a good criminal defence lawyer is an absolute necessity if you've been arrested or accused of a crime, you are the first line of defence in Canada's criminal justice system. Though it might sound strange coming from a lawyer, it's the truth: there are some things that only you can control, and they can make or break your criminal defence case.
(c) to have the validity of the detention determined by way of habeas corpus and to be released if the detention is not lawful."
Read that again. Memorize it. Your criminal defence case depends upon you knowing and exercising your rights.
You never want to get combative or argumentative with law enforcement officers, but you can insist that they tell you why you are being arrested or detained and insist on speaking with a criminal defence lawyer right away—before answering any questions or even responding to accusations of a criminal offence.
The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms makes your right to be treated fairly by law enforcement one of the paramount guiding features of the Canadian criminal justice system. Not only do law enforcement agents in Calgary and across the country have to tell you why you're being arrested or detained and allow you to speak with a criminal defence lawyers, but the highest body of law in the land also allows anyone to challenge the validity of an arrest or detention.
Most law enforcement agents are careful to follow the rules most of the time, but unlawful arrests and detentions happen all too frequently. When these arrests aren't properly handled by an experienced criminal defence lawyer, they can lead to nightmare criminal defence scenarios.
The first thing you should do when you've been arrested or detained for any reason is contact a criminal defence lawyer and allow them to judge the validity of your arrest. They might be able to have you free and clear in a matter of minutes.
Most people will never have to face charges of a serious criminal offence, but being prepared is the only way to fully protect yourself if the unthinkable occurs. Make sure you and the members of your household know your rights if you're arrested or detained, and contact a Calgary criminal defence lawyer before you say anything to law enforcement.
This is Part One of a three-part article on your criminal defence rights under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. For Part Two, please click here.


One of Jennifer's upcoming projects includes Bad Blood. Directed by Adam McKay, Jennifer is to star as Elizabeth Holmes, the founder of a blood testing company Theranos. The co-writer of The Shape of Water, Oscar-nominated Vanessa Taylor, was hired to screenwrite the film! You can read the article below.
Legendary Entertainment has set Oscar-nominated The Shape of Water co-writer Vanessa Taylor to write Bad Blood, the eagerly awaited Silicon Valley scandal movie that Adam McKay will direct with Jennifer Lawrence starring as Elizabeth Holmes, the founder of the controversial blood testing company Theranos. Taylor is set just as the John Carreyrou book Bad Blood: Secrets and Lies in Silicon Valley hits bookshelves on Monday.
This month's picture of the month award has been given to a Red Sparrow photocall in London on February 20, 2018.
The poll for next month is online in the sidebar under Picture of the month. The poll closes early June.
Jennifer named most inspirational woman in Kentucky!
Jennifer was named as the most inspirational woman in Kentucky in 2018! Congrats to her. Also named as the most inspirational women were Anna Kendrick in Maine, Jessica Alba in California, Beyonce in Texas, Melissa Benoist in Colorado, Ellen DeGeneres in Louisiana, Julianne Moore in North Carolina, Oprah Winfrey in Mississippi and many more!
Jennifer Lawrence was born in Indian Hills, Kentucky. She is an Oscar Award-winning acrtress and was named one of Time Magazine's 100 Most Influential People in the World in 2013. She was the highest-paid actress in the world in 2016 and 2017 and has appeared in films grossing over $5.5 billion worldwide.