Abstract • Essential Economics, the influential economics education textbook written by Arnold Heertje for use in Dutch secondary schools in the 1970s, was characterized by a previously unknown and internationally exceptional degree of abstraction. Its users justified this degree of abstraction by arguing that it fulfilled the needs of mental schooling (in line with the formal education argument upheld by defenders of humanism) and that it would enhance the rigorous status of the new type of school known as athenaeum A. During the 1970s, this economics education design was criticized by Herman Hartkamp, who strove to ground economics education on pupil-centered and social meliorist principles. By explaining this struggle and its outcome, this article exposes the various educational ideologies found in textbooks in the segmented Dutch school system.
Textbook analysis is an excellent way of studying how a school subject can be influenced by the dynamics between various educational ideologies1 and its mother science.2 This article focuses on economics education as an example of these dynamics. Economics education is taught to senior Dutch secondary school pupils as a separate school subject in order to deepen their understanding of economic phenomena, and is therefore defined as a social science. Economics education in the Netherlands underwent a partial revolution in the 1970s. In particular, pupils in the upper years of pre-university education ("VWO" in the Netherlands), in the age range of sixteen to seventeen years, were confronted with an unprecedented degree of abstraction. That abstraction derived not only from the subject matter presented in the form of economic models, but from the fact that mathematics, especially algebra, had begun to play a more dominant role. The new role ascribed to mathematics was especially evident in the textbook developed by the economics professor Arnold Heertje of the University of Amsterdam, as set out in Heertje's textbook De Kern van de Economie [Essential Economics].3 This almost legendary textbook almost monopolized the Dutch market during the 1970s, and shaped the face of economics education in the Netherlands for close to a quarter of a century. In order to give an impression of the way mathematics is applied in this textbook, figure 1 presents a passage from part two of the Dutch version of Essential Economics, in which the so-called indifference curve is proven to be convex.4 "Convex" means that the indifference curve is bowed outwards like the outside of a bowl.
We see in figure 1 the treatment of the indifference curve, which is an analytical tool borrowed from microeconomics. An indifference curve represents the consumer's choice between two products, x and y, shown in figure 1. Although it is notable that a rather abstract tool like the indifference curve is dealt within this textbook, even more striking is the level of algebra used in doing so, which extends to and includes partial derivatives. This abstract model-based approach formed a radical break with the way in which economics had been taught in the Netherlands previously, which was primarily by verbal means.5 The first question addressed in this article explores whether Dutch economics education in the 1970s differed in this regard from economics teaching in other countries. And if that was indeed the case, the second question we ask regards the way in which such differences may be explained. The third question raised in this article enquires whether the abstract model-based approach continued to be used in Dutch economics education after the 1970s, and if not, what approach was implemented in its place.
This article begins by explaining the methodology we applied, then addresses two factors that typically play a central role in the design of economics education in general, without regard to the country in which it might be adopted. The first factor is the development of economics as a science, particularly since the emergence of Keynesian theory in the 1930s. It is well known that the theory of John Mayard Keynes represented a revolution in economics by paving the way for macroeconomics. It can be assumed that economics education has kept in step with the evolution of economics as a science in one way or another.
A passage from De Kern van de Economie [Essential Economics].
What is important here is how great a distance economics education maintained in relation to its "mother science," especially in relation to the use of mathematics. A second factor relates to the educational ideology pursued. Those who see education as, for example, a means to preparing pupils for future participation in society will pursue a different type of economics education than those who wish mainly to offer pupils an introduction to economics.
With these two factors serving as the backdrop, we will examine economics education in the United States, Great Britain and West Germany in the 1970s, followed by closer examination of the specific situation in the Netherlands. Differences between economics education in the Netherlands and these other countries will be explained by looking at the features of the Dutch educational system, and then by referring to the way in which discussions about educational ideologies regarding economics education advanced in the Netherlands. Finally, we will look at the way in which economics education developed in the Netherlands after the 1970s.
This research, based on an analysis of textbooks from the Netherlands, the United States, Great Britain and West Germany, and on reports about economics education, and on articles from economics teacher magazines, began by comparing two representative Dutch textbooks with a number of corresponding examples from abroad. In this comparison we looked in particular at the use of mathematics, and especially algebra, in order to understand whether Dutch economics education constituted an exception in the international context. And in order to understand the design of Dutch economics textbooks, we also examined the discourse about economics education leading up to the exam syllabus of 2010 by analyzing reports and teacher magazines about (economics) education.
The selection of representative Dutch textbooks was based on market shares for both the 1970s and the 1980s. De Kern van de Economie [Essential Economics] by Heertje held a market share of about 80 percent in the 1970s. Alongside it, a minor role was played by Economie voor het Voortgezet Onderwijs [Economics for Secondary Education] by Jacob Hollebrand and Christiaan Stassen, which captured about 8 percent of the market.6 These two Dutch textbooks were compared with economics textbooks that appeared around 1970 in the three countries mentioned above, the United States, Great Britain and West Germany. Because market shares were not available for American, British and German textbooks, another method of selection was applied in these countries. For this selection of representative textbooks contact was sought with national associations of economics educators, namely the American Council of Economic Education, the British Economics Business and Enterprise Association, and the German association Ökonomie im Unterricht [Economics in the Classroom]. We asked each of these associations which textbooks were the most popular and provided a representative picture of economics education in the respective countries over the period being studied. This helped us to choose a sample of textbooks, including the American textbook Economics in Action (first edited in 1968) by James Calderwood and George Fersh, which was used in American high schools,7 the British textbook Introductory Economics by George Stanlake (third edition, 1976), which was used in pre-university training for pupils generally aged from sixteen to nineteen, and the German textbook designed for the upper classes of German grammar schools called Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft [Society and Economy] (sixth edition, 1975) by Manfred Wimmer and Klaus Hartwig.
The science of economics after the Second World War developed, as will be seen below, in such a way that it relied heavily on mathematics and abstract models. This article therefore enquires whether secondary school economics textbooks also followed the same pattern by focusing on the use of mathematics and abstract models in textbooks.
In general, two factors seemed to be of potential importance in the design of economics education, namely the development of the underlying academic discipline and the significance ascribed to particular ideologies of education.
These developments largely caused economics to take on an entirely new appearance after the Second World War. While economics traditionally focused on the allocation of resources via the market mechanism, the macroeconomic perspective now came to the fore. Guides were organized according to the twin concepts of macro and micro, first in the renowned book Economics by Samuelson, which was first published in 1948. Another important textbook was Economics, by Richard Lipsey and Peter Steiner, first published in 1966. Furthermore, economics became highly mathematical and increasingly based on models. This applied not only to the new macroeconomics, for microeconomics was also rewritten in the language of mathematicians. A good example of this new style of economics is Samuelson's Foundations of Economic Analysis, which appeared in 1945. Those trying to read this book will not get far if they do not have thorough training in mathematics. The more or less literary style that had long characterized economics publications, and which was still in use by Keynes, was replaced here by an abstract model-based approach.
Given the fact that the underlying academic discipline developed in this way, one must ask to what extent economics education followed the same path. To what extent did the mathematical model-based approach gain a foothold in economics education in secondary schools? What type of learning did educators strive for in general, and in economics education in particular?
First, a curriculum can determine general education. In fact, this is the ideology espoused by the humanistic movement, which can be distinguished within existing academic disciplines. An important goal of this ideology may be termed "formal education", the pursuit of mental discipline.17 Formal education is typically evoked in contrast to material education.18 Material education is about the object of education, the subject matter to be transferred; it relates to concrete skills and forms of knowledge. Formal education, by contrast, focuses on the attitude with which the object is approached. In our further discussion we understand formal education to mean mental schooling, an approach that is characteristic of the humanistic ideology of education. "Just as the muscles of the body could be strengthened through vigorous exercise, so the mental muscles ... could be trained through properly conceived mental gymnastics."19 The idea here is that skills acquired via the study of one school subject can be "transferred" to other fields such as the study of other school subjects.
Second, a curriculum can be designed for society. The social efficiency orientation emphasized bringing about "a coolly efficient, smoothly running society."20 Eisner and Vallance speak of bringing about "a better 'fit' between individual and society."21 In the Netherlands, the social efficiency orientation was invoked mainly when preparing pupils for their subsequent participation in society. In the United States, great emphasis has also been placed on education's role in the formation of human capital.22 Another ideology which also considers the curriculum in relation to society views the curriculum as a means of bringing about a better, more just, society and thus as an instrument for social change based on "an inordinate faith in the power of education to correct social evils and promote social justice." 23 Kliebard defines proponents of this movement as social meliorists.
The three orientations sketched above are certainly not mutually exclusive. It is possible that the prevailing outlook on education, in economics or in any other subject at any particular point in time will involve a combination of the approaches mentioned. However, it is also conceivable that friction might arise between pedagogical ideologies at a certain point in time. For example, it is conceivable that disciplinary-oriented education might conflict with a social or a pupil-centered approach.
After this sketch of the development of economics as an academic discipline and overview of possible pedagogical ideologies, we now take a closer look at the way in which economics education evolved in the 1970s in several countries, particularly in the United States, Great Britain and West Germany.
In order to determine whether economics education in the Netherlands was an exception in certain respects, we compared it with economics education in the United States, Great Britain and West Germany. As mentioned, in each of these countries we selected a representative economics textbook intended for use at the secondary school level. We paid particular attention to the extent to which mathematical modelling elements appear in these textbooks, given that these elements were a central feature of Dutch textbooks from the 1970s.
The British textbook Introductory Economics by Stanlake of 1976 is comparable to its American counterpart in terms of the methodology used, but it goes somewhat further in its analyses. Ample use is made of graphical analysis, particularly in its treatment of microeconomics. We find diagrams concerning the cost structure of a company (about the relation between costs and production) and equilibrium in various market structures. But algebra and calculations are absent in this textbook. However, we do find tables and descriptive diagrams with references to real world situations.
We conclude that, from as early as the 1930s, but especially after the Second World War, economics became more abstract, in particular following the application of mathematical techniques. Unlike Heertje's Essential Economics and Hollebrand and Stassen's Economics for Secundary Education, the American, British and German textbooks from the period around 1970 contain mathematical modelling which differ notably from academic standards. While the new scientific practice of categorization in terms of micro- and macroeconomics was adopted, the mathematical modelling approach, and in particular the use of algebra, was not.
These differences might be related to the degree to which economics education is connected to social studies education in secondary schools. In Germany, economics education is often narrowly related to social studies education. According to Sebastian Brückner et al., in most German schools "economic content and concepts are taught, if at all, only occasionally and unsystematically as part of other subjects such as social studies."31 Comparative research into the training of British and American economics teachers by David Whitehead shows that the "typical American economics teacher at the secondary level is often a social studies teacher, whereas his British counterpart is a trained economist."32 Given the relatively high level of abstraction of Dutch economics education, we assume that economics education in the Netherlands in this period resembles the British one.
In this section we look in detail at and try to explain the shift in Dutch economics education towards an abstract model-based approach. This is preceded by a short sketch of the specific features of the Dutch educational system, which is necessary in order to contextualize the subject of economics within the educational system.
In 1963, the Dutch parliament passed the Secondary Education Act (Mammoetwet) and thereby ushered in large-scale reform of, in particular, secondary education in the Netherlands. The act, which came into force in 1968, aimed to bind the educational system as a more cohesive whole, so that pupils might receive an education most suited to their individual capacities. For our purposes here, two new categories of schools are of primary importance.
The first category of interest is preuniversity education (VWO), geared towards preparing pupils for the transition to university. Subsumed within this category was the grammar school or "gymnasium," which already existed as a higher track of secondary education operating along the lines of the humanistic ideology. In addition to the gymnasium, within the VWO category, the "athenaeum" was introduced. This was the direct successor of another higher level of secondary school (the HBS or Hogere Burgerschool (higher civic school), which had existed since 1863. From its inception, the HBS served the needs of social utility, although from 1917 this type of school was also intended to supply candidates for universities. To what extent was the social efficiency agenda of the HBS retained after its transformation into the athenaeum? Unlike the HBS, the athenaeum was established in order to prepare pupils for further academic education, and was therefore not perceived as an educational end in itself, as the HBS had been. Both gymnasium and athenaeum contained, like the HBS, A and B streams. The emphasis of the A stream was on languages and the humanities, while the B stream was geared towards mathematics and the physical sciences.
The second category of interest is that of the senior general secondary education (HAVO), an new type of school that was established alongside the VWO. This category of school was intended to prepare pupils for higher professional education (HBO) and thus exhibited more social efficiency characteristics than the VWO. The Secondary Education Act or Mammoetwet also adhered to pupil-centered principles by, for example, offering pupils greater freedom to choose which combination of subjects to study. Thus, the curriculum of the A and B streams was no longer entirely predetermined within the athenaeum and gymnasium; at the HAVO level, pupils had even greater freedom to assemble their own clusters of study subjects. The gymnasium and athenaeum competed with one another. Within each of these school types, there was also competition between the A and B streams. In sum, the Netherlands sustained a highly fragmented educational system.
We will now compare the Dutch textbooks by Heertje and by Hollebrand and Stassen, which were dominant in the 1970s, with other major academic textbooks in use at that time, namely Economics by Samuelson and Economics by Richard Lipsey and Peter Steiner. Both of these academic textbooks make regular use of algebra, but this appears nonetheless to play a complementary role to a primarily textual and graphical approach. In the VWO textbook by Heertje (1969), and in Hollebrand and Stassen (1970), the textual-graphical presentation is supplemented by algebra, especially when dealing with strictly macroeconomic topics (the Keynesian model and extensions thereof) and with microeconomics (cost and revenue functions, market equilibrium). Having been introduced, the algebra of the economic models becomes quite complex. While the presentation in Samuelson's Economics is primarily textual and graphical, in Heertje and in Hollebrand and Stassen it shifts towards a graphical- algebraic approach. Illustrative of this is the treatment of the concept of "price elasticity of demand."37 Alongside the relatively straightforward segment elasticity, both VWO textbooks also include the concept of "point elasticity," for which some knowledge of calculus is required.38 Lipsey and Steiner, by contrast, confine themselves to segment elasticity. Samuelson does this in his main text too, though he discusses point elasticity in a footnote.
This model immediately manifests itself as a complex mathematical equation. The textbooks by Samuelson and by Lipsey and Steiner contain no comparable level of abstraction. The second example, dealing with the theory of economic growth, is from the textbook by Hollebrand and Stassen.40 The treatment of several theories of growth, among them the Harrod-Domar-model and the growth-model by Solow, is even more technical than in the textbook by Heertje. The readers are confronted with formulas, differential coefficients and conversion tables, while no such technical treatment occurs in the textbooks by Samuelson and by Lipsey and Steiner. Moreover, in the two Dutch textbooks the mathematical models have no relation to the economic reality. While the models given in those books are anonymous and do not refer to any example from economic practice, the two academic American textbooks devote much attention to the historical processes of economic growth in a number of countries, and neglect the mathematical way of mastering economic issues.41 In sum, economics education in the Netherlands in the 1970s, in particular at the VWO level, closely followed the academic discipline by including mathematical modelling. In fact, in the leading textbooks used at that time, mathematics and particularly algebra is even more accentuated than it is in the most commonly used academic textbooks, such as those by Samuelson and by Lipsey and Steiner.
How may we explain the exceptional methods used in Dutch economics education? Apparently, educators in countries such as the United States, Great Britain and West Germany considered it unnecessary to encumber pupils in economics classes with economic theories taken virtually verbatim from the academic discipline. In Dutch economics education, especially at the VWO level, there seems to have been less reluctance to introduce the abstract theories of the "mother science" into the classroom. In order to explain this difference, we must look more closely at the discourse surrounding Dutch economics education, which reveals the importance attached to the "formal education" argument.
The first example relates to a report published in 1936 by the De Vries Committee, named after Professor Carl de Vries of Rotterdam. This committee was set up by the Association for the Promotion of Education in the Political Sciences, which had been established in 1935. It was mandated to clarify a number of points regarding the faltering subject of economics. The committee sought to explain, among other things, why the subject of economics was important. The committee's report stated that, alongside subjects that teach "primarily facts," each type of school needed to have a core of subjects that "fulfills the function of developing pupils' thinking capacities."44 For gymnasium-level education, the classical languages fulfilled that function while for HBS B, the mathematical subjects did so, and for HBS A and the business colleges this honor fell to the subject of economics.
The examples above can easily be supplemented by others. They demonstrate the strong tradition in the Netherlands of associating the subject of economics with mental schooling, a "sharpening of the mind" as it was often expressed. The examples of Tinbergen and Heertje show that the formal education argument was linked to a model-based presentation of the subject and, after the Second World War, that economic models were usually mathematical models. It is then possible to argue that emphasis on mental discipline stimulated the use of the mathematical modelling approach in economics education. This was further reinforced by the introduction of the Secondary Education Act or Mammoetwet.
Under the regime introduced by the Secondary Education Act, the Dutch educational system remained segmented, which meant that the different school types each had to legitimize their existence.50 When the HBS was replaced by the athenaeum, again with A and B streams, the question also arose of how athenaeum A could ensure the desired level of rigor. In the gymnasium, classical languages served as a means of selection; in athenaeum B mathematics and physics served that function. However, educators worried that athenaeum A would suffer the same fate as HBS A, that is, that pupils who could not cope with the rigor of gymnasium or athenaeum B studies would opt for athenaeum A, which would then become an amorphous catch-all. The idea of the minister of education Joseph Cals was to use economics as the selection criterion.51 In the minister's own words, "In order to ensure that the rigor of athenaeum A corresponds to that of the other VWO streams, economics should be taught in the more theoretical scientific sense,"52 This viewpoint from within the government, combined with the formal education argument, ultimately led to the Netherlands' unique variety of economics education in the 1970s, and also into the 1980s, whereby VWO placed emphasis on an abstract mathematical approach.
At the start of this article, we raised three questions. First, we asked whether economics education in the Netherlands was different from that in other countries in the 1970s. We have since answered that question affirmatively. In addition, we asked why the Netherlands might have held such an exceptional position. From the discussion above, it appears that the answer to this question should be sought in a combination of factors. First of all, there was a need for athenaeum A to create a strong profile for itself, which it did by offering the subject of economics in a theoretical scientific manner. Second, this response was consistent with and reinforced by the coinciding prevalence of the formal education argument in the Netherlands. Now we are left with only the third question to answer. Did Dutch economics education maintain its exceptional position?
From as early as the 1960s, the American economist and later Nobel prizewinner George Stigler expressed criticism of the centrality given to the mother science in economics education. "The watered-down encyclopedia which constitutes the present course in beginning college economics does not teach the pupil how to think on economic questions.... The pupil will memorize a few facts, diagrams, and policy recommendations, and ten years later will be as untutored in economics as the day he entered the class."54 What held true for the teaching of economics at the college level, according to Stigler, was also true for the subject as it was taught in secondary schools.
In the Netherlands, Herman Hartkamp began a crusade against the highly mathematical teaching of economics in the 1970s. Hartkamp taught economics at secondary school, and later became a lecturer in economics and taught methodology at the universities of Rotterdam, Utrecht and Amsterdam. His foremost criticism of economics education as it had taken shape since the implementation of the Secondary Education Act was that its starting point was not the pupil but rather the discipline. "The VWO final exam syllabus was similar in terms of content and mathematical modelling approach to the materials covered in first year general economics courses at university level."55 However, Hartkamp's criticism of the mathematical overkill in the economics education of the 1970s was not only based on what he considered to be its lack of pupil-centeredness, but also on its lack of any form of societal criticism.
Ultimately, the pupil-centered ideology extended its influence to Dutch economics education. Textbooks that combined an abstract model-based approach with pupil-centered elements became dominant, characterized by context, practical examples and illustrations (the latter had hitherto been rather rare in Dutch economics textbooks). An important role was played by the so-called Lesbrieven (Exercise letters) produced by the National Workgroup Economics Education, the LWEO, founded by Hartkamp and others. This LWEO put, with the aid of these exercise letters, a far more pupil-oriented product on the textbook market than had been seen previously. Indeed, the Exercise letters did not start with complex and very abstract models, but with topics which corresponded more closely to the social and cultural world of youngsters (like mobility and clothing) than mathematic models. The economic theory and economic concepts were related to those concrete and pupil-oriented topics.
Jumping forward to the present time, we must conclude that the case for the abstract scientific approach inspired by the mental discipline argument was definitively lost.62 The exam syllabus introduced in 2010, entirely in keeping with the passage by Dewey cited above, places strong emphasis on the need for teaching materials to be structured according to contexts recognizable to the pupil. In addition, macroeconomic models have almost entirely disappeared from secondary school teaching, while mathematics, especially algebra, has been reduced to a minimum (except for some issues, like elasticity and costs). All this is in keeping with currently prevalent Dutch views on the purpose of economics education. These views are dominated by social efficiency-oriented ideology, which correspond to the belief in the significance of education as an investment in human capital.63 Although writings about economics exam syllabi of the 1960s still regularly contain comments like, "It is all about developing pupils' capacities to think," today this formal educational purpose has disappeared from economics education, at least as reflected in the exam syllabus and supporting explanatory notes.
This has obviously had consequences for economics textbooks. Anyone looking at representative textbooks from Germany, Great Britain and the United States published in the 1970s and more recently 64 will see a remarkably didactic consistency. The methodologies are derived from the academic discipline – the categorization used is invariably one based on the distinction between micro and macroeconomics. Yet their approach is scarcely model-based. Algebra is almost entirely absent; and these approaches can best be described as textual- graphical. By contrast, the economics textbooks used in the Netherlands, especially those for VWO, underwent two developments that radically changed the way in which the subject was taught during the period starting from 1970. First a mathematical modelling revolution occurred around 1970; second, starting in the 1980s, there was a gradual development towards more pupil-centered approaches, inspired to some extent by social meliorist considerations, in line with Hartkamp's pupil-centered doctrine. The complex algebraic models have, meanwhile, completely disappeared and the teaching approach today is, similar to that found in other countries, primarily textual-graphical.
Economics education in the Netherlands, especially in the 1970s but also extending into the 1980s, displayed a previously unheard of degree of (particularly algebraic) abstraction. This degree of abstraction represented a clear break from the way in which economics had been taught previously, and it also constituted a departure from the approaches typically found in countries like the United States, Great Britain and West Germany. In its degree of abstraction, Dutch economics secondary education closely followed developments in the underlying mother science, which after the Second World War rapidly became more abstract with prominent mathematical modelling features. By contrast, economics education in the United States, Great Britain and West Germany maintained greater distance from the academic discipline.
The main explanation for the divergent Dutch position at that time seems to be the need to establish a rigorous profile with the new school type, athenaeum A. This need for a profile was combined with emphasis on the formal education argument. Within the segmented Dutch educational system, in which different school types competed with one another, there was a clear need at the end of the 1960s to give the newly established athenaeum A type a way to demonstrate that its level of rigor corresponded to that of athenaeum B and the gymnasium. The subject of economics was therefore taught in a more academic fashion, which also enabled it to serve as a vehicle for pupil selection. Authors such as Tinbergen and Heertje emphasized the suitability of economics for teaching the subject in this manner, and also pointedly resorted to the formal education argument, an argument which had broad support within the Dutch economics education community.
At the same time, however, during the 1970s, a slow turnaround became evident in the discourse about economics education in the Netherlands — a turnaround that led to much less emphasis being placed on the formal education argument. While the argument of Hartkamp (a representative of this new approach to economics education) drew on a combination of pupil- centered and social meliorist motives, Hartkamp eventually adopted yet another combination, taking both pupil-centeredness and social efficiency — into account. This caused the formal education to recede into the background. Consequently, the exceptional status of the mathematical modelling approach in economics education in the Netherlands came to an end, not as a result of new scholarly insights, but as a result of a shift towards new educational ideologies.
1 Hilda Amsing, "Textbooks and School Identity: The Content and Use of History Textbooks in Dutch Classical and Modern Education, 1863-1917," Historical Studies in Education/ Revue d'histoire de l'éducation 23, 2 (2011): 19-34.
2 Michael Marino, "High School World History Textbooks: An Analysis of Content Focus and Chronological Approaches," The History Teacher 44, no. 3 (2011): 421-446.
3 Gerrit Gorter, Anderhalve eeuw economieonderwijs in Nederland, 1863-2013. Biografie van een schoolvak (Delft: Eburon, 2013), 243-258.
4 Arnold Heertje, De kern van de economie. Part 2 (Leiden: Stenfert Kroese, 1969), 79.
5 Gorter, Anderhalve eeuw, 234.
6 Gorter, Anderhalve eeuw, 245.
7 Also discussed in Herbert Voege, "The Diffusion of Keynesian Macroeconims through American High School Textbooks, 1936-70" in Case Studies in Curriculum Change. Great Britain and the United States, eds. William Reid and Decker Walker (London/Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975), 208-239.
8 Marc Blaug, Economic Theory in Retrospect (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 654-678; Ray Canterberry, A Brief History of Economics. Artful Approaches to the Dismal Science (Singapore: World Scientific Publishing, 2001), 201-272; Robert Ekelund and Robert Hébert, A History of Economic Theory and Method (Longrove: Waveland, 2007), 471- 493.
9 Brian Snowdon and Howard Vane, Conversations with Leading Economists (Cheltenham: Elgar, 1999), 5.
10 John Maynard Keynes, The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money (London: MacMillan, 1936).
11 Ekelund and Hébert, History of Economic Theory, 582.
12 Hilda Amsing, Bakens verzetten in het voortgezet onderwijs 1863-1920 (Delft: Eburon, 2002), 5-7.
13 Philip Jackson, "Conceptions of Curriculum and Curriculum Specialists," in Handbook of Research on Curriculum (New York: MacMillan, 1992), 12-13; Herbert Kliebard, The Struggle for the American Curriculum (New York: Routledge Falmer, 2004); Elliot Eisner, and Elizabeth Vallance, "Five Conceptions of Curriculum: Their Roots and Implications for Curriculum Planning," in Conflicting Conceptions of Curriculum, eds. Eisner and Vallance (Berkeley: McCutchan. Publishing, 1974), 1-18.
14 Jackson, "Conceptions of Curriculum," 12.
15 See Roland Meighan & Iram Siraj-Blatchford, A Sociology of Educating (London: Cassell, 1998); Peter Scrimshaw, Educational Ideologies (Milton Keynes: Open University Press); Keith Morrison and Ken Ridley, "Ideological Contexts for Curriculum Planning," in Margaret Preedy, ed., Approaches to Curriculum Management (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1989); John Mc Neil, Curriculum: A Comprehensive Introduction (New York: Harper Collins, 1996).
16 Steve Bartlett, Diana Burton and Nick Peim, Introduction to Education Studies (London: Paul Chapmen Publishing, 2001), 78, 4-19. See Gorter, Anderhalve eeuw, 16-29.
17 Kliebard, The Struggle, 4-5.
18 Joseph Wachelder, Universiteit tussen vorming en opleiding. De modernisering van de Nederlandse universiteiten in de negentiende eeuw (Hilversum: Verloren, 1992), 205.
19 Kliebard, The Struggle, 4.
20 Kliebard, The Struggle, 24.
21 Eisner and Vallance, "Five Conceptions," 11.
22 Gorter, Anderhalve eeuw, 22; Gary Becker, "Human Capital," The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics, 2008.
24 Jürgen Oelkers, Reformpädagogik. Eine kritische Dogmengeschichte (Weinheim: Juventa Verlag, 1992), 61-72.
25 John Dewey, "My Pedagogic Creed," School Journal 54 (1897): 77-80. Reprinted in Martin Dworkin, Dewey on Education (Teachers College, New York, 1959), 19-32.
26 James Calderwood and George Ferhs, Economics in Action (MacMillan, 1968), 504.
27 Price elasticity measures the responsiveness of the quantity demanded to a change in price. See for a modern textbook: Paul Samuelson and William Nordhaus, Economics (McGraw Hill, 2010), 65-73.
28 The market leader before the Second World War was Isaac Cohen, Hoofdlijnen der Staathuishoudkunde (Groningen-Batavia: Noordhoff, first ed. 1903).
29 Herbert Voege, "The Diffusion of Keynesian Macroeconomics through American High Schools Textbooks, 1936-70," in Case Studies in Curriculum Change, Great Britain and the United States, eds. William Reid and Decker Walker (London: Routledge, 1975), 208-239.
30 This equation states that the national product (Y) is the sum of consumption (C), investment (I) and the balance of exports and imports (NX). Government expenditures are, in this case, included under consumption and investments.
31 Sebastiaan Brückner, "Effects of Prior Economic Education, Native Language, and Gender on Economic Knowledge of First-year Students in Higher Education. A Comparative Study between Germany and the USA," Studies in Higher Education 40, 3 (2015): 437-453.
32 David Whitehead, "The Training of Economics Teachers in England and Wales," Journal of Economic Education, Fall 1985, 254-268.
33 This outline is based on Gorter, Anderhalve eeuw, section 2.5.
34 Gorter, Anderhalve eeuw, 300.
35 For example, Frits de Jong, De werking van een volkshuishouding. Een eerste inleiding tot het economisch denken (Leiden: Stenfert Kroese, 1953); I.B. Mabelis, Geld en goed: leerboek economie voor de middelbare school (Amsterdam: Meulenhoff, 1956/57); W.J. Buijs,Moderne inleiding tot de economie, (Groningen: Wolters, 1956/57).
36 Jacob Hollebrand and Christiaan Stassen, Economie voor het voortgezet onderwijs (Assen: Born, 1975/1976); Rudolf Schöndorff, Nico Cohen and Jan Pleus, Economie bijvoorbeeld(Leiden: SMD, 1980).
38 The "point elasticity" measures the effect on demand of a very small price change, the "segment elasticity" measures the effect of a larger price change.
39 Heertje, De Kern, part 2, 37. This equation states that the change of the GDP (∆Y) depends on changes in the payment of labour (w) and changes in investments (∆A).
40 Hollebrand en Stassen, Economie, part 2, 93-151.
41 Samuelson, Economics, 759-780. Lipsey and Steiner, Economics, 531-556.
42 Kliebard, The Struggle, 6.
43 See also Gorter, Anderhalve eeuw, 18-21 and 299.
44 De Vries, Rapport van de studiecommissie ingesteld door de Vereeniging tot behartiging van het onderwijs in de Staatswetenschappen (Rotterdam: VOS Archive, 1936).
45 Jan Tinbergen, "De waarde van het onderwijs in de economie," Weekblad voor het gymnasiaal en middelbaar onderwijs 42, no. 8 (1948): 140-143.
46 Gerrit Gorter, "Rondom De kern, een gesprek met Arnold Heertje," Tijdschrift voor het economisch onderwijs 111, no. 2 (2011): 6-7.
47 The italics are Heertje's own.
48 Arnold Heertje, "Enkele opmerkingen over het economisch onderwijs in Nederland,"Tijdschrift voor het economisch onderwijs 66, no. 5 (1966): 69-72.
49 Gorter, Anderhalve eeuw, 54.
50 For a comparable instance of competition between school types and its influence on the curriculum, see Hilda Amsing, "Modern versus Classical Education, The Dutch Case 1863- 1917," History of Education Review 34, no. 1 (2005): 35-50.
51 Saskia Grotenhuis, Op zoek naar middelbaar onderwijs. hbs, gymnasium, mms en lyceum in discussie tussen 1900 en 1970 (Amsterdam: Boom, 1998), 178.
52 Albert de Jong, "De plaats van de economische vakken en van de maatschappijleer in het wetsontwerp Voortgezet Onderwijs," Tijdschrift voor het economisch onderwijs 62, no. 2 (1961): 107-114.
53 William Walstad, "An Introduction to an International Perspective on Economic Edcation," in An International Perspective on Economic Education, ed. William Walstad (Boston: Kluwer), 1994, 1-18.
54 George Stigler, "Elementary Economics Education," The American Economic Revue 53, no. 2 (1963): 657.
55 LWEO, Appels en peren (Amsterdam, 1975). This brochure, entitled Apples and Pears, makes no mention of the authors, but Hartkamp's pen seems clearly in evidence. Hartkamp defined this approach as a "theezakjesmodel" (teabag model, for the curriculum of the VWO was extracted from the university curriculum and the Havo curriculum was extracted from the VWO curriculum.
56 Herman Hartkamp, "De Landelijke Werkgroep Economie Onderwijs, Van pressiegroep tot alternatieve uitgeverij," Vernieuwing. Tijdschrift voor onderwijs en opvoeding 46, nos. 1/2 (1986): 69-73. Also in Herman Hartkamp, Jullie zijn nog niet van me af! (Amsterdam: LWEO, 1998), 12-21.
57 Hartkamp, "De Landelijke Werkgroep," 17.
58 Claartje Hülsebeck, Rode boekje voor scholieren (Utrecht: Bruna, 1970).
59 Margriet Vermeulen, "De les van Heertje," De Volkskrant, 27 November, 1999, 31.
61 Pilot,Van Boxtel and Van de Ven, "Vakdidactische benaderingen," section 4.4.
62 Gorter, Anderhalve eeuw, 286-288.
63 Elvira Nica, "The Increased Significance of Education as an Investment in Human Capital,"Contemporary Readings in Law and Social Justice 2 (2012): 336-341.
64 See the American textbook by Arthur O'Sullivan and Steven Sheffrin, Economics Principles in Action (Upper Saddle River: Pearson, 2007), the British textbook by Alain Anderton,Economics (Edinburgh Gate: Pearson Longman, 2008) or the German textbook by Gotthard Bauer et al., Wirtschaft, Märkte, Akteure und Institutionen (Bamberg: Buchner, 2008).


Myths, legends and oral tradition are an integral part of many cultures. In particular, many Melanesian and Polynesian societies have developed vast repertoires of tales, myths and legends since their beginnings. Bascom (1965:26) emphasised that the study of oral tradition gives important insights to the make-up of the cultures, an idea which unfortunately has been largely neglected in many ethnographic studies.
During the past few decades several attempts have been made to interpret myths and legends in terms of natural phenomena. On the basis of widespread traditions of "times of darkness" in the Central Highlands of Papua New Guinea, Brookfield (1961), Watson (1963), Glasse (1963), Blong (1975) and Allen and Wood (1980) suggested that the stories describe a major volcanic eruption and the phenomena that accompanied it. More recently, Blong (1982), using both oral tradition and scientific evidence, concluded that the legends originated at the time of the occurrence of a major volcanic eruption many generations ago. Furthermore, he identified the extent of the effects, the location of the volcanic centre and suggested a probable date for the eruption. Another myth from the Madang area of Papua New Guinea (Mennis 1981) suggests that a volcanic island, Yomba Is., may have existed off the north coast some eight to ten generations ago but is now below sea level.
One such Polynesian society, the Kingdom of Tonga, has based many of its cultural beliefs on the wealth of oral tradition. Gifford (1924) and Collocott (1928) drew together many of the myths, legends, tales and poems of the Tongan people that were undocumented until early this century. These studies, together with several other contributions, e.g. Mahony (1915), Brown (1916), Collocott (1921, 1924), have formed the basis for historical studies.
"more alive, more interesting, exciting ….. and more accurate".
In the light of these statements, this paper examines a legend common to several of the outlying northern islands of the Kingdom of Tonga, and, drawing on volcanological and meteorological evidence, suggests a probable reason for its origin.
The islands of Niuafo'ou, Niuatoputapu and Tafahi are the northern-most outliers of the Kingdom of Tonga (Fig. l). Niuafo'ou, at latitude 15°36′S; longitude 175°3′ W, lies some 650 kilometres north of Tongatapu, the principal island of Tonga. Niuatoputapu and Tafahi lie 175 kilometres to the southeast of Niuafo'ou at latitude 15°57′S, longitude 173°4′ W.
Niuafo'ou is the almost circular summit of a large submarine volcano (Fig.2A). Covering an area of 57 km2, it consists of a series of lava flows which are, in part, interbedded with pyroclastic materials. 3 The centre of the island is occupied by a caldera containing two lakes, Vai Lahi and Vai Si'i. The geological development of the island has been dominated by volcanic activity, with at least 11 eruptions occurring since 1800 (Taylor 1986a: 123; 1991:8). The most recent activity occurred during March 1985 (SEAN 1985:6-7), but the eruption which had the most significant and lasting effect on the native population occurred in September 1946. This catastrophic event destroyed much of the administrative village of Angaha (Fig.2A) on the north coast and resulted in the total evacuation of the island (Rogers 1986). Following repeated requests from many of the Niuafo'ouans, the Tongan Government finally allowed permanent resettlement to occur in 1958 (Rogers 1981:162).
Niuatoputapu (Fig.2B), although having shown no signs of volcanic activity during historic time, is of volcanic origin. Covering an area of only 15 km2, it consists of an eroded volcanic spine surrounded by a Pleistocene terrace of volcanic detritus and an apron of uplifted marine sediments. Tafahi (Fig.2B: insert), 7 km to the north of Niuatoputapu, is a recent volcanic cone. Although it is densely vegetated, it is probably much younger than Niuatoputapu. Cunningham and Anscombe (1985:228) have suggested that Tafahi may represent a late stage parasitic cone formed on the periphery of the remnants of the ancestral Niuatoputapu volcano.
Figure 1. Map of the Southwest Pacific region showing the location of Niuafo'ou and Niuatoputapu.
Figure 2.A. Map of Niuafo'ou showing the salient geologic and geographic features and the location of the villages: B. Geomorphic map of Niuatoputapu (after Kirch, 1984) and Tafahi. Outlines and spot heights after Government of Tonga (1975).
which included islands such as Uvea, 250 km to the north-northwest of Niuafo'ou (Fig. 1). This influence may have lasted until, at least, the time of the first European contacts in 1616 AD. Following detailed archaeological excavations, Rogers (1974:339) and Kirch (1978:12-13) concluded that Niuatoputapu was probably inhabited by Lapita colonisers by early in the first millenium B.C. Although no archaeological surveys have been conducted on Niuafo'ou, it could be expected that from its location it may have been initially colonised during a similar time period to that of neighbouring Niuatoputapu.
"familiar demon of the family of Maafu (Ma'atu) ….. the last of the apparently active devils of Tonga".
Rogers (1975:417) has shown that other versions of the legend recorded by him during 1969-70, vary only with respect to the part of the anatomy which Sekatoa used to initiate the impromptu sunrise.
The legends presented here, although differing in minor detail, refer to the removal of the central part of Niuafo'ou island and its subsequent relocation near Niuatoputapu and a period of darkness lasting for an unknown period of time that was ended by an impromptu sunrise.
To a volcanologist, certain aspects of the legends presented here suggest a similarity to phenomena that accompany volcanic eruptions.
Since this investigation involves an analysis of data using an interdisciplinary approach, it is appropriate to outline and discuss several important topics, e.g. the relation between myth and reality together with pertinent volcanological and meteorological aspects, which will have a significant bearing on the conclusions drawn.
Although it is generally accepted that myths, legends and oral traditions may be based on factual events, the accuracy cannot always be easily determined. In the case of Tonga, no strict measures have been adopted to preserve the accuracy of the traditions and hence they are prone to variation. Latukefu (1968:139-40) suggested that they are still of great value to the historian provided they are used cautiously and time is taken to detect sources of distortion. A volcanologist familiar with the interpretation of oral traditions may be able to suggest that certain aspects of the traditions relate to "factual" geohistorical events, e.g. a volcanic eruption that occurred, generations ago, in the northern Tongan region.
The mechanisms and products of volcanic eruptions have been described elsewhere (Macdonald 1972; Bullard 1976, 1979; Williams and McBirney 1979; Fisher and Schmincke 1984; Heiken and Wohletz 1985; Cas and Wright 1987), and so only aspects considered relevant to this discussion will be considered here.
Basic SiO2 <55% Abundant Rare Abundant Many eruptions, eg Hawaii, do not produce large amounts of pyroclastic material. Volcanoes in an oceanic setting, eg. Surtsey, Iceland and Fayal, Azores have erupted explosively, but this initial phase has been followed by a major lava producing phase. However, in a number of cases, eruptions have been entirely explosive, eg. Kilauea, Hawaii in 1923; Fernandina, Galapagos in 1968; Niuafo'ou, Tonga in 1886.
Intermediate SiO2 55-63% Common Abundant Abundant Lava flows are commonly short, thick and blocky in character. In rare cases lava flows may travel several kilometres from the vent, eg. Ngauruhoe, New Zealand in 1954; Bagana, P.N.G.
Acid SiO2 >63% Rare Abundant Abundant Commonly these eruptions do not produce lava flows but are completely explosive. In some cases bulbous lava domes are formed within the vent area, eg. Mt Saint Helens, U.S.A. in 1980; Usu, Japan in 1977; Katmai, Alaska in 1912.
(Table 1). During an explosive eruption mainly gas and tephra are formed. The exsolution of magmatic gas or the formation of water vapour by the instantaneous conversion when water comes in contact with rising magma forms the basic mechanism for the initiation of explosive eruptions. The tephra formed as a result of the eruption is entrained in a developing eruption column which initially rises vertically above the vent.
During the dispersal phase and as the density of the plume declines, the larger and heavier pyroclasts 4 fall from the expanding cloud. The remaining low density suspension of fine tephra disperses laterally under the effect of the prevailing winds, sometimes covering extensive areas around the volcano. The large magnitude eruption of Krakatau, during 1883, affected an area to the west of the volcano estimated to be 827,000 km2 with an ash layer of between 1-5 mm in thickness (Verbeek 1885) 5. Similar cases are also known following smaller magnitude explosive eruptions of basaltic volcanoes. The eruption of Fernandina in the Galapagos Islands during 1968 (Simkin and Howard 1970:431) produced a tephra cloud that was reported 350 km west of the volcano. The 1886 eruption of Niuafo'ou produced a tephra cloud that may have affected an estimated area of 670 km2 to the west of the island (Taylor 1991:39). The distribution of tephra in all these cases was dominated by the prevailing winds. Roobol et al. (1985:325-31) have suggested that the prevailing winds have played a major role in the distribution of tephra in the Lesser Antillies.
Simkin and Fiske (1983:91-105) also noted that a series of pronounced atmospheric phenomena followed the 1883 eruption of Krakatau and that periods of extreme darkness also occurred during the period of the eruption. Although both the Krakatau and Tambora examples relate to eruptions of volcanoes with intermediate to silicic compositions, these events serve to indicate that pronounced periods of darkness may occur during large-scale volcanic eruptions. Simkin and Howard (1970:431) describe the instance following the Fernandina eruption when at a distance of greater than 135 km visibility was down to 500 metres, thus implying a period of darkness. Furthermore, Jaggar (1935:95) noted that during the 1886 explosive eruption of Niuafo'ou the clouds of dust shut off the light of day on many occasions during the 18 day eruption.
Figure 3. Plots of monthly average upper-air wind velocities and directions for Nandi, Fiji. Data from de Lisle (1969).
Niuafo'ou and Niuatoputapu are in a region of the south-west Pacific affected by the trade winds. The average surface winds for this region blow from the east and south-east. Upper-air wind profiles for Nandi, Fiji are given in Figure 3.
Figure 3 shows that the troposphere is characterised by zonal winds. Low level winds (1-2 km altitude), blow from the east or southeast while the upper level winds (>3 km) generally blow from the north-west. The upper and lower levels of the troposphere are separated by a trade wind shear zone represented by a zone of low velocity at a height of about 2 km. The dry season winds are more consistent in both direction and velocity than those occurring during the wet season, suggesting that the wet season circulation is affected by the presence of the South Pacific convergence zone (Thompson 1986:6).
The prevailing wind patterns at the time of the 1886 eruption of Niuafo'ou influenced the dispersal of the tephra that was injected into the troposphere (Taylor 1991:48). Thus, during a small scale explosive eruption, ejection of tephra to heights below the trade wind shear zone would be expected, and this tephra would be dispersed along a westerly dispersal axis. However, in the case of a moderate to large scale explosive eruption, ejection of tephra into the upper troposphere (3-19 km in the dry season; and 3-17 km in the wet season) could be expected with the dispersal axis being orientated in an easterly or south-easterly direction.
Figure 4. Calculated trajectories for the months of May, August and November for pyroclasts of 0.1mm diameter and a density of 0.5gm/cm3. The trajectories are for particles released at heights of 50, 30, 20, 10 and 5 km above the vent, following the model of Blong (1981). Symbols are described in Figure 5.
Figures 5a and 5b. Calculated pyroclast trajectories in plan and section for wet and dry season upper-air wind averages.
Figure 6. Calculated tephra dispersal envelopes for the wet and dry season trajectories given in Figure 5 for release heights of 50, 30 and 20 km only. KK72-7 represents the location of the seafloor sediment core referred to in this paper and described by Taylor (1986b).
season indicates a predominantly easterly trajectory, while for the wet season, trajectories of greater spread with impact positions to both the east and the west of Niuafo'ou. Tephra dispersal envelopes have been constructed for the average wet and dry season trajectories using the method outlined by Blong (1981:88-92) (Fig.6). The calculated tephra envelopes suggest that particles released from an eruption column produced during moderate to large magnitude explosive activity would disperse in an easterly direction with extensive tephra falls probably occurring in the region of Tafahi and Niuatoputapu.
iii) the period of darkness followed by the impromptu sunrise.
The model for the evolution of Niuafo'ou described by Taylor (1991:94-7) involves a caldera-forming 6 phase which resulted in the formation of a large depression at the centre of the island which is now filled by two lakes. This phase involved the removal or subsidence of the central portion of the volcano. It is generally accepted that the most common caldera-forming eruptions result from the subsidence or collapse of a portion of the structure (Williams and McBirney 1979: 207). This phase of activity may explain the aspects of the legends that refer to the removal of the central part of the island.
column will commence under the influence of the prevailing winds. In the case of Niuafo'ou, if a large magnitude eruption occurred which produced a tephra cloud that attained a height in excess of 20 km, then using the calculated tephra dispersal patterns given in Figure 6 the prevailing wind patterns would cause a heavy tephra fall to the east of Niuafo'ou in the region of Niuatoputapu and Tafahi. A study of the chemical and morphological characteristics of glass shards present in a sea-floor sediment core recovered from latitude 16°08′S, longitude 175°09.6′W, 60 km to the southeast of Niuafo'ou (Taylor 1986b), has confirmed that tephra with a similar chemical composition to the lavas and pyroclastic deposits that outcrop on Niuafo'ou is present in sea-floor sediments to the southeast of the island (Table 2), thus indicating that a moderate to large scale eruption may have occurred which deposited tephra over an extensive area around Niuafo'ou. This phase of activity may account for the eastward movement of the "central portion" of Niuafo'ou. However, its relocation as Tafahi near Niuatoputapu presents a problem. Geochemically, the rocks of Tafahi contrast with those of Niuafo'ou (Ewart 1976 10; Ewart and Hawkesworth 1987 11), suggesting a different origin for the rocks. Furthermore, the gross geomorphic features of Tafahi, including the size and shape (see Figure 2 for a comparison), also preclude an origin connected with Niuafo'ou. Cunningham and Anscombe (1985:228) have suggested that Tafahi represents a parasitic cone formed during the post-Pliocene development of Niuatoputapu. A possible explanation for the mention of the origin of Tafahi in the legends is that contemporaneous volcanic activity occurred at both sites.
may also refer to volcanic activity. There are two eruption-related phenomena to which this part of the legend may refer. The first is that it may refer to near-vent tephra fall which would accompany an eruption, but an alternative explanation is that it may refer to the formation of a small cinder or tuff cone within the lake during a later stage of the eruption or during a period of post-caldera explosive activity. As shown in Figure 2, a series of small pyroclastic cones are present within the caldera, and the existence of these features support the alternative explanation.
As noted earlier, Blong (1984:32) and Simkin and Fiske (1983:91-105) have described the occurrence of periods of extreme darkness during explosive eruptions. Similarly, Blong (1982) has described a period of darkness that occurred several generations ago in the New Guinea highlands and which he concluded was the result of the dispersal of the Tibito Tephra, - 341 an ash deposit that was probably produced during a large magnitude explosive eruption of one of the volcanoes along the north coast of Papua New Guinea. Atmospheric phenomena also accompany the dispersal of tephra (see Simkin and Fiske 1983:154-9); those most commonly observed include severe electrical disturbances, and enhanced sunrises and sunsets, or simply the sun being partially or completely obscured by the dispersing tephra cloud. The period of darkness and subsequent sunrise referred to in the legends may thus be explained by a tephra cloud causing partial or complete darkness in the region followed by the reappearance of the sun following dispersal of the tephra cloud.
A further point that must be considered is the timing of the legend and hence the eruption. Since none of the available geological data allows an absolute date to be assigned to the eruption, the use of relative dating techniques must be used. The existence of an as-rich layer in sea-floor sediment as described by Taylor (1986b) may in itself suggest the occurrence of an eruption. Assuming that the presence of this ash, similar in composition to the products exposed on Niuafo'ou, was formed during an eruption that occurred on Niuafo'ou, then using the minimum sedimentation rate of 17 m/Ma 12 given by Brocher et al. (1985:90), an age of late-Pleistocene to early-Holocene may be inferred. However, sedimentation rates may have been extremely variable in the geological environment where the core was recovered, i.e. an active back-arc basin. 13 Churkin and Packham (1973:481) have suggested that during the Pleistocene sedimentation rates may have been as high as 120 m/Ma, averaging 80 m/Ma, which may indicate that the ash layer may have been deposited as recently as 10,000 years ago, however, estimates based on these criteria are far from conclusive.
As noted earlier, legends and oral tradition may contain elements of fact and thus may suggest that the tradition may have been established at the time during which the events occurred. By inference, the event on which a legend has been based must have occurred following the period of colonisation. As noted by Kirch (1978:12), archaeological evidence suggests that this region of the south-west Pacific was inhabited by Lapita colonisers about 3,000 years ago. Thus, the legends and hence the eruption which they describe may have occurred less than 3,000 years ago. However, only detailed studies of the stratigraphic relationships of Lau Basin sediments to the east of Niuafo'ou and on the island of Niuatoputapu will confirm this hypothesis.
Using a volcanological approach, it is suggested that the legends outlined in this paper refer to volcanic activity that has occurred on the island of - 342 Niuafo'ou during a time following the early settlement of the region, possibly less than 3,000 years ago. Volcanological and meteorological evidence and computer modelling suggest that a number of the aspects of the legends can be explained by the occurrence of a moderate to large magnitude eruption which may have resulted in the formation of the caldera but because of inconsistencies in the timing of the events and the origin of the legends, some of the aspects discussed may refer to periods of post-caldera explosive activity.
"more alive, more interesting and more accurate"!
This paper was prepared as part of a Master of Science project at Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia, hence thanks must go to my supervisor, Associate Professor Trevor Green, for his encouragement throughout the project and for reviewing an early draft of this paper. Thoughtful comments were also provided by Russell Blong, Wally Johnson and an anonymous reviewer, which enabled the manuscript to be improved. Russell Blong and Steve Riley are also thanked for allowing me to use their tephra dispersal computer program. Agahisa Tsukamoto, provided a copy of his thesis on the language of Niuafo'ou and transcripts of several myths/legends recorded during his visits to Niuafo'ou. Thanks must also go to Tevita and Lusia Koloamatangai and their family, who extended there hospitality while I was on Tongatapu. I must also thank Tupou Kata of Kolofo'ou village, Niuafo'ou, for his companionship during my visits to Niuafo'ou. Finally I must thank my "Niuafo'ou family", Tu'a and Kaufo'ou 'Aholeloi and their children Lisiate, Nasia, 'Ilisa and Matamoana who shared their home, food and Niuafo'ou with me.
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Williams, H. and A. R. McBirney, 1979. Volcanology. San Francisco: Freeman Cooper.
Wright, J. V., A. L. Smith and S. Self, 1980. A working terminology of pyroclastic deposits. Journal of Volcanology and Geothermal Research, 8:315-36.
1 This paper is dedicated to the memory of the late Dr Garth Rogers of the Department of Anthropology, Auckland University, a colleague who shared with me a common fascination for the island of Niuafo'ou. Unfortunately, I did not have the pleasure of meeting him prior to his passing. However, through correspondence, Garth shared with me his experiences of Tonga and Niuafo'ou and provided valuable advice during the planning of my trips to Tonga and Niuafo'ou and insight into the Niuafo'ouan customs. He also provided copies of his Master of Arts thesis on Niuafo'ou and his Doctorate thesis on Niutoputapu which have been used in the preparation of this paper.
2 Brunvand (1968:79) regards myths as sacred, being set in the remote past in the otherworld or an earlier world having gods or animals as the principal characters, while legends are either sacred or secular, being set in the historical past with generally humans in the major roles.
3 Pyroclastic materials are defined as those formed by the fragmentation of magma and rocks by explosive volcanic activity (Wright et al. 1980). For a detailed description of pyroclastic materials and the resultant rocks the reader is referred to Fisher and Schmincke (1984).
4 Pyroclasts are the individual particles of fragmented material that make up a pyroclastic deposit.
6 Calderas are large, more or less circular volcanic depressions, the diameter of which may be many times larger than the vent. It has been inferred that they are formed by a collapse mechanism during periods of activity. They may either form during a discrete eruption or grow incrementally during successive eruptions. Descriptions of calderas and the eruptions that form them are given in Macdonald (1972) and Williams and McBirney (1979).
9 Total Fe as FeO.
10 The reader is referred to the tables and figures given in Ewart (1976) which show the differences in the major element contents of the rocks from Niuafo'ou and Tafahi.
11 The reader is referred to Figures 2 and 3 and Tables 2, 3 and 6 given in Ewart and Hawkesworth (1987) which show the differences in the minor and trace element and isotope contents of the rocks from Niuafo'ou and Tafahi.
12 Ma is a convention used in the geological literature which represents millions of years, e.g. 7Ma represents 7 million years.
13 Back-arc basins are defined by Taylor and Karner (1983:1727) as semi-isolated ocean basins located behind active or inactive oceanic trench systems. An active back-arc basin is one in which sea-floor spreading or crustal extension is occurring. A number of these basins are located in the Western Pacific region, e.g. the Bismark Sea, the Mariana Trough and the Lau Basin.


syserr.txt file if u open it in notpad!
add all exe files to allowed list on youre antivirus program!
watch the video for a full tutorial on what to do on each floor to get to the death reaper.
Video was made by a player.


In case you missed it, Richard Epstein comments on Kelo (not to ruin the suspense or anything, but he doesn't like it).
Could someone explain the difference between Pfizer offering to pay New London higher taxes, and Pfizer offering to pay New London a bribe? I mean, I know it's either an emanation or a penumbra, but I can't figure out which. The power to tax is quite literally the power to destroy, in this case at least.
New London recruited Pfizer to come to their town much the same wat as other towns have done with other companies. Pfizer isn't "offering to pay higher taxes." Pfizer's ad valorem taxes ought to be the same as the homeowner's taxes, but Pfizer will also pay taxes on its profits at a rate higher than any local income tax might be.
All of the onus here is on the town, not on Pfizer. Pfizer's managers just want the best deal they can get (which is their fiduciary duty). Anytime any company comes to a town and asks the town to use eminent domain, the town government should be principled enough to say no (leaving aside the very real holdout problem) and force the company to go to the open market. That didn't happen here (or anywhere, let's be realistic), but the fault is the town government's and ultimately the town's citizenry. Let's see what happens in the next election cycle to see whether anyone really cares about this.
Its the same thing. You know those local officials are going to give themseleves raises with all that new tax revenue. And they will get great deals on construction projects for their personal property (i.e. home pools, state of the art fences installed, etc). People that support Kelo are just blind or don't care, and people like that holding office is the true crime.
These three commenters seem to think that New London (or its morally depraved officials), not Pfizer, was (were) the party(s) in a position to "drive a hard bargain". According to JJ, Pfizer SHOULD drive a hard bargain if it can because that's its fiduciary duty.
My own opinion is that city governments should spend more efficiently and that companies (and their officials) should try harder to serve the public interest. We commentators should be concerned with whether all parties are. And I think the commentators here display just such concern (sometimes in spite of themselves).
Superior bargaining position is one of many things that can make private actors in a free market operate against the public interest. It's good that so much of the discussion of Kelo has focused on the question of what party has superior bargaining position. But notice taht there is much disagreement. Michael Kinsley (whose Washington Times editorial discussed Epstein on takings) thought that Pfizer did.


text:
Sony FX3 Full-Frame Cinema Camera Officially Announced
Sony today officially announced a new Sony FX3 Full-Frame cinema camera. The US price is $3,898 and it will be released in March 2021. Now the Sony FX3 is available for pre-order at B&H, Adorama, Focuscamera. Order now if you are interested.
Pre-order link:
Sony FX3: $3,898 at Amazon, B&H, Adorama, Focuscamera.
10.2MP Full-frame Backside-illuminated (BSI) Exmor R CMOS sensor
BIONZ XR Image Processing Engine
Real-time Eye-AF and Real-time AF tracking
Uninterrupted 4K 60p recording with cooling fan
High-speed 2.4 and 5GHz Wi-Fi16 / FTP transfer
627 phase-detection AF points
3-INCH flip-out, vari-angle LCD monitor w/ touch menu and controls
S-Cinetone inspired by VENICE colorimetry
Sony Electronics Launches FX3 Full-Frame Camera for Cinematic Look and Enhanced Operability for Creators
FX3 Product Highlights:
Compact and lightweight body design with high operability for hand-held shooting, gimbal and drone-mounted work
Multiple 1/4-20 UNC threaded mounting points to easily attach compatible accessories
Detachable XLR handle unit with two XLR/TRS audio inputs and one 3.5mm stereo jack
S-Cinetone™ look – inspired by the color science of the digital cinema camera VENICE – which is also used in FX9 and FX6 Cinema Line cameras
Built-in cooling fan enables effective heat dissipation to support uninterrupted 4K 60p recordingi
Records up to 4K 120pii
10.2 megapixeliii full-frame back-illuminated CMOS Exmor R™ sensor and BIONZ XR™ image processing engine
Ultra-high sensitivity with ISO expandable to 409,600 for very low light conditions and 15+ stops of dynamic rangeiv
Fast Hybrid AF (Autofocus), Touch Tracking (real-time tracking) and Real-time Eye AF, also used in other Alpha™ cameras
5-axis in-body image stabilization with "Active Mode"v supports handheld movie shooting
SAN DIEGO, Feb. 23, 2021
Sony Electronics Inc. today announced the FX3 (model ILME-FX3) camera that combines the best of Sony's industry-leading digital cinema technology with advanced imaging features from Alpha™ brand mirrorless cameras to make Sony's coveted cinematic look accessible to more creators.
As the latest addition to Sony's Cinema Line, the FX3 delivers a cinematic look and professional operability and reliability in a camera that is accessible to early-career creators, as well as suitable to be used alongside Sony's VENICE, FX9 and FX6 cameras. The new model provides outstanding image quality and usability for small scale and one-person shooting. The FX3 boasts industry-leading autofocus capabilities, 5-axis in-body image stabilization with Active mode5, handheld shooting design and advanced heat dissipation for extended recording times. All this is combined in a compact, lightweight body that provides the performance and mobility to meet the growing demands of today's content creators.
"The FX3 is the perfect tool for content creators looking to enter the world of cinematography," said Neal Manowitz, deputy president for Imaging Products and Solutions Americas at Sony Electronics. "It combines everything our customers love about Sony's video capabilities in our Alpha lineup with a new body optimized for videography. We are excited to add to Sony's Cinema Line and continue to support the world's creators with the best tools possible."
Cinematic Look
The FX3 boasts Sony's industry-leading image sensor technology to achieve high processing speeds and outstanding image quality. The full-frame, back-illuminated Exmor R CMOS sensor (approximately 10.2 effective megapixel count for video recording and approximately 12.1 effective megapixels count for stills) and the BIONZ XR image processing engine team up to ensure high sensitivity with low noise. The standard ISO range is 80 to 102,400 (expandable to 409,600when shooting video), and dynamic range is an impressively wide 15+ stops4.
In response to a growing need for more expressive depth, the FX3, along with FX9 and FX6 Cinema Line cameras, allows users to create a cinematic look without post-production using the S-Cinetone color matrix. Inspired by the color science used in Sony's flagship VENICE camera, S-Cinetone delivers natural mid-tones, plus soft colors and smooth highlights that are essential to create a cinematic look.
Creators can record in 4K at up to 120 frames per second2. Extraordinarily smooth slow-motion imagery6 (up to 5x) at QFHD (3840 x 2160) resolution with autofocus provides new expressive capability.
Designed for Comfortable Solo-Shooting
Sony's most compact and lightweight Cinema Line camera is ideal for handheld shooting, gimbal and drone-mounted work. It weighs just 1.58 lbs. (715 g), including the battery and memory cards, and the body is only 5.11 in x 3.33 in x 3.06 in (77.8 mm x 129.7 mm x 84.5 mm). The camera grip has been carefully designed to provide optimum flexibility, stability and comfort for long shoots.
Designed for mobility and efficiency, the FX3's body features five 1/4-20 UNC threaded mounting points to easily attach compatible accessories while remaining light enough for handheld shooting and making it easy to set up and carry. The supplied XLR handle securely attaches to the body via the Multi Interface Shoe without any special tools and provides three additional threaded mounting points for accessories. Optional accessories such as external monitors, recorders, wireless microphones, or other add-ons can be securely attached.
To enable 4-channel 24-bit audio recording, the supplied XLR handle includes two balanced XLR/TRS audio inputs and an additional 3.5mm stereo 2-channel jack. With an optional XLR or TRS microphone connected, the XLR adaptor on the handle takes care of the A/D (Analogue to Digital) conversion and DSP (Digital Signal Processing), and transfers the digital audio data directly to the camera for outstanding audio quality. Because the XLR adaptor is integrated into the handle and does not require any additional cables or batteries, it offers easy set up. If the handle is not being used, the FX3 includes a 3.5mm stereo mic input on the camera body.
The FX3 provides Fast Hybrid autofocus (AF) by using the 627 points7 focal plane phase-detection system during movie recording. The camera is further enhanced with Touch Tracking (Real-Time tracking) where simply touching the desired subject on the monitor screen initiates auto focus and tracking on that subject. Precise and smooth focus is maintained with Real-time Eye AF – technology that pinpoints the eye even when subjects are looking down or up at steep angles. Additionally, other AF features have been included and refined in response to feedback from professional users, including AF Transition Speed, AF Subject Shift Sensitivity, intuitive control and AF support when focusing manually. These AF features have been implemented in the FX3 to ensure stable, flexible and precise focusing in any situation and are easy to operate for solo shoots.
The FX3 features 5-axis optical in-body image stabilization – highly effective for handheld shooting. A high precision stabilization unit and gyro sensors have made it possible to provide an Active Mode5 that is dedicated to movie shooting in each format, including 4K. In-body image stabilization means that effective stabilization can be achieved with a wide range of E-mount lenses, including those that do not include stabilization on their own. Alternately, the FX3 records image stabilization metadata that can be adjusted during post-production using Catalyst Browse/Prepare8.
Expandability & Operability for Content Creators
Operability
FX3 was designed to optimize professional operability. The controls frequently used in movie shooting such as ISO, iris, and white balance adjustment are located on the grip and on the top of the body for easy access. In addition, 140 functions assignable to 15 custom keys allow for ultimate efficiency.
The zoom lever located on the top of the grip not only controls compatible powered zoom lenses, but also allows Clear Image Zoom to be used with unpowered zoom and prime lenses – reducing the number of lenses required for many projects. This lever also enables smooth zooming that is difficult for manual zoom-ring control.
Recording lamps (tally) are provided on the top, front and back of the camera, so that the operator and talent can easily confirm recording. A side-opening vari-angle touch-panel LCD monitor allows for easy operation and is suitable for gimbal-mounted shots, complicated angles, handheld operation and more. Flexible Exposure Mode allows the FX3 to have a similar Auto/Manual switch operation as other FX series cameras for iris, shutter speed and ISO, which can be set independently.
Creators need more than just refined features and performance; they also need reliability and durability. The FX3 combines a fan for active cooling with effective heat dissipation resulting in uninterrupted 4K 60p recording without thermal shutdown1. The newly developed fan provides high-efficiency cooling by drawing air into the camera via the bottom panel and exhausts via the side.
The new camera also features a dust and moisture resistant design9 and durable magnesium alloy chassis. Moreover, USB PD (Power Delivery) supports fast charging10 for uninterrupted recording.
The FX3 is compatible with several recording functions including S-Log3 gamma and S-Gamut3.cine, which record in a high dynamic range and wide color gamut. It also supports internal recording in XAVC S™ (MPEG-4 AVC/H.264 Long GOP) and XAVC S-I (MPEG-4 AVC/H.264 Intra) formats in 4K (QFHD) and FHD, and XAVC HS™ (MPEG-H HEVC/H.265, 4K only) format. 4K 60p video in 10-bit 4:2:2 or 16-bit RAW format11 can be output to an external device via the FX3 full-size HDMI Type-A jack.
The FX3 also offers two fast, future-oriented media slots that contribute to unprecedented shooting freedom by being compatible with either CFexpress Type A or SDXC cards. The same data can be simultaneously recorded to both cards for backup and a "relay" mode will automatically switch to the second media card when the first media card becomes full during recording.
The new camera has been developed with advanced connectivity features to better assist professional creators with high-speed wireless LAN functionality (2.4 GHz or 5 GHz band12) and wired LAN connection via a compatible USB-to-Ethernet adaptor. The FX3 supports video and still file transfers to a specified remote FTP server. This FX3 also allows for remote shooting from a PC using the Imaging Edge Desktop™ application's "Remote" function via Wi-Fi, or Superspeed USB 5Gbps connection over USB Type-C® terminal.
About Cinema Line
Cinema Line is a series of cameras that have a filmic look – cultivated from Sony's long experience in digital cinema production – plus enhanced operability and reliability that respond to the wide variety of creators' high demands.
Cinema Line includes the digital cinema camera VENICE, highly acclaimed in the feature and episodic production industry, the professional camera FX9, which is popular for documentary and drama production and the FX6, for grab and shoot action and content creation. With the addition of the new FX3, the most compact camera in the series, Sony offers a true line up of versatile creative tools for all types of visual storytellers.
The new FX3 full-frame Cinema Line camera will be available March 2021 for approximately $3,900 USD and $5,000 CAD. It will be sold at a variety of Sony's authorized dealers throughout North America.
Sony Introduces the New Cinema Line and Teases a New FX6 Cinema Camera
Sony Unveils VENICE, Its First 36x24mm Full-Frame Cinema Camera System
Canon EOS C500 Mark II Cinema Camera Officially Announced
Sony Announced the Smallest Full Frame E-mount Camera: The UMC-S3C
Camera News, Sony Cinema Cameras
Announcement, Sony FX3
Laowa 11mm f/4.5 FF RL Lens for Canon RF Officially Announced
Sigma 28-70mm f/2.8 DG DN Contemporary Lens Announced, Price $899

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


North Redington Beach is nestled on the pristine beaches of Pinellas County between the wonderful waters of Gulf of Mexico and Boca Ciega Bay. The community has an eclectic mixture of private resorts, waterfront single family homes and multifamily residences with excellent views of the Gulf of Mexico and the Intracoastal Waterway. A mile long beach with six accesses on the Gulf side highlights its appeal to residents and tourists. The community is one of the few places where you can still experience relaxing lifestyle and well-preserved beaches.


text:
The Great Quran Recitation...
The Great Quran Recitation and Nasheed Competition
29 February '20
University of West London, Weston Hall, St Mary's Rd, W5 5RF, EALING. View Map
Al Mustafa Welfare Trust presents the Great Quran & Nasheed Competition 2020. It is an exciting opportunity for Children & young Adults aged 5 to 17 years old to reveal their talent and win exciting Prizes (to be revealed very soon) and the opportunity to present their talent on TV and in front of big personalities such as the Head Iman of masjid Al-Aqsa.
The competition will be categorized by the age of children among both boys and girls. The places for auditions will be booked on first come basis.
This competition will encourage children to build confidence in themselves and gain encouragement for that would help them in future life.
There are exciting prizes for the children and the finalist. The prizes (to be revealed very soon) to all parents who registered their child today.
Al Mustafa is conducting auditions across London in various Mosques, Islamic Schools and Madrassas. The auditions are held from 01/11/2019 to 31/01/2020.
Children who audition will then be shortlisted and will appear for the grand final audition in front of our expert panel of judges at Weston Hall, University of West London, St Mary's Rd, Ealing, London W5 5RF on February 29th, 2020.
Recitation:
Child will be given 2 - 3 minutes to recite their favourite part of the Quran or recite a Nasheed.
Live TV Performance on Islam Channel & other exciting prizes
Please select Mosque School Islamic Learning Centre
Institute Name:
Parents / Guardians details:
* Surname:
* Telephone / Mobile:
Child Details:
* Age:
Year / Class:
Data Consent:
By submitting this form, I am giving my consent to Al Mustafa Welfare Trust to use my details to contact me, give me feedback and use for marketing purposes. (Find out more about our privacy policy here https://www.almustafatrust.org/privacy-policy). I, further consent that the photos / videos taken by Al Mustafa Welfare Trust including images of me / my child both internally and externally to promote the Charity and its events. These images / videos could be used in print and digital media formats.
THANK YOU FOR ENTERING FOR THE COMPETITION
We will contact you very soon.
By clicking on "SUBMIT" you are agreeing to receive information about this Event and to be kept up to date about the work of Al-Mustafa Welfare Trust by email, phone, post & sms.
Find out about our Privacy Policy here.


Slav & Sons, LTD. company was founded in 1984.
The company manufactures various chess equipment including boards, pieces, sets, boxes and tables.
We also distribute high-quality imported chess products such as clocks, computers, software and books.
We are proud to be the manufacturers of the worlds first Jewish Chess Set with pieces representing ancient Jewish symbols.
Slav & Sons LTD. also specializes in chess teaching as a school subject, and chess classes operating in local youth cultural centers and clubs. We arrange various chess events such as "Internet World Championship for schools 2000", Internet National Tournaments for schools, and the Chess Tournaments at the last five Maccabi Games.
Slav & Sons Company publishes chess teaching and drill books for all levels. Our company supplies and produces chess equipment for various national chess federations all over the world on behalf of FIDE.
Slav & Sons is the official representative of leading companies in the chess world, such as Chess Informant, BHB Chess Clock, Chessbase, DGT , DIDATTO, EXCALIBUR.
SlavChess - the first and only store in Israel is located in the Sissy Sol & Sissy Mark Center building in Ramat-Aviv, next to the Israeli Chess Federation.
We would like to reach as many chess fans and players worldwide, by means of direct marketing and by providing free international and local chess-related information, on this website.
We hope you will enjoy visiting and shopping in our site!


A converted Victorian Waiting Rooms with platform and canopy retaining many original features in the grounds of The Great Eastern Railway Heacham. The property comprises lounge/bedroom, kitchen/dining, shower and separate toilet and utility room. In a peaceful setting with lawned area and seating.
Please note that this property is baby/toddler friendly with prior arrangement with the property owner.


Bank of the West is a regional financial services company chartered in California and headquartered in San Francisco. With community bank roots dating back more than 140 years, Bank of the West operates a network of more than 600 retail, wealth, commercial and business banking offices in 23 states and digital channels. Through major business areas—Commercial Banking, Consumer Banking, and Wealth Management—Bank of the West and its subsidiaries originate commercial, small business and consumer loans and leases, and offers a wide range of banking, trust and investment solutions for individuals and businesses. In addition to banking products, they provide investment and insurance services offered through its subsidiary, BancWest Investment Services, a registered broker/dealer.