text:
Breakthrough Innovation. The "State of the Nation"
The Origins of the Maker Movement
Where do Insects go when the Cold Arrives?
David Mowery
University of California, Berkeley, USA
Start The Internet and Business
Technology Digital World
Article from the book Change: 19 Key Essays on How the Internet Is Changing Our Lives
The Internet and Business
Change | Communication | Finances | Internet
Dan Schiller
University of Illinois – Champaign, Illinois, USA
Estimated reading time Time 25 to read
Given the historical significance of business as a social and political force, one might assume that there would exist ample and incisive scholarship into how business has shaped today's Internet—implementing systems and services and advocating policies for what has become an essential infrastructure. Such an assumption would be incorrect.
With some notable exceptions (including Aspray and Ceruzzi 2008; Cortada 2004–08), academic analysts have elevated individual Internet users and foregrounded their network links and online behaviors. Nearly forty years after the Internet Protocol was conceived, the structure and policy of the Internet remain secondary topics.
Journalism offers a partial corrective. In the trade and financial press we find ongoing documentation of leading indices: share prices, quarterly profits, executive reshufflings. Market forays on the supply side also generate welcome coverage. Is Facebook up to the competition with Google for mobile advertising? When will Apple introduce a television set? Might investors abandon Microsoft?
But this still is not sufficient for clarifying basic issues of structure and function and policymaking power. How did the Internet become entrenched as a business infrastructure? How has business shaped the Internet's wider social function? What are the primary features of the Internet's own institutional coordination and control? Is this mechanism for Internet governance broadly accepted by the international community? What have been the macroeconomic consequences of business's take-up of Internet systems and services?
These are among the questions for which we possess, at best, incomplete answers. In this essay I will only begin to scrutinize some of them.
Corporate outlays make up most of the investment in Internet systems and services (Schiller 2001). This is true also for the overall market for information processing and communications where, in one estimate, the consumer share accounts for barely one-third of what is perhaps a $4.5 trillion global market (WITSA 2010, 15, fig. 5). Business users' dominance of network investment has given them an important and little-studied role—both political and market-based—in shaping the history of network system development: the reach, the pricing, and the character of service options.
During the 1960s and 1970s U.S. policymakers authorized specialized new data communications carriers on terms that afforded them—and their customers—preferential access to the public telecommunications infrastructure (Schiller 1982). What would be called the Internet took shape in this policy environment. However, for some decades after it was devised in 1975, Internet systems continued to denominate just one of several rival approaches to data communications. Internetworking could boast of important advantages: it was dominated by U.S. corporate and university military contractors and by U.S. government agencies, which enabled it to be expanded internationally as a research network supporting U.S. military alliances led by NATO.
Throughout the late 1980s, and above all after the rollout of the World Wide Web early in the 1990s, the Internet became the predominant mode of data transfer. Businesses harbored a seemingly insatiable appetite for Internet systems and services (though many also continued to rely on networks that were not part of the Internet). Connecting to the Internet was relatively easy, and it enabled companies to mesh what often had been multiple incompatible networks. An additional attraction came with the innovation of intranets, software shields to conceal proprietary systems from unauthorized users. Internet use widened dramatically, making it an increasingly ubiquitous channel for business-to-business (B2B) and business-to-consumer (B2C) exchanges. As points of network access multiplied to include not only desktop computers during the 1980s but notebooks during the 1990s and 2000s and smartphones and tablets during the 2010s, services and applications proliferated. Internet data traffic seemed prospectively boundless, and network modernization projects mushroomed globally—even, after 2008, amid a depressed economy.
The profile of business use remained uneven; financial services generated heavy expenditures and extractive industries proportionally lighter ones. However, Internet functionality continued to be absorbed across the entire length and breadth of the business system, from mines and utilities to banks, from wholesalers and retailers to agribusinesses, and from durable and nondurable goods manufacturers to communications media (USDOC 2013, table 2a).1
All sectors made ever-increasing use of the Internet, so that information processing and communications outlays by U.S. companies comprised the greatest single portion of corporate capital investment overall.
A brief historical sketch of network innovation within three different business sectors will be sufficient to point out the contradictory patterns of assimilation.
Big banks, pivots of the capitalist political economy, have transformed throughout the past few decades, to constitute a concentrated and diversified industry possessing a multifaceted global reach. Large international banks offer diverse means of payment and credit; grease the wheels of corporate mergers and acquisitions; devise fee-based speculative instruments both for their customers and on their own account; and operate as outsourcers for large non-financial companies, for whom they have increasingly taken over payroll deposits, taxes, foreign exchange hedges, trade finance, and other financial functions (Nolan 2012, 111–12).
Massive bank investments in information technology interlace through all of this, as James W. Cortada (2006, 37–112) details. In 1966, the financial sector as a whole—inclusive of finance, insurance, and real estate—operated an estimated 17 percent share of the nation's computer installations, less than half the total then in use in U.S. manufacturing (Schiller 1982, 24, table 4). Computer systems had been introduced initially to process ever-growing volumes of checks, and to coordinate and control savings and lending (Cortada 2006, 60–73). But their range grew dramatically as the circuits of finance lengthened and diversified, and as debt was pushed on every social institution.
Credit and debit cards, ATMs and Electronic Funds Transfer systems, stock-exchange trading, point-of-sale systems used by retail chains, e-commerce, and mobile payment systems each built upon existing network capabilities and in turn stimulated additional innovation around bank and interbank networks. Beginning in the 1970s and 1980s, big banks devoted an ever-increasing share of their operating expenses to data processing and telecommunications; in turn, the largest banks accounted for a disproportionate share of the industry's ICT expenditures. These investments grew alongside bank deregulation, which ushered in gigantic diversified financial intermediaries possessing both motive and means to pump up consumer, corporate, and government debt.
By 2006, JP Morgan boasted an IT staff of 20,000 and a $7 billion annual IT budget; recent investments had focused "on building sophisticated trading platforms for institutional investors and hedge fund clients," and "[a] clutch of quants with PhDs have been hired to create algorithmic models that speed up trading" (Der Hovanesian 2006).2 Its peers did the same. At about $50 billion, overall investment in ICTs by U.S. financial institutions including insurance companies was the second largest of any sector, and accounted for some 17 percent of total U.S. corporate ICT investment in 2011 (DOC 2013, table 2a). Internet channels took over an increasing range of services within more complex financial network architectures.
The reciprocal hold exercised by finance over network development was vital. Not only were banks and other lenders needed to supply funding guarantees for networking projects in the now-privatized environment of global telecommunications. They also garnered a major role in determining the social functions performed by these network systems. Peter Nolan notes how, in a general way, "intense pressure from the banks has helped to stimulate enormous structural change and technical progress in the IT industry" (Nolan 2012, 113). A company called Hibernia supplied a salient illustration. Hibernia announced in Fall 2010 its plan to construct a new transatlantic submarine cable. This seemed audacious, even enigmatic: the transatlantic market had been heavily overbuilt between 1998 and 2001, when seven additional cables had been laid; the severe price competition that followed, as the Internet bubble popped, bankrupted some operators. It led also to spectacular price drops by surviving networks, so that even in 2010 bandwidth prices remained among the lowest in the world. Hibernia's was the first cable project for a decade in this seemingly still-inauspicious market. What was its rationale?
Hibernia anticipated that by using a more direct physical route across the ocean floor, its "Project Express" cable would cut five milliseconds off what is calledreturn-path latency—the time required by a message to transit back and forth, in this case between New York and London. Once completed, it promised to be the fastest available path between these two cities.
For ordinary users such a marginal gain made no difference. For one group, however, it brought an irresistible advantage. "Financial institutions engaged in high-velocity trading are speed demons," explained an analyst: "They claim that shaving off just a few milliseconds of connectivity between two trading locations can earn them tens of millions of dollars a year—so they're willing to pay extra for the fastest path" (TeleGeography 2010, quoting TeleGeography vice president of research Tim Stronge).
This was decisive. By 2011 high-frequency trading by hedge funds, exchanges, and megabanks made up as much as 70 percent of U.S. equity trading (Patterson 2012, 8), and about one-third of Europe's (Lex Column 2011, 14). Playing the market no longer revolved merely around more or less shrewd estimates of different companies' earning potential, but also on exploiting innovations in the network infrastructure to get ahead of other traders. Goldman Sachs, Barclays, Credit Suisse, and Morgan Stanley had instituted trading systems built around algorithms for capturing profits by tracing microsecond stock-price movements. "They scan the different exchanges, trying to anticipate which direction individual stocks are likely to move in the next fraction of a second based on current market conditions and statistical analysis of past performance" (Kroft 2010). Then they issue buy and sell orders of their own. For these mostly unregulated high-speed networks, one analyst observes, "location is critical; the servers are placed as close as possible to those of the exchange" (Lex Column 2011, 14; Grant and Demos 2011, 21). Hibernia planned to reroute network plumbing so as to build in advantages for a tiny group of preferred customers.3 Similar ultra-fast links were being constructed elsewhere, such as between New York and the great commodity exchanges in Chicago (Miller 2011).
Such projects accounted for a colossal financial investment in network technology. Though this investment was not the underlying cause of the 2008 crisis, it did help spread the panic through innumerable channels, as far-flung as they were also opaque. The assimilation of networks by manufacturers, to which we turn now, generated different pathways toward this same crisis.
It is still sometimes thought that manufacturing industry constitutes a stage of economic growth that was, in its turn, supplanted by a new epoch of information and communications during the late twentieth century. Such a conception may be faulted on at least two counts. First, it abstracts particular national economies—typically, that of the U.S.—from the transnational political-economic relationships in which they are enmeshed. Second, it misrepresents the history of network innovation.
Big industrial manufacturers actually constituted a leading site of computer network development. "In general," writes James W. Cortada (2004, 120), "manufacturing industries were early adopters of computers, spending nearly half of what all American industries did on this technology in the 1950s and, even two decades later, nearly a quarter." Numerical control, computer-aided design and manufacturing, manufacturing information systems, robotics, and plant-wide data networks were expressions of this impulse; transportation equipment manufacturers, in automotive, trucking, and aerospace were especially prominent early innovators (Cortada 2004, 99–113, 120–21). As in other sectors, therefore, networking followed an evolutionary trajectory; when it developed, the Internet was assimilated into what was already a network-intensive industry. In 2011, U.S. manufacturers' investments in information processing and communications equipment were the third largest of any sector: $34.7 billion, or around 12 percent of the total (DOC 2013, table 2a).
Manufacturing applications of networks were grouped along two axes. One pertained to the reorganization of the labor processes on which manufacturing depended, including not only fabrication and assembly, but also design and engineering and management. Along this axis, the role of digital networks was to enable the automation of a continuing succession of tasks, and to enlarge the range of collaborative communication for production across the technical division of labor. The second pertained to enabling the dispersion of manufacturing operations: network links are among the "permissive technologies," as Bluestone and Harrison (1982) called them 30 years ago, that enabled surging foreign direct investment by U.S. and European manufacturers throughout the final decades of the twentieth century.
Under different names, export processing zones characterized by low wages, loose environmental restrictions, and lax oversight of occupational safety and health became sites of surging growth (for an early study, see Shaiken 1990). The countries that hosted this movement of capital often saw few substantial contributions to their domestic economic well-being; the same movement of capital also ravaged working-class communities at its source. Even as it shuttered high-wage plants in its U.S. home market, for example, in 1998 General Motors began to open auto-making plants in China. Already selling more cars in China than in the U.S. by 2010 (Meiners 2010), GM brought in two new plants there in 2012, and in 2013 announced a further multibillion-dollar investment with its Chinese joint-venture partners to launch four more Chinese plants. Some of this augmented manufacturing capacity ultimately might be used, GM forecast, to export automobiles back to the United States (Woodall 2013).
These two sets of changes radically reconfigured the manufacturing production systems. Country-of-origin thinking (and the statistics used to validate it) has been steadily supplanted: complex consumer commodities, from automobiles to smartphones, today are the final outcome of administratively coordinated production systems aiming at the world market and binding together suppliers and sub-suppliers in multiple countries. The iPhone was in this way, as in others, emblematic, as was shown by a well-publicized report for the Asian Development Bank (Xing and Detert 2011). Just-in-time inventories and co-located plants, characteristic forms of contemporary manufacturing, are utterly reliant on advanced digital networks. This becomes starkly evident when a natural or human-induced calamity—an earthquake, a flood, or a nuclear accident—interrupts the ordinary sequence.
We should be wary of attributing to manufacturers' assimilation of networks any transcendent rationality. General Motors has spent monumental sums—tens of billions of dollars—on information and communications technology since the 1970s, even for a time trying to integrate forward by becoming a supplier of data processing services through acquisitions of EDS and Hughes Aircraft. This did not prevent GM from plunging into bankruptcy and government receivership in 2009. Networks helped GM, akin to major manufacturers generally, to reorganize production; but this network investment paradoxically contributed to two destabilizing trends. First, overcapacity deepened throughout most of the world automotive market, as network-enabled production resulted in a chronic surfeit. Second, what David Harvey (2012) calls "wage repression" lowered the standard of living in working-class communities throughout the United States and Western Europe—which hit economic demand, in turn helping to induce today's depressed conditions.
Communications and Information
The information industry accounts for the largest single share of overall U.S. investment in ICTs—$80 billion in 2011, or about 28 percent of the total. The Internet here again became the pivot of a far-reaching process of market recomposition.
Transnational providers of Internet services consolidated down into three primary segments. Giant network operators, such as Telefónica, Verizon, Deutsche Telekom, China Mobile, and América Móvil, made up one such group. Comcast, Time-Warner, Disney, and a few other multimedia conglomerates possessing troves of programming and tens of thousands of copyrights presided over a second. A third segment encompassed a handful of large, dynamic Internet intermediaries, from Google and Apple to Alibaba (McChesney 2013).
Relations across and within these three segments were volatile. As this was written, proliferating over-the-top services for voice, video, and other communications were enabling the big Internet intermediaries to pounce on conventional media offerings, rearranging what had been long-engraved distribution channels. Apple, Intel, Netflix, and Google, the latter already much the largest Internet video company through its ownership of YouTube, were each moving to introduce over-the-top video channels (Stelter 2013a, B1, B6; 2013b, B1, B6). Because, however—akin to cable, satellite, and broadcast distributors—online video distributors turned out to require professionally produced content, they also needed to cut deals with the seven media conglomerates that still control around 95 percent of U.S. TV viewing hours (GOA 2013, 6–7).
Voice-over-Internet (VoI) applications proved even more disruptive. Cross-border traffic routed by Skype (purchased by Microsoft in 2011) grew by 45 billion minutes in 2010, 47 billion in 2011, and 51 billion in 2012: that is more than twice the volume added during this interval by all of the world's phone companies combined (TeleGeography 2011, 2012, 2013a). In just five years, Skype became the world's largest supplier of cross-border voice communications, with more than one-third of all international telephone traffic (TeleGeography 2013a). This cut to the bone of the market for conventional telephone service, jeopardizing gigantic infrastructure investments and impelling network operators to find means of integrating with—or charging more to carry—these and other Internet applications.
The recomposition of communications around Internet technology, however, spanned beyond disruptions to existing markets. The continuing dynamism of Internet systems, services, and applications signified that leading Internet intermediaries were trying to coordinate not a one-off shift, but an ongoing transition whose character and limits remain substantially open-ended. In close relation with corporate and organizational users, as well as with consumers, suppliers advanced three interrelated programs of development.
Cloud computing—distribution of content and of software as a service from centralized data centers—was the first. With precursors going back to 1960s-era plans for a computer utility, cloud computing is a model for distributing data, software applications, and automated labor services to users wherever they are located. Much of this innovation was occurring within major businesses, which adopted private cloud services in search of added efficiencies. A second initiative cohered around the so-called Internet of Things: arrays of sensors are being embedded in roads, industrial plants and equipment, and consumer goods—and all of these appliances are being assigned unique Internet addresses to enable machine-to-machine communication. (Devices connected to the Internet are expected to outnumber human users by 10 to 1 within just a few years [Cortada 2011, 10].) Surging market growth for smartphones and other handheld computing devices likewise continued, alongside a prospective take-up of smartwear such as wristbands, glasses, and watches (Nuttall 2013, 7).
The volume of data produced as an adjunct of these different types of machine-to-machine and human-machine interaction increased, and became omnipresent. To capture and manipulate it, a third initiative took shape: Big Data, which centered on the analysis and feedback of data into products and services. Predictive models received intensive cultivation (Cain Miller 2013b, A1, A3); and companies from Amazon to IBM invested billions in data analytics (Lohr 2013, B9).
The Internet industry's "colossal public relations machine," as one journalist called it (Glanz 2013, 5), was set in overdrive to popularize these initiatives. Prospectively more important, however, were the online product lines that were being readied for Internet distribution: in education, cultural heritage, biotechnology, and medicine. The Internet's function as a critical business infrastructure was thus matched or even surpassed by its importance as a site of commodification, that is, as a site of new industries capable of generating profit growth.
And, across the entire landscape of Internet systems and services, U.S. companies built up such a comparative advantage that what I call digital capitalism (Schiller 1999) itself became a lopsided construction.
Aggregate figures tell the story. U.S. expenditures on ICTs in 2010, at $1.2 trillion, exceeded those of China, Japan, the UK, and Russia combined. This skew was likely to persist, because the U.S. accounted for more than half of global ICT research and development spending. A high-level 2013 U.S. report underlined, finally, that "The United States captures more than 30 percent of global Internet revenues and more than 40 percent of net income" (Negroponte and Palmisano 2013, 9).
This did not mean that digital capitalism was uncontested; sometimes, though, even the competition was U.S.-based. Unquestionably, search engines were dominated by Google, but with the extension of navigational services to mobile devices and with search functions becoming embedded in e-commerce, competition from Apple, Amazon, and others was escalating (Cain Miller 2013a, A1, A4). Google's lead in digital advertising met competition from marketing super-groups, as well as from Facebook and Twitter; Google's Android mobile operating system won a firmer hold after it was taken up by Samsung—which also began to match Apple in its take of the global profits generated by smartphones and tablets (Bulard 2013, 1–3; Garside 2013; Dilger 2013). Microsoft reaped disproportionate earnings from PC operating systems, but as PCs gave way to other computing platforms, Google and Apple bulked larger here, too. The same transition to mobile devices saw Qualcomm supplant Intel as the leading chipmaker (Nuttall 2013, 14). Throughout much of the world, consumer e-commerce was channeled through Amazon (which also led in cloud services); however, China's Alibaba was poised to be a competitive threat going forward. Transnational supply of corporate routing equipment was led by Cisco, but China's Huawei was snapping at its heels. Facebook's billion users friended one another in 70 languages (Facebooknol 2009). Oracle competed with SAP for business software, while IBM morphed into a top purveyor of computer services and data analytics. U.S. multimedia companies, typically active in publishing, film, recording, and television, continued to straddle the world market. U.S.-headquartered companies were not only leaders in supply, finally, but also in demand and application: from Wal-Mart to General Electric, U.S. corporations had built transnational network-based systems and applications that aspiring rivals found difficult to surpass (Nolan and Zhang 2010).
As battles over Internet markets continued to unfold, however, the movement of the transnational political economy was shaped not only by corporations but also by states.
In a trend that heightened as a result of the economic depression that began in 2008, Internet systems and services constituted a rare and much-coveted pole of economic dynamism. This fact conferred on the Internet a profound political importance.
States vied with one another to set the ground rules for the development of Internet industries. Businesses turned to political intervention, hoping to accomplish what they had not able to via private market interaction.
I turn now to consider some of the resulting patterns of political engagement.
Despite years of rhetoric about the virtues of market freedom, historically the U.S. Government had been the most important structuring force behind the Internet. Not only did U.S. military contracts underwrite the research and development on which the Internet's underlying technology is based; not only did the Government supply an unrivaled market for Internet equipment and services; not only did the U.S. contrive policy through which to privatize the Internet's backbone networks (Abbate 1999). The U.S. Government also played a crucial role in the migration of the sales effort—advertising, marketing, and e-commerce—to the Internet during the 1990s. Close coordination between the upper echelons of the Clinton Administration and U.S. business, as Matthew Crain (2013) shows, enabled the World Wide Web's assimilation into the commercial media-marketing system. The installation of lax privacy strictures allowed technical innovations—cookies—to be introduced and widely deployed, empowering marketers to track consumers as they surfed online. The Internet thus morphed into a "surveillance engine," as Wikileaks' Julian Assange later called it (2012), as a consequence of deliberate policy. Only the U.S. Government's active support enabled business to incorporate the Internet so fully into its sales effort.
The U.S. also established the Internet as an extraterritorial system with the United States itself as its hub. By brokering, or at least facilitating, agreements to exchange data traffic between organizations sited in different countries, and by ensuring that the agencies charged with managing critical Internet resources (unique identifiers, including autonomous system numbers, generic domain names, and Internet addresses) were accountable to its own Executive Branch, the U.S. Government helped establish a U.S.-centric Internet.
U.S. power over the Internet is not comprehensive; it is also opaque. Formally, this power is expressed through legal contracts that bind a nonprofit contractor—a California corporation called ICANN (as well as a shadowy for-profit U.S. company called VeriSign, which not only manages the dotcom franchise but also manages crucial Internet address system functions) to the Commerce Department. A key part of its attempt to downplay its structured relationship with U.S. state power has been ICANN's much-heralded "multi-stakeholder model": multi-stakeholderism confers formal representation on corporations and civil society groups as well as governments, but absents Internet governance from the sphere of multilateral institutions. A comparable veneer obscures the activities of the Internet Engineering Task Force (IETF), an independent organization charged with developing Internet architecture and system engineering and possessing no formal obligations to U.S. authorities. IETF operations are sheltered behind an ideological cloak of neutral technocratic expertise, supposedly cut free of corporate or state interests. The organization, however, is disproportionately staffed by employees of U.S. companies and U.S. state agencies. Can it be inconsequential that (data from 2007) 71 percent of the 120 specialized working groups whose remit is to improve Internet technology were chaired by individuals from the United States, while developing country representatives counted for 6 percent of this total? Or that nearly four-fifths of these experts were employed by private companies such as Cisco Systems (Mathiason 2008, 36)?4 As Milton Mueller (2010, 240) sums it up, the coordination and control of today's extraterritorial Internet add up to "unilateral globalism" exercised by a single superstate: the U.S.
Even as it became institutionalized during the 1990s, this skew gave rise to political contention. Foreign states—Brazil and China were prominent—pushed to alter existing arrangements. Some asserted that the cost structure, the technical features, and the management of the Internet prevented them from exercising their own jurisdictional authority over national political-economic and cultural space. Some recognized that the U.S. preemption of the extraterritorial Internet hindered, even foreclosed, profitable participation by non-U.S. interests along what had become a decisive frontier of economic growth. The appearance of unilateral U.S. power seemed to signify an absence of comity with respect to global Internet governance. The conflict simmered, and periodically boiled up. At the World Summit on the Information Society between 2003 and 2005, unhappiness was transmuted into concrete initiatives; but these efforts stumbled in the face of U.S. recalcitrance.
The U.S. Government continued to make a privileged U.S. role in cyberspace a cornerstone of its economic diplomacy. Resisting attempts to place oversight and management of the Internet in multilateral organizations, the U.S. instead tolerated merely cosmetic changes to the existing U.S.-centric system. Concurrently, U.S. authorities campaigned to defend and, if possible, to extend U.S. businesses' already massive exploitation of transborder data flows (TDF).
The U.S. had engaged TDF controversies concertedly throughout the 1970s and early 1980s, in response to threats made by Western European and Third Worldcountries to restrict the uses made by big companies of transnational computer networks (Schiller 1982, 1984). By the time the Internet exploded on the scene in the 1990s, effective limits on international data flows had been mostly repulsed or, where this proved necessary, finessed. (Some U.S. trading partners, notably the EU, instituted data protection policies that needed to be—and were—worked around.) Heightened dependence by transnational companies on a technologically dynamic Internet, however, portended further conflicts over TDF.
The U.S. sought to outflank prospective resistance to this technological transition. Again, a covering shield was used, as the Executive Branch resurrected the "free flow of information" rhetoric that had stood service for decades in draping hard-edged U.S. economic and strategic interests in an appealing language of universal human rights (Schiller 1976). A proceeding launched by the U.S. Department of Commerce in 2010 provided clues to this application of the policy, and also revealed an overarching corporate consensus behind it. In announcing its inquiry, the Commerce Department underlined how the ongoing movement toward centralized data centers would be essentially contingent on unrestricted flows of proprietary data: "The rise of globally-accessible cloud computing services—everything from Web-based mail and office productivity suites, to more general purpose computing, storage and communications services available through the cloud—raises a new set of questions regarding local restrictions that countries may impose on services accessible, though not physically located, in their country" (DOC 2010, 60071).
Respondents included the membership of the United States Council for International Business (USCIB): "top U.S.-based global companies and professional services firms from every sector of our economy, with operations in every region of the globe." USCIB expressed an avowed "user orientation." It sought to elicit U.S. Government aid in helping to counter "restrictions on collecting, using or transferring personal information, encryption regulations, restrictions on location or sensor-based information, quotas on digital content among others." It specifically aimed to repel foreign government polices that might "preclude companies from gaining the economies and efficiencies of global platforms." Service providers must not be compelled to store or process data in any and every country, "effectively requiring local investment and placing data under local jurisdictions" (USCIB 2010). Another big trade association, TechAmerica (2010, 1–2), this time representing ICT suppliers, expressly singled out a need to safeguard emerging cloud services. "As cloud computing continues to grow, so, too, will the amount of data crossing national borders. If divergent claims to jurisdiction over user content remain then it becomes quite difficult for providers to manage their legal obligations and their global technology operations while at the same time protect their customers" (TechAmerica 2010, 7).
This policy demand for unrestricted proprietary data flows garnered support from a great array of corporations. "As the software industry moves increasingly to a cloud computing model, where software and IT functionality is delivered to customers over the Internet," stated the Business Software Alliance, "the imperative to reduce barriers to cross-border data flows becomes clear. A key element of the economics of cloud computing is the unrestrained ability to move data and workloads wherever the computing resources to service them are available" (Holleyman 2010, 6–7). Global harmonization was needed to support unrestricted data flows and, as the Entertainment Software Association disclosed in its submission, implementing free trade agreements could contribute to this goal (ESA 2010, 3, 7). The Computer & Communications Industry Association underlined that, "When we discuss the global free flow of information over the Internet, there are potentially trillions of dollars of U.S. economic activity at stake." To elevate the status of digital goods and services into "a central feature of our trade policy," the multilateral framework of the World Trade Organization and bilateral free-trade agreements alike would be needed (CCIA 2010, 2, 22–23). In their individual submissions, vendors including Microsoft (2010, 1), eBay (2010), and Google concurred. Google (2010, 15) expressly rejected any assumption of jurisdiction over the Internet by other states, such as through multilateral intergovernmental agencies like the UN-affiliated International Telecommunication Union. Declaring that it had invested "tens of billions of dollars" to supply global IP services covering 159 countries to 98 percent of Fortune 1000 businesses, Verizon (2010, 1, 2) went on to agree that "the U.S. government's international advocacy should continue to promote a single, global, interoperable Internet that is free of government restrictions that interfere with the ability of informed consumers to drive continued development of services and content." However, "different policies and national operating requirements" threatened Verizon with "country-specific" fragmentation. This jeopardized not only Verizon's profit strategy but also those of its transnational enterprise customers, who "demand a uniform set of integrated services from a single supplier."
Policies to ensure unrestricted proprietary data flows thus constituted a fundamental general demand by transnational businesses, including both users and suppliers of the Internet. This, however, did not guarantee that U.S. "unilateral globalism" over the Internet would persist.
The structure and policy of the Internet instead became sites of wrenching political conflict, as inter-state opposition to the status quo widened. The demand to make global Internet governance a formal multilateral undertaking turned into a majority position at a meeting of the International Telecommunication Union in December 2012—a meeting from which the U.S. delegation walked out (Schiller 2013, 6). Midway through 2013, a task force report to the U.S. Council on Foreign Relations affirmed that "A global Internet increasingly fragmented into national Internets is not in the interest of the United States," and suggested that "by building a cyber alliance, making the free flow of information a part of all future trade agreements, and articulating an inclusive and robust vision of Internet governance, Washington can limit the effects of a fragmenting Internet." However, the report conceded that "The trends do not look good" (Negroponte and Palmisano 2013, 13, 67 [emphasis in the original]). U.S. policies had begun to seem brittle—even stale. In a blog post review of the Council on Foreign Relations report, a U.S. expert asked: "Has the U.S. run out of ideas about Internet governance?" (Mueller 2013) A U.S. academic conference in June 2013 accorded serious attention to the idea that a "federated Internet" in which different national Internets were somehow linked might soon supplant the existing U.S.-centric extraterritorial system (CITI 2013).
It was in this context that Edward J. Snowden's disclosures about NSA spying on the world's peoples made their sensational appearance. News stories in London'sGuardian newspaper in June 2013 reverberated through the world's press, and cascaded into public opinion. As awareness of the U.S.'s singular power over the Internet finally burst into widespread view, it also crashed into international politics and diplomacy (Kelley 2013).
Within days, France found new footing for its longstanding "cultural exception" policy—which aimed to protect music and film from U.S. transnational media conglomerates—as it insisted that the EU should reserve the domain of audiovisual culture from Trans-Atlantic Trade pact negotiations (Fontanella-Khan and Politi 2013, 2). Within weeks, Snowden's revelations were figuring in German electoral politics (Eddy 2013, A5). Across the Atlantic, a Washington, D.C. policy group convened a meeting to discuss "digital trade policy," on the assumption that the U.S.'s "widespread, clandestine surveillance of digital communications … will likely have an impact on the ability of the U.S. government and tech sector to fight back against anti-competitive policies, such as server localization, that impede the global free flow of information while potentially legitimizing countries who wish to engage in such practices" (ITIF 2013). Might states place restrictions on transborder data flows? Might data protection policies be strengthened, to compel network services offered within a national jurisdiction to be stored on local servers? In early August, the president of Argentina, allied with representatives of Mercosur countries, denounced U.S. espionage at the United Nations, and issued calls to reinstate multilateral accountability (Stea 2013). The U.S. Obama Administration reverted to crisis management (Savage and Shear 2013, A1, A11).
The furor erupted over U.S. Government surveillance programs, but the underlying issue was actually U.S. corporate and state power over the extraterritorial Internet. The long-standing international conflict over the Internet's skewed structure in turn became freighted with new contingency. In an insurrectionary world, the question of how the Internet might be restructured—and with what ramifications for business—was not only increasingly palpable but also vital.
This article includes material drawn from my forthcoming book, Digital Depression: The Crisis of Digital Capitalism.
1. The most recent year for which official statistics are available is 2011.
2. Thanks to Shinjoung Yeo for this reference.
3. Set up as a unit in Hibernia's so-called Global Financial Network, Project Express was supported by $250 million in financing from a three-year-old joint venture between Chinese network vendor Huawei and Britain's Global Marine Systems—long the largest global operator of cable ships (Business Wire 2011). However, as U.S.-China tension mounted over cyber security issues in 2012 and 2013, the U.S. Government used its large, lucrative contracts with key U.S. carriers as leverage to force Hibernia to suspend work on the cable (TeleGeography 2013b).
4. Thanks to Hong Shen for this reference.
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How Is the Internet Changing the Way We Work?
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Schiller, Dan. "The Internet and Business." In Ch@nge: 19 Key Essays on How the Internet Is Changing Our Lives. Madrid: BBVA, 2013.


When this cultivar began blooming, I was surprised every day with its waves of showy white and red streaked medium blooms. Sometimes almost all white, the bloom shows little pink, while at other times the bloom will be solid pink with slightly darker pink streaks. This variety was grown next to its purple counterpart and may include seeds from that variety, but every attempt was made to separate them. Mix with Purple Shibori for a non-stop fiesta of colors, streaks, and surprises!


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Q: Imports needed to use Facebook graph API in iOS6 I've added the Accounts and Social frameworks, and done this in my view controller:
#import <Accounts/Accounts.h>
#import <Social/Social.h>

@interface FacebookViewController () <FBRequestDelegate> //Error - Cannot find protocol declaration for "FBRequestDelegate"

@end

What else do I need to do? Are there exertnal files needed to work with the FB API?

A: Try importing:
#import <FacebookSDK/FacebookSDK.h>

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True Fans by Kavit Haria
How many fans do you need to make a living?
If you've been marketing your creative works for any length of time, you may have heard of the long tail. This term describes the way that some companies, like Netflix and Amazon, make their money. By providing access to a very large number of products, they're able to make more money selling a wider variety of less popular ones, compared to the older marketing strategy of relying on a few hits. This is good news for aggregators, like these companies, but not as useful for creators themselves. Individual artists and creative producers don't receive a significantly larger amount of profit from the long tail, but they suffer from dropping prices and greater competition. Attempting to capitalize on the long tail slowly dooms creatives to small sales and little profit. However, focusing on hits doesn't help, either. There's no formula for an intensely popular work. So, what are artists to do?
One solution that seems to be viable is finding what are referred to as true fans. These are not just people who will buy one or two works, but people who really love you and your products. They'll often buy almost anything you make, because they're in love with your style and way of working. The Internet gives us the ability to find our true fans, and to pick them out of the crowd. The best way to do this is to create a real feeling of connection between yourself and your fan base. If they feel that you're more than just another faceless content producer, they're more likely to become dedicated, true fans, and will devote more of their free money to your work. The biggest question is how many true fans you need to support yourself and your work. If you can find them, or convince some more casual fans to become true fans, you'll have a much easier time as an artist.
Keep in mind that all these fans don't arrive at once. You might have to add a fan a day for several years. Fortunately, it's easy and pleasant to make a true fan happy. All you have to do is stay true to yourself and focus on what makes your work unique, because that's what your true fans really appreciate. The biggest challenge is staying in direct content with these fans, especially if your work is distributed through other outlets, instead of directly from you. Popular methods of doing so include blogs and RSS feeds containing news about you and your works, and making use of social networking sites like Facebook and Myspace. Web sites that host galleries of your work and biographical information are also good ways to let your fans feel as though they're really in touch. Remember, you don't have to appeal to everyone - just enough people to sustain you and your work. Your small inner circle of real fans will provide you with a living. They're the most important, although there will also be lesser fans who don't seek out contact directly, and who won't buy as avidly.
Remember - you don't need to have a hit to survive as an artist, and you don't have to get lost in the long tail. By using the same medium that created that long tail, you can make contact with the people who will really appreciate your work, and become able to support yourself and your work. True fans will stick with you and help keep you afloat. Just share directly with them, and stay true to yourself.
Kavit Haria is the founding director of Inner Rhythm (www.innerrhythm.org), an independent music business training company based in London. He runs the Musicians Mastermind. He is also a Tabla player and plays both Indian classical and Jazz fusion. His music website is at www.londontabla.com

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Slovenië debuteerde op het Junior Eurovisiesongfestival 2014 in Marsa, Malta. RTVSLO is verantwoordelijk voor de Sloveense bijdrage voor de editie van 2014.

Selectieprocedure
Op 19 augustus 2014, werd bekend dat Slovenië zal debuteren op het Junior Eurovisiesongfestival. Een dag later werd bekend dat Slovenië hun artiest via een interne selectie zal kiezen. Er werd gekozen voor Ula Lozar. Het lied werd Nisi Sam

In Marsa
Slovenië is twaalfde geworden op het Junior Eurovisie Songfestival.

Externe link
Slovenië debuteert, en kiest artiest via interne selectie

Junior Eurovisiesongfestival 2014

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After a 2-0 start to the season, college football pundits are raving about Herm Edwards and the ASU football team.
Herm Edwards and ASU football are not just a good story two weeks into the college football season.
One college football writer says they are "the best story."
After a 2-0 start to the season and a 16-13 upset victory over Michigan State, college football pundits are raving about Herm Edwards and the ASU football team, which now finds itself in the Top 25 rankings.
Tom Fornelli writes: "There was the one hire that was almost universally panned by the media, fans and sports universe in general. Arizona State hired Herm Edwards, a man who hadn't been on a sideline coaching a real game in a decade and hadn't been on the college level in nearly 30 years ... It was a ridiculous plan and one destined to blow up in Arizona State's face. Or ours. ... Edwards may not prove to be the best coaching hire of the 2018 season, but his hire has proven to be the best story of it to this point. In fact, I'd give him an "A" so far."
Chris Korman writes: "Count me among the many who didn't think hiring Edwards made any sense at all. He's 64 and hadn't coached any football since 2009. His last college gig ended in 1989. Also, I've heard him speak. He's goofy. This all seemed doomed. Maybe it still is. Who knows. It's sports. For now, though, this is a wonderful tiny example of nothing going the way we're convinced it will, despite the fact that we can analyze things at a much deeper level with far more expertise than ever before."
Stu Durando writes: "Only two games into his college career, Edwards is starting to win converts as the Sun Devils pulled off a minor upset of previously 15th-ranked Michigan State 16-13 on Saturday night. Some perfectly executed clock management in the final five minutes led to a game-winning field goal in the type of game Edwards enjoys coaching."
Yahoo Sports: Edwards had perhaps the sweetest victory for any coach thus far in the 2018 season.
Pat Forde writes: "His hiring last winter was ridiculed nationwide — truth be told, The Dash was not a fan, either. Edwards is 64, hadn't coached in a decade, and hadn't coached college football since the 1980s. His only identity with young people was as a glib, entertaining but decidedly old-school analyst on ESPN. There was little reason to believe this would work, and even less when his staffing plans began to fall apart. But guess what? With a sample size of exactly two games, things are going far better than expected."
SB Nation: So, which team in Arizona was supposed to be the one in trouble?
Richard Johnson writes: "It's only two games into their respective tenures, but Herm Edwards has his Sun Devils looking closer to a proof of concept than Kevin Sumlin's Arizona."
Andy Staples writes: "This isn't a prediction of a Pac-12 title or even a Pac-12 South title for Arizona State—though the latter certainly seems possible given what we've seen so far. It is, however, an acknowledgement that in year one Arizona State should meet or surpass what Todd Graham was doing. After that, the future could be bright."
Eric Single writes: "No one's making fun of Herm Edwards and Arizona State now. Everyone who cackled when the school first announced the hire, or mocked the NFL-style "leadership model" that he and athletic director Ray Anderson promised to bring to the football program, or pounced on the most incoherent moments of his introductory press conference—all of us have to be quiet for a few days. The Sun Devils are 2–0 and the toast of the Pac-12 after upsetting No. 15 Michigan State in Tempe on a Brandon Ruiz 28-yard field goal as time expired, outlasting the Spartans in a defensive slog of a game in oppressive Arizona heat."
Herm Edwards just beat Mark Dantonio in his second game at ASU and maybe he really is a genius and I can't believe I'm typing this.
My man, @HermEdwards and the Sun Devils awesome game last night. Thanks for a great job by you, your staff and the team, you're making us proud.
Everybody criticized the Herm Edwards hire. Everybody.
Good for Herm Dang Edwards.


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The Power of Plant-Based Flu Care
Home » Fighting the Flu » The Power of Plant-Based Flu Care
During a flu season like no other, plant-based products offer a host of benefits beyond keeping you healthy.
As flu season hits this year, medical experts worry that we might be staring down a "twindemic."
"Flu season has always been there," says Jen Scott, co-founder and director of product development at Green Goo, a certified-B corporation that makes plant-based healthcare products. "But not like anything we're seeing right now."
Research has shown that plant-based products can be very effective in reducing flu infection and resisting viral infections.
"Plant-based care works to build your immune system," Scott says. Your skin, she notes, is the body's largest organ, making Green Goo's line of hand sanitizers, relief bath salts, and their Free to Breathe Salve (which uses the antiviral ravensara essential oil to create a barrier against viruses while also helping to break up mucus in the lungs and sinuses) essential.
Better for all
Green Goo uses only whole-plant ingredients distilled from a lipid infusion process, combining concentrated herbs over low heat for a long period of time, maximizing the medicinal properties.
But Green Goo's mission is about more than process. "Howwe build our business is just as important," she notes. This mission includes volunteering in the community and donating products to both local and national organizations such as the Keep A Breast Foundation and World Vision.
For Scott, the bottom line is simple. "If I can't put these products on my own child, I'm not going to sell them," she says.
Jeff Somers, [email protected]


text:
Novel fundraiser makes a mark
Southland MS Society manager Rachel Hucklebridge, Ella McEwan, 9, and Ron McEwan take a look at some of the bookmarks Ella has made to raise help raise money for people living with Parkinson's disease.
NINE year old Ella McEwan simply wanted to help her granddad.
Five years ago Ella's grandfather, Ron McEwan, was diagnosed with Parkinson's disease.
This year, without prompting, Ella came up with an idea to try and help those who have to deal with Parkinson's disease.
She went about making bookmarks and selling them for 50c each.
Since April, Ella has made and sold more than 300 bookmarks to family and friends.
As a result she has raised $157.70 for the Southland MS Society, which supports people with MS, Parkinson's and other progressive neurological conditions.
The Myross Bush School pupil fine-tuned her production line to the point she was able to make one of her bookmarks in just three minutes.
The paper bookmarks are made in the origami style and Ella colours them.
Not surprisingly, granddad Ron described his granddaughter's actions as special.
"I'm very proud. It was all her own doing, I didn't know anything about it," the 83 year old said.
This week Ella and Mr McEwan presented the $157.70 to Southland MS Society manager Rachel Hucklebridge.
"A lot of kids her age might want to help raise money for animals, but for her to do it for Parkinson's, it is lovely," Ms Hucklebridge said.
"I think what Ella has done can help teach other kids that it is nice to help other people."
Parkinson's disease is a long-term degenerative disorder of the central nervous system, which mainly affects the motor system.short url linkPatike – Nike Air Jordan, Premium, Retro Klasici, Sneakers
LOGAN SAVORY
A long creative life celebrated this month
Devil's fingers sets off stench


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Arbitration and it's impact on the Red Sox
by evan brunell | Dec 2, 2009 | Adrian Beltre, Billy Wagner, Jason Bay, Jermaine Dye, Matt Holliday, Miguel Tejada, Mike Gonzalez, Nick Johnson, Rafael Soriano, Rich Harden
The arbitration tender deadline has come and gone, and unsurprisingly, many players were not tendered arbitration contracts they had the right to accept or reject. Also unsurprisingly, Boston offered arbitration to its two eligible players: Jason Bay and Billy Wagner....
So Much So Soon: Analyzing the Sox' Looong Weekend
by mike silver | Nov 10, 2009 | Bobby Abreu, Boston Red Sox, J.J. Hardy, Jason Varitek, Jeremy Hermida, Jermaine Dye, Tim Wakefield
Well, that was quick. After a slow couple weeks while we waited for the crowning of the new World Series Champion (who, sadly, were the New York Yankees), the MLB hot stove exploded in a flurry of moves including the trades of Jeremy Hermida and J.J. Hardy, the...
Assessing Boston's other left field candidates
by evan brunell | Oct 21, 2009 | Bobby Abreu, Garrett Anderson, Hideki Matsui, Jermaine Dye, Johnny Damon, Marlon Byrd, Randy Winn, Rick Ankiel, Vladimir Guerrero, Xavier Nady
Jason Bay. Matt Holliday. Jason Bay. Matt Holliday. Matt Holliday. Jason Bay. Jason Bay. Matt Holliday. Matt Holliday. Jason Bay. Okay, let's take a break from the two obvious left-fielder candidates and focus on other free agents that could be manning left...
American League Central Preview.
by tito crafts | Apr 8, 2009 | Alex Gordon, Bartolo Colon, Carl Pavano, Carlos Gomez, Carlos Guillen, Carlos Quentin, Cliff Lee, Coco Crisp, Curtis Granderson, Delmon Young, Fausto Carmona, Gavin Floyd, Gil Meche, Grady Sizemore, Jermaine Dye, Jhonny Peralta, Jim Rice, Jim Thome, Joakim Soria, Joe Mauer, Jose Contreras, Justin Morneau, Justin Verlander, Kelly Shoppach, Magglio Ordonez, Mark Buehrle, Miguel Cabrera, Nick Swisher, Paul Konerko, Travis Hafner, Victor Martinez, Zach Grienke
Five teams…and I would be somewhat surprised if any of them won 90 games. But odds are someone comes very close to doing so. Cleveland Indians: By default, I choose the Indians. They have some serious question marks in their rotation. And they don't...
Red Sox sweep a one sided series with White Sox
by shawn medeiros | Aug 26, 2007 | A.J. Pierzynski, Bobby Kielty, Chicago White Sox, Coco Crisp, David Ortiz, Dustin Pedroia, Javier Vazquez, Jermaine Dye, Jerry Owens, Jonathan Papelbon, Juan Uribe, Julian Tavarez, Julio Lugo, Mike Lowell
Red Sox starting pitcher Julian Tavarez statistics aren't of the all-star caliber variety but Tavarez is easily one of the most reliable pitchers on the staff. For a pitcher who has started and relieved for Boston this year, Tavarez (7-9), was much more than...
Just say NO to Jermaine Dye!
by evan brunell | Jul 31, 2007 | Chicago White Sox, J.D. Drew, Jermaine Dye, Justin Masterson, Manny Delcarmen, Trades, Wily Mo Pena
Note: I'll be obsessively tracking the the moves by Theo made (if any) today throughout the day. As soon as I can get any shred of information that a deal is done, you can find that information right here at Fire Brand. Looking forward to a monumental day...
Deadline Rumors
by zach hayes | Jul 26, 2007 | Adam LaRoche, Bobby Kielty, Clay Buchholz, Damaso Marte, Free Agency, Jacoby Ellsbury, Jarrod Saltalamacchia, Jermaine Dye, Los Angeles Dodgers, Mark Teixeira, Michael Bowden, Milwaukee Brewers, San Diego Padres, Scott Linebrink, Torii Hunter
Last night was one of the more frustrating games of the Red Sox season. Fausto Carmona was dealing, mixing pitches with perfection and keeping our lineup off balance all night, and it almost seemed like a lost cause. The Sox were putrid last night against the Indians...
The Signing Frenzy
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Q: How to undo a merge of file in ClearCase? I was experimenting in the ClearCase merge manager and mistakenly merged one file to another file (which turned out to be parent of the file).
I want to revert it back now.
How to cancel that merge for that specific file?

A: All you need to do, if you haven't yet completed the merge is to:

*

*undo checkout the merged checked out version in the destination view (the view used to make the merge)

*relaunch the merge manager.

You will see that, during the second execution of the merge manager:

*

*any version already merged will directly be displayed as merged

*the version you undo checked out will again be listed as to be merged.

A: I know this post is old, but perhaps adding an additional detail will be useful to future users as it was to me.
In add one detaul to VonC's answer, I saved my merge before re-launching the merge manager, and hit Resume upon re-launch instead of New.
This approach worked as VonC said.


Showing results for tags 'Diamond Tiara'.
S03 E04: "One Bad Apple"
This is the official thread for information and chatting about the fourth episode of season 3 - "One Bad Apple"! So come join the conversation! The thread will open up five minutes before the episode airs (8:55am Central/9:55am Eastern). Remember though, there are spoilers in the comments section so read at your own risk if you haven't seen the episode! This is the cutest thing ever!
Bad puns, bad puns. Whatcha gonna do? Whatcha gonna do when they come for you? Not much to say, save that this is my first pony pic with shading. Need to practice that a bit, so critique is welcome. Edit: Minor fix to Spoon's glasses.
"'at are 'ou 'oing 'ilver 'oon!?" "You need to, like, lighten up, Diamond Tiara!" First time drawing foals. Everything went better than expected.


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HomeTV and MoviesJules Daoud From 'Summer House' Considers Canceling Trip to Jordan Over Coronavirus Concerns
Jules Daoud From 'Summer House' Considers Canceling Trip to Jordan Over Coronavirus Concerns
Jules Daoud from Summer House was planning a trip to Jordan with her mother. But the coronavirus has other plans for the family.
Flights are being canceled globally a day after the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) announced that the United States should prepare for the virus to arrive in the country.
Flights are being suspended in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) as well as in Oman, Jordan, Kuwait, Iraq and Saudi Arabia, BBC reports.
Daoud's family is originally from Jordan and she was hoping to travel with her mother to see family. However, she's now on the fence about whether or not to try to make the trip. She shared a video of deplorable conditions at a hospital in Jordan where coronavirus patients are being quarantined.
Should she go?
Daoud shared on her Instagram story that she planned a trip and was now unsure if it was safe to travel. "So last week in my Q & A I told you guys that my mom and I have a trip planned to Jordan next month," Daoud explains. "And we're thinking about maybe canceling it. There's already been one flight that's been quarantined."
laying low
A post shared by Julia Daoud (@simplyjules___) on Feb 24, 2020 at 2:49pm PST
She continues, "And I'm going to show you the hospital where they're holding them in because it's really sad and it's really awful and I don't know what to do."
The next video Daoud shares is shocking. She mentioned that the conditions were awful and she wasn't kidding. A video panned a stark, dirty room that resembled more prison-like conditions than a hospital. Daoud added a question: Do we risk it and go or cancel? The overwhelming majority of Daoud's followers suggested they cancel the trip.
Jordan is on hyper-alert
Visitors are being subjected to medical screenings before they are allowed to enter Jordan, The Times of Israel reports. "Visitors to the Hashemite kingdom will undergo chest and throat examinations as well as have their temperatures taken," Adnan Ishaq, the ministry's assistant secretary-general for healthcare shared on state-funded TV. Those showing symptoms are quarantined for 14 days. They will be released once they receive a negative test result.
From last night's event at Dancing for the Stars Cincinnati as my mom danced in front of 700 people to raise funds for the Cincinnati Arts Association Overture Awards. She is forever my inspiration ???
A post shared by Julia Daoud (@simplyjules___) on Apr 9, 2017 at 8:22am PDT
Non-Jordanian travelers from Iran and South Korea are banned from entering the country. The ban is a "temporary precautionary measure," the Middle East Monitor reports.
As of February 27, there have been 82,000 cases in 51 countries and regions, CNN reports. The CDC has issued travel alert threat levels for every region throughout the world. Jordan is currently at a threat level 1, which means the threat level is still at the "watch level." Business Insider reports that Middle Eastern and Asian countries have been the most proactive at trying to reduce the virus spread.
Catch Daoud and the rest of the crew on Summer House, which airs on Wednesday at 9 p.m. / 8 p.m. central on Bravo.
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New Moons are a klaxon call for a fresh start – a reset point. In Cancer, the Sun/Moon conjunction at 02°♋47′, Saturday June 24th, sets our focus upon setting an intention in how we will best ascertain our personal security and comfortable home base for the year ahead.
Whether we do this consciously or it is something that naturally emerges out of our unconscious, our instinct or our dreams, we observe that we are making efforts to bolster up safeguards and domestic boundaries, or perhaps even start looking at finding new, more sustainable ways to feel safe and secure, especially among the people closest to us.
Witness the intent of your will to become aligned with your instincts. Observe how your efforts naturally align to generate a renewed sense of what security and comfort looks like for you, attending to all the factors necessary to effect this.
By becoming aware of each and every emotion as it arises, accepting it as yours, see its value and thus allow it to become integrated into your conscious reality.
This is about your instinctive sense of trust that you (and your kind) will be OK in the face of all that is acting upon you now.
How will you fare through this?
Dear tribe, please be advised that my session rates are soon going up, and in honour to all Tribe Members and existing clients I will continue to hold the current rates for first session @USD$145 and follow-ups @USD$111:11 till September. If you are going through a major transitional phase, facing tough decisions, or in need of a full tune-up, please feel welcome to arrange a private consultation. My aim is to see you within a month of your application as I find long waiting lists to see an astrologer pointless. I will adjust rates for non-members accordingly to stave off demand for my precious time. To make a quick, easy booking for a private session with Ang, simply complete the linked form here https://angstoic.com/appointments/.


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140.43883, 40.519165: 11 Treatments
Nipponomyia trispinosa Kolcsar, Levente-Peter, Kato, Daichi, Gamboa, Maribet & Watanabe, Kozo, 2020, Revision of Japanese species of Nipponomyia Alexander, 1924 (Diptera, Pediciidae), ZooKeys 1000, pp. 71-105: 71 71
Nipponomyia kuwanai Kolcsar, Levente-Peter, Kato, Daichi, Gamboa, Maribet & Watanabe, Kozo, 2020, Revision of Japanese species of Nipponomyia Alexander, 1924 (Diptera, Pediciidae), ZooKeys 1000, pp. 71-105: 71 71
Nipponomyia pentacantha Kolcsar, Levente-Peter, Kato, Daichi, Gamboa, Maribet & Watanabe, Kozo, 2020, Revision of Japanese species of Nipponomyia Alexander, 1924 (Diptera, Pediciidae), ZooKeys 1000, pp. 71-105: 71 71
Jesogammarus (J.) acalceolus sp. nov. Tomikawa, Ko & Kimura, Naoya, 2021, On the brink of extinction: a new freshwater amphipod Jesogammarus acalceolus (Anisogammaridae) from Japan, ZooKeys 1065, pp. 81-100: 81 81
Cirrodrilus iwakiensis sp. nov. Ohtaka, Akifumi & Gelder, Stuart R., 2015, Description of a New Species of Branchiobdellida (Annelida: Clitellata) and Comparison with Other Cirrodrilus Species in Northern Honshu, Japan, Species Diversity 20, pp. 67-71: 68-70 68-70
Hymenoptera sp. nov. Hisasue, Yu & Konishi, Kazuhiko, 2019, A new genus of the subfamily Hybrizontinae (Hymenoptera: Ichneumonidae) from Japan, Zootaxa 4664 (2), pp. 241-250: 243-246 243-246
Osientomon japonicum sp. nov. Nakamura, Osami, 2010, Taxonomic revision of the family Eosentomidae (Hexapoda: Protura) from Japan 2701, Zootaxa 2701, pp. 1-109: 6-10 6-10
Hymenoptera sp. nov. Kim, Chang-Jun, Notton, David G., Ødegaard, Frode & Lee, Jong-Wook, 2018, Review of the Palaearctic species of Ismaridae Thomson, 1858 (Hymenoptera: Diaprioidea), European Journal of Taxonomy 417, pp. 1-38: 16-19 16-19
Dendronotus bathyvela sp. nov. Martynov, Alexander, Fujiwara, Yoshihiro, Tsuchida, Shinji, Nakano, Rie, Sanamyan, Nadezhda, Sanamyan, Karen, Fletcher, Karin & Korshunova, Tatiana, 2020, Three new species of the genus Dendronotus from Japan and Russia (Mollusca, Nudibranchia), Zootaxa 4747 (3), pp. 495-513: 507 507
Eosentomon hiroshianum sp. nov. Nakamura, Osami, 2010, Taxonomic revision of the family Eosentomidae (Hexapoda: Protura) from Japan 2701, Zootaxa 2701, pp. 1-109: 42-46 42-46
Eosentomon impar sp. nov. Nakamura, Osami, 2010, Taxonomic revision of the family Eosentomidae (Hexapoda: Protura) from Japan 2701, Zootaxa 2701, pp. 1-109: 49-52 49-52


So dang proud of my Brevard people this weekend! There's a lot of talent and heart in them and I can't wait to follow their journey post grad.
I typically avoid portraits at all cost, but tonight during figure drawing I decided to challenge myself, and I'm pretty happy with the outcome! This is a 20 minute pose from life in graphite.
Well it's official! I signed my lease to a private studio here in NYC so y'all'd best get ready cause it's coming.
Born in Lexington, South Carolina in 1996. Received a bachelor degree in Art with a concentration in painting from Brevard College. Through the work, the viewer is invited to witness the constant conversation between the artist and the work.
Work has been exhibited in: Spiers Gallery in Brevard, NC, The Porter Center in Brevard, NC, and Transylvania Arts council in Brevard, NC. Published in the Chiaroscuro Literary Magazine, as well as the Atlantis magazine.


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Чемпіонат України з гандболу серед чоловіків 1998/1999 — восьмий чемпіонат України

Вища ліга

1998—1999


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Laurel Arts/Dressler Center Exhibit: Reflections of the Human Spirit: America's County Responds to the Tragic Events of September 11
Monday, September 6, 2021 @ 8:00 am - Thursday, September 30, 2021 @ 4:00 pm
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On the occasion of the 20th commemoration of the events of Flight 93 on 9/11/2001, the Johnstown Symphony Orchestra (JSO) and Laurel Arts have come together to commission Thomas Dougherty to compose a piece of music for three JSO players that speaks to the experience and response of the Somerset community during the period surrounding 9/11.
Mark Addleman, President of the Board of Trustees of the JSO and Treasurer of the Board of Laurel Arts says, "I wanted to bring these two great arts organizations together to create something lasting and meaningful to speak to the experience of this community on 9/11."
The exhibit Reflections of the Human Spirit: America's County Responds to the Tragic Events of September 11 will be free and open to the public from September 6 – September 30. It will open in a special memorial event on Saturday, September 11, 2021 from 12 – 8 PM. The work will be composed for oboe, viola, and harp, and will be premiered at the exhibit at the Laurel Arts – Phillip Dressler Center for the Arts on 9/11 by JSO Principal Oboe Stephanie Caulder, Principal Viola Stephen Weiss, and Principal Harp Christine Mazza.
Johnstown Symphony Orchestra Music Director James Blachly says, "The Johnstown Symphony is honored to have been invited to perform two concerts at the Flight 93 Memorial on September 10th and September 11th. This commission will form a part of that programming, and allow us to express in music what words cannot contain, and to have this music speak directly to the Somerset community. We selected a panel of three highly qualified and preeminent composers to judge the competition in Nancy Galbraith, John Levey, and Baljinder Sekhon, chairs of the composition departments of Carnegie Mellon University, Indiana University of Pennsylvania, and Penn State University, respectively."
Maestro Blachly adds, "In reviewing the 27 highly qualified composers who applied from all over the country with strong ties to Western Pennsylvania, this esteemed panel unanimously selected Thomas Dougherty."
The panel who chose the composer in a competitive process said in a statement, "Thomas Dougherty's compelling background as a composer, violinist, and oboist, combined with his strong connection to western Pennsylvania and professional portfolio of works, makes him an excellent choice for this commission."
Mr. Dougherty says, "As a native of Western Pennsylvania, this is a particularly meaningful opportunity to write for musicians of the Johnstown Symphony Orchestra while also honoring the brave men and women of Flight 93 through music.
"It is my hope that our orchestras across the country prioritize commissioning composers with ties to their communities. This essential practice ensures the countless diverse, compositional voices of our country are represented, strengthens the relevance of the institutions, and allows composers to foster their region's legacy through music."
Jaclyn McCusker, Executive Director of Laurel Arts, says "The exhibit will serve as a moment of reflection not only for the events surrounding a tragic moment in American history, but also the nature in which our county, America's County, responded and provided hope and perseverance in even the darkest of times. Additional events, guest speakers, and related films will be hosted at Laurel Arts during the month of September. The exhibit will be free and open to the public."
Hours: 11:00 am to 6:00 pm, Monday thru Thursday, Saturday, noon til 4:00 pm, and by appointment.
Monday, September 6, 2021 @ 8:00 am
Thursday, September 30, 2021 @ 4:00 pm
https://laurelarts.org/
Laurel Arts


You are viewing all stock illustrated by "Treyer Evans". We currently have 5 books by this illustrator in stock.
Published by Methuen & Co. Ltd.. 1st 1953. Very good condition in a good dustwrapper.
Being the Eleveth Adventure of the Five Find-Outers and Dog. Red boards, black titles. B/w illustrations. 179 pages. This is the "thin" edition measuring 1" across the spine. Slight discolouring to top of spine. Inscription in ink to front endpaper. Some minor browning and foxspots to endpapers and text block. Price-cut dustwrapper is worn at edges, chipped, large piece of loss to rear panel and creasing.
Published by Methuen & Co. Ltd.. 1st 1952. Slightly better than good condition.
Being the Tenth Adventure of the Five Find-Outers and Dog. Why did a man rush out of his house in the middle of the night, in his dressing-gown and slippers, carrying a bundle? Yellow boards, green titles and magnifying glass vignette. B/w illustrations. 179 pages. Spine and corners bumped. Spine is browned. Couple of white spots to rear panel. Covers are a bit grubby. Top corner of front endpaper has been cut off. Names and addresses in ink to front pastedown and price plate to front endpaper. Joints and a few hinges are cracked. Foxing to endpapers and page edges otherwise contents generally clean. Pencil ticks to some titles in book list at rear of the book.