text:
Afghan Civil War (1992–1996)
War in Afghanistan (1992–1996)
Part of the conflict in Afghanistan (1978–present)
Much of the civil infrastructure was ruined in Kabul due to the war. This photo is presumably from 1993.
28 April 1992 – 27 September 1996
(4 years, 4 months, 4 weeks and 2 days)
Collapse of the Republic of Afghanistan
Thousands of civilians killed, millions driven from their homes,[2] Kabul heavily damaged.[3]
Grave mistreatment of civilians (rape, murder, looting, extortion)[4]
Taliban conquest of Kabul and most of Afghanistan,[5] and establishment of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan
Civil war continues (1996–2001)
Shura-i Nazar[citation needed]
Jamiat-i Islami
Harakat-i Islami
Ittehad-i Islami
Hezb-e Islami Khalis (until mid-1992)
Hezb-i Wahdat (until Dec. 1992)
Junbish-i Milli (until 1994)
Russia[1]
Hezb-i Islami (until late 1994)
Pakistan (until 1994)
Hezb-i Wahdat (after Dec. 1992)
Junbish-i Milli (Jan. 1994-Aug. 1994)
Regional Kandahar militia leaders
Taliban (from late 1994)
Pakistan (after 1994)
Al Qaeda (from early 1996)
Ahmad Shah Massoud
Hussain Anwari
Abdul Haq
Abdul Rasul Sayyaf
Abdul Ali Mazari
Karim Khalili
Abdul Rashid Dostum
Gulbuddin Hekmatyar
Gul Agha Sherzai Mohammed Omar
Ayman al-Zawahiri
Afghanistan conflict (1978–present)
Saur Revolution (1978)
Herat uprising (1979)
Chindawol uprising (1979)
Bala Hissar uprising (1979)
Soviet–Afghan War (1979–89)
War in Afghanistan (2001–present)
This article covers a part of the contemporary Afghan history that started between 28 April 1992, the day that a new interim Afghan government was supposed to replace the Republic of Afghanistan of President Mohammad Najibullah, and the Taliban's conquest of Kabul establishing the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan on 27 September 1996.[6]
On 25 April 1992, a civil war had ignited between three, later five or six, mujahideen armies, when Hezbi Islami led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and supported by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) refused to form a coalition government with other mujahideen groups and tried to conquer Kabul for themselves. After four months, already half a million residents of Kabul had fled the heavily bombarded city.
The following years, several times some of those militant groups formed coalitions, and often broke them again. By mid 1994, Kabul's original population of two million had dropped to 500,000. In 1995–96, the new militia Taliban, supported by Pakistan and ISI, had grown to be the strongest force. By late 1994, the Taliban had captured Kandahar, in 1995 they took Herat, in early September 1996 they took Jalalabad, and eventually in late September 1996 they captured Kabul. Fighting would continue the following years, often between the now dominant Taliban and other groups (see Afghan Civil War (1996–2001)).
2 Outline of civil war (1992–96)
2.1 War over Kabul (28 April 1992–93)
2.2 War expanding (1994)
2.3 War over all Afghanistan, superiority Taliban (1995–96)
3.1 Jamiat-e Islami led by Ahmad Shah Massoud
3.2 Hekmatyar (Hezb-e Islami) / Pakistan's ISI
3.3 Hizb-i-Wahdat / Iran
3.4 Ittihad-i Islami / Saudi Arabia
3.5 Abdul Rashid Dostum (Junbish-i Milli) / Uzbekistan
3.6 Harakat-i-Inqilab-i-Islami
3.7 Taliban / Pakistan
4 Atrocities
5 Bombardments
6.1.1 April–May
6.1.2 June–July
6.1.3 August–December
6.1.4 Kandahar During the Same Time
6.2.1 January–February
6.2.1.1 Afshar
6.2.2 March–December
6.3.1 January–June
6.3.2 July–December
6.4.1 January–March
6.4.2 April–September
6.4.3 October–December
6.5.1 January–September
6.5.2 Taliban take-over
6.5.3 Aftermath
Main article: Afghan Civil War (1989–92)
In March 1992, President Mohammad Najibullah, having lost the Russian support which upheld his government, agreed to resign and make way for a neutral interim government. Several mujahideen parties started negotiations to form a national coalition government. But one group, the Hezb-e Islam led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, presumably supported and directed by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), did not join the negotiations and announced to conquer Kabul alone. Hekmatyar moved his troops to Kabul, and was allowed into the town soon after 17 April. This left the other mujahideen groups no other choice than to also enter Kabul, on 24 April, to prevent Hekmatyar from taking over the city and the country.[7][8]
This ignited a civil war between five or six rivalling armies, (nearly) all backed by foreign states. Several mujahideen groups proclaimed an 'interim government' on 26 April 1992 but this never attained real authority over Afghanistan.
Outline of civil war (1992–96)[edit]
War over Kabul (28 April 1992–93)[edit]
For background/explanation on the start of the fighting, and on the (ineffective) 'interim government', see: Afghan Civil War (1989–92), § Militias fight in Kabul (24–27 April 1992)
Fighting and rivalry over Kabul had started on 25 April 1992, involving six armies: Hezb-e Islami, Jamiat-e Islami, Junbish-i Milli, Ittihad, Hizb-i-Wahdat and Harakat-i-Inqilab-i-Islami. Mujahideen warlord Gulbuddin Hekmatyar (Hezb-e Islami), after talks with mujahideen leader Ahmad Shah Massoud (Jamiat-e Islami) on 25 May 1992, was offered the position of prime minister in President Mujaddidi's – paralyzed – 'interim government'. But this agreement shattered already on 29 May when Mujaddidi accused Hekmatyar of having rocket-fired his plane returning from Islamabad.[9]
By 30 May 1992, Jamiat and Junbish mujahideen forces were fighting against Hekmatyar's Hezb-e Islami again in southern Kabul. In May[10] or early June, Hekmatyar started shelling Kabul all around,[9][11] presumably with substantial support from the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).[10] Junbish and Jamiat in June shelled areas south of Kabul, Ittihad and Wahdat were fighting each other in west Kabul.[9] At the end of June 1992, Burhanuddin Rabbani took over the interim Presidency from Mujaddidi, as provided in the Peshawar Accords[9] – a paralyzed 'interim government' though, right from its proclamation in April 1992.[12]
In the rest of 1992, hundreds of rockets hit Kabul, thousands, mostly civilians, were killed, half a million people fled the town. In 1993, the rivalling militia factions continued their fights over Kabul, several cease-fires and peace accords failed.[13] According to Human Rights Watch, in the period 1992–95, five different mujahideen armies contributed to heavily damaging Kabul,[14][15] though other analysts blame especially the Hezb-e Islami group.[10][16]
War expanding (1994)[edit]
In January 1994, Dostum's Junbish forces and the Hizb-i-Wahdat joined sides with Hekmatyar's Hezb-e Islami.[13] Fighting this year also broke out in the northern town of Mazar-i-Sharif. In November 1994, the new, Islamic-inspired militia Taliban conquered Kandahar city, by January 1995 they controlled 12 Afghan provinces.[17]
War over all Afghanistan, superiority Taliban (1995–96)[edit]
In 1995, the battle in all Afghanistan raged between at least four parties: the Burhanuddin Rabbani 'interim government' with Ahmad Shah Massoud and his Jamiat-e Islami forces; the Taliban; Abdul Rashid Dostum with his Junbish-e Melli-ye Islami forces; and the Hizb-i-Wahdat; some of those last three at times formed (informal) alliances.[13] The Taliban captured Ghazni (south of Kabul) and Maidan Wardak Province (west of Kabul) and in February approached Kabul. In March 1995, Abdul Ali Mazari, leader of Hizb-i-Wahdat, allied with Taliban and let the Taliban enter Kabul. Massoud heavily bombarded Kabul, driving Wahdat and Taliban out. The Taliban then continued shelling Kabul and attacking Massoud's forces in Kabul.
In 1996, the Taliban grew stronger, as analysts say with decisive support from Pakistan.[18] This induced some other warring factions to form new alliances, starting with the Burhanuddin Rabbani 'interim government' and Hekmatyar with his Hezb-e Islami in early March. In July, a new government was formed by five factions: Rabbani's Jamiat-e Islami, the Hezb-e Islami, Abdul Rasul Sayyaf's Ittihad-i Islami, the Harakat-i-Islami, and Hizb-i-Wahdat's Akbari faction. Such alliances did not stop the advance and victories of the Taliban. On 27 September 1996, the Taliban, controlling already considerable parts of western, southern and eastern Aghanistan, conquered Kabul and pronounced their Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.[6]
Participants[edit]
Jamiat-e Islami led by Ahmad Shah Massoud[edit]
Jamiat-e Islami ('Islamic Society') was a political party of ethnic Tajiks, and included one of the strongest mujahideen militias in Afghanistan since 1979. Its military wing was commanded by Ahmad Shah Massoud
Hekmatyar (Hezb-e Islami) / Pakistan's ISI[edit]
According to the U.S. Special Envoy to Afghanistan in 1989–1992, Peter Tomsen, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar was hired in 1990 by the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) to conquer and rule Afghanistan in the benefit of Pakistani interests, which plan was delayed until 1992 as a result of US pressure to cancel it.[19]
In April 1992, according to self-made Afghan historian Nojumi,[20] the Pakistani intelligence agency Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) helped Hekmatyar by sending hundreds of trucks loaded with weapons and fighters to the southern part of Kabul.[21] In June 1992, Hekmatyar with his Hezb-e Islami ('Islamic party') troops started shelling Kabul.[22] The Director of the Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies at the Australian National University, Amin Saikal, confirmed the Pakistani support in 1992 for Hekmatyar: "Pakistan was keen to gear up for a breakthrough in Central Asia. ... Islamabad could not possibly expect the new Islamic government leaders ... to subordinate their own nationalist objectives in order to help Pakistan realize its regional ambitions. ... Had it not been for the ISI's logistic support and supply of a large number of rockets, Hekmatyar's forces would not have been able to target and destroy half of Kabul."[10]
Hizb-i-Wahdat / Iran[edit]
The Shia Hazara Hizb-e Wahdat-e Islami Afghanistan ('Islamic Unity Party of Afghanistan') of Abdul Ali Mazari was strongly supported by Shia Iran, according to Human Rights Watch, with Iran's Ministry of Intelligence and National Security officials providing direct orders.[22]
Ittihad-i Islami / Saudi Arabia[edit]
The Sunni Pashtun Ittehad-e Islami bara-ye Azadi-ye Afghanistan ('Islamic Union for the Liberation of Afghanistan') of Abdul Rasul Sayyaf was supported by Sunni Wahabbi Saudi Arabia, to maximize Wahhabi influence.[22]
Abdul Rashid Dostum (Junbish-i Milli) / Uzbekistan[edit]
The Junbish-i-Milli Islami Afghanistan ('National Islamic Movement of Afghanistan') militia of former communist and ethnic Uzbek general Abdul Rashid Dostum was backed by Uzbekistan.[10] Uzbek President Islam Karimov was keen to see Dostum controlling as much of Afghanistan as possible, especially in the north along the Uzbek border.[10] Dostum repeatedly changed allegiances.
Harakat-i-Inqilab-i-Islami[edit]
Mujahideen group Harakat-i-Inqilab-i-Islami ('Islamic Revolution Movement') is still rather unknown.[further explanation needed]
Taliban / Pakistan[edit]
The Taliban ('the students') have been described as a movement of religious students (talib) from the Pashtun areas of eastern and southern Afghanistan who had been educated in traditional Islamic schools in Pakistan.[14] The movement was founded in September 1994, promising to 'rid Afghanistan of warlords and criminals'.[17] Several analysts state that at least since October 1994, Pakistan and especially the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) were heavily supporting the Taliban.[17][23][24]
Professor Amin Saikal stated: "Hekmatyar's failure to achieve what was expected of him [later] prompted the ISI leaders to come up with a new surrogate force [the Taliban]."[10] Also a publication of the George Washington University stated: when Hekmatyar in 1994 had failed to "deliver for Pakistan", Pakistan turned towards a new force: the Taliban.[25]
Ahmad Shah Massoud, involved in the political and military turmoil of Afghanistan since 1973 and therefore not an impartial observer, in early September 1996 described the Taliban as the centre of a wider movement in Afghanistan of armed Islamic radicalism: a coalition of wealthy sheikhs (like Osama bin Laden) and preachers from the Persian Gulf advocating the Saudi's puritanical outlook on Islam which Massoud considered abhorrent to Afghans but also bringing and distributing money and supplies; Pakistani and Arab intelligence agencies; impoverished young students from Pakistani religious schools chartered as volunteer fighters notably for this group called Taliban; and exiled Central Asian Islamic radicals trying to establish bases in Afghanistan for their revolutionary movements.[26]
Although Pakistan initially denied supporting the Taliban,[27] Pakistan's Interior Minister Naseerullah Babar (1993-96) would later[when?] state, "we created the Taliban",[28] and Pervez Musharraf, Pakistani President in 2001-2008 and Chief of Army Staff since 1998, wrote in 2006: "we sided" with the Taliban to "spell the defeat" of anti-Taliban forces.[29] According to journalist and author Ahmed Rashid, between 1994 and 1999, an estimated 80,000 to 100,000 Pakistanis trained and fought in Afghanistan on the side of the Taliban.[30]
Atrocities[edit]
In 1992–93 in Kabul, the factions of Wahdat, Ittihad, Jamiat and Hezbi Islami regularly targeted civilians for attack, intentionally fired rockets into occupied civilian homes, or randomly fired into civilian areas.[15] In January–June 1994, 25,000 people died in Kabul due to fighting, with targeted attacks on civilian areas, between an alliance of Dostum's (Junbish) with Hekmatyar's (Hezbi Islami) against Massoud's (Jamiat) forces.[31]
In 1993–95, leaders of Jamiat, Junbish, Hizb-i Wahdat and Hezbi Islami could not keep their commanders from murder, rape and extortion, just as also the various warlords in north Afghanistan descended to such horridnesses.[14]
Bombardments[edit]
In 1992–95, Kabul was heavily bombarded and damaged. Some analysts emphasize the role of Hezbi Islami in "targeting and destroying half of Kabul"[10] or in heavy bombardments especially in 1992.[16] But Human Rights Watch in two reports stated that nearly all armies participating in the 1992–95 period of war contributed to "destroying at least one-third of Kabul, killing thousands of civilians, driving a half million refugees to Pakistan": Jamiat, Junbish, Hizb-i-Wahdat, Hezbi Islami[14] and Ittihad.[15]
As of November 1995, the Taliban also engaged in bombing and shelling Kabul, causing many civilians to be killed or injured.[32][33]
Timeline[edit]
April–May[edit]
Map showing political control in Afghanistan in 1992, following the collapse of the Najibullah government.
As of 28 April, an interim government under interim President Sibghatullah Mojaddedi, with interim minister of defense Ahmad Shah Massoud, claimed to be governing Afghanistan, as agreed in the Peshawar Accords.[12][7]
But soon, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and his Hezb-e Islami again infiltrated Kabul trying to take power. This forced other parties to advance on the capital as well. Already before 28 April, the Mujahideen forces that had fought against Russian troops with help from the US had taken command of Kabul and Afghanistan.[8] Hekmatyar had asked other groups such as Harakat-Inqilab-i-Islami and the Khalis faction to join him while entering Kabul, but they declined his offer and instead backed the Peshawar Accords. Hezb-i Islami entered the city from the south and west but were quickly expelled. The forces of Jamiat and Shura-i Nazar entered the city, with agreement from Nabi Azimi and the Commander of the Kabul Garrison, General Abdul Wahid Baba Jan that they would enter the city through Bagram, Panjshir, Salang and Kabul Airport.[34] Many government forces, including generals, joined Jamiat,[34] including the forces of General Baba Jan, who was at the time in charge of the garrison of Kabul. On 27 April, all other major parties such as Junbish, Wahdat, Ittihad and Harakat had entered the city as well.[22] After suffering heavy casualties, Hezb-e Islami forces deserted their positions and fled to the outskirts of Kabul in the direction of Logar province.
The Hezb-i Islami had been driven out of Kabul, but were still within artillery range. In May 1992 Hekmatyar started a bombardment campaign against the capital, firing thousands of rockets supplied by Pakistan.[10] In addition to the bombardment campaign, Hekmatyar's forces had overrun Pul-e-Charkhi prison while still in the centre of Kabul, and had set free all the inmates, including many criminals, who were able to take arms and commit gruesome crimes against the population.[35] With a government structure yet to be established, chaos broke out in Kabul.
The immediate objective of the interim government was to defeat the forces acting against the Peshawar Accord. A renewed attempt at peace talks on 25 May 1992 again agreed to give Hekmatyar the position of prime minister, however, this lasted less than a week after Hekmatyar attempted to shoot down the plane of President Mujaddidi.[22] Furthermore, as part of the peace talks Hekmatyar was demanding the departure of Dostum's forces, which would have tilted the scales in his favour.[22] This led to fighting between Dostum and Hekmatyar. On 30 May 1992, during fighting between the forces of Dostum's Junbish-i Milli and Hekmatyar's Hizb-i Islami in the southeast of Kabul, both sides used artillery and rockets, killing and injuring an unknown number of civilians.[34]
June–July[edit]
In June 1992, as scheduled in the Peshawar Accords, Burhanuddin Rabbani became interim president of Afghanistan.
From the onset of the battle, Jamiat and Shura-i Nazar controlled the strategic high areas, and were thus able to develop a vantage point within the city from which opposition forces could be targeted. Hekmatyar continued to bombard Kabul with rockets. Although Hekmatyar insisted that only Islamic Jihad Council areas were targeted, the rockets mostly fell over the houses of the innocent civilians of Kabul, a fact that has been well-documented.[22][36] Artillery exchanges quickly broke out escalating in late May–Early June. Shura-i Nazar was able to immediately benefit from heavy weapons left by fleeing or defecting government forces and launched rockets on Hekmatyar's positions near the Jalalabad Custom's Post, and in the districts around Hood Khil, Qala-e Zaman Khan and near Pul-e-Charkhi prison. On 10 June it was reported that Dostum's forces had also begun nightly bombardments of Hezb-i Islami positions.[16]
Particularly noticeable in this period was the escalation of the fight in West Kabul between the Shi'a Wahdat forces supported by Iran and those of the Wahhabist Ittehad militia supported by Saudi Arabia. Wahdat was somewhat nervous about the presence of Ittihad posts, which were deployed in Hazara areas such as Rahman Baba High school. According to the writings of Nabi Azimi, who at the time was a high ranking governor, the fighting began on 31 May 1992 when 4 members of Hezb-e Wahdat's leadership were assassinated near the Kabul Silo. Those killed were Karimi, Sayyid Isma'il Hosseini, Chaman Ali Abuzar and Vaseegh, the first 3 being members of the party's central committee. Following this the car of Haji Shir Alam, a top Ittihad commander was stopped near Pol-e Sorkh, and although Alem escaped, one of the passengers was killed.[37] On 3 June 1992, heavy fighting between forces of Ittihad-i Islami and Hizb-I Wahdat in west Kabul. Both sides used rockets, killing and injuring civilians. On 4 June, interviews with Hazara households state that Ittihad forces looted their houses in Kohte-e Sangi, killing 6 civilians. The gun battles at this time had a death toll of over 100 according to some sources.[38] On 5 June 1992, further conflict between forces of Ittihad and Hizb-i Wahdat in west Kabul was reported. Here, both sides used heavy artillery, destroying houses and other civilian structures. Three schools were reported destroyed by bombardment. The bombardment killed and injured an unknown number of civilians. Gunmen were reported killing people in shops near the Kabul Zoo. On 24 June 1992 the Jamhuriat hospital located near the Interior Ministry was bombed and closed. Jamiat and Shura-i Nazara sometimes joined the conflict when their positions came under attack by Wahdat forces and in June/July bombarded Hizb-i Wahdat positions in return. Harakat forces also sometimes joined the fight.[citation needed]
August–December[edit]
In the month of August alone, a bombardment of artillery shells, rockets and fragmentation bombs killed over 2,000 people in Kabul, most of them civilians. On 1 August the airport was attacked by rockets. 150 rockets alone were launched the following day, and according to one author these missile attacks killed as many as 50 people and injured 150. In the early morning on 10 August Hezb-e Islami forces attacked from three directions – Chelastoon, Darulaman and Maranjan mountain. A shell also struck a Red Cross hospital. On 10–11 April[clarification needed] nearly a thousand rockets hit parts of Kabul including about 250 hits on the airport. Some estimate that as many as 1000 were killed, with the attacks attributed to Hekmatyar's forces.[16] By 20 August it was reported that 500, 000 people had fled Kabul.[39] On 13 August 1992, a rocket attack was launched on Deh Afghanan in which cluster bombs were used. 80 were killed and more than 150 injured according to press reports. In response to this, Shura-i Nazar forces bombard Kart-I Naw, Shah Shaheed and Chiilsatoon with aerial and ground bombardment. In this counterattack more than 100 were killed and 120 wounded.[22]
Hezb-i Islami was not however the only perpetrator of indiscriminate shelling of civilians. Particularly in West Kabul, Wahdat, Ittihad and Jamiat all have been accused of deliberately targeting civilian areas.[citation needed] All sides used non-precision rockets such as Sakre rockets and the UB-16 and UB-32 S-5 airborne rocket launchers.
In November, in a very effective move, Hekmatyar's forces, together with guerrillas from some of the Arab groups, barricaded a power station in Sarobi, 30 miles east of Kabul, cutting electricity to the capital and shutting down the water supply, which is dependent on power. His forces and other Mujahideen were also reported to have prevented food convoys from reaching the city.[citation needed]
On 23 November, Minister of Food Sulaiman Yaarin reported that the city's food and fuel depots were empty. The government was now under heavy pressure. At the end of 1992 Hizb-i Wahdat officially withdrew from the government and opened secret negotiations with Hizb-I Islami. In December 1992, Rabbani postponed convening a shura to elect the next president. On 29 December 1992, Rabbani was elected as president and he agreed to establish a parliament with representatives from all of Afghanistan. Also notable during this month was the solidification of an alliance between Hezb-i Wahdat and Hezb-i Islami against the Islamic State of Afghanistan. While Hizb-i Islami joined in bombardments to support Wahdat, Wahdat conducted joint offensives, such as the one to secure Darulaman.[40] On 30 December 1992 at least one child was apparently killed in Pul-i Artan by a BM21 Rocket launched from Hezb-i Islami forces at Rishkor.[41]
Kandahar During the Same Time[edit]
Kandahar was filled with three different local Pashtun commanders Amir Lalai, Gul Agha Sherzai and Mullah Naqib Ullah who engaged in an extremely violent struggle for power and who were not affiliated with the interim government in Kabul. The bullet riddled city came to be a centre of lawlessness, crime and atrocities fuelled by complex Pashtun tribal rivalries.[citation needed]
January–February[edit]
The authority of Burhanuddin Rabbani, interim President since June 1992 and also the leader of the Jamiat-i Islami party, remained limited to only part of Kabul; the rest of the city remained divided among rival militia factions. On 19 January, a short-lived cease-fire broke down when Hezb-i Islami forces renewed rocket attacks on Kabul from their base in the south of the city supervised by Commander Toran Kahlil.[42] Hundreds were killed and wounded while many houses were destroyed in this clash between Hizb-i Islami and Jamiat-i Islami.[citation needed]
Heavy fighting was reported around a Wahdat post held by Commander Sayid Ali Jan near Rabia Balkhi girls' school. Most notable during this period was the rocket bombardments that would start against the residential area of Afshar. Some of these areas, such as Wahdat's headquarters at the Social Science Institute, were considered military targets, a disproportionate number of the rockets, tank shells and mortars fell in civilian areas.[43] Numerous rockets were reportedly launched from Haider-controlled frontlines of Tap-I Salaam towards the men of Division 095 under Ali Akbar Qasemi. One attack during this time from Wahdat killed at least 9 civilians.[44] Further rockets bombardments took place on 26 February 1993 as Shura-i Nazara and Hezb-i Islami bombarded each other's positions. Civilians were the main victims in the fighting, which killed some 1,000 before yet another peace accord was signed on 8 March. However the following day rocketing by Hekmatyar's Hezb-i Islami and Hezb-i Wahdat in Kabul left another 10 dead.[45]
Afshar[edit]
See the main article for more information:
Main article: Afshar Operation
The Afshar Operation was a military operation by Burhanuddin Rabbani's Islamic State of Afghanistan government forces against Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's Hezb-i Islami and Hezb-i Wahdat forces that took place in February 1993. The Iran-controlled Hezb-i Wahdat together with the Pakistani-backed Hezb-i Islami of Hekmatyar were shelling densely populated areas in Kabul from their positions in Afshar. To counter these attack Islamic State forces attacked Afshar in order to capture the positions of Wahdat, capture Wahdat's leader Abdul Ali Mazari and to consolidate parts of the city controlled by the government. The operation took place in a densely populated district of Kabul, the Afshar district. Afshar district is situated on the slopes of Mount Afshar in west Kabul. The district is predominantly home to the Hazara ethnic group. The Ittihad troops of Abdul Rasul Sayyaf escalated the operation into a rampage against civilians. Both Ittihad and Wahdat forces have severely targeted civilians in their war. The Wahhabist Ittihad supported by Saudi Arabia was targeting Shias, while the Iran-controlled Wahdat was targeting Sunni Muslims.[citation needed]
March–December[edit]
Rabbani and Hekmatyar handshaking after signing a power-sharing deal on March 7, 1993. However Hekmatyar soon returned to fighting against Rabbani's government.
Under the March accord, brokered by Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, Rabbani and Hekmatyar agreed to share power until elections could be held in late 1994. Hekmatyar's condition had been the resignation of Massoud as minister of defense. The parties agreed to a new peace accord in Jalalabad on 20 May under which Massoud agreed to relinquish the post of Defense Minister. Massoud had resigned in order to gain peace.[citation needed] Hekmatyar at first accepted the post of prime minister but after attending only one cabinet meeting he left Kabul again starting to bomb Kabul leaving more than 700 dead in bombing raids, street battles and rocket attacks in and around Kabul. Massoud returned to the position of minister of defense to defend the city against the rocket attacks.[citation needed]
January–June[edit]
In January 1994, Dostum, for different reasons, joined with the forces of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. Hezb-i Islami, along with their new allies of Wahdat and Junbish-i Milli, launched the Shura Hamaghangi campaign against the forces of Massoud and the interim government. During this, Hezb-i Islami was able make use of Junbish's air force in both bombing the positions of Jamiat and in resupplying their men. This led to greater artillery bombardment on behalf of Hezb-i Islami.[36] Hezb-i Islami and Junbish were able to hold parts of central Kabul during this time. Junbish forces were particularly singled out for committing looting, rape and murder, for the sole reason that they could get away with it.[46] Some commanders such as Shir Arab, commander of the 51st regiment,[36] Kasim Jangal Bagh, Ismail Diwaneh ["Ismail the Mad"], and Abdul Cherikwere[22] particularly singled out. According to Afghanistan Justice Project, during this period until June 1994, 25,000 people were killed. Areas around Microraion were particularly bloody. By now the population of Kabul had dropped from 2,000,000 during Soviet times to 500,000 due to a large exodus from Kabul.[47]
July–December[edit]
According to Human Rights Watch, numerous Iranian agents were assisting Hezbe Wahdat, as "Iran was attempting to maximize Wahdat's military power and influence in the new government".[10][22][48] Saudi agents "were trying to strengthen the Wahhabi Abdul Rasul Sayyaf and his Ittihad-i Islami faction to the same end".[10][22] "Outside forces saw instability in Afghanistan as an opportunity to press their own security and political agendas."[25] Human Rights Watch writes that "rare ceasefires, usually negotiated by representatives of Ahmad Shah Massoud, Sibghatullah Mojaddedi or Burhanuddin Rabbani (the interim government), or officials from the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), commonly collapsed within days."[22]
The Taliban movement first emerged on the military scene in August 1994,[citation needed] with the stated goal of liberating Afghanistan from its present corrupt leadership of warlords and establish a pure Islamic society. It was reported in the December 2009 edition of Harper's Weekly that the Taliban originated in the districts around Kandahar city.[49] By October 1994 the Taliban movement had according to academic consensus and on-the-ground reports attracted the support of Pakistan[50][51][52][53][54][55][56][57] which saw in the Taliban a way to secure trade routes to Central Asia and establish a government in Kabul friendly to its interests.[58][59][60][61] Pakistani politicians during that time repeatedly denied supporting the Taliban.[27][62] But senior Pakistani officials such as Interior Minister Naseerullah Babar would later state, "we created the Taliban"[28] and former Pakistani President Musharraf would write "we sided" with the Taliban to "spell the defeat" of anti-Taliban forces.[29]
In October 1994 a bomb struck a wedding ceremony in Qala Fathullah in Kabul, killing 70 civilians. No fighting had been witnessed in the area in several days according to reports.[63]
Also in October 1994, the Taliban revolted in Kandahar. On October 12, 1994, the Taliban scored their first victory when they captured the Kandahar district of Spin Boldak.[49] They then captured Kandahar city on 5 November 1994 and soon went on to capture most of the south.
By the end of 1994, Junbish and Dostum were on the defensive in capital Kabul, and Massoud's forces had ousted them from most of their strongholds. Massoud more and more gained control of Kabul. At the same time Junbish was able to push Jamiat out of Mazar-e Sharif.
January–March[edit]
Interim President Rabbani refused to step down at the end of his term on 28 December 1994, and on 1 January UN peace envoy Mahmoud Mistiri returned to Kabul.[6] On 10 January Rabbani offered to step down and turn over power to a 23-member UN interim administration if Hikmatyar agreed to withdraw. On 12 January a cease fire was agreed, but bombing began again on 19 January, killing at least 22.[6] Between 22 and 31 January, Dostum's Junbish party bombed government positions in Kunduz town and province, killing 100 people are and wounding over 120. The town fell to Dostum on 5 February. Rabbani further delayed his resignation on the 21st, stating he would resign on the 22nd.[6] In late January, Ghazni fell to the Taliban. Hikmatyar lost hundreds of men and several tanks in the battle, which included a temporary alliance between the Taliban and the forces of Rabbani.[6]
Meanwhile, the Taliban began to approach Kabul, capturing Wardak in early February and Maidan Shar, the provincial capital, on 10 February 1995. On 14 February 1995, Hekmatyar was forced to abandon his artillery positions at Charasiab due to the advance of the Taliban, who were, therefore, able to take control of this weaponry. During 25–27 February clashes broke out in Karte Seh, Kote Sangi and Karte Chahar between government forces and Hizb-e Wahdat, resulting in 10 dead and 12 wounded.[6] In March, Massoud launched an offensive against Hizb-e Wahdat trapping Wahdat forces in Karte Seh and Kote Sangi. On 8 March, unable to retreat with the Taliban in the rear, Hizb-e Wahdat's leader Abdul Ali Mazari allied himself with the Taliban, allowing them to enter Kabul, although many of Wahdat's forces joined Massoud instead. At this time, Massoud's forces heavily bombarded Western Kabul, managing to drive Wahdat out. According to other reports, the forces of Jamiat-e Islami also committed mass rape and executions on civilians in this period.[64] The Taliban retreated under the bombardment, taking Mazari with them and throwing him from a helicopter en route to Kandahar. The Taliban then continued to launch offenses against Kabul, using the equipment of Hizb-e Islami. While the Taliban retreated, large amounts of looting and pillaging was said to have taken place in south-western Kabul by the forces under Rabbani and Massoud against ethnic Hazaras.[65] Estimates of civilian casualties from this period of fighting are 100 killed and 1000 wounded.[6]
Starting on 12 March 1995 Massoud's forces launched an offensive against the Taliban and were able to drive them out from the area around Kabul, retaking Charasiab on 19 March and leading to a period of relative calm for a few months. The battle left hundreds of Taliban dead and the force suffered its first defeat. However, while retreating, the Taliban shelled the capital, Kabul. On 16 March, Rabbani stated, once again, that he would not resign. On 30 March, a grave of 22 male corpses, 20 of which were shot in the head, was found in Charasiab.[6]
April–September[edit]
On 4 April, the Taliban killed about 800 government soldiers and captured 300 more in Farah Province, but were later forced to retreat.[6] In early May, Rabbani's forces attacked the Taliban in Maidan Shar.[6] India and Pakistan agree to reopen their diplomatic missions in Kabul on 3–4 May. On 11 May, Ismail Khan and Rabbani's forces recaptured Farah from the Taliban. Ismail Khan reportedly used cluster bombs, killing 220–250 unarmed civilians.[6] Between 14 and 16 May, Helmand and Nimruz fall to Rabbani and Khan's forces. On 20 May, Wahdat forces captured Bamiyan. On 5 June, Dostum's forces attacked Rabbani's forces in Samangan. More than 20 are killed, and both forces continue to fight in Baghlan. On 9 June, a 10-day truce was signed between the government and the Taliban. On 15 June, Dostum bombed Kabul and Kunduz. Two 550-pound (250 kg) bombs are dropped in a residential area of Kabul, killing two and injuring one. Three land near the defence ministry.[6] On 20 June, the government recaptured Bamiyan. On 23 July, Dostum and Wahdat managed to recapture Bamiyan. On 3 August, the Taliban hijacked a Russian cargo aircraft in Kandahar and captured weapons intended for Rabbani. The Government captured Girishk and Helmand from the Taliban on 28 August, but were unable to hold Girishk. In September, Dostum forces captured Badghis. The Taliban were able to capture Farah on 2 September, and Shindand on the 3rd. On 5 September, Herat fell, with Ismail Khan fleeing to Mashhad. Some attribute this to the informal alliance between Dostum and the Taliban, along with Dostum's bombing of the city.[6] Iran followed by closing the border. On 6 September, a mob swarms the Pakistani embassy in Kabul, killing one and wounding 26, including the Pakistani ambassador.
October–December[edit]
On 11 October, the Taliban retook Charasiab. The National Reconciliation Commission presented its proposals for peace on the same day. On 15 October, Bamiyan fell to the Taliban. Between 11–13 November 1995 at least 57 unarmed civilians were killed and over 150 injured when rockets and artillery barrages fired from Taliban positions south of Kabul pounded the civilian areas of the city. On 11 November alone, 36 civilians were killed when over 170 rockets as well as shells hit civilians areas. A salvo crashed into Foruzga Market, while another struck the Taimani district, where many people from other parts of Kabul have settled. Other residential areas hit by artillery and rocket attacks were the Bagh Bala district in the northwest of Kabul and Wazir Akbar Khan, where much of the city's small foreign community lived.[32] In the north, Rabbani's forces fought for control of the Balkh Province, reclaiming many districts from Dostum.
On 20 November 1995, Taliban forces gave the government a 5-day ultimatum in which they would resume bombardment if Rabbani and his forces did not leave the city. This ultimatum was eventually withdrawn.[32] By the end of December, more than 150 people had died in Kabul due to the repeated rocketing, shelling, and high-altitude bombing of the city, reportedly by Taliban forces.[65]
January–September[edit]
On 2–3 January, Taliban rocket attacks killed between 20 and 24 people and wounded another 43–56.[6] On 10 January, a peace proposal was presented to the Taliban and opposition. On 14, January Hikmatyar blocks Kabul's western route, leaving the city surrounded. However, in mid-January, Iran intervened and the Khalili faction of Hizb-e Wahdat signed a peace agreement that lead to the opening of the Kabul-Bamiyan road. On 20 January, factional fighting broke out among the Taliban in Kandahar. On 1 February, Taliban jet-bombed a residential area in Kabul, killing 10 civilians. On 3 February, the Red Cross began to airlift supplies into Kabul.[6] On 6 February, the road is used to bring in more food. On 26 February, Hikmatyar and the pro-Dostum Ismaili faction of Sayed Jafar Nadiri fought in Pul-i Khumri, Baghlan Province. Hundreds were killed before a ceasefire was reached on 4 March and the Ismaili faction lost 11 important positions.[6]
In 1996, the Taliban returned to seize Kabul.[66] Analyst Ahmed Rashid considers the Taliban at that time to have been decisively supported by Pakistan;[citation needed] also less renowned sources suspect Taliban to have had support from Pakistan, considering their heavy weaponry.[33]
On 7 March, Hikmatyar and the Burhanuddin Rabbani government signed an agreement to take military action against the Taliban.
On 11 April, the government captured Saghar district in Ghor province from the Taliban, along with large stores of ammunition. Fighting continues, however, in Chaghcharan, and the Taliban captured Shahrak district.[6] On 4 May, the Iranian embassy in Kabul was shelled and two staff members were wounded. On 12 May, Hikmatyar's forces arrived in Kabul to help defend against the Taliban. On 24 May, another peace agreement was signed between Rabbani and Hikmatyar. On 24 June, Rasul Pahlawan, an Uzbek military leader in Afghanistan, was killed in an ambush near Mazar-i Sharif. This would later have significant impact on the balance of power in the North.[citation needed]
On 3 July, a 10-member cabinet is formed. Hikmatyar's party got the ministries of defense and finance; Rabbani got the ministries of interior and foreign affairs; Sayyaf's party got education, information and culture, while Harakat-i-Islami got planning and labor and social welfare and the Wahdat Akbari faction got commerce. 12 other seats were left open for other factions.[6]
On 8 August government forces captured Chaghcharan, but lost it again. On 11 September, Jalalabad fell to the Taliban, who then marched on Sarobi. On 12 September, the Taliban captured Mihtarlam in Laghman province. On 22 September, Kunar province fell to the Taliban.[6]
Taliban take-over[edit]
Map showing political control in Afghanistan in the fall of 1996, following the capture of Kabul by the Taliban.
On 25 September, the strategic town[6] of Sarobi, an eastern outpost of Kabul, fell to the Taliban[67] who captured it from interim government troops.[6] 50 people were killed and the Taliban captured many arms from fleeing government soldiers.[6]
On 26 September, with the Taliban attacking Kabul,[6] interim minister of defense Ahmad Shah Massoud in his headquarters in northern Kabul concluded that his and President Rabbani's interim government's forces had been encircled,[67] and decided to quickly evacuate[67] or withdraw[6] those forces to the north,[67][6] to avoid destruction.[67] Also Hekmatyar, leader of Hezb-e Islami, withdrew from Kabul.[6]
By nightfall,[67] or on the next day of 27 September,[6] the Taliban had conquered Kabul.[67][6] Taliban's leader Muhammad Umar appointed his deputy, Mullah Muhammad Rabbani, as head of a national ruling council which was called Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.[6] By now, the Taliban controlled most of Afghanistan.[5]
Aftermath[edit]
Main article: Afghan Civil War (1996–2001)
In its first action while in power, the Taliban hung former President Najibullah and his brother from a tower, after they had first castrated Najibullah[68] and then tortured them to death.[citation needed] All key government installations appeared to be in Taliban's hands within hours, including the presidential palace and the ministries of defense, security and foreign affairs.
On 5 October 1996, the Taliban attacked Massoud's forces in the Salang Pass but suffered heavy losses. On 1 October, Massoud retook Jabal Saraj and Charikar. Bagram was taken back a week later. On 15–19 October, Qarabagh changed hands before being captured by Massoud and Dostum's forces.[6] During 21–30 October, Massoud's forces stalled on the way to the capital. On 25 October, the Taliban claimed to have captured Badghis province and started to attack Dostum's forces in Faryab. On 27–28 October, anti-Taliban forces attempted to recapture Kabul but were unable to do so. On 30 October Dara-I-Nur District in Nangarhar province fell to anti-Taliban forces but was retaken in early November. Fighting also occurred in Baghdis province with no significant gains from either side. Ismail Khan's forces were flown in from Iran to support the anti-Taliban alliance. On 4 November, Dostum's forces bombed the Herat airport and anti-Taliban forces took control of Nurgal district in Konar province. Between 9 and 12 November, Dostum's jets bombed the Kabul airport, and between 11 and 16 approximately 50,000 people, mostly Pashtuns, arrived in Herat province, fleeing the fight in Badghis. On 20 November, the UNHCR halted all activities in Kabul. On 21–22 December, anti-Taliban demonstrations occurred in Herat as women demanded assistance from international organizations, but it was violently dispersed. On 28–29 December a major offensive is launched against Bagram airbase and the base is surrounded.[6]
The United Front, known in the Pakistani and Western media as the 'Northern Alliance', was created in opposition to the Taliban under the leadership of Massoud. In the following years over 1 million people fled the Taliban, many arriving to the areas controlled by Massoud. Freed from the horrific situation that had stopped his plans for Afghanistan in Kabul, Ahmad Shah Massoud established democratic structures in the areas under his control.[citation needed] The events of this war lead to the Afghan Civil War (1996–2001).
Sieges of Kabul
^ Hunter, Shireen; Thomas, Jeffrey L.; Melikishvili, Alexander (2004). Islam in Russia: The Politics of Identity and Security. M.E. Sharpe. p. 409. ISBN 978-0-7656-1282-3.
^ See sections Bombardments and Timeline 1994, Januari-June
^ See section Bombardments
^ See sections Atrocities and Timeline
^ a b Country profile: Afghanistan (published August 2008) (page 3). Library of Congress. Retrieved 13 February 2018.
^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af Afghanistan: Chronology of Events January 1995 - February 1997 (PDF) (Report). Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada. February 1997.
^ a b Sifton, John (6 July 2005). Blood-Stained Hands: Past Atrocities in Kabul and Afghanistan's Legacy of Impunity (chapter II, Historical background) (Report). Human Rights Watch.
^ a b Urban, Mark (28 April 1992). "Afghanistan: power struggle". PBS. Archived from the original on 9 July 2007. Retrieved 27 July 2007.
^ a b c d Sifton, John (6 July 2005). Blood-Stained Hands: Past Atrocities in Kabul and Afghanistan's Legacy of Impunity (ch. III, Battle for Kabul 1992-93) (Report). Human Rights Watch.
^ a b c d e f g h i j k Saikal (2004), p. 352.
^ [dead link] Kent, Arthur (9 September 2007). "Warnings About al Qaeda Ignored By The West". SKY Reporter. Archived from the original on 2 February 2013.
^ a b 'The Peshawar Accord, April 25, 1992'. Website photius.com. Text from 1997, purportedly sourced on The Library of Congress Country Studies (USA) and CIA World Factbook. Retrieved 22 December 2017.
^ a b c For details and reference sources see section 'Timeline' below
^ a b c d "Afghanistan: The massacre in Mazar-i Sharif. (Chapter II: Background)". Human Rights Watch. November 1998. Archived from the original on 2 November 2008. Retrieved 16 December 2013.
^ a b c Sifton, John (6 July 2005). Blood-Stained Hands: Past Atrocities in Kabul and Afghanistan's Legacy of Impunity (ch. III, Battle for Kabul 1992-93; see under § Violations of International Humanitarian Law) (Report). Human Rights Watch.
^ a b c d Jamilurrahman, Kamgar (2000). Havadess-e Tarikhi-e Afghanistan 1990–1997. Peshawar Markaz-e Nashrati. translation by Human Rights Watch. Meyvand. pp. 66–68.
^ a b c 'The Taliban'. Mapping Militant Organizations. Stanford University. Updated 15 July 2016. Retrieved 24 September 2017.
^ See reference sources in Taliban#Role of the Pakistani military and Taliban#Pakistan
^ Tomsen, Peter (2011). The Wars of Afghanistan: Messianic Terrorism, Tribal Conflicts, and the Failures of Great Powers. PublicAffairs. pp. 405–408. ISBN 1-58648-763-9.
^ 'The Rise of the Taliban' (etc.). Amazon.com. Retrieved 14 January 2018. N.B.: The relevance of this web page lies in the two 'Editorial Reviews' which suggest that mr. Nojumi is not held in great respect among acknowledged historians.
^ Nojumi (2002), p. 260.
^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Sifton, John (6 July 2005). Blood-Stained Hands: Past Atrocities in Kabul and Afghanistan's Legacy of Impunity (Report). Human Rights Watch.
^ Shaffer, Brenda (2006). The Limits of Culture: Islam and Foreign Policy. MIT Press. p. 267. ISBN 978-0-262-19529-4. Retrieved 30 September 2017. Pakistani involvement in creating the movement is seen as central
^ See further references in Taliban#Role of the Pakistani military and Taliban#Pakistan
^ a b Gandhi, Sajit, ed. (11 September 2003). "The September 11th Sourcebooks, Volume VII: The Taliban File". National Security Archive. George Washington University.
^ Coll (2004), p. 5 and 13.
^ a b Hussain, Rizwan (2005). Pakistan and the Emergence of Islamic Militancy in Afghanistan. Ashgate. p. 208. ISBN 978-0-7546-4434-7.
^ a b McGrath, Kevin (2011). Confronting Al-Qaeda: New Strategies to Combat Terrorism. Naval Institute Press. p. 138. ISBN 978-1-61251-033-0.
^ a b Musharraf, Pervez (2006). In the Line of Fire: A Memoir. Simon and Schuster. p. 209. ISBN 978-0-7432-9843-8.
^ Maley, William (2009). The Afghanistan Wars: Second Edition. Palgrave Macmillan. p. 288. ISBN 978-1-137-23295-3.
^ "Casting Shadows: War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity: 1978–2001" (PDF). Afghanistan Justice Project. 2005. p. 63. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 October 2013. Retrieved 16 December 2013.
^ a b c Afghanistan: Further Information on Fear for Safety and New Concern: Deliberate and Arbitrary Killings: Civilians in Kabul (Report). Amnesty International. 16 November 1995.
^ a b Video 'Starving to Death', Massoud defending Kabul against the Taliban siege in March 1996. (With horrifying pictures of civilian war casualties.) By Journeyman Pictures/Journeyman.tv. Retrieved on YouTube, 27 June 2018.
^ a b c Afghanistan Justice Project (2005), p. 65.
^ De Ponfilly, p.405[full citation needed]
^ a b c Afghanistan Justice Project (2005).
^ Mohammaed Nabi Azimi, "Ordu va Siyasat." p 606.[full citation needed]
^ Herbaugh, Sharon (5 June 1992). "Pro-Government militias intervene as fighting continues in Kabul". Associated Press.
^ Bruno, Philip (20 August 1992). "La seconde bataille de Kaboul 'le gouvernment ne contrôle plus rien". Le Monde.
^ Afghanistan Justice Project (2005), p. 71.
^ Afghanistan Justice Project (2005), p. 105.
^ "The Struggle for Kabul" Library of Congress Country Studies Archived 9 January 2017 at the Wayback Machine
^ Gutman (2008).
^ a b https://harpers.org/archive/2009/12/the-master-of-spin-boldak/4/
^ Shaffer, Brenda (2006). The Limits of Culture: Islam and Foreign Policy. MIT Press. p. 267. ISBN 978-0-262-19529-4. Pakistani involvement in creating the movement is seen as central
^ Forsythe, David P (2009). Encyclopedia of Human Rights. Volume 1: Afghanistan-Democracy and the Right to Participate. Oxford University Press. p. 2. ISBN 978-0-19-533402-9. In 1994 the Taliban was created, funded and inspired by Pakistan
^ Gardner, Hall (2007). American Global Strategy and the 'War on Terrorism'. Ashgate. p. 59. ISBN 978-1-4094-9589-5.
^ Jones, Owen Bennett (2003). Pakistan: Eye of the Storm. Yale University Press. p. 240. ISBN 978-0-300-10147-8. The ISI's undemocratic tendencies are not restricted to its interference in the electoral process. The organisation also played a major role in creating the Taliban movement.
^ Randal, Jonathan C. (2012). Osama: The Making of a Terrorist. I.B.Tauris. p. 26. ISBN 978-1-78076-055-1. Pakistan had all but invented the Taliban, the so-called Koranic students
^ Peimani, Hooman (2003). Falling Terrorism and Rising Conflicts: The Afghan "Contribution" to Polarization and Confrontation in West and South Asia. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 14. ISBN 978-0-275-97857-0. Pakistan was the main supporter of the Taliban since its military intelligence, the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) formed the group in 1994
^ Hilali, A. Z. (2005). US-Pakistan Relationship: Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan. Ashgate. p. 248. ISBN 978-0-7546-4220-6.
^ Rumer, Boris Z. (2015). Central Asia: A Gathering Storm?. Taylor & Francis. p. 103. ISBN 978-1-317-47521-7.
^ Pape, Robert A.; Feldman, James K. (2010). Cutting the Fuse: The Explosion of Global Suicide Terrorism and How to Stop It. University of Chicago Press. pp. 140–141. ISBN 978-0-226-64564-3.
^ Harf, James E.; Lombardi, Mark Owen (2005). The Unfolding Legacy of 9/11. University Press of America. p. 122. ISBN 978-0-7618-3009-2.
^ Hinnells, John; King, Richard (2007). Religion and Violence in South Asia: Theory and Practice. Routledge. p. 154. ISBN 978-1-134-19219-9.
^ Boase, Roger (2016). Islam and Global Dialogue: Religious Pluralism and the Pursuit of Peace. Routledge. p. 85. ISBN 978-1-317-11262-4. Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence agency used the students from these madrassas, the Taliban, to create a favourable regime in Afghanistan
^ Saikal (2004), p. 342.
^ Women in Afghanistan: A Human Rights Catastrophe (Report). Amnesty International. 17 May 1994.
^ a b "Afghanistan Human Rights Practices, 1995". U.S. Department of State. March 1996. Archived from the original on 11 July 2010. Retrieved 7 December 2009.
^ Maley, William (1998). Fundamentalism Reborn?: Afghanistan and the Taliban. New York University Press. p. 87. ISBN 978-0-8147-5586-0.
^ a b c d e f g Coll (2004), p. 14.
^ Lamb, Christina (29 June 2003). "President of hell: Hamid Karzai's battle to govern post-war, post-Taliban Afghanistan". The Sunday Times.
Casting Shadows: War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity: 1978-2001 (PDF) (Report). Afghanistan Justice Project. 2005.
Coll, Steve (2004). Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001. Penguin Group, London, New York etc. ISBN 0-141-02080-6.
Corwin, Phillip (2003). Doomed in Afghanistan: A UN Officer's Memoir of the Fall of Kabul and Najibullah's Failed Escape, 1992. Rutgers University Press. p. 70. ISBN 978-0-8135-3171-7.
Gutman, Roy (2008). How We Missed the Story: Osama Bin Laden, the Taliban, and the Hijacking of Afghanistan. US Institute of Peace Press. ISBN 978-1-60127-024-5.
Nojumi, Neamatollah (2002). The Rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan: Mass Mobilization, Civil War, and the Future of the Region. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-312-29584-4.
Saikal, Amin (2004). Modern Afghanistan: A History of Struggle and Survival. I.B.Tauris. ISBN 978-0-85771-478-7.
Afghanistan – the Squandered Victory by the BBC (documentary film directly from the year 1989 explaining the beginning of the turmoil to follow)
Afghanistan 1989 on YouTube
Massoud's Conversation with Hekmatyar (original document from 1992)
The Conversation on YouTube
Commander Massoud's Struggle by Nagakura Hiromi (from 1992, one month after the collapse of the communist regime, after Hekmatyar was repelled to the southern outskirts of Kabul, before he started the heavy bombardment of Kabul with the support of Pakistan)
Hekmatyar attacks Kabul but is repelled on YouTube
Massoud is popular among the people who also trust him to rebuild their country on YouTube
Massoud tries to prevent war between Ittehad and Wahdat on YouTube
Massoud talks about his convictions on YouTube
Starving to Death Afghanistan (documentary report) by Journeyman Pictures/ABC Australia (from March 1996)
Taliban attack Kabul and Massoud on YouTube
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Chicago has always been that big brother I always wanted. Chicago has taught me how to persevere through adversity and how to jump back up whenever I get knocked down. Chicago has always helped me focus, a walk along the lake clears my head every time. Most importantly, Chicago has pushed me to always work harder and to never settle.
This past weekend everything Chicago ever taught me paid off. Manbque, an organization I created with some of my best friends, finally got accepted by my big brother Chicago. I'm not one to ever get sappy, but I cannot fully put into words what it means to have something that I have devoted so much time and love into get recognized by such iconic, Chicago-born outlets such as the Chicago Tribune, WGN and JBTV.
I just wanted to take this moment to thank everyone who has helped me along the way. Without all of you, Manbque would not be what it is and would not be going where it is.
Thank you, friends and thank you, Chicago.


text:
Q: API REST Verbe-type use GET instead of POST i have a problem that i don't understand. I communicate with API, in my function i write this :
        ...
        oRequest = WebRequest.Create(cUrl & "/Arbres/Ajouter")
        oRequest.Method = "POST"
        oRequest.ContentType = "text/json"
        ...
        Using writer As New StreamWriter(oRequest.GetRequestStream)
            writer.Write(cJSON)
            writer.Flush()
        End Using
        ...
        Using Response As WebResponse = oRequest.GetResponse
            Using dataStream As Stream = Response.GetResponseStream()
                Using reader As New StreamReader(dataStream)
                    responseFromServer = reader.ReadToEnd()
                End Using
            End Using
        End Using

My Verb-type is POST, but sometimes i receive the next error message :
Cannot send a content-body with this verb-type, a request verb-type is GET
"WebRequest.Create" normally intialize a new instance no ?
How is it possible that the verb is "GET" when I enter a type of "POST" verb well ?
Would it be possible that a request of type "GET" is not correctly closed in a thread and that the code would resume this request instead of my request of type "POST" ?

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Lego-style robot capable of fitting in tight spaces could aid underwater search and rescue operations
It is the latest invention to come out of the University of Sheffield and it will be unveiled at the Conference on Robotics and Automation in Stockholm
Meet the Lego-style robot that could help in underwater searches
A group of British scientists has built a Lego-style aquatic robot capable of performing underwater search and rescue operations.
The invention is the brainchild of the University of Sheffield and it will be unveiled at the Conference on Robotics and Automation taking place Stockholm, Sweden.
Their study has involved a set of robotic modules that, similar to Lego, can be assembled into robots which can be customised depending on their task.
Dr Roderich Gross, from the Department of Automatic Control and Systems Engineering, is leading the team.
He said: " One of the challenges in robotics is to make robots small enough so that they can travel through confined spaces that are otherwise inaccessible.
The Lego-style robot could help in underwater searches (
YouTube / The University of Sheffield)
"Shrinking robots down, potentially to sub-millimetre scale, puts severe constraints on the hardware and therefore how much information these robots can process.
Google has come up with a bizarre way to stop pedestrians getting run over by its driverless cars
The university said the robots offer new solutions to problems requiring "reconfigurable systems" to move precisely in confined spaces, such as the inspection of underground water pipes.
Intelligent robots
Robots to have 'moods and emotions'
Driverless cars are coming
Disaster relief 'bots
Matthew Doyle, a PhD student from the Department of Automatic Control and Systems Engineering, has been working on the project.
He said: "One potential use for a robot like this is during search and rescue operations in an underwater environment.
The latest invention from the University of Sheffield will be officially unveiled in Sweden (
"You may not know the situation in advance, and the robot will have to adapt to whatever it faces.
"The modules could split up and search for survivors more quickly and recombine to lift a heavy object and open up a passageway.
"This type of robot could also be used by utility companies wanting to deal with blockages or faults in pipes that are difficult and expensive to access from the surface."
University of SheffieldLegoRobots

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Navigating the Media Maelstrom
How our hyper-connected age is destroying attention spans, eroding critical-thinking & tearing us apart...
By David DeGraw
Global Research, October 31, 2019
Theme: Intelligence, Media Disinformation
The multi-tabbed, multi-screen, multi-channeled, multi-media prism through which we currently experience the world is already wreaking havoc with our ability to think clearly.
The constant competition between signals clawing for attention erodes our 'working memory' - the neural architecture associated with our capacity for controlled attention and complex reasoning.
Increasingly we interact with information through stimulus-driven attention; the unthinking animal response.
Any mashup of dubious stats, images, half-truths and hyperbole can be arranged in a way that can make the most preposterous conclusions appear plausible.
The ease of access to information through search engines has created the illusion that truth is at our fingertips, instead, it is the ability to justify any prejudice or bias in seconds, or find communities to do it on our behalf.
Manipulation, Tribalism & Estrangement From Reality
From artfully crafted selfies to outrage-inducing memes, we treat information pulled from the Media Maelstrom like so much ochre paste and seashells; simply baubles with which to decorate ourselves, there to signal social status and tribal allegiance.
Outrageous claims don't need to stand up to much scrutiny because we're often not even thinking about this media – and max-out on cognitive biases when we do.
Indeed, scrutiny is increasingly hard work.
Even when we can force ourselves to wield deep attention long enough to do some sleuthing, the vast amounts of information available to us means that any topic can be explored in fractal levels of detail, with certainty itself remaining frustratingly elusive.
While "truth" might indeed lurk out there in the murk of the deep web, journeying out there to find it and bringing it back to the ordinary world is far too onerous for many to contemplate.
Instead, things are "true" when they provide social validation within a like-minded peer group — the only metric of consequence — and not any proximity to empirical reality.
It will come as little surprise to the reader that these frailties are routinely exploited.
The Darwinian struggle for attention – between advertisers, marketers, bloggers, charlatans, narcissists, political fanatics, religious zealots, propagandists and general attention seekers – results in a race-to-the-bottom tactic to trigger emotions and get a hasty share or retweet.
Our Descent into the Maelstrom
Writing during the twilight age of literature, maverick media theorist Marshall McLuhan devoted his life to the understanding of the global mass media and its effect on human behavior.
He argued that by changing our sense ratios, different communication technologies altered the focus of our mental attention and affected us both on an individual and societal level.
The media theorist Kevin Kelly similarly writes of how the medium of the book neurologically changed the brain, making it 'focused, immersed,' training our minds to follow a single topic in incredible depth.
He calls it "literature space:"
"One can spend hours reading on the web and never encounter this literature space. One gets fragments, threads, glimpses.
That is the web's great attraction: miscellaneous pieces loosely joined.
But without some kind of containment, these loosely joined pieces spin away, nudging a reader's attention onwards, wandering from the central narrative or argument."
In 2007, English professor Katherine Hayles wrote of modern media causing a shift from 'deep attention' that involves concentrating one's mental focus on a single object or information stream, to what she calls 'hyper attention,' which is: 'Characterized by switching focus rapidly among different tasks, preferring multiple information streams, seeking a high level of stimulation, and having a low tolerance for boredom.'
She did not see this so much as a new evolutionary adaptation to cope with the challenges of navigating the Media Maelstrom, so much as a reversion to a much older way of processing sensory information, drawn from our deep past in the Paleolithic jungle.
She wrote this the same year the iPhone entered the market, massively escalating the war for our attention, creating a new, user-friendly means for psychic contagion to spread at the speed of light, right into the palm of our hands.
McLuhan also saw that the mass media was making the world smaller, coining the phrase the "global village," prophesying electronic media (as he called it) would have a "retribalizing" effect on us by shifting us back to oral rather than literate cultural patterns.
While the idea of the global village has practically entered the common tongue, one lesser known metaphor ran through all of his work but perhaps summed up his thinking more totally; the Maelstrom.
The term was drawn from Edgar Allan Poe's short story, A Descent into the Maelstrom.
McLuhan saw the mass media as a titanic vortex pulling society towards new forms of behaviors — new ways of being — that threatened to completely overwhelm or even destroy it.
In the electric age, the fluid nature of information and the sheer amount of it thwarted our attempts at top-down classification methods so characteristic of literate culture.
His hope, like the sailor protagonist of the poem, if we now study the perturbations and 'configurations' of the mass media, we can make sense of it and devise a way to escape its centripetal pull.
As McLuhan put it:
"The huge vortices of energy created by our media present us with similar possibilities of evasion or consequences of destruction.
By studying the patterns of the effects of this huge vortex of energy in which we are involved, it may be possible to program a strategy of evasion and survival."
At the same time McLuhan was captivating television audiences with his often cryptic prophesies and ideas, the political scientist Herbert Simon was discussing the evolving landscape of communication technology from a less poetic, but perhaps more practical perspective.
When he coined the phrase "attention economy" in the early 70s, about 18 computers were attached to the internet. Even though the internet was still in its infancy, he could see how the growth of global mass media and cheap publishing were putting an increasing strain on our ability to collect and process information, writing that:
"A wealth of information creates a poverty of attention and a need to allocate that attention efficiently among the overabundance of information sources that might consume it."
He viewed this first and foremost as an organizational challenge; that "scarcity of attention in an information-rich world will be measured by the time, in minutes or hours, say, of a human executive" and as such, the information presented to them then needed to be accurate, useful and worthy of attention to begin with.
If it was deficient in any part and did not correspond to reality, any decisions based on it could be botched at best and catastrophic at worst.
The larger and more hierarchical the organization the greater the challenge, as each layer acts as an information filter that selectively processed data to channel to the top of the "pyramid."
This being the height of the Cold War, the hierarchical system that most concerned Simon was the American Government, writing that "a frightening array of matter converges on that single, serial information processing system, the President of the United States."
Today, Big Data problems are still primarily framed as commercial and organizational challenges; of how wisdom can be sourced from exponential oceans of data measured in exabytes, zettabytes or other numbers alien to human scale.
As more of us migrate online, and the more physical environment is colonized with information harvesting devices to catalogue every waking and sleeping moment, this is only going to get worse in the coming decades and centuries.
Today the sheer speed at which we are exposed to information undermines any systematic and rational analysis almost by its very nature, either as organizations or as an individual.
What was a whirlpool to McLuhan in the middle of the 20th century is today more akin to the Eye of Jupiter, a monster that, as it encroaches closer to our immediate realities, threatens to tear them apart.
In the words of the biologist E.O. Wilson:
"We are drowning in information, while starving for wisdom.
The world henceforth will be run by synthesizers, people able to put together the right information at the right time, think critically about it, and make important choices wisely."
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This article was originally published on Changemaker.Media.
All images in this article are from Changemaker.Media
Copyright © David DeGraw, Global Research, 2019
Articles by: David DeGraw
Disclaimer: The contents of this article are of sole responsibility of the author(s). The Centre for Research on Globalization will not be responsible for any inaccurate or incorrect statement in this article. The Centre of Research on Globalization grants permission to cross-post Global Research articles on community internet sites as long the source and copyright are acknowledged together with a hyperlink to the original Global Research article. For publication of Global Research articles in print or other forms including commercial internet sites, contact: public[email protected]


The raid on Demonoid's servers and the reports that a criminal investigation has been started against the site is causing some panic among the site's users. Was the user data encrypted? Can the authorities see what people have downloaded? Without official comment from Demonoid's admin these questions are hard to answer, but a massive legal operation aimed at the site's users seems highly unlikely.
Earlier this week the news broke that after the popular BitTorrent tracker Demonoid suffered a DDoS and hacker attack, it had also been raidedby the Ukrainian authorities.
Roughly a week ago government investigators arrived at Demonoid's hosting provider ColoCall to pull the site offline. According to Sergei Burlakov of Ukraine's Ministry of Internal Affairs the authorities acted on a request from Interpol.
"The Division of Economic Crimes [DEC] received an international request from Interpol to send a request to the company ColoCall. DEC sent the request to the provider, after which the ISP decided to stop working with Demonoid," he said.
The request related to a criminal investigation in Mexico, where one person was arrested for his connection to the BitTorrent tracker last fall.
Judging by the strain on the TorrentFreak mailbox the raids have caused some of Demonoid's users considerable panic, probably due to them having shared copyrighted material via the site. Now that the Ukrainian police have access to Demonoid's data, they are naturally wondering to what extent they are exposed.
TorrentFreak posed this question to the sole tech admin of the site, but since the raids we haven't had a response. This means that we can't report whether some, all, or none of the user data was encrypted. What we do know is that Demonoid was prone to collecting erroneous stats, often counting uploads and downloads against users who never carried them out.
However, looking at similar raids in the past it seems highly unlikely that the authorities will go after large groups of individual users. Even if they do plan to target members (there is no indication at the moment) the most likely scenario is that they would single out a few of the top uploaders, or those who were the first to upload prominent movies, particularly if they did so in bulk.
The only thing we know for certain at this point is that there's an investigation against Demonoid in Mexico. A source inside ColoCall (Demonoid's former host) confirmed the Mexican connection when speaking to reporter Maria Popova of Ukrainian news site Kommersant.ua on August 6. Then working back, the MPAA reported the arrest of the site's admin to the USTR October 26, 2011 (see page 4 of this report), and the IFPI congratulated the Mexican Attorney General's office on the raid in this official government document from October 6, 2011.
This attack appears to be based on one single mention where we quoted the ColoCall source who said that the site's administration was based in Mexico. While we never gave any credence to the quote, in light of the previous documented arrest in Mexico, the MPAA's statement to the USTR and IFPI's congratulations to the Mexican government, we thought it was worth mentioning.
Of course this is not the first time that Demonoid "staff" have lashed out against TorrentFreak. In 2007 we were called out as liars by Demonoid's IRC and forum moderators when we reported that the CRIA was behind's Demonoid's downtime. A week later Demonoidconfirmed our report.
But back to the key point in hand – if we hear anything at all about the fate of user data on Demonoid, who has access to it and/or to what level it was encrypted, we'll be sure to report back.


The Bethesda Painting Awards was established by Carol Trawick in 2005. Ms. Trawick has served as a community activist for more than 25 years in downtown Bethesda. She is past Chair of the Bethesda Arts & Entertainment District, past Chair of the Bethesda Urban Partnership, Inc. and Founder of The Trawick Prize. Additionally, the Jim and Carol Trawick Foundation was established in 2007 after the Trawicks sold their successful information technology company.
Catriona Fraser, award-winning photographer, curator and juror is the nonvoting Chair of the The Trawick Prize.
*Young Artist whose birthday is after March 1, 1989 may be awarded this prize.
The Jurors will select up to 10 finalists who will be invited to display their work in a group exhibition at Gallery B in downtown Bethesda in June 2019.
The Bethesda Arts & Entertainment District invites eligible artists to enter the Bethesda Painting Awards. Artists must be 18 years of age or older and permanent, full-time residents of Maryland, Virginia or Washington, D.C. The selected artwork will be on exhibit in June 2019 at Gallery B in downtown Bethesda, MD.
All original 2-D painting including oil, acrylic, watercolor, gouache, encaustic and mixed media will be accepted. The maximum dimensions should not exceed 60 inches in width. No reproductions. Artwork must have been completed within the last two years and must be available for the duration of the exhibition. Artwork does not have to be for sale at the exhibition. Selected artists must deliver and pick up artwork to and from Gallery B. All works on paper must be framed to full conservation standards.


This is a collection of arrangements of well-known music set for 2 like-instruments (or may be combined with other transposing instruments). These serve as a great introduction to chamber playing and working together without a conductor. Pieces included are Hail the Conquering Hero, March Militaire, This Old Man Variations, Steal Away, Old MacDonald�s Farm, De Colores, Men of Harlech, Abide With Me and William Tell Overture.


Shake Smart is looking for high-energy, ambitious individuals. They focus on promoting from within the company. They offer an excellent opportunity to grow into managerial and administrative positions. Please visit http://shakesmart.com/contact/ for more information and to access application for submission to humanresources@shakesmart.com.
Maui Wowi is looking for employees to work in their Northern locations. Must have one year of continuous restaurant experience. Email for more info.
Domino's is hiring for all positions at all of their locations. 52 Area: Apply Online. 13 Area: Apply Online. 20 Area: Apply In Person.
Schlotzsky's is hiring. Email ca1715@sbcglobal.net for more information.
Johnny Rockets is now hiring a cook. Night shifts available. Apply in person at their Mainside Center location, Bldg 15103. (760) 829-1258.


2. Santa Fe New Mexican - "2016 becoming deadly year for motorcyclists"
3. University of Wyoming - "UW Faculty Member Co-Edits New Book That Honors Frison and Haynes"
4. News Wise - "State Helping New Mexico Women Get 3D Mammograms"
5. News Wise - "Telephones Can Bring Cancer Genetic Counseling to Rural Women"
6. Western New Mexico University - "Wilderness First Aid Certification"
7. Daily Journal - "A contemporary sculpture of an indigenous deity with origins from central Mexico is being displayed at the University of New Mexico"


The project was awarded to Inland Asphalt Co. on February 25.
This project is located on US 2 between MP 299.74 and 306.01 in Spokane County. This project involves bridge deck repair, hot mix asphalt, grinding and paving. It also includes the installation of guardrails and rumble strips.
This project will rehabilitate the existing pavement to preserve the pavement structure while achieving the lowest life cycle for pavement service life.
The project is expected to begin no later than May 5, and last through late summer 2019.


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Whatever your creative passion, we've got you covered. Explore the options...
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VET+ Short Courses
All you need to know about making it into JMC - how to apply, intakes, pathways + more.
How to Apply + Enrol
Intake + Census
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We've been around a while and know all about making it in the creative industries. Find out what we're about.
The JMC Advantage
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Whether you're a current student or a future one - we've got the perfect event to keep you connected. Register today!
2011 Academy Fulfilling Dreams
At the age of 26, Travis Crosbie traded in a well paying job in IT and a house to chase his dream of becoming a filmmaker.
"I'd always been interested in film," he says. "I sold my house to study full-time because I knew I couldn't pay the mortgage and study full-time. I believe you have to dream to know and, if I hadn't done this, I would have always wondered."
Crosbie, now 28, headed to JMC Academy to study film and television production. But he is walking away with far more than a qualification after he and fellow student Roman Meyer spent their final year creating a new class of hero for their film Scratch. The result was an action-comedy tale of a homeless man who runs into trouble with the mob.
A further bonus came when the film was singled out for two top awards at the Martini Awards held during JMC's Annual Short Film Festival. "It's been a great year for me," Crosbie says. The Martini Award entry was a 20-minute extract from the first attempt at a feature-length film, Crosbie explains. The recognition he received at the festival has put him one step closer to his dream of producing Scratch as a full-length film.
To read the article in full, click below.
Herald Sun Melbourne 14/12/2010
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We acknowledge Australian Aboriginal People and Torres Strait Islander People as the first inhabitants of the nation, and acknowledge Traditional Owners of the lands where our staff and students live, learn and work.
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Bumthang Sports Association is organizing an Open Mountain Bike Race on 21 st of April 2019. This is an event organizing for the first time in our Dzongkhag of its kind.
Domkhar Tsechu which is 3-day festival has a significant and unique Peling musk dances. The musk dance called Nga-Ging appears just before lunch break in the third day sees from the start till the end is a bumptious performance.


At the South Jersey law firm of Graziano & Flynn, P.C., we understand that losing a loved one in an accident is a very difficult time for you and your family. You are now faced with the task of rebuilding your life while still grieving. Whether your loved one was the family breadwinner, a family caretaker or a beloved child, he or she played an important role in your life.
We care about the well-being of grieving families. Our Cherry Hill wrongful death attorneys have handled many tragic accident fatality cases in our combined 60 years of practicing law. We will do all we can to be responsive to your needs. If you need support from mental health professionals during this difficult time, we can help you locate one if you need assistance doing so.
Whatever the cause of your loved one's death, the experienced fatal accident lawyers at Graziano & Flynn are there to provide the legal guidance you need to get you through it.
One aspect of a wrongful death case − although certainly not the only aspect − is an assessment of the financial impact of this loss on your family. While a financial settlement cannot address the grief you are suffering or turn back the clock, it can help with the medical bills, funeral expenses and the household assistance that your family member would have provided.
Our role as your legal advocate is to explain to a jury the seriousness of your loss and the many ways in which your life will change as a result.
The families of workers who die on the job are eligible to receive Social Security benefits and possibly wrongful death compensation against the employer. If an employee is killed while on the job because of the negligence of his or her employer or a fellow employee, the employee's family may make a claim against the company. The employer or fellow employee must be guilty of "gross negligence" (more than ordinary negligence).
For more information about how Graziano & Flynn, P.C., may be able to help you recover the compensation if you need to pursue a wrongful death claim in New Jersey, please call or contact us online.


The two trends in this article that most intrigue me: Immersive storytelling thanks to virtual reality and dark social – the type of sharing people do that isn't easily tracked.
Is Your Brand Storytelling Conflict Savvy?
Storytelling isn't just a buzzword. There's science behind it. In a study on storytelling, a dramatic narrative caused participants' brains to release oxytocin, which stirs feelings of connection, care, trust, and empathy, and cortisol, which is related to stress, causing people to pay attention and be more invested. And there is a classic structure to build in all the elements necessary to truly engage your audience.


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Les  sont une sous-région des Pouilles fort étendue, caractérisées par un haut plateau karstique de forme quadrangulaire située dans les Pouilles centrales. Dans la zone nord-occidentale se trouvent les reliefs les plus élevés :  (),  (),  () et  ().

Elles sont comprises pour une grande partie dans les provinces de Bari et Barletta-Andria-Trani et elles s'étendent à l'ouest jusque dans la province de Matera, en Basilicate. Elle se prolongent également vers le sud dans les provinces de Tarente et Brindisi.

Notes et références

Source de la traduction

Voir aussi

Articles connexes
 Canosa di Puglia
 Stracciatella di bufala

Liens externes

Bibliographie

Territoire dans les Pouilles
Province de Bari
Province de Barletta-Andria-Trani

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Fauz provides different industrial software products and solutions. Fauz provide industrial 4.0 complaint solutions. Fauz have experts and experience of Integrated advanced plant information management system, Computerized Maintenance Management System, EAM, Manufacturing Intelligence, Business Intelligence, ERP and LIMS (Lab Information Management System).
Beside software solutions Fauz provides Enterprise connectivity tools/suits for connectivity to PLC/DCS, SAP and oracle.
Predictive maintenance, Preventive maintenance and condition-based maintenance.
Fauz provides Safety Instrumented Systems that are not only proven in managing catastrophic risks but also are tightly integrated with the main control system to enhance overall plant availability and reliability. With our huge experience in the domain of oil & gas automation we ensure a seamless integration of disparate control systems, which helps in minimizing project costs in the short run and reducing plant maintenance and shutdown costs over the life of the asset.
14. Gourmet Lahore Supply & Installation of Refrigeration System, Ducting & Plumbing etc.


PhishTank is the Internet's largest clearinghouse of data about phishing scams, and the system that powers the OpenDNS anti-phishing service.
PhishTank is entirely community-powered. Internet users submit Web sites they suspect to be phishing scams, and others vote on whether or not they agree with the submitter. The result is the best phishing data available — both the most timely and accurate.
Submit a phish or vote on someone else's submission.
Phishing is the term used to describe Internet criminals setting up phony Web sites - made to look like a bank or other financial services company - then sending you fraudulent emails urging you to visit the site and hand over your personal information.


A project like no other is here. From location to architecture to interiors, Karan BellaVista has officially urban living. More abundant open areas with landscaped gradens and ample space between the buildings, the homes at Karan Bella Vista are blessed with the natural light by the day and stunnig views by the night.
Breathe in the fresh crisp air, huge fluffy clouds hanging low, trees rustling with leaves floating to the ground, paved sidewalks, scent of fresh flowers mixed with the morning dew.... such magnificence for an unruffled, composed and a peaceful living.
Apart from the breathtaking surroundings Karan Bella Vista has a layout that provides easy access to all the top class facilities - be it the club house, swimming pool or the gym. Its truly an impressive home crafted to suit your lifestyle.


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This is a list of public art in Madison County, Indiana.

This list applies only to works of public art accessible in an outdoor public space. For example, this does not include artwork visible inside a museum.

Most of the works mentioned are sculptures. When this is not the case (e.g., sound installation,) it is stated next to the title.

Anderson

Chesterfield

Notes

Tourist attractions in Madison County, Indiana
Madison County


Research shows that workers in the caring professions who do not have an outlet for securing their own well-being, develop 'compassion fatigue' and run out of energy to support others. The same is true for people who care for relatives. Talk for Health for Professionals and Carers can help.
Caring for others can be both rewarding and draining. Those who remain effective and happy in their work are those who get adequate support themselves.
Talk for Health offers a tailored programme for professional and other carers, which provides the space and builds the caring networks to recharge carers' compassion batteries.


There are several things you can do when it comes to reviewing a car. First, you should find a reputable online marketplace like Cars.com that gives you many ways to research vehicle makes and models. Cars.com provides customer reviews that are honest and written by real people just like you. They also provide expert reviews and blogs detailing everything you need to know about a car, including what Cars.com likes and doesn't like so much about each make and model on the market.
The Cars.com online marketplace also prides itself in giving you the best of the best when it comes to safety ratings. They conduct regular car seat safety checks and help you better understand car seats, as well as what cars have to offer for children. You can read more here https://www.cars.com/articles/2013/09/how-carscom-conducts-car-seat-checks/. The video offers you a great way to compare cars according to the car seats they support, and help you understand those safety features more in depth.
Cars.com prides itself on working with reputable dealers, but sometimes sales by owners don't get as much attention. Make sure you meet the seller in public. Be sure to never give money over unless you get a title. Just simply be aware of your surroundings and have a clear mind going in. Ask a lot of questions and be sure to take someone with you – never meet a private seller alone. As for dealership cars, Cars.com gives you loads of tools to make more informed decisions on those cars too.
When it comes to buying, selling and trading safe cars Cars.com has got you covered. They'll help you learn how to sell your car and calculate your car's true value, so you get the most on your trade-in. You can even calculate future payments if you decide to finance. The best tool is the multi-car comparison tool that lets you put cars side-by-side and compare safety features. This is a great way to narrow down your choices and really buy the safe car that you want! Don't forget that when you buy your favorite vehicle you can also use Cars.com to keep up to date on all the latest safety recalls and notices. They help keep you safe long after you drive your car off the lot.


An auto accident is a devastating event that causes serious injuries or even death. When someone else is responsible for causing your car accident, there are laws that allow you to receive compensation. In general, the key requirement in all car accident cases is establishing certain elements to prove negligence.
There are specific requirements for showing that someone was negligent or careless in a way that should make him or her legally culpable for damages. As an auto accident victim, it will be your burden to establish these elements to prove negligence in a legal case.
First and foremost, this means proving that the driver owed you a duty of care. Proving a duty of care is normally relatively straightforward, since all drivers on public roadways have a duty of acting safely toward other drivers, passengers, pedestrians, and others sharing the road, such as using a blinker when switching lanes or making a turn.
Once you prove a duty of care is owed, you must prove it was breached. Essentially, you must prove that the driver who caused the accident didn't live up to the duty of care by driving recklessly or negligently, which caused you injury.
It's also important to show that the negligence was the direct or proximate cause of the injury. For instance, you would need to prove that the negligence led to a car accident and resulted in injuries.
There are two ways of proving negligence after an auto accident claim: ordinary negligence and negligence per se. A lawyer may advise you to consider presenting both theories of negligence in your case in order to have the best chance of recovering compensation for your car accident.
Ordinary or common law negligence cases are based on the idea that a duty of care is owed by drivers to all other drivers, pedestrians, and bikers on the road. When this duty of care is breached, the driver is considered legally negligent.
The key, therefore, is determining whether the duty of care was breached. To do this, the behavior of the driver is compared to how a hypothetical reasonable driver would behave.
In other words, if a reasonable driver would've been more prudent, such as by paying more attention when driving, not speeding, or yielding the right of way, then the driver in question can be said to have breached the duty of care. The driver would be negligent in this case and held responsible for damages.
Negligence per se is a doctrine that says that someone is assumed to be negligent when he or she violates a safety rule. For instance, speed limit laws were passed to ensure that the roads are safe. A driver who breaks the speed limit laws is behaving in a negligent and unsafe manner.
When the negligence per se legal theory is used, you don't need to prove the other driver was negligent. It's enough to prove that the safety law was broken and because the law was broken it caused you injury. A traffic citation and police report can be instrumental in proving the other driver's violation.
Proving negligence can be a legally complex process and you should have appropriate evidence to prove your case. There is no reason to risk losing your due compensation because of hiring an inadequate attorney. An attorney at the Law Office of Julie Johnson can assist you in determining what legal theory to use for your case and how to prove negligence under the law. Contact the Law Office of Julie Johnson for help with your case.


Martinsville dropped a tough conference game to Mooresville tonight. The game was tight with each side conceding few chances. Martinsville gave up only one goal in the run of play with the other two being an own goal and a PK.
In the JV gave Martinsville lost 4-1. Destiny Dickey scored for Martinsville.


When we pressed Mr. Assimwe further to give concrete reasons for the removal of Mr. Mulama from his position, he again referred us back to the same statement. However, The Chronicles has reliably learnt that the removal of Mr. Mulama is related to the arrest in November last year of three journalists by the police.
Multiple sources intimately familiar with the decision but who preferred anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter told The Chronicles that after the arrest of Mr. Joseph Bideri, the former Managing Director of The New Times, Jean Gualbert Burasa of Rushyashya and Rene Anthere Rwanyange, the MHC wrote a letter to the Inspector-General of Police condemning the arrest. The letter was copied to a number of government institutions, including the office of the president.
The problem, according to our highly placed sources is that while government was also unhappy that the journalists had been arrested, a decision had been taken then to resolve the matter internally without any press releases but this was not entirely respected. At the time, the MHC wanted to write a press release but refrained following this decision and instead wrote the letter. By writing the letter and copying it to different authorities, according to our sources, Mr. Mulama went against the advice of his line minister and the aforementioned decision. The Ministry for Cabinet affairs headed by Hon. Protais Musoni oversees media affairs.
When contacted, the chairman of the MHC could neither deny nor confirm this. When The Chronicles called Mr. Patrice Mulama, he confirmed he had been removed from his position but declined to give any details or reasons for his sacking. He simply said, 'The chairman can confirm on what the reasons are". When we inquired whether his removal is related to the letter he wrote to the Commissioner General of Police, he stated: "I have no idea, it would be better if you referred that to the chairman".
Mr. Mulama has been the executive secretary of the MHC since its birth in 2003. The new acting Executive Secretary is Mr. Emmanuel Mugisha who has been the director of Media Development at the same institution. Prior to that, Mr. Mugisha was a legal advisor in the same institution. He holds a degree in law from the National University of Rwanda.


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L7 Informatics Raises $13 Million in Series B Financing
Precision medicine software companies have raised almost $2 billion since 2010
L7 Informatics, a precision medicine software provider for life sciences and healthcare organizations, announced that it closed a $13 million Series B financing round.
Previous investors supported the financing along with several new investors, including Phoenix Venture Partners.
According to the company, proceeds from the latest financing will accelerate the commercialization of L7's Enterprise Science Platform (L7|ESP). The software platform simplifies data management, digitalizes, and automates workflows in therapeutics, diagnostics, medicine, and research.
L7|ESP is a clinical laboratory improvement amendments compliant software enabling diagnostic organizations to use a single platform for registering and processing samples, running complex analyses, reporting generation, and providing complete end-to-end assay automation, the company said.
The software also fosters digitization, automation, collaboration and expedites genomics research by building an integrated platform to manage scientific knowledge, processes, and data in one place, yielding better access to information and faster discoveries, according to the company.
"We are very excited to join the L7 mission. The company's Enterprise Science Platform has the core flexibility and breadth needed to advance healthcare and life sciences R&D and manufacturing into a new digital age," said Dr. Zach Jonasson, Managing Partner of Phoenix Venture Partners.
Vasu Rangadass, CEO of L7 Informatics of said, "We appreciate the shared commitment of our investors to L7's vision of digitalizing healthcare and life sciences R&D and manufacturing processes. This investment will enable us to continue expanding our product portfolio to support the growing demand for innovation in workflow and data management in life sciences."
According to the Mercom Funding database, precision medicine software companies have raised almost $2 billion since 2010.
Recently, Tempus, an AI-powered precision medicine company, announced a $200 million financing at an $8.1 billion post-money valuation. SomaLogic, another precision digital health company providing proteomic discovery and applications enhancing clinical decision making, raised $121 million in Series A funding round led by Casdin Capital.
Clinical Decision SupportFundingL7 InformaticsPrecision Medicine
Arjun Pradeep