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American Anthropologist 1919
Boas, Franz. In Memoriam: Herman Karl Haeberlin. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol 21:71-74.
This article is about the life of a valued member of the American Anthropologist Association, Herman Karl Haeberlin, who died on February 12, 1918 after a long illness which had sapped his strength for over a year. He developed symptoms of diabetes while he was working with the tribes of Puget in the summer of 1916. He was able to continue his work in 1917, but during the following winter the disease increased, and while on a visit in Cambridge he succumbed to acidosis.
The article begins by discussing Haeberlin's birth in Akron, Ohio, and his subsequent move to Germany where he studied at the universities of Leipsic and Berlin. Boas then writes about how they became acquainted when Haeberlin was a student in Berlin and how he was impressed with him and his fellow students. Boas feels that the character of Haeberlin's work was determined by a keen psychological interest founded on a broad philosophical and historical training.
Boas then goes on to talk about the numerous phases of anthropological inquiry that Haeberlin was involved with. His first investigation dealt with the decorative art among the Pueblo Indians and his studies were based on the collections of the Berlin Museum and on published illustrations. Also, the wider concept of culture as dominating all the phases of tribal life caught his attention. During his last few years, Haeberlin undertook fieldwork that gave many important results to his work. He devoted some time to studies of Mexico and prepared for publication translations of modern Mexican text. In his relatively short years as an anthropologist he was able to produce a very large amount of valuable material.
Boas states that we have lost in him one of the most promising anthropologists; but we have lost more. All those who knew him remember the charm of his personality and the rare excellence of his character. To us his departure is a personal loss, and he will not easily be forgotten.
This article will interest individuals who are familiar with the life and work of Herman Karl Haeberlin. It is an excellent summary of his contributions to the field of Anthropology and a great testiment to his character.
CLARITY RANKING: 5
SHANE MATTE York University (Naomi Adelson)
Boas, Franz. In Memoriam: Herman Karl Haeberlin. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol.21: 71-74.
The end of the Nineteenth Century and the birth of the Twentieth Century saw an emerging field of anthropology from outside disciplines and their leading theorists. Herman K. Haeberlin was associated with one of these earlier generations that brought about the continuing innovative applications from other fields to augment and build the foundation for anthropology as we know it today.
Franz Boas wrote this article after Haeberlin's death on February 12, 1918 to give an appreciative nod to his work. Boas structured the article in a chronological order from Haeberlin's birth, through his academic studies, to his final fieldwork in Puget Sound preceding his death. Haeberlin was also a valued member of the American Anthropological Association and a friend to Franz Boas.
Boas' overview of Haeberlin's career seems to punctuate the purpose of the 'American Anthropologist' and further the validation of Boas' philosophies. Haeberlin's academic beginnings were from the same roots as Malinowski, Durkheim, and Boas. This base of similar studies under Lamprecht and Wundt reflect a possible explanation for Boas' motivations. Boaz briefly highlights each aspect of Haeberlin's career with comments on his work ethics and contributions. Boas leaves out many significant points to Haeberlin's work from the psychological and philosophical applications he used in his studies during his brief career. The article notes his work on development of decorative art among the Pueblo Indians, his reviews and articles, and the studies in the North Pacific. Unfortunately, Boas does not expand on his observations concerning these pieces leaving the reader unsure of what Haeberlin thought and how this impacted the field. He stated how Haeberlin's work on the Pueblo Indians differed in viewpoint than that of the Salishan study but failed to elaborate.
This article summarizes Herman K. Haeberlin's life and work with the intent to advocate the times current trends in the establishment of anthropology as a scientific field of study. It falls short for the reader who may not be familiar Haeberlin's work leaving many questions unanswered.
CLARITY: 2
JAMES S. AUSTIN University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Boas, Franz. Report on the Academic Teaching of Anthropology. American Anthropologist 1919. Vol.21: 41-48.
Franz Boas' article develops from the issues discussed at a conference on the subject of the concern of the methods of instruction of anthropology in many universities and colleges. The issues discussed in the article were determined by the participants of these specific conferences that were held during the years of 1916 and 1918. These points resulted from the studies of the anthropologists (surveys and other documentation), and argued that the need for the representation of anthropology in post-secondary schools was essential. The dominant point in Boas' article is the significance of anthropology in everyday life – whether it is an extensive component of any or all non/professional training at a university or as part of cultural understanding in the day-to-day performances of individuals. The anthropological field at any and all universities or colleges needs to expand the amount and depth of its instruction to facilitate the growing demand of this discipline.
At the time this article was published, the representation of anthropology was very limited. The methods proposed in the article call for the reconstruction of the history of mankind; to look at the scope of introductory work; to set anthropology apart from the other sciences in its unique study of human life; and to approach the professional training of anthropologists – which is imperative to the understanding and completion of other degrees of equal capacity. Anthropology plays an integral part in our social environment and should be incorporated through other lessons of thought. As Boas states, "it broadens the outlook upon the phenomena of civilization, and increases the power of objective interpretation of our own cultural attitudes." (pg.42)
The evidence presented to support and facilitate the need for an increased level of studies is the requirements that developed from the studies and current knowledge of anthropologists of that time. They are used as a tentative guideline for the prospective methods of instruction in anthropology – which many of the modern post-secondary institutions of today represent in their descriptions of courses. This discussion integrates the purpose of the growing necessity and, ultimately, the important advantages that will result from this anticipated awareness in the discourse of anthropology for that time.
The article is relatively simple to follow and for individuals interested in how the department of anthropology came to be represented today, this article is a beginning focal point of the issues that set it in motion.
SAMANTHA KELCH University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)
Boas, Franz Report on the Teaching of Anthropology American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21: 41-48
The study and instruction of anthropology became a subject of discussion in the early twentieth century. A few years of discussion, beginning in 1916, involved the participation of the prominent anthropologists of the time, such as Franz Boas, A.L. Kroeber, and Clark Wissler. At a conference at Columbia University in 1916, participants broached the subject and subsequently reported on respective topics, which were circulated at a meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science in New York later the same year. Discussions were continued in New York and a committee was formed, with Franz Boas as chairman, which would report annually. The remainder of the article takes the form of a report drawn up by this committee and consists of information on the science of anthropology, the aims of instruction and study of the science of anthropology, as well as the committee's conclusions on what are requirements for a department of anthropology.
The report states that the science of anthropology aims to holistically reconstruct the history of mankind as a whole. Through objective and consistent consideration, anthropology studies civilized and primitive man, trains the mind, broadens outlooks, and enables objective interpretation. Anthropology contributes to the study of the humanities and is tasked with widening the view of many human sciences through its broader perspective of human history and the forces that have shaped it. The pertinence of anthropological training for professionals such as teachers, social workers, and colonial officers, not to mention others, was yet to be established at this time.
The study of anthropology encompasses a scope of biological, psychological, environmental, and social forces that should be reviewed by those who are continuing in studies of other areas of human science. Emphasis should be on biological and social development, and the forces behind such development. Undergraduate study will be limited to the most salient points while more advanced study will be more critical and systematic in nature. The study of anthropology for the professional will be left to trained anthropologists, whose concentrations are more focused on anthropological problems ranging from biology to language, history, or geology. Training in methods is necessary and specialization in a certain area is an advantage at this level.
Requirements advised by a department of anthropology are outlined as introductory and advanced courses, with the use of museum material. Advanced teaching requires practical training, and more extensive museum work, as well as observation of groups in the local and 'primitive' societies.
KARRIE SANDFORD York University (Adelson)
Frassetto, Fabio. A Uniform Blank of Measurements to be used in Recruiting. A Plea for the Standardization of Anthropological Methods. American Anthropologist April-June, 1919 Vol. 21 (2):175-181.
In this article Frassetto, an Italian anthropologist, is calling for a standardized system of measurement for all anthropometric measurements. The underlying problem that Frassetto is dealing with is the use of both the English and Metric systems of measurement in anthropology. He begins by pointing out that anthropometric measuring as a science is more precise than the measuring done by other skilled persons. It is the goal of anthropometry as a science to measure and then categorize people based on average deviations of their external morphology. Many of these measurements can be very small and the apparatus for measuring very awkward to use. Coupled with having to convert between English and metric units, the margin of error for these measurements can be relatively large, and the resulting data relatively weak. Therefore, at the present without a uniform blank, a lot of time and money is wasted on inconclusive data. To overlook these inconsistencies, Frassetto says, is to create "false concepts", and to "damage science and society". In support of his argument Frassetto points out the United States Army's decision to switch all measurements on their personnel and equipment in Europe to metric units. Frassetto also mentions that this topic has arisen in the Anthropological Atlas of Italy in 1909 and 1910 as well as the International Anthropological Congress in Geneva 1912, and acted upon that same year at the 18th International Congress of Americanists at London with the formation of the International Committee of Anthropologists whose work was soon "interrupted by war".
In answer to this problem Frassetto closes by offering a 10 point "decalogue" to "serve as guides for the unification of anthropological methods". These points are very wordy and somewhat redundant. The redundant points are that all measurements should be metric and that all tools and techniques should be prescribed. The "blank" (or procedural template) that he talks about, which is to include common methods, prescribed measurements and points of reference should be developed by a group of accredited anthropologists and should thus be logical. Furthermore, all naming should be in Latin with an alternate name to be used colloquially in hopes that the methods decided on may be applicable to practical purposes.
DANIEL H. VANZANT Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)
Frassetto, Fabio. A Uniform Blank of Measurements to be used in Recruiting. A Plea for the Standardization of Anthropological Methods. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol.21: 175-181.
This article is about the need for action about the problems of a lack of standardization of anthropological methodology. Frassetto is clearly of the position that anthropology is a science and seeks to make it more scientific. He persuades the reader/listener that there is a problem and a serious one then provides an important solution, though large in scale. First, Frassetto makes the case for uniform measuring standards in terms of the points of measurement on the body. Frassetto mentions the different points of measurement in anthropometry and how they are measured so differently among authors as to make the data incomparable across different authors. To further discuss the problems, he talks about the more "serious" uncertainties created by non-anthropologists collecting anthropometric data, mentioning clinical doctors and military surgeons among others. Frassetto discusses the fact that the many studies done on soldiers during the war may not prove useful due to these problems. The solution he suggests is a uniform blank of measurements to be used in recruiting. Here he moves onto his second point, the international use of two different measurement systems, saying that uniformity cannot be achieved without the resolution of the problem of measurement systems. Frassetto says that there has been "very great progress" made in the United States and England toward the adoption of the metric system and includes the text of a letter from the US Secretary of War saying that all artillery and machine gun material intended for service abroad will be made metric and that instruction in the metric system will be provided by the War Department. Frassetto cites these as reasons for encouragement and hope that all recruitment anthropometry will be done using the metric system before long. He then makes his final point, having proven that standardization is needed; he suggests that a committee be formed to standardize anthropological methods. This committee, he proposes, would gather and coordinate all the research and ideas into standardized methods for anthropological study. He notes that this would be a huge and difficult task but that it could be achieved somewhat more simply by dividing the tasks at hand among committee members to investigate based on their expertise. He concludes providing a list of ten points which he sees as the fundamental criteria which should guide the unification of anthropological methods, among which are the idea that all measurement should be in centimeters, that it should be inductive study that includes internal and sense organs, that it should use Latin nomenclature for anthropological terms, and that it should use a "properly selected set of instruments" to make measurements with a minimal amount of admissible error. It is a very important article to understanding the development of anthropology but uses many technical terms and can be hard to follow.
MWENZA BLELL University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Grinnell, George Bird. A Buffalo Sweatlodge. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21: 361-375.
George Bird Grinnell records in great detail the 'ceremonial' construction of a sweathouse. It is a step by step account of procedure, told chronologically, which favors detail over cultural significance. Grinnell alows the dizzying profusion of detail stand as obvious proof of cultural meaning. He proficiency of detail is summed up in the 'order of operations' which breaks up the process into twenty-one steps.
Although cultural significance of the sweatlodge is implied through words like "sacred", "religious" and "ceremonial" these are used more as replaceable adjectives, not as concepts to be investigated. There is clearly a lack of engagement with the Cheyenne people in which the author assumes the sweatlodge's meaning "has probably been forgotten". The deeper meaning of the sweatlodge to Cheyenne people it its construction and use is an assumption placed as an aspect of the exotic non-western 'other'.
The writer's Western perspective is certainly implicated yet his lack of engagement with the Cheyenne excludes an open dialogue of his positionality in favor of simulated objectivity. Grinnell as the 'objective recorder of "operations" precludes meaningful engagement with the Cheyenne people-the author and the reader remain outsiders. The indigenous role of the Cheyenne figure head is substituted by Grinnell's title of "priest" without qualifying any distinction of the two. The "significance of the sweatlodge (that) is hidden from most of us"-'us' being the Western audience. Detail of observation is contrasted with vagities such as "problably", "I believe" and "general thoughts" when it comes to cultural significance.
The cultural context for the Cheyenne is clouded in mystery and begs the question of what it meant to them. The article's incredible detail of sweatlodge construction and ceremony stands as a valuable empirical document.
SUSIE MORGADO York University (Naomi Adelson)
Haberlin, Herman K. Types Of Ceramic Art In The Valley Of Mexico. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol. 21(5): 61-70.
Herman Haberlin's article examines the typology of pottery found in the Valley of Mexico and more specifically, certain typological problems that arise concerning the Culhuacan pottery. Haberlin also conveys in this article the need for change in some of the methodology and research techniques in the anthropological community. Haberlin's article is based on the archaeological work of Franz Boas. Boas was working at the site of San Miguel Amantla in Mexico City, where he uncovered various layers of strata belonging to different civilizations of Mexico. It is clear from reading this article that Haberlin is strongly influenced by Boas because throughout this piece he mentioned him several times.
Herman Haberlin begins his article by introducing the reader to the Culhuacan pottery and the three main civilizations, which also produced different types of pottery. These three groups were the Aztecs, the Toltecs and the archaic group. Haberlin gives many illustrations of each civilization's pottery and makes comparisons and contrasts between them, thus implying their cultural relevance and context.
Haberlin then goes on to explain specific problems he found in studying the pottery. The problems that Haberlin mentioned with the Culhuacan pottery is that it was created far too hastily and it never presented the regularity of their ideal forms. Haberlin goes into some detail about how the designs on the pottery are from one proto-type yet they have an individual element. Therefore diminishing their importance.
Towards the end of the article, Herman Haberlin tries to convey to the reader that there are no limitations on research, and that the artifacts found cannot be classified into only one category of thought but include a wide range of perspectives and disciplines, such as psychology. He insists that there are many different ways of looking at the Culhuacan pottery and it is wrong to make one single broad generalization about their meanings and content. By giving the reader many different examples and illustrations of pottery, we see the significance of intensive studying and that the field of anthropology should have no bounds or limits.
EMILY KOLMOTYCKI University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)
Haeberlin, Herman K. Types of Ceramic Art in the Valley of Mexico. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21:61-71.
In his article, Herman K. Haeberlin examines the various styles of "Culhuacan" pottery found in the Valley of Mexico at San Miguel Amantla. This article has been based from a previous study conducted in 1911-1912 by Professor Franz Boas of the International School of American Archeology located in Mexico City.
The importance of this particular site is that, unlike many New World archaeological sites, distinct cultural strata where found in which relative data could be confidently assessed. This ultimately provided archaeologists of this time with a sequence of three well-defined culture periods. The three strata represent the Aztec Period, Toltec Period, and an archaic type of pottery from a pre-Toltec Period, which gradually merges into the Toltec Period. That of the Aztec Period is the most recent of all the layers. Unlike the transition zone of the archaic type of pottery to the Toltec Period, there is a clear break evident between the Aztec and Toltec Periods. In brief, there must have been clear distinction between the Aztec and Toltec Periods.
Furthermore, Haeberlin discusses the more prominent features of each culture's pottery. First, the features of the archaic culture include a type of brown pottery decorated with both thin and broad red lines, a heavy pottery decorated by indentations, pottery covered with a white slip then ornamented with scored designs, and a type of fretted pottery close to that of prehistoric Pueblo pottery. Secondly, the Toltec culture-period includes a type of yellow pottery with a red painted rim which contains a band of spirals, pottery with long vertical grooves along the side of the vessel, pottery with crude impressions, pottery with negative designs, and pottery with straight sides, three feet and a series of clay pellets connected to the lower rim of the sides of the vessel. Finally, the Aztec culture-period include pottery with a yellowish-red ware with black designs, which can ultimately further be divided into two categories of light with thin lines and dark with heavier lines, and pottery with molded external ornaments.
Additionally, Haeberlin explains the manufacturing process of pots from the Aztec culture-period. Haeberlin explains that each directly reflects the characteristics of the pot maker. Each pot is similar to a person's own unique handwriting. Therefore, one can then ultimately recognize the work of a single pot maker. In this sense, Haeberlin has created a psychological view of anthropology/archaeology and has also anticipated much later archaeological work on ceramics.
Furthermore, an article remembering Herman Karl Haeberlin by Franz Boas is placed at the end of this article. Boas' article commemorates Herman K. Haeberlin for his outstanding work prior to his death on February 12, 1918. Haeberlin fought symptoms of diabetes and finally acidosis for over a year before his death. He had studied at the universities of Leipsic and Berlin and received his Doctor of Philosophy at Columbia University in 1914.
RAQUEL A. OZANICH Southern Illinois University, Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)
Hardy, Osgood. The Indians of the Department of Cuzco. American Anthropologist January-March 1919 Vol.21 (1): 1-27.
Osgood Hardy chronicles a year and a half spent as Chief Assistant and Interpreter of the 1914-1915 Peruvian Expedition. He argues that Peru's varying elevations have a greater effect on the characteristics of the inhabitants than does any other region in the world.
Hardy sets forth to prove his point by focusing on the three natural zones which have been distinctly formed by the differing altitudes. He states that the altitude affects the fertility of the soil, causing Peruvians to adapt their lifestyles to these variations. Hardy describes in detail, the different cultures within the zones, highlighting the differences between language, diet, traditions, celebrations, clothing, and household responsibilities.
Hardy makes general statements regarding Peruvian aboriginal peoples, describing them as extremely simple people that lead a dreary life (Pg.5, 25). Moreover, Hardy concentrated largely on the fact that they were lacking in 'modern' skills. He even goes as far as to rate how attractive the women were in the different regions.
Although the article was thorough, it focuses primarily on Hardy's own opinions of the Peruvian aboriginal peoples. There was little factual evidence to support Hardy's points. In the end, the article left me confused between fact and personal opinion.
KRISTEN IBLE University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie).
Hardy, Osgood. The Indians of the Department of Cuzco. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21:1-27.
The writer Osgood Hardy spent a year and half as chief assistant and interpreter for the Peruvian Expedition of 1914-1915. He was sent out from Yale University in conjunction with the National Geographic Society. The entire article discusses the character of Quichua Indian life according to the 3 Cuzco localities of Peru: the highlands, cereal belt, and lowlands (or tropical belt). He describes in detail the physical characteristics, variations in clothing, housing, and subsistence patterns, language, religion, celebratory practices, and economics of the three regions.
For instance, all natives were described as having dark, short hair and dark eyes. The men in the Sierras were much more attractive than those in the lower areas, who were "smaller, less healthy, and show[ed] more marks of dissipation" (2). Women were described as rotund or emaciated in appearance. Small pox had disfigured many, and all natives had poor health. Variations in terms of dress for both men and women were noted based on where they lived in the region. The author described the homes of the highland Indian as crudely made of stone and mud. This building trend continued until the tropical belt where the walls were made of small poles and bamboo canes.
The food varied throughout the regions, but maize was the staple diet. Meat was consumed, but beef was rare in the highlands. The cereal belt was completely vegetarian, and the tropical belt consumed very little meat. Occupations consisted of stock herding, and agriculture. Crops included potatoes in the highlands; wheat, barley and corn in the cereal belt; and sugar and coca plantations in the tropical belt.
The author's study of the language also described differences between the Quichua language of the Cuzco and surrounding areas. The religion was called Roman Catholic but was actually a mixture of superstitions and customs. Hardy detailed several feasts including New Year's, the most important one.
Economically, the Indians were notes as being very poor, and that many had very little or no personal property. The life of the Indian was described as being "very dreary" (25), their low conditions exasperated by the presence of cocaine, alcohol and a lack of education. Despite these adversities, the Cuzco Indians were described as capable, and skilled at adapting to different situations. They were kind and generous to each other, but their struggle for existence had taken its toll.
MARY CHUNG York University (Naomi Adelson)
Hostos, de Adolfo. Prehistoric Porto Rican Ceramics. American Anthropologist Oct-Dec, 1919 Vol. 21(4): 376-399.
Hostos examines and details aspects of aboriginal art and the history of art making by drawing on archaeological evidence of potsherds, clay dishes, and pottery vessels as well as historical knowledge about the beliefs, values and actions of the people.
His overall ambition is try to pinpoint the origin of the aborigines in Porto Rico by trying to correlate the ceramics found there and in South and Central America.
Hostos provides a descriptive overview of some of the aboriginal ceramics found in Porto Rico by drawing on other archaeologists works and excavations done on the island.
In addition, Hostos hints that by studying the aboriginal ceramic industry it could provide informative clues to how they aboriginal lived, what they believed in, what they ate, what certain actions they performed, and the what technological advances might have occurred.
Hostos acknowledges that since there remains a lack of consistent evidence of archaeological material there are no definite answers to the question on when and where the aboriginals came from. Given that there remains a noticeable gap between Neolithic and Paleolithic findings in Porto Rico it is very difficult to make definite conclusions to their origins.
Finally Hostos outlines a tentative plan in which he hopes will be followed in the near feature; one that requires continued excavation, comparative study within Porto Rico and the surrounding continents, and a continued study on ceramic remains.
TRACY OLIVEIRA York University (Naomi Adelson)
De Hostos, Adolfo. Prehistoric Porto Rican Ceramics. American Anthropologist (376-399)
The author focuses his research in this article on the Boinquen (Indian name) of Proto Rico. The people of this culture were not hunters and warriors, rather they were fishermen and agriculturalists. They used baked clay vessels to cook their food, carry water, and for other purposes they found necessary in their society. These other purposes for the ceramics were related to ceremonial and sacrificial uses of their religion. The author infers these uses from the potters' use of art. These designs usually came from religious beliefs held in their society. Historians and archaeological excavations have found that "the deeper the layer, the lower the quality." He states that on or near the surface there were beautiful, painted, polished and sometimes lustrous ware. However, he also states that most primitive specimens are found eight to ten feet below the surface. This evidence shows that the making of ceramics was a gradual and long lasting process and not a fast paced change with interruptions.
Many of these excavations that take place in the West Indies to find ceramics of the aboriginal people are important to find the "migratory currents on the American continent." With further excavations of Porto Rico it is thought that the origin of the aborigines will be known. More observations of ceramic remains and excavations of new sites will bring answers to the questions asked of the art, history, and civilizations of Porto Rico.
HILARY WHEELER Southern Illinois University (Jonathan Hill)
Kroeber A.L. On The Principle Of Order in Civilization as Exemplified By Changes Of Fashion. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21:235-263.
Changes in fashion can be compared to changes in civilization argues the author in this article. The author begins by saying that fluctuations of literature are analogous to civilization's fluctuations. Kroeber then starts to examine what other ideas or material objects could also show similarities to the rise and fall of civilization. Comparing religion and manufactured items to civilization was rejected. Kroeber decides that changes in fashion , more specifically a "Women's full evening toilette" (pp.239), could be compared to the rise and fall of civilizations. The author took eight different measurements of women's dresses from fashion magazines between 1844 and 1919. Length of skirt, diameter of waist, length of waist, décolletage, width of décolletage etc. is all analyzed in great detail about how width and length are related. The measurements were used in the author's position that similarities could be found between how civilization and fashion alter through time.
Though it may be arbitrary, the author writes, a girl may be assured that she will wear a longer skirt then her mother and the width of the skirt will continue to increase until she is old. Kroeber writes that this is very much how law works. The rise and fall of civilization and fashion both follow asymmetrical curves ( which is shown best in the diameter of the waist and depth of décolletage). The idea that fashion is a product of a few very intelligent people is refuted and one must account for many different factors when looking at change. The essay concludes with two points. The first point being that people must be able to relate to history. Thus, because people must relate to history, history is not written as it really happened; people reconstruct the truth. Second, a pattern can be seen in how civilizations rise and fall, and this pattern can be seen in fashion.
The author goes into great detail (20 pages) on how they did the measurements of the dresses. It is only in the last few pages that the author compares fashion and civilization. The author's argument is not clear and neither is the point of the paper.
RHIANNE MCKAY University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)
Kroeber, A.L. On The Principle of Order in Civilization as Exemplified by Changes in Fashion. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol.21:235-263.
A.L. Kroeber's main premise is the co-relation of cyclical growth and decay of civilization to changes in fashion. The data, taken from women's evening wear spans from 1844 to 1919. It consists of mainly ten examples from each year from which eight measurements were taken: width of skirt; length of waist; décolletage; width of décolletage. Kroeber draws on the quantitative- measurements- to describe the qualitative-fashion- phenomena; this provides a buttress for the idea of "rhythmic inevitability" and its physical expression in fashion.
The main thrust of his argument is that of "civilizational determinism", a historical causality that provides the scheme within which fashion operates. The Author's firm belief that it is cultural events-the framework of the "regularity in social change"-that fashion responds to. Consequently, "individualistic randomness" in the form of achievement or ability is always secondary to an underlying rhythm.
This article provides detailed information of changes in woman's evening fashions for the period of 1844 to 1919 in the form of charts, graphs and ratios. Although the author admits this is only a "preliminary investigation" due to the limited scope of data, this would still be a useful starting point for anyone wanting to extend the investigation. Changes in fashion were observed to generally our gradually over a long period of time; alternatively, there are extreme fluctuations in fashion in the twenty-five years preceding 1919.
Lafone Quevedo, Samuel A. Guarani Kinship Terms as Index of Social Organization. American Anthropologist Oct-Dec, 1919 Vol. 21(4):421-440.
Samuel Lafone Quevedo explains the kinship terms of the Guarani Indians. In the very beginning of the article he gives many descriptions of the marriage customs as explained by different explorers. His main point in doing this is so that the reader has a clear understanding of who can marry whom and also for an understanding of the different family member relationships.
The main thing Samuel was trying to get across was that there is a direct relation to the breakdown of the lexicon of kinship terms to the actual membership of kin. He spends a lot time breaking the terms down piece by piece, in order to give their meaning. He does this also because he believes that the kinship terms are descriptive in every sense; ethnic, sexual, and in their origins.
He goes on to show that although their marriage rules and customs seem to be complex and complicated, that in relation to the terminology they are very organized and systematic.
This article is not for the common reader, but is more directed at a linguistically educated reader. This is a drawback in that it made it difficult to read.
ASHLEY CASS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)
Langford, George. The Kankakee River Refuse Heap. Evidence of a Unique and Primitive Culture in the Southwestern Chicago Area. American Anthropologist July-September, 1919 Vol. 21 (3): 287-291.
George Langford's account of his finding a "refuse heap" along the banks of the Kankakee River on the Will/Grundy county line is one of an experienced archaeologist who has discovered the remains of a culture previously unknown to him, the Mississippian (or Late Prehistoric) culture. Led to the site by collectors who considered it unimportant due to its lack of "large or showy pieces", Langford recognized the site as one of great importance because the material he encountered was unlike any he had seen before. Indeed the lithic assemblage contained no large or showy pieces, but instead had a small, unstemmed triangular point as its dominant component. This type of point today is commonly known as a Madison point, and is a hallmark of Mississippian occupations. This has to be counted as one of the earliest descriptions of Mississippian material, certainly for the area discussed here.
Langford speaks of very dense faunal material, both burned and not, much of it modified for utilitarian or ornamental purposes. It is interesting to note his mention of finding a great number of Deer astragali (ankle bones), for while their density does promote preservation, they are also commonly found at many Mississippian sites, such as Angel Mounds, ground on the sides to form "game pieces".
Langford's most significant discovery, and he recognizes this, is the pottery. The clay is tempered with crushed mussel shell, a temper he had never before seen. Shell-tempered pottery is another hallmark Mississippian trait, the technical prerequisite of one of the most elaborate and widely known ceramic traditions.
Langford's flaw is that he deems the material as belonging to an older, artistically less advanced culture than the surrounding sites that produce larger, more elaborate lithic artifacts and have more complicated ceramic surface treatments. Of course this Mississippian refuse heap postdates these sites, and the technology is younger and more advanced. Madison points are among the first true arrowheads, evidence of the advent of the bow and arrow, and shell tempering was the apex of ceramic technology in the prehistoric southeast in late prehistory.
BRAD WILLIAMS Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Dr. Jonathan Hill)
Langford, George. The Kankakee River Refuse Heap. Evidence of a Unique and Primitive Culture in the Southwestern Chicago Area. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol.21: 287-291.
In this article Langford proposes and defends the theory that a Native American culture existed in northwestern Illinois which was different from the native cultures of the surrounding areas. This supports the overturn of the Moundbuilder myths of the previous century, in favor of the idea that Native Americans can and do have complex cultures capable of producing "advanced" features on significant archaeological sites. Langford's evidence supporting these ideas comes from his personal survey of a refuse heap site in Illinois, located about eighteen miles southwest of Joliet on the east bank of the Kankakee River. He provides a detailed description of the site's physical geological characteristics, history, description by the local inhabitants, and the artifacts and ecofacts which he discovered there.
Each artifact and ecofact category is given its own lengthy description, including data on frequency, material, shape, decoration, assumed method of construction, and average size. Among the artifacts he describes as occurring in the refuse heap are stone tools: arrowpoints (complete, broken, and by-products); knives; adzes; and scrapers. He also notes the presence of some arrowpoints similar in design to those used by surrounding cultures, which he believes to be intrusions on the more ancient material of the site. Also noted on the site and described in the article are a large quantity of animal bones, some worked, many charred and/or calcined. The final broad category of artifact described by Langford is pottery, for which he details shape, size, decoration, and composition. The refuse heap pottery is then compared to pottery common to other local sites, and Langford concludes that the two types are dissimilar enough to belong to separate cultures. He goes on to say that the complete lack of metal, glass, or glazed objects in the refuse heap, alongside the lack of horse remains, bison remains, grain or cloth remnants, stone ornaments, and clay pipes, indicates that the refuse heap was produced by a pre-European culture.
Of which specific culture produced the site, Langford writes that the collection resembles collections of western New York Iroquoian artifacts, and thus possibly reflects an early stage of Iroquois progress eastward, or an early stage of development connected to the evolution of one of the modern Native American populations. In conclusion he states that he believes the site to be totally neolithic and untouched by European influence.
CRYSTAL CALHOUN University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Lowie, Robert H. Family and Sib. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol 21 (2):28-40.
Robert Lowie writes about the development of the "sib system" (see below for explication). Refuting his previous work, in this article Lowie argues that "a particular group of kin resulted in a sib system." Prior anthropological study, especially by Tylor, argued the opposite: that the sib system emerged first. Lowie's intentions. as he states them in the article, are not to present a "historical paper" but rather to challenge the existing notion that sib systems came before the kin group. He feels that intense study of this area is required if "we are ever going to frame a satisfactory theory of the development of social organization" (40).
Lowie used the work of his colleagues (Goldenweiser, von den Steinen, Morgan, Sapir, Bleek, Speck and Tylor) to support his case and to refute the work of some others. He used Dakota and Hawaiian naming systems to show that the kin group emerged before the sib system. In addition, he demonstrated the wording for family members of sib-less societies to show how the kin group existed for longer. His evidence is far reaching, from Polynesian peoples to that of the British Columbia area in Canada.
This article is a challenging read especially if the audience has no prior knowledge of the particular naming systems, or kinship theory (the sib system refers to a kinship grouping in which kin are traced through the male or female lines. For example, if traced through the mother's line, all her relatives are considered part of your kin group, and your father's side of the family would be excluded, or vice versa). The degree of technical language in this article means a dictionary would be helpful to guide you through the nomenclature.
CLARITY RATING: 2
JANET JANVIER University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)
Lowie, R. H. Family and Sib. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21:28-40
Lowie's objective is to explain the importance in better understanding the social aspects of "loosely organized peoples" and realizing that the tribal customs including sib organized tribes are both "uniform". The article demonstrates the importance of studying social organizations and the "concomitant cultural traits" of these tribes. The concept of loosely organized tribes being lower on the cultural plane and the placement of tribes organized into sibs at a higher level is discussed throughout the article. Lowie does not agree with this.
Lowie compares the sib to kinship groups. He discusses the differences that exist in matronymic and patronymic societies and the exclusion of "one half of the blood-kindred"; however, he explains that "on the other hand, it admits on equal terms all kindred of the favored side regardless of degree…whence the rule of sib exogamy". Lowie strives to demonstrate that the "characteristic features of sib organization are in some measure prefigured among sibless tribes…that the sib is in fact merely a group of kindred thus segregated and defined by a distinctive name". There is nothing special about sib tribes, except that they have been given a name. This does not make their way of life and structure of society in a higher realm.
Lowie presents his objectives through description and discussions of several different tribes, and through comparisons he is able to justify his argument. He uses arguments from several doctors and other contributors such as Dr. Goldenweiser, Dr. Karl von den Steinen, Tylor and Dr. Sapir. He describes the Chukchi nomenculture, the class systems of the Wind River Shoshoni, The Coast Salish and the Paviotso and presents the similarities and differences that exist. He demonstrates the difference in linguistic stocks from "four tribes typical of the great sibless area" to show how they also have "definite bifurcation of blood-kindred."His article is full of assumptions and explanations that help to understand the differences in tribes, sib organized and not.
SARAH RICHARDSON York University, Toronto, Ontario (Naomi Adelson)
MacCurdy, George Grant. The Academic Teaching of Anthropology in Connection With Other Departments. American Anthropologist N.S., January-March, 1919 Vol.21:49-60.
In 1916, George Grant MacCurdy attended a meeting at Columbia University to discuss the instruction of Anthropology at various institutions around the United States. Franz Boas, who had also been in attendance at the meeting, made a request for information on anthropology courses being offered throughout the country. MacCurdy collected data from various colleges and universities in the United States and presents some of his findings in this article.
At the start of the twentieth century, anthropology was beginning to establish itself as a unique department in some of the leading universities across America. In many other institutions, though, anthropology was offered through another existing department. MacCurdy provides his reader with ample data with which to observe the trends in associating anthropology with various other faculties such as sociology and geology. By noting the great differences in some of anthropology's original affinities, MacCurdy's article is useful in understanding how anthropology currently exists as such a diverse, yet unified, discipline.
In his article, MacCurdy sets out to highlight the increasing interest of universities and colleges in the field of anthropology. He provides a copy of the letter which he circulated to 196 institutions; this letter states clearly the information that MacCurdy set out to collect, and his objectives in collecting this data. Then follows 39 brief responses to his letter, each of which highlights how anthropology has been incorporated at that institution.
MacCurdy presents all information in a clear and organized manner. He elaborates a small amount upon the responses, discussing the significance of the provided information. This article is clearly put together and is successful in surveying the instruction of anthropology in American institutions. For an elaboration upon the goals of anthropological instruction, please refer to the preceding article: "Report on the Academic Teaching of Anthropology" by Franz Boas. (American Anthropologist. New Series, January – March, 1919. Vol.21:41-48.)
J. JOANNE KIENHOLZ University of Alberta (Heather Young Leslie)
MacCurdy, George Grant. The Academic Teaching of Anthropology in Connection With Other Departments. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21 p.49-60.
This article is a response by Professor MacCurdy, of Yale University, to a request by Professor Franz Boas to investigate on anthropology courses given at American institutions where an anthropology department did not exist by 1916. His inquiry begins with a letter he sent to 196 educational institutions in order to find out what courses they offered relating to anthropology. Out of these institutions, he reports that only 37 institutions replied to having anthropology courses being taught under other departments or majors.
The length of the article is composed of the list of institutions, which did offer anthropology courses and their description, based on the topic of the courses; who taught them and how many students were enrolled in 1916. He concluded that the number of anthropology courses being taught had increased significantly since 1901. Moreover, the courses taught had gained considerable relevance as a discipline. However, MacCurdy also indicates that there continued to be a "lack of interest in the subject" by some of the leading universities at the time. He was also surprised by the feedback from the smaller colleges, which had added anthropological courses to their curriculum. Finally, he notes that the tendency in many institutions at the time was to link anthropology with the Social and Natural Sciences. This was ironically contrary to the academic notion that placed anthropology in the same category as psychology.
This article will be particularly useful to individuals interested in the history of anthropology as a discipline, particularly in North America. It also provides various insights into the mentality and worldview of many academics of that period, as the language used still incorporates highly ethnocentric definitions such as primitive, tribal, etc.
ERNESTO WULFF York University (Naomi Adelson)
Moore, Clarence B. Notes on the Archaeology of Florida. American Anthropologist 1919(21): 400-403.
In his article, Moore wishes to dispel the notion that the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia had neglected the area south of Key Marco, Florida in study. Moore states that they have spent "…five seasons in the Ten Thousand islands, good parts of which were devoted to the region south of Key Marco" (400). Moore does not feel it is fair to state that this area was "…supposed to be of no great account as far as aboriginal remains are concerned," but he believes that this area is simply a continuation of a more northern shell deposit (401). According to Moore there have been no significant discoveries in the area to justify the expense of a full archaeological dig.
Many interesting shell tools have been found in the area. These tools come in two types, and are made with large shells. Removing various internal portions of the shell's structure created the tools. Not a lot of study has been conducted upon these implements. One type of tool has two holes in the shell, allowing for a handle and the ultimate creation of a "..hoe or pick to loosen the soil" (402). The second type of tool consists of one hole in the shell, leaving enough space to insert a handle and "…was used in the manner of a spade" (402).
AMANDA JONES York University (Naomi Adelson)
Moore, Clarence B. Notes on the Archaeology of Florida. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21:400-402.
This article is about the survey of the Florida's east coast and some of its close surrounding islands. No one had done much research in this area because archaeologists believed that there was nothing to be concerned with in this area. When they did their survey they found that there were many sites to be excavated.
They found large shells that were used as tools along with platforms and mounds with canals that showed that there had been Indian occupants there. The authors were shocked to find anything of importance here but no reason is given to explain why. The article includes information about shells they found at the sites. One shell was used as a hoe and another as a spade. The authors then describe each of the shells and give their arguments as to why they think these two shells were used for horticulture.
For the most part this article's main focus is on the two shells they found. It concludes by notifying that future archaeologists may want to go to this site because it is still intact.
DEREK KOCHER Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Dr. Jonathan Hill)
Morley, Sylvanus Grisworld. Joseph Thomas Goodman: September 18, 1838-October 1, 1917. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol.21:441-445.
Joseph Thompson Goodman is remembered for his archaeological achievements, as a journalist and writer, and for being the person who discovered Mark Twain (the famous writer) (441). His most remarkable achievement for which he will be remembered is his contributions to the decipherment of Maya hieroglyphic writing. While he was the editor of The Enterprise in 1861, he "discovered" Mark Twain, with whom he developed a lifelong friendship. In 1884, Mr. Goodman founded The San Franciscan, a very ambitious literary publication for its time. Mr. Goodman published historical works of early California and Nevada, and he is remembered for his poem "The Death of Lincoln." In 1883, as an archaeologist he began his pursuit of deciphering the Maya hieroglyphic writing. After twelve years of research, Mr. Goodman demonstrated that at least two hundred of the writing's characters "deal with the counting of time" (443). However, there was confusion over who discovered this first because Professor Ernst Forsteman and Mr. Goodman made the discovery independently around the same time. The solution to this problem was awarding Forsteman the recognition in the field of the manuscripts, and Mr. Goodman the recognition in the field of the monuments. Goodman's achievements were greater than Forsteman's because he discovered the existence of variant numerals, completed the chronological tables and calendar, the annual calendar, and the logarithmic shortcuts of Maya arithmetic.
Mr. Goodman insisted, to his death, that advancements in Maya decipherment lie in mathematics not phonetics. This principle has been proven incorrect and phonetics is showing promise for future decipherment efforts. However, this detracts little from the magnitude of Joseph Thompson Goodman's many great achievements.
LAURA MONTEITH York University (Naomi Adelson)
Morley, Sylvanus Griswold. Joseph Thompson Goodman. American Anthropologist September, 1919 Vol. 21(3): 441-445.
Sylvanus Griswold Morley esteems and details the life and works of Joseph Thompson Goodman in an obituary. Griswold briefly details the life of Goodman. He begins with the childhood of Goodman in the Eastern United States, where his journalistic career began. Goodman later moved to the west with his father. His journalistic endeavors continued in Nevada where he was credited with "discovering" Mark Twain and hiring him as a reporter for his paper The Enterprise. Later, Goodman founded the San Franciscan.
In his spare time, Goodman dabbled in more scientific endeavors. His interests led him to the pursuit of deciphering inscriptions on the Mayan hieroglyphs. This would be his crowning achievement. His studies of Mayan monuments led to the discernment of their writing. Although another scientist was given credit for nearly the same thing, Morley demonstrates that the work of Goodman was different whereas Goodman's research was focused on monuments, that of his contemporary (Forstemann), resulted in the deciphering of Mayan manuscripts.
Morley asserts that Goodman's most noteworthy achievement was the compilation of his famed chronological tables. In Morley's time there was no more preferred chronological record. In fact, nearly all of the characters that had been interpreted at this point were in agreement with Goodman's arithmo-calendric (arithmetic calendar) category. He admits that some of the content of the characters were yet to be interpreted. But, this would in no way detract from the irrefutable magnitude of Goodman's discoveries.
SARAH RICHARDSON Southern Illinois University (Jonathan Hill)
Painter, George S. The Future of the American Negro. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 2:410-420
George Painter uses this article to explore the possible future of the African American. Because Africans were brought to the United States for the unfortunate job of slavery, they had to adapt quickly to a new living conditions and customs. While these individuals were being used for slavery they were forced into close contact with the new culture and therefore learned quickly about this new culture. After African Americans were released from the shackles of slavery the question was raised, what would happen to these individuals? This is the question George Painter addresses in this article.
George Painter ultimately decides that the color of African Americans skin will eventually become much lighter and the difference in pigment between African Americans and those of the white race will become less and less different. The first reason Painter gives to back his argument is the mixing of African American blood and that of non-African American blood. The mixing of this blood results in a lighter color of the skin, which is more desired. Due to the fact that this lighter color is desired African American individuals will search for partners with lighter skin. This process would eventually begin to lead to the gradual elimination of the very dark skin of some of the African Americans. Painter also discusses the importance of environment in the changing of the African American skin color. He states that the environment in which an individual originates determines their skin color. Using the Native Americans as an example Painter once again predicts that the African American skin will lighten over years. He ends by stating that extreme color differences in skin may in the end be wiped out by nature.
LAURA WARREN Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)
Painter, George S. The Future Of The American Negro. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol.21: 410-420.
This article attempts to examine the "evolution" of the American Negro. Painter explored factors such as adaptation to civilization, illicit amalgamation, environment, and natural selection were.
Painter, like most Europeans of his time, viewed other races as being inferior and barbaric. He believes that with the transportation of black slaves to America, whites had disrupted the natural progression of the race by entering them into civilization before the slaves were ready. Once in bondage, the slaves seemed to acquire a rudimentary grasp of civilization but were far from thriving. Painter observed from statistical data that Negro populations in the South were declining due to higher mortality and lower propagation rate compared to the white populations. This he contributed to the "Negro's disadvantage in the competitive struggle with the superior race" (412).
The intermarriages between blacks and whites were rare for the day, but Painter examined the long term effects of such arrangements. He proposed that since the "longevity or hardiness of the white race has appeared to be evident" (414) those Negros with white blood would increase their fitness and survive better. This "lightening of the line", may even be a conscience effort on the part of Negros in an attempt to "better" their children by selectively mating with those of a lighter skin tone.
Painter also expressed the environment as another factor which will influence the evolution of the American Negro. Skin color was thought to be a reaction to the climate since darker skinned Africans lived near the equator and light skinned Europeans lived much farther north. It was then assumed that since Europeans got darker after they had lived in Africa for a period of time, Africans would get lighter after living in America for a long period of time.
With factors such as environment and interracial marriages "lightening" the African race, coupled with the fact that American Negros had a higher mortality then their lighter cousins, Painter assumed that the darker Negros would slowly be replaced with the better adapted and more fit lighter skinned Negros through natural selection.
BETH CHILDERS University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington).
Parsons, Elsie Clews. Increase By Magic: A Zuni Pattern. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21: 279-286
In this piece the author's objective is to inform the reader of the importance of magic amongst the Zuni Indians. By thoroughly explaining the importance of clay figurines within their daily lives, the author provides a clear understanding of how the Zuni Indians live amongst each other. The clay figurines are essential to prolong life and to secure the dead. The night before Christmas eve the Zuni place small clay figures of sheep, cows, donkeys and horses around a saint to be left there for four days when they are taken home and kept during the year. The rain priests are somewhat different. These people do not take their figurines to the home of a saint. Instead, they place them on an altar in their home to ensure security and protection.
The Zuni also use the magic of the clay figurines to increase any object of to provide solutions for any problems. For example, for the increase of children of the development of an unborn child, the figurines come into play. "During a dance a woman who has had miscarriages may be given a baby or doll by a masked impersonation (1919: 281). A woman may bring a clay figurine of a baby to a winter solstice altar. The magic of the figurine is said to provide the woman with a child.
Throughout this piece the author constructs his argument by thoroughly explaining the importance of magic amongst the Zuni. Elsie Parsons provides clear examples to support her claims, resulting in an organized and reasonable article.
ANGELA ADU York University (Naomi Adelson)
Parsons, Elsie Clews. Increase by Magic: A Zuni Pattern. American Anthropologist. July-Sept. 1919. Vol. 21(3): 279-286.
In this article, author Elsie Clews Parsons discusses the different types of magic rituals that are said to cause increase in Zuni society. The Zuni itsumawe ritual is linked to Christmas and the winter solstice. In this ritual, the people bury clay figurines of domestic animals, wealth and food items in the area from whence each comes (for example, burying a clay sheep by the sheep pen). This is done on the fourth night of the winter solstice festival, or Christmas Eve. The priests of the town use similar figurines but place them on altars within their own homes.
A Zuni ritual to cause an increase in children may be done at the same time. For this practice, a childless mother may be given a clay figurine of a baby. She then has to carry the baby figure with her in secret. If the woman does this and gives gifts to the priest who is helping her, she may have a healthy baby.
Parsons also discusses the possible origins for these types of rituals in her article. She states that the rituals have been linked to the Spanish occupation in the Americas. The author mentions that at least one site has been found where there are similar effigies that pre-date the Spanish occupation of the area. Because of this, Parsons concludes that there may have been a culture hero whose tale was intermixed with that of the saints.
Finally, Parsons writes about the immediate increase in goods that the Zuni received by the increase rituals. At the end of the 10-day celebration, the "refuse heap" is taken out by each household. Whoever could stay up all night was entitled to a portion of all the other goods, so long as he was the first one awake in the morning to make the rounds.
This article describes some older Zuni rituals which apply to other tribes in the Americas. It is also interesting in that Parsons mentions the finds that are pre-Spanish as being similar to those that were found in the early 1900's, since we have very little knowledge of native peoples before Spanish colonization.
JENNIE KANYOK Southern Illinois University (Jonathan Hill)
Pearce, J.E. Indian Mounds and Other Relics of Indian Life in Texas. American Anthropologist July-September, 1919. 21(3): 223-243.
J.E. Pearce examines the archaeological evidence of the Native Americans that once occupied the lands in Texas. Pearce asserts that Texas is one of the few states that "wholly neglected" (p.223) the history of their natives, both on a local and federal level. The disinterest in the ethnology of "Texas Indians"(p.223) is his main argument for writing this article. Pearce's goal is to present his archeological research to generate a greater knowledge on the subject. He relates the research to the larger contextual framework, by stating that in order to complete the history of man, one must research all the different people that have lived on our lands. The fact that Texans showed little interest in the Native Americans is unsettling to Pearce; he wants the reader to see the immense history that Texas Native Americans have created and appreciate it.
Pearce details the history of the Texas Native Americans, which proves to be a strong point, as the reader receives greater context for the article. He describes how Texas was an independent nation when she signed into the United States, having retained ownership and control of public lands. Native Americans living in Texas were therefore the responsibility of the state. The fact that Texans thought of the natives as "unteachable savages" (p.224) and dealt with them in a "hostile and negative" (p.224) fashion, serves as reasoning for their disinterest in the history of the natives. Pearce's historical background also suggests that the Texas Native Americans were ruthless and this led to their extermination, creating more animosity and indifference to anything native. Pearce's background provides reasoning as to why there had been little or no research, at the time, of the Texas Native Americans.
All of Pearce's archeological evidence is described next. For clarity, Pearce has divided Texas in to five regions. The Indian mounds and relics found are characteristic of each region, so it is easier to describe them in these groups. The descriptions of the relics and mounds are quite in depth and prove somewhat difficult to understand. Attempting to visualize the archeological finds, as one reads, helps to understand the descriptions. The explanation of how the relics relate to the way in which the natives hunted, and why certain relics and mounds are more characteristic of certain topographical regions is very thorough and complete. This ethnography of the Texas Native Americans is quite useful, as the reader is given a sense of how these people once lived. Pearce points out, however, that there is still a lot of exploration in the field and continued research is needed to understand the full historical background of the Texas Natives.
MELISSA MCCLUSKEY University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)
Pearce, J.E. Indian Mounds and Other Relics of Indian Life in Texas. American Anthropologist. July-September 1919, Vol. 21(3): 223-234.
The concern of the author in this article is the neglect of the archaeology and ethnology of the Texas Indians. Pearce argues that the state, the citizens, and the federal government have ignored the topic and it is time to intensely study the Texas Indians to achieve a full history of mankind. Before he undertakes a brief history of this neglected group, Pearce explains the lack of interest on the part of the state and federal government.
The problem originated when Texas joined the Union as a independent nation and was left with the control of state lands. The state took no interest in the Indians, and neither did the federal government as it was a state problem. The state of Texas has always dealt with the Indians in a colonial manner (ie. violent and negative manner). They were seen as savages and a problem to be eliminated. The exception to the overall treatment of the Texas Indians was Sam Houston. He had lived with the Cherokee before he lived in Texas and fought for the establishment of reservations. In opposition to Houston was Lamae of Georgia who was prejudiced against Indians based on the struggles between the whites and the Cherokee in his home state. His ideas to eliminate the Natives corresponded with the prevalent views of the whites in Texas. Policy was therefore directed towards the elimination of the Natives and later indifference towards the people and their culture.
Pearce then moves on to the archaeology of the Texas Indians. He goes through five districts and provides a brief description of the areas and their contents. The first district in east Texas is made up of Indian mounds of red clay and sand and covered with trees. Relics such as pots, flint, and skeletons can be found in this region. The next district surrounds the shores of the Gulf where many Indian artifacts may be found. The third district is known as the Grand Prairie and is broken up into many parts. The districts range from areas with few Indian relics due to poor hunting, to abundant artifacts found in hunting rich areas. The fourth region is surrounded by mounds with a depression in the middle that would be ideal for residences. The last region is similar to the previous one except that they have metals, which were used for grinding beans into meal. Disk-like stones are found in this area as well. The many caves found in this area were used for residential areas and burial sites. They were also covered with painted figures and maps of the rivers.
Through the relics found, the writer is able to discern that the culture was primarily based on hunting with very little agricultural knowledge. He encourages scientists to no longer neglect the field of Texas Indians and complete their studies before the remaining relics are destroyed by the white man.
KARA STEWART York University: (Naomi Adelson)
Popenoe, Wilson. Batido and Other Guatemalan Beverages Prepared From Cacao.American Anthropologist N. S., 21, 1916:403-407.
Popenoe's article describes how the drink batido, or beaten, is prepared by the Kekchi and Pokonchi Indians of northern Guatemala. The drink is believed to be of ancient Mayan origin judging by its preparation, ingredients, and ceremonial importance. Its main ingredient, the cacao bean, is left unshelled and roasted over fire until brown. Then it is ground on the kaa, or grinding stone, and placed into a guacal, a receptacle made of fruit husks. After a small amount of luke-warm water is added the mixture is hand-beaten until the fat separates and rises to the top in small globules. At this point the recipe must be seasoned. Popenoe lists a wide variety of flavorings including the most common, black pepper. Cinnamon is also popular, along with vanilla. The orthodox flavoring for batido, known to the Indians as orejuela, or ear-flower to Europeans, has fallen out of favor recently. It imparts to the beverage a strong black pepper flavor with what the author describes as a "resinous bitterness." The fruit of the saltulul tree is sometimes roasted and ground to mix with the cacao paste. The reason for this, the author states, is a bit unclear. Some Indians say it is used to add flavor, others to increase the quantity. He suggests the latter is more probable considering cacao beans are expensive compared to most other food items. Because of this, batido is not what Europeans would consider chocolate flavored.
The drink we would call chocolate is rare to the Indians but is used by Europeans and natives of mixed blood. They prepare it by roasting then grinding the cacao and adding sugar. The amount of sugar differs depending on whether it is to be consumed or traded. Vanilla or cinnamon is added, and the mixture is heated and poured into molds or molded with the hands into thin round cakes. These cakes are later placed in the bottom of a cup, and hot water is then added and stirred.
Pinol is another beverage in northern Guatemala made from a 4 to 1 ratio of maize to cacao. After it is roasted and ground, a small amount of cinnamon, anise, and sometimes orejuela is added. This drink is not ceremonial like batido, but is consumed with a meal. Pozol, a variation of pinol, is made from the paste used for making tortillas. It is rolled into a large ball and carried on long journeys. Tiste, a beverage made by the mixed-blood vendors and sold to the Indians, is prepared with rice instead of maize and sold in powdered form in glass.
Popenoe's firsthand account of the beverages of the Guatemalan Indians is very informational. He goes into great detail listing the ingredients and how the drinks are prepared. Though there is not much description of the ceremonial uses of batido, the text is enjoyable to read.
STEVE CUTRIGHT Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)
Popenoe, Wilson. Batido and Other Guatemalan Beverages Prepared from Cacao. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol. 21(1): 403-409.
The cacao bean is commonly used among the Kekchi and Pokonchi Indians in northern Guatemala to produce a drink called batido. Popenoe compares batido with an ancient Mexican drink and with coffee, which is the beverage of the Guatemalans of European extraction. The method by which batido is made and served by the northern Guatemalans is similar to that of their ancestors, the Maya.
First, the cacao bean is roasted over a slow fire until browned. The browned beans are then placed on the kaa (this is similar to the metate stone used by Mexicans to grind corn) and ground into coarse fragments. Half of these beans are placed aside and the other half are ground even more until they become powdery. The original fragments are then combined with the powdery half and placed into a guacal (this is made from the fruit of Crescentia cujete. Tepid water is added and the mixture is beaten by hand, with the hands. This is where the name comes from, batido, it means beaten. It is beaten until the fat separates from the cacao and is visible as white globules on the surface of the mixture. If the fat does not separate, the mixture is then heated.
Next, the mixture, which is now a thin paste, is seasoned in one of many various ways. Traditionally, orejuela (ear flower) was the chosen seasoning, however the use of it is on the decline. Black pepper, cinnamon, or vanilla are the most commonly used by the Guatemalan Indians. The mixture can also be colored brick-red by adding ground achiote. The seed of Achradelpha mammosa, zapote in Spanish, saltul in Kekchi, and saltulul in Pokonchi, is also sometimes used for seasoning the batido.
Finally, the last step in preparing batido to drink. When ready to drink, one teaspoonful of the cacao paste is added to a guacal of hot water equalling one pint. The coarser fragments remain at the bottom after the liquid is gone and these are meant to toss into the mouth and eat. The resulting flavor of the batido is not that of a chocolate drink due to the addition of the seasoning. If more cacao is used then it holds more of a chocolate flavor and is more tasty. Sugar can also be added to enhance the flavor and make it sweeter.
Chocolate is made in a similar way by the Guatemalans as is Pinol and Tiste. The cacao bean is roasted and mixed with sugar after its shell is removed to produce chocolate. The zapote seed is sometimes added to the chocolate just as in batido. Cinnamon and vanilla are used for seasoning as well. The chocolate is divided into individual molds and mixed with hot water or milk when ready to drink. The beverage Pinol is made by a mixture of corn, cacao, cinnamon, anise, and sometimes orejuela. Tiste is not made by the Indians but consumed by them. It is made by natives of mixed blood. The cacao bean is mixed with sugar, roasted rice, cinnamon, and ground achiote.
CLARITY: 4.
DAWN S. CARNEY University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Popenoe, Wilson. The Useful Plants of Copan. American Anthropologist April-June, 1919 Vol. 21(2):125-138.
The ancient Maya were unquestionably agriculturists that cultivated several main foodstuffs such as maize and beans, and also grew other crops to meet their dietary and practical needs. This article investigates the valley of the Copan River in the western region of Honduras. The author has listed useful plants found in the valley and predicted through geographic distribution and archeological observations, which of the plants were of use to the ancient Maya civilization, and which have been introduced since Spanish Conquest of the area. The author has catalogued the plants found in Copan, dividing them into eight classes: cereals and vegetables, fruits, beverage plants, plants used for flavour, fiber plants, plants used for dyeing, fence and hedge plants, and miscellaneous useful plants.
Some of the principal plants in the cereals and vegetables category are maize, beans, squash, the pumpkin, sweet potato, and tomato. All of these plants are used in Copan today and were used by the ancient Maya.
The fruit category is the largest and some of its contents are the Spanish plum, guava, avocado, zapote, saopdilla, guapinol, custard-apple, anona blanca, wild grape, and pineapple, which were all known by the Maya. This category also contains the cashew, banana, mango, coconut, and pomegranate, which all have been introduced since the Conquest.
The rest of the categories are rather small. In the Beverage Plants category the Maya knew both the Cacao and chocolate and patashte, but coffee which is now known in the area was introduced after the Conquest. Some of the plants in the flavoring category are the chile pepper, which was known to the native Maya and vanilla, which is said to grow close to Copan in the forest. The Fiber Plants category includes cotton and the royal palm which were both used by the Maya. The plants used for colouring and dyeing included the arnotto, which gives a red-brick colouring to colour food and beverages. Some of the plants used for fences and hedges were the pineula, which is a plant that resembles the pineapple that is grown into hedges. Also, the coral tree is planted for hedges and produces edible buds. The last category was that of Miscellaneous Useful Plants. These include tobacco, gourd, castor bean, ocote pine, copal, and rubber tree.
This brief and concise article would be useful to anyone interested in the ancient Mayan civilization.
RYAN MASON York University (Naomi Adelson)
Mr. Popenoe's article deals with the cultivated vegetation available in the region of the Copan river valley in present day Guatemala. He addresses the question of which of these plants were produced and used by ancient Maya inhabitants and which were introduced into the region relatively recently, after the arrival of Europeans. Popenoe distinguishes indigenous species of plants by observing archaeological data and examining the likelihood of different plants being utilized for agriculture by the Maya for specific purposes.
The article considers the economic position of ancient Copan in relation to cities to the north such as Yaxchilan, Palenque, and Menche Tinamit. Because of the different elevations of these areas, there was a different variety of crops that could be grown in each region. Therefore, Popenoe theorizes that there was probably an intricate exchange of goods between each of these regions.
Popenoe describes the various physical attributes of the Copan river valley that may have made it a favorable agricultural location for the ancient Maya. It sits at approximately 1,900 feet, it's rainy season lasts for 9 months, the soil is very rich and easily tilled, and the temperature is moderate all year round. He then goes on to categorize the useful plants in the area into eight classes: cereals and vegetables, fruits, beverage plants, seasoning plants, fiber plants, coloring plants, fence and hedge plants, and miscellaneous useful plants.
The categorical plant listing is interesting as it helps provide a profile of the early agricultural, commercial, and cultural uses of various plants. Popenoe also includes a brief explanation of how and why these items were used which aids tremendously in the understanding of the diverse diet of both the Mayan people and the current populations. However, the glaring absence of a "medicinal plant" category leaves a compelling question for further research: Did the Mayans have an extensive understanding of the medicinal properties of the plants that grew in the region?
Overall, the article is very informative and concise. It illustrates an example of how the lifestyles of a group of people are shaped by their physical environment. Popenoe also succeeds in providing a glimpse into how regional trade is dictated by available resources. A nice piece of research.
CLARITY: 4.5
KELLY BENJAMIN University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Quevedo, Samuel A. Lafone. Guarani Kinship Terms As Index Of Social Organization. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol.21: 421-440.
Quevedo's focus of this paper is to analyze the linguistic terms of kinship relationships and how they relate to the social structure of the native peoples which inhabit much of the Atlantic coast of South America from the Amazon River to Santa Catalina in Brazil, as well as along a good section of the Parana River. He begins by making references to a number of writings ranging from the early sixteenth century to about the mid seventeenth century which documented accounts of kinship relations and marriage customs of the Guarani people. He then draws assumptions as to the origins of the current kinship structure based on those accounts.
Quevedo then moves onto the actual linguistic and social analysis. This is where he actually takes a look at the current kinship structure concentrating mainly on issues of who an individual is considered related to for purposes of marriage. The language to describe these relations is then broken down to component parts and analyzed in an attempt to better understand how the Guarani people view these relations. Quevedo gives the reader a sampling of the basic vocabulary used so that they may follow in the analysis as he presents it.
In his conclusions he attempts to explain the differences in both language and Guarani views of maternal and paternal aunts and uncles, mothers and fathers, and grandparents. Again, as in earlier sections of the paper, Quevedo dissects the terminology, analyzing every root, prefix and suffix. He wraps up his conclusion with yet another exhaustive analysis of the basic terms for ethnic kinship, or more simply, being part of the ethnic group.
Provided at the end of the paper are five pages of tables listing Guarani kinship terms and their translations.
MICHAEL CLEMENS University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Ray, Sydney. The Melanesian Possessives and a Study in Method. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21: 347-360.
Sidney Ray discuses the Melanesian concept of possessives through grammatical analysis of Melanesian language. Cultural fusion feeds the view that possessiveness came about through outside influence or environmental pressures. he catalyst for this article was A. Hocarth's piece which rejects psychological and culture-fusion theories whose proof is via possession as a necessary "point of grammar". These contested theories relate the high number of possessive words to an inability for abstract expression.
Although Ray states his agreement with Hocarth that Melanesians are capable of abstraction, his article remains an empirical criticism of Hocarth's method of analysis. The author feels that Hocarth's exclusive reference to the Fijian language does not apply to Melanesia as a whole; consequently invalidating Hocarth's conclusion. Ray attempts to legitimize Hocarth's conclusion through a more detailed linguistic analysis of the broader Indo-Pacific region.
Through constant dialogue with Hocarth's article, Ray's many examples illustrate that the perceived complexity of Melanesian possessives is really a form of emphasis-an over classification in Western terms- of the possessed object. His geographical differentiation of the Melanesian and Polynesian area reveals a greater number of possessive words in less influenced South-Eastern area. In direct contradiction to the culture/fusion theory, Ray's observation indicates that Melanesian possessives are in fact "survivals" of it's cultural past. In other areas, possessives are portrayed as products of cultural development, whose numerous expressions have been exaggerated by a misunderstanding of linguistic syntax. By cross-referencing these possessives with Melanesian linguistic syntax, Ray reveals that possessives after a noun become prepositions.
This article provides detailed linguistic analysis infused with theory. It would be extremely useful to someone seeking precise empirical linguistic evidence. It also provides an interesting comparison of Indo-Pacific to Western linguistics or may serve as a study in linguistic methodology.
Ray, Sydney. The Melanesian Possessives and a Study in Method. American Anthropologist, 1919. Vol. 21: 347-360.
The basis for Sydney H. Ray's article is an earlier study on the Melanesian languages by A. M. Hocart. The point of Hocart's article was to criticize two popular schools of thought that explain the use of Melanesian possessives. The "psychologist" school of thought believes the Melanesians do not grasp the abstract idea of possession because of the vast amounts and complexity of possessive words in the language. On the other hand, the culture-fusion theorists view possessive words used in Melanesian languages as survivals of a Prae-Melanesian language that has been altered by outside influences. The author agrees with Hocart that the Melanesians do understand the concept of general possession, however, Ray criticizes Hocart's methodology stating that it obscured and invalidated his explanation of the Melanesian possessives. He states that Hocart confined his research to the Fijian language, which is not representative of the majority of Melanesian languages and that his explanation does not fully account for the forms expressing possession.
Ray shows through examples of basic Melanesian syntax, that suffixed pronouns are not in apposition and do not always denote partial identity. Suffixed pronouns are either adjectives or genitives. Ray adds that Hocart was mistaken by classifying possessive particles as articles or prepositions. Possessive articles are, in fact, nouns. He explains that the Melanesians "…have classified their possessions in various categories and use a general, non-particularized noun such as English possession…for clearness of speech, this noun requires definition…"(p. 355).
Ray also dismisses Hocart's theory on survivals, which is based on songs and invocations from the Melanesian languages that differ from ordinary speech throughout the region. While Ray admits that it is possible that Melanesian words could be survivals of a Prae-Melanesian habit, he favors the idea that "…the use of the general noun before the name of a possession, as a possessive, or its use after a noun where it can tend to become a preposition" (p. 360) is due to the common and widespread usage of Melanesian speech.
This article is extremely useful as an example of how a study in linguistic anthropology was conducted at the beginning of the 20th century. It typically builds upon a previously written article by adding richer examples to support its assertion.
CANDACE DACE, ROB TAYLOR, BRIAN COON, TIFFANY MESSENGER Northern Illinois University (Dr. Giovanni Bennardo)
Reagan, Albert B. Some Games of the Bois Fort Ojibwa. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol.21:264-278.
Albert B. Reagan, the author of this article, noticed that a number of games are played by the Ojibwa of Bois Fort, Minnesota. He took the time to observe these activities, during his term of office as Indian agent at the locality named. The games may be divided into: (1) games of chance, which include two dice games and a game of moccasins; (2) games of dexterity, dependent on the physical strength of its players, and which include the games of snow-snake, double ball, lacrosse and shinny. Another game played by this Native group is called bowl, based on gambling. The author sets out to thoroughly describe each of the most popular games of the Ojibwa Indians as a method to inform people of their own sporting activities. He also does this as a way to teach some knowledge that is interesting but difficult to obtain since this certain cultural group does not have much of a prominent position in this modern world.
The first game described in the article is called pah-gay-say or bowl. It is played either by two individuals, or by two sets of players, with the Indians often wagering all they have. The requisites of this game consist of a large, shallow, symmetrical, nicely finished hemispherical bowl, as well as dice and counting sticks. Players take turns selecting sticks from their opponent's pile or a central pile until all is taken. The player (or set of players) who gets the eighty counting sticks in his possession has won the game. The players sit down with the bowl containing the dice placed in between them. Bets are then made. At the right moment, the player strikes the bowl on the blanket by lifting it slightly and setting it down with a quick jerk. This causes the dice to fly upward and fall back down, some of the faces becoming reversed, changing their counting values. Points are awarded bases on the faces of the fallen dice.
Another popular game of the Ojibwa is called the Moccasin game, otherwise known as the bullet game. The government had to expel the activity of this game because too many Indians gambled away all of their money. The game is called mah-ke-tse-nah-tag-tim. The prerequisites of the game are usually four moccasins or almost anything which will provide a means of obscuring the gaming articles; four bullets, plum seeds, or any other small objects of the kind; a blanket stretched and pegged down upon the ground or floor; a couple of striking sticks (to which a mystical quality is attributed); a drum and sticks; and twenty counting or tally sticks. One of the bullets is marked; the other is unmarked. At the beginning of the game, each player takes ten of the tally sticks, and has won the game when all of them are in his possession. The game is played by two principal players and any number of others as assistants. A bullet is placed under each moccasin, but only one marked bullet is put hidden underneath as well. To confuse his opponents, he shakes the bullets, hiding and removing them, as he lifts the moccasins with his left hand and places his right beneath. He also contorts his body, from side to side in every way, until he has concluded. He then suddenly holds up both his hands, and calls out an explosive "ho!" in a high note. The guessing then begins with the opposing player pretending as if he is going to strike a moccasin, but then withdrawing in doubt. This fake gesture is performed to see if the other player makes some kind of physical act showing which moccasin he placed the marked bullet. The moccasins are turned over until it is found, then it is the other player's turn.
The next game described is the children's dice game, which is played for pastime only. The object of the game is very easy. Sticks are tossed on the ground and the points are determined by the ways in which they fall. Any number of children may play. A player has won when he/she gets ten points.
The game of snow-snake is performed either on ice or snow. A stick of peeled hardwood was used, with the front end called the head and the end called the tail. Sometimes the head was shaped like that of a snake, with a cut to denote its mouth and eyes. In other cases, the head end of the snake was bent upward to imitate a running snake. The activity begins with the player stooping forward towards the ground. The snow-snake is held horizontally, then the player thrusts it forward causing it to glide over the snow rapidly for a considerable distance. The player whose stick glides the farthest is the winner. The game of snow stick involves a stick about two feet in length, of cigar or club shape, very much larger at one end than at the other and tapering away gradually at the smaller end. It is also thrown over the snow just to see how far it can go.
One of the most favorite games at Bois Fort is the sport of lacrosse. The object of the game is to put the ball past the opponents' goal post. Generally, the game resembles football, except that each player has a stick with a circular pocket. The player carries the stick almost horizontally before him, moves it from side to side and catches the ball inside the pocket. Other players are attempting to take the ball away from him by knocking the ball from the player's rachet, or dislodging it by hitting his stick. At International Falls, the ball is placed on the middle line between the goals by a medicine man. At the signal, opposing contestants rush forward from their respective goals, naked with their black hair flowing in the wind. There exists great excitement.
The last group of games played by the Indians at Bois Fort is shinny, played mostly by young boys and women. It resembles that of lacrosse. No one is allowed to touch the ball with his hands; though almost any other strategy is allowed. Judges are chosen before the game is played and there is no way that a decision is appealed. The game is won when one side has driven the ball past the other's goal post; however, in the women's game of shinny, the game is won when the opponent's goal post is actually hit with the ball.
In conclusion, there are a variety of games played by the Ojibwa that still resemble that of today. The author organizes his data about the games into specific groups that way it is easier for the reader.
LISA ARGENTINI York University (Naomi Adelson)
Reagan, Albert B. Some Games of the Bois Fort Ojibwa. American Anthropologist July-September, 1919 Vol. 21(3):264-278.
This article, written by Albert Reagan and edited by F. W. Waugh, is a descriptive notation of several popular games often played by the Ojibwa of Bois Fort, Minnesota. Reagan, a past United States Indian agent for this location, wrote these notes on account of his term in office. He takes it upon himself to clarify any phonetic inaccuracies or misunderstandings inferred by Mr. Reagan. Waugh gives universal translations of the names of each widely distributed game based upon the similar Otchipwe language. He hoping in effect, that the reader can better comprehend and relate a priori knowledge about indigenous games to those listed.
These games are divided into games of chance (bowl, moccasin, and children's dice games) and games of dexterity and physical strength (snow-snake, double ball, lacrosse, and shinny games). Reagan goes on to note detailed descriptions about each game. He notes the number of players required and allowed, and notes the purpose of each game: gambling, entertainment, or amusement. He entails rather detailed descriptions of game pieces: dimensions and measurements, materials comprised of, and other physical attributes (color, size comparisons, and number of pieces). Reagan also includes instructions, rules, directions, and guidelines for playing and scoring. In some cases he lists terms oftentimes used throughout the games and occasional game songs that help opposing players determine the doubt or confidence of another player. Lastly, the author gives a notion as to the designated age group and gender intended for each game.
JAMIE LYNN HOLTMANN Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Dr. Jonathan Hill)
Saville, Marshall H. Theodoor de Booy. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol.21 (12): 182-185.
In this obituary, Saville reviews the life of archaeologist Theodoor de Booy, illustrating the impact of his work within the field of archaeology.
Saville presents a short overview of Mr. de Booy's life and his work. The information given within this obituary is based largely on Mr. de Booy's work and his pursuits of archaeological endeavors, not his personal life. The day and reason of Mr. de Booy's death are given, as well as information regarding his parents and where and when he was born. Saville includes information regarding Mr. de Booy's education, the time frame in which he came to the United States, and also the name of his wife and the day in which they were married.
Saville goes on to describe how Mr. de Booy was "one of the most active and prolific investigators in archaeological and geographical research" (p.183). Saville uses a chronology of Mr. de Booy's field excavations and his published work to exemplify the influence Mr. de Booy had on the field of archaeology. Mr. de Booy visited the Bahama Islands in 1911 & 1912, engaged himself in a study of the Caicos peoples, and explored many caves and mounds, which resulted in the discovery of a significant paddle on the Mores Island. In 1913, Mr. de Booy explored Jamaica and excavated various kitchen-middens around the island. Mr. de Booy was also the first to explore Santo Domingo. The following year he explored the eastern part of Cuba and was the first to discover valuables on the island. Mr. de Booy explored and excavated the island of Margarita, Venezuela in 1915, the southern eastern part of Trinidad in 1915, Santo Domingo in 1916 (his third trip), Puerto Rico and Martinique in 1916, the Danish West Indies in 1916-17, and the Perija mountains of eastern Venezuela in 1918. Furthermore, Saville includes references to Mr. de Booy's published work and his associations with the Heye Museum, the State Department Inquiry, the American Geographical Society and the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania.
Saville acknowledges the achievements and contributions Theodoor de Booy made to the field of anthropology. More specifically, Saville gives evidence describing many first-ever excavations that were carried out by Mr. de Booy. Mr. de Booy has enriched the field of archaeology with his collections and writings, expanding "our knowledge of the ancient history of the Antilles" (p.184). Theodoor de Booy is an anthropological icon and his diligent work habits should be a model for younger generations to come.
AMY MARTIN University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie)
Saville, M. Theodoor de Booy. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21: 182-185
Theodoor de Booy was an American Archeologist who was one of the most enthusiastic workers and field explorers. He received his education at the Royal Naval Institute of Holland. Mr. de Booy's first field exploration was in the Bahama Islands in 1911, and during his residence he became interested in the antiquities of the Caicos group of the Bahamas, devoting much of his time to the exploration of their numerous caves and mounds. In 1912 Booy went on to publish the first results of his archaeological research in a paper entitled "Lucayan Remains on the Caicos Islands". De Booy also went to the West Indies where he was the first Archaeologist to ever do field work there and he was successful in obtaining material and information respecting the antiquities of this region.
After his return from this trip de Booy joined the forces of the State Department Inquiry, as one of its South American experts. Mr. de Booy's writings and findings are considered at the top when it comes to the study of the West Indies. Our knowledge of the ancient history of Antilles has become greatly enhanced as the result of his research in this field. Mr. de Booy died from the effects of influenza at his home in Yonkers, N.Y., February 18, 1919.
DORY CARSON York University (Naomi Adelson)
Schrabisch, Max. Mountain Haunts of the Coastal Algonquian. American Anthropologist N.S. Vol.21(8):139-152. (1919)
In 1899, studies began on The Redman Shelters, rock shelters in the East Coast region of the USA which historically were inhabited by Algonquian people. Max Schrabisch wrote about various aspects of these shelters, ranging from geographical location to anthropological importance, the cultural remains found, and offering speculations about their significance.
Most of the sites were scattered throughout the New York, New Jersey, and Delaware area. He described four main types, and explained the lithological features, and the geological reasons for their formation. After listing a number of sites all over the district, and stating their significance to anthropology, he continued by identifying the meaningful cultural remains found. His main focus here was on the remnants of pottery. He speculated that sites without ceramics could be interpreted as having had no women inhabitants, while those sites containing ceramic remains were referred to as 'squaw shelters…of primitive peoples.'(151).
Max Schrabisch provided geological and ethnological information regarding the Redman shelters. He established the relevance of certain sites by giving detailed examples of his studies. Since 1919, when the essay was published, anthropology has changed, and both Schrabisch's theory (functionalist) and terminology is, at best, dated. Today, labels such as "squaw" and "redman" are recognized to be offensive, and other cultures are understood to be equally, if differently complex, rather than 'primitive' . Overall, the piece is wordy, technically detailed, and organizationally challenged, making it difficult to follow.
NIKI KUX-KARDOS University of Alberta (Dr. Heather Young Leslie).
Schrabisch, Max. Mountain Haunts of the Coastal Algonquian. American Anthropologist 1919 N.S., Vol.21:139-152
This article tells how Native North American artifacts were discovered in cave dwellings but it was unclear to whom they belonged. Schrabisch analyzes these artifacts in hopes that they will answer "many a problem involved in the study of the American Indian." The basic argument becomes that these caves were occupied by different sub-divisions of the 'Algonquians.' Schrabisch examines the artifacts found in these caves, left undisturbed to determine which bands of Native North Americans inhabited them. He draws this evidence from the distribution of the sites, the principal types of the caves, lithological features, resources available and territories, and the cultural remains left under the rocks.
WAYLAND GILL York University (Naomi Adelson)
Skinner, Alanson. A Sketch of Eastern Dakota Ethnology. American Anthropologist 1919 (21): 164
This Article describes the data collected from the Sisseton and Wahpeton tribes from South and East Dakota in August of 1914. The field experience was documented for the American Museum of National History.
The author, Skinner, separates his article into sections, and each is titled as follows: Dress, Lodges, Household Utensils, Mats, Bowls and Spoons, Woven Bags, and the list goes on.
Each paragraph discusses in detail the data collected for each category.
For example, the dress of the Isanti and Wahpeton groups' began with the men. They wore their hair in four braids, two in the front and two in the back. There was also a headdress made from a woven sash, twisted around the head. This Headdress was called the war bonnet, because warriors who survived a battle wore it.
The article goes into detail about all of the aspects of the culture in Eastern Dakota. It goes over the customs, musical instruments and games that were played. Also it explains the burial customs, mourning customs and marriage customs of the people.
The next section of the article begins to explain the social and political organizations of the Eastern Dakota people. Skinner states that the Sisseton were divided into nine groups and the Wahpeton were divided into six. They were mostly named for the areas in were they lived. The government consisted of 20 councilors who solved most of the problems. The author suggests that perhaps there were no 'chiefs' until the white man arrived.
In conclusion, Skinner puts Eastern Dakota into two sections, the Plains and the Forest People. They compared the two groups, noting their differences in dress, lodging and government. It focused on their geographical regions and concludes that where they lived influenced their individual culture identities.
This article was very concise and clear. The separate headings for each paragraph were very easy to follow.
DEANNA L'ABBE University of Alberta. (Dr. Heather Young Leslie).
Skinner, Alanson. A Sketch of Eastern Dakota Ethnology. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol.21: 164-174.
This is an analysis of the Sisseton and Wahpeton peoples who reside in Eastern Dakota. The main focus is on the culture and classification between the Forest and Plains traits. Skinner goes through an extensive list of those cultural traits, and explains the similarities or differences between the two studied groups.
He distinguishes the following qualities: dress, lodges, household utensils-pottery, bowls and spoons, flint knifes, grooved stone axes, mortars and pestles, woven bags, stone berry crushers, perfleches, pack straps, baby boards, travois, canoes, weapons, agriculture, picture writing, tanning, musical instruments, pipes, games, folklore, burial customs, mourning customs, naming customs, children's training, puberty fasting, marriage, and finally dances and societies. For each of the traits in the list he offers a brief explanation, so that the reader can get a general idea of what it means or how it was performed, but does not go into detail analysis.
Skinner gives us more insights when he gets to the social and political organization. The basic organization in South Dakota consists of "… three bands [that are] subdivided into exogamous patrilinear gentes, each of which had its place in the tribal camp circle and each of which had its own civil officers." He then follows with more detailed, but short, explanation of the divisions of government and roles of individuals in them.
The conclusion places the Wahpeton at an intermediate level between the Forest and Plains peoples. Material culture suggests woodland origins, however other aspects are rather mixed. Social and political organization is inclined towards the prairie tribes Sisseton however show a stronger bonds with the plains.
LUKASZ DZIEDZINSKI York University (Naorni Adelson)
Swanton, John R. Dr. Frank Baker. American Anthropologist. 1919 Vol.21 (186-188)
This short, but meaningful obituary is of a great man who contributed largely to the field of anthropology is remembered. Dr. Frank Baker was primarily a biologist whose death occurred on September 30, 1918. He was instrumental in creating the foundation for the science of anthropology and he was the chairman of the editorial committee that gave rise to the publication of the original American Anthropologist from 1893 to 1898. Dr. Baker, born in Pulaski N.Y. in 1841 was taught privately, by his father who was a man of "wide" reading. In 1880, Dr. Baker received his M.D. degree from Columbian (George Washington) University, for thirty-five years he occupied the position of professor of anatomy at Georgetown University, where he received the degrees of A.M., Ph.D., and LL.D. He was one of the founders of the local anthropological, biological, and medical history societies. Baker was also responsible for a number of papers on anatomical, and anthropological subjects. He also supplied the definitions of anatomical, and medical terms in Funk and Wagnall's Dictionary. The accomplishments of Baker are quite extensive. He did not limit himself to one discipline, but applied his knowledge across many fields thus making him even more respected, and well recognized. It is very obvious that Dr. Frank Baker was a man who made immense contributions to the fields of anthropology, and biology. He will be remembered by the many he influenced during his lifetime.
CARLA DI GIANDOMENICO York University (Naomi Adleson)
Swanton, R. John. Dr. Frank Baker. American Anthropologist June, 1919 Vol. 21(2): 186-188.
John R. Swanton's article examines the Dr. Frank Baker's life. Dr. Frank Baker was one of the founders of the science of Anthropology in America, and he is deserving of particular notice in this journal since he was Chairman of the Editorial Committee that was in charge of the publication of the original American Anthropologist from 1893 until 1898 when it gave place to the present organ.
Dr. Frank Baker was born at Pulaski, N. Y., in 1841. His ancestors came from Gloucestershire, England, to New England. He went to private and local school. His father was a very erudite man who read many books and literatures. Later in 1864, he entered the government service and began the study of medicine. In 1880 Dr. Frank Baker received the degree of M.D. from Columbian University. In 1883 he became professor of Anatomy in Georgetown University, in Washington, and he continued as chairman until his death in 1918. In 1889 he became Assistant Superintendent. The following year, he was made Superintendent of the National Zoological park. He was president of the Association of American Anatomists in 1897.
Dr. Frank Baker was one of the founders of the local society of anthropology (1879), biology (1880), and medical history (1913). He also contributed to some dictionaries. For example, he wrote a National Medical Dictionary containing anatomical and medical terms. He devoted himself mainly to studies of the history of anatomy and medicine until his death. He also contributed to anthropological literature (e.g., "Human Hand", American Anthropologist (1888) and the "Ascent of Man", American Anthropologist (1890).
MASAYUKI MIYAZAWA Southern Illinois University Carbondale (Jonathan Hill)
Swanton, John R. Dr. Frank Baker. American Anthropologist, 1919 Vol.21: 186-188.
This article is a brief but crediting tribute to the late Dr. Frank Baker, who was best known for his works in anatomy and biology, but also remembered for his research and interest in the new study of anthropology in the late 19th Century. Baker was born in New York in 1841, and enlisted at an early age to the New York volunteer division in the Civil War. In 1863, he began studying medicine and received his M.D. from Columbian University in 1880. His contributions, publications, and influences in the fields of biology, anatomy, and anthropology are numerous and impressive. His affiliations in the fields of biology and medicine included his positions as vice president of The Medical History Club of Washington and as the Superintendent of the National Zoological Park. His many publications and degrees from Georgetown, including A.M., Ph.D., and L.L.D. reflect his knowledge of and influence in biology. As Professor of Anatomy at Georgetown University and president of the Association of American Anatomists, it is no wonder Funk and Wagnall's Dictionary used Baker's definitions of anatomical and medical terms. The article credits Baker for being "instrumental in laying the foundations of the science of anthropology in America". His influences in anthropology include his positions as chairman of the Editorial Committee for the American Anthropologist and as president of the Anthropological Society of Washington. In 1881 and 1882, his paper and diagram of Garfield's assassination diagnosed his mortal wound as being caused by the second bullet. He also made contributions to anthropology through his numerous publications. Baker also helped found local anthropological, biological, and medical history societies. When he died on September 30 1918, the world lost an influential and instrumental researcher who truly embodied the ideal of anthropology as a holistic or all-inclusive field.
SARAH BRACK University of South Florida (Kevin A. Yelvington)
Wallis, Wilson D. The Animistic Hypothesis. American Anthropologist. 1919 Vol. 21:292-295
The Animistic Hypothesis is a theory, started by Sir Edward B. Tylor, he states that the belief in spirits and in the survival of the soul arouse out of dreams and visions in which the absent or the dead were seen, thus giving proof of the ability of the soul to leave and to survive the body. However, the Tylorian hypothesis became unsatisfactory for a few reasons. First the Tylorian hypothesis fails to explain the persistence of the belief even after the savage's philosophy has been completely dissipated. Another fault with the Tylorian hypothesis is the assumption that this dream psychology is an unmotivated and a haphazard psychology, and that its foundations rest on the vagaries of savage thought. A man by the name of Mr. Hobhouse put forward another explanation of the origin of the belief in the survival of the soul. Instead of saying, "They believe that the dead continue to live in much the same way and need the same things; therefore they give them what they need," perhaps what we should say is rather "The mass of sentiments and emotions stirred by death impel the mourners to acts of respect, affection and sacrifice." Largely with unconscious intent, by the instinct of self-conservation, man is led to believe in immortality. He/she cannot entertain the idea of letting go that which he now possesses, his existence.
COLIN COOPER York University (Naomi Adelson)
Willoughby, Charles. Serpent Mounds of Atom County, Ohio. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol. 21 (9): 153-161.
Willoughby uses an archaeological approach in describing the serpent mounds left by the northern prehistoric Indians. He examines past archaeological excavations to illustrate, not only the change in techniques, but also how these different types of excavations changed the interpretation of the mounds. Willoughby at length, describes the appearance and location of the mound, specifically focusing on the head of the serpent in which measurements, drawings and interpretations were given for the earlier excavations. Willoughby also examines the symbolic representation of the serpent, again putting more of the focus to the head. He also seeks to explain how natural and human destruction has affected the physical state of the mound, and thus has altered past interpretations.
Willoughby examines four different excavations done from 1846- 1918 by archaeologists Squir, Davis, McLean, Putnam, and himself. The different dimensions recorded by the archaeologist shows, very obviously, the increase in detail and accuracy from the time of the first excavations. With the use of past accounts, Willoughby also shows the inconsistency of measurements and in some cases missing measurements to hypothesise why such different interpretations and conclusions resulted.
The head of the serpent was also Willoughby's main concern because this is where the most argument and variety of interpretations arose. All of the interpretations concerning the symbolism of the tail were almost identical. However, the symbol within the head of the serpent was interpreted differently by almost each archaeologist. A serpent swallowing and egg, by Squir and Davis, whereas McLean and Holmos agreed that it was a serpent swallowing a frog. These different interpretations were due to two side embankments not shown with Squir and Davis. Willoughby, on the other hand, used human and natural destruction of the mound to extrapolate where some parts of the mound were destroyed. He also includes artifacts from the Indians of symbolic/religious serpent gods to conclude that it was in fact a cross within the head and the earlier mentioned embankments were horns.
This article was very concentrated with information and therefore it must be read and re-read slowly and carefully to absorb all the information presented.
DANA KYLUIK University of Alberta (Dr. H Young Leslie)
Willoughby, Charles C. The Serpent Mound of Adams County. American Anthropologist 1919 Vol.21:153-163.
In Adams County, Ohio, there exists a phenomenal structure, unlike anything else in the world. This structure has generated much public intrigue due to its interesting shape and form. The Serpent Mound of Adams County is an example of the handiwork of the prehistoric Indians of the North. It is called the Serpent Mound because its headland resembles the head of a reptile. There also exist features that can be distinguished as the contour of the head, the muzzle, the eye and the mouth. It is noted that the reptile looks as if it is lifting its front from the bed of the stream. Natural formations that have human or animal-like characteristics were generally supposed to possess supernatural powers.
Many studies have been made regarding the Serpent Mound, with different hypotheses as to what kind of act the serpent is engaged in. Squier and Davis published the first plan of the Serpent Mound in 1848; however, the plan is sketchy and inaccurate in dimension and delineation. They saw in the embankments a serpent with its mouth "open wide as if in the act of swallowing or ejecting an oval figure." McLean also saw a serpent in the act of swallowing an egg, but in addition, he noticed the outline of a frog in the act of leaping. He believes that the serpent was about to eat the frog, but the frog caught on and leaped away, emitting an egg in the mouth of the serpent in the process. In 1886, Professor W.H. Holmes published an account of the Serpent Effigy along with a better sketch than that of Squier and Davis. In 1887, Professor F.W. Putnam purchased the land and it became the property of the Peabody Museum of Harvard University. In 1900, the earthwork and adjoining land was transferred by the Museum to the Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Society.
The American Indians believed that the serpent was the god of the upper regions. The serpent is also connected with the cosmic symbol of the circle with inner cross and central sun circle. He has different names associated with various groups such as the Aztecs, Maya and Hopi. In the South, the serpent is usually shown with plumes or feathers, whereas in the North, he commonly appears with two to four horns.
The total length of the Serpent Mound is approximately 1417 feet, its greatest width is 24 feet and height is 4 feet. The effigy can be divided into two sections: a portion back of the first turn at the neck that comprises the folds of the body and the coiled extremity, along with the remaining parts of the effigy, which undoubtedly represent the conventionalized head of the serpent lying flat on the land. Examinations of the ground conclude that the ends of the so-called jaws were originally projected several feet beyond what they are now. Also, the original outlines of the projections at the base of the head were probably narrower or higher than at the current time. The embankments forming this effigy have been subjected to a number of disturbances from both man and nature, including erosion, the uprooting of trees, burrowing animals and cultivation.
In this article, the author uses data tables, photographs, diagrams and sketches as evidence of the Serpent Mound.