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Don't Be Racist!
The following short essay is part of a project initiated by The Sociological Cinema to introduce young people to sociological ideas and explanations regarding important social issues. In this case, I met via Zoom with one precocious young sociologist named Halcyeon for about 30 minutes each week from April to December 2020. Drawing from a wide range of resources, including The 1619 Project from The New York Times, we surveyed the history of race and racism in the United States. As the new year and our final class together approached, I asked Halcyeon to write down his thoughts about the cause of racism and what can be done to end it. What follows is his answer.
Lester Andrist, editor-in-chief
he root of racism in the U.S. is hard to pinpoint because it is so twisted. But the U.S. is not the only place that is racist. A lot of other countries are racist too. The main source, or as close as I can get to it, is the white slavers bringing black people over from Africa. The root cause of racism is because white slavers started to treat blacks as animals. Over time that started to create racism. Also white slavers beat black people, and to not feel guilty, white slavers thought black people were animals. At first, slavery and racism were not the same thing, slavery was "I conqured you, so you are my slave" and racism was "your black and I'm white, so I have more power than you." The U.S. brought slavery and racism together.
After slavery when black people got rights, white's didn't like it because, to them, giving black people rights is giving animals rights. Whites tried to suppress them again, so whites would not be equal to blacks. This piece of history is how racism started.
Racism is not a one-person problem. Racism is a group problem because people who have racist ideas find other people to back them up. In this way, racist people won't look weird because they are surrounded by a crowd of people who seem to share their ideas. Racism is a group problem so a group has to fix it. One person can't change all the people's minds in the U.S. just because he or she said something. That is not how the world works. You have to persuade them. Without the help of others, persuading them would take forever, so you need to have an antiracism group to back you up.
So here it is: this is your one easy step to stop racism. Your antiracism group will slowly persuade people to join your group and then you can change so many people's minds at once. As you slowly change people's minds, people will slowly start to dislike racism even more until everyone hates racism. We don't have to create a new antiracism group because such antiracism groups exist, like the Black Lives Matter group. So, we can jump into the fray and try to help overturn racism. We can all support Black Lives Matter just by putting a sign outside our front lawns. At least racism is not as bad as it was in the past because there was Jim Crow segregation and blacks could not go to the same school as whites. So let's pray that does not happen again. I hope the U.S. and all the other countries stop being racist. If we all work together, one day racism will cease to exist.
Halcyeon A.
Halcyeon A. is a 12-year-old 7th grader in middle school, who likes to play video games and watch anime. He also enjoys playing the clarinet and the sax while contemplating life during the pandemic.
Don't Be a Racist!
The following short essay is part of a project initiated by The Sociological Cinema to introduce young people to sociological ideas and explanations regarding important social issues. In this case, I met via Zoom with one precocious young sociologist named Aeonian for about 30 minutes each week from April to December 2020. Drawing from a wide range of resources, including The 1619 Project from The New York Times, we surveyed the history of race and racism in the United States. With our final class approaching, I asked Aeonian to write down her thoughts about the cause of racism and what can be done to end it. What follows is her answer.
he root cause of racism in the U.S. is that racist people don't want to be overpowered. Don't just say white people are racist, that is a lie! White people aren't the only racist people, other people can be racist too. My guess is 40% of white people are racist or have a racist history. The key point is that we must pay attention to how some people try to overpower other people based on race.
How can American Society overcome racism?
Racist people could try to welcome BIPOC folks more. If a racist person were in a BIPOC person's shoes, the racist person would know how bad they are acting. I think racist people should think more about what they do. Racist people might think, "Well, 'Black Lives Matter' means other people's lives don't matter," but Black Lives Matter isn't saying other lives don't matter. Black Lives Matter is saying, "Our lives matter too."
Like I said, a lot of white people are racist, but other people can be racist too. There was a racist guy at my school who was in my brother's fourth grade class, who went up to white people and said," you need milk," and then went up to black people and said, "you need chocolate milk." He wasn't white, he was Hispanic.
Consider John H. Brown, who was a white abolitionist leader in America. He was able to support the abolitionist cause by becoming a conductor on the Underground Railroad and by establishing the League of Gileadites, an organization established to help runaway slaves escape to Canada.
Whether people are Black, Indigenous, Asian, Hispanic, or white, the point is everyone should be against racism and willing to risk their lives to save other people's because we all need to help each other.
Aeonian A.
Aeonian A. is a 5th grader in Connecticut. In her free time, she likes to read books, such as Fuzzy Mud or Holes, and she likes to play video games with her friends. Her favorite subjects are writing, reading, and sometimes math.
Tracking the Model Minority Trope in Hollywood Film
e've all seen and heard it before: Smart. Rich. Asian. This stereotype is what's called the Model Minority Myth, and it characterizes Asian Americans as a polite, law-abiding group that has achieved a higher level of success compared to the general population through some innate talent somehow brought about by race and culture. We all know about this, but do we really understand how it came to be?
Boris Karloff in The Mask of Fu Manchu (1932)
Now, a myth like this didn't penetrate the public consciousness without outside help, and much of it can be traced back to media. To truly understand where this myth comes from, we'll have to go back to the 19th century, when Asians weren't perceived as model citizens just yet.
In fact, Asians in America were once seen as a scourge and were referred to as the Yellow Peril. This took on a new life in the United States, among pioneers and early settlers who were promised prosperity but were then met with nothing. Their anger was redirected to Chinese workers building the railroads along the Pacific, who became the scapegoats. It is because of this that Asians were originally perceived to be nefarious people looking to steal jobs and soil everything that America stands for.
This stereotype stuck around and even inspired some early films. Such portrayals can be found in the Chinese character in the 1932 film The Mask of Fu Manchu, where the titular Fu Manchu, played by Boris Karloff, was one of the earliest evil genius archetypes in modern cinema. Echoes of Yellow Peril can even be found in modern films, too, as the upcoming Marvel movie Shang-Chi and the Legend of the Ten Rings puts Shang-Chi, who is canonically the son of Fu Manchu, at the forefront.
So if Asians were painted in such a bad light, when did this all change? There are two events that perpetuated this shift. One is the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965, which abolished the quota system for immigration. Instead, the law based immigration off of familial ties and prioritized people who were skilled professionals. This led to an influx of Asian professionals migrating to the United States. Then there was William Petersen's January 1966 article in The New York Times, entitled "Success Story: Japanese American Style." The article proposed that the apparent success of Japanese Americans was due to their incarceration in internment camps during World War II, which gave them a great work ethic and strong cultural values. Petersen even proposed that this made Asians inevitably more successful than white Caucasians.
Ke Huy Quan as "Data" in The Goonies (1985)
To this day, iterations of this idea can be seen in modern film through characters like Data from The Goonies (1985) and Takashi Toshiro from Revenge of the Nerds (1984). Hollywood's insistent portrayal of Asian Americans as stereotypically smart characters feeds off of and reinforces these biases. In fact, researchers at Harvard and Ohio State Universities have found that media affects our subconscious judgments toward others. But the effects of film go way beyond just perception — as it can manifest in one's opportunities, developmental experiences, and even mental health.
According to the National Alliance on Mental Illness, the stereotype of all Asian Americans as wealthy, highly educated, and stable puts undue pressure on them. This makes them less likely to reach out for help regarding mental health issues and ultimately affects how they live their day-to-day lives. This is something highlighted by psychologists at Maryville University, who point out that mental health and learning success are intricately intertwined. And in the case of minorities who experience the enduring pressure of this cultural myth in Hollywood and the world that worships it, this can have drastic consequences. One such manifestation of this might be seen in how the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention now ranks suicide as the ninth leading cause of death among Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders.
John Cho and Kal Penn in Harold & Kumar Go to White Castle (2004)
So, are all stereotypes bad? While that may sound like an absurd question to ask, the nuances of this subject are best described under the lens of what many perceive as a positive stereotype: Asian Americans are all brilliant in the fields of math and science. Unlike other stereotypes, especially those surrounding other racial and ethnic groups, this one pushes a positive narrative. But not unlike other stereotypes, all the Model Minority Myth does is cause harm to the minority that it pertains to.
This is why films like Harold and Kumar Go To White Castle (2004) are admirable when put under the lens of the Model Minority Myth, as the inherent incompetence of the characters can be seen as a subversion of years upon years of systemic discrimination. The bottom line, of course, is that although Asian characters can be portrayed as intelligent, they should never be defined as intelligent for simply being Asian.
Y. Gbadamosi
Y. Gbadamosi is a 21-year-old business studies student who enjoys traveling and a good cup of coffee. She loves Film and its influence on mainstream culture
Is Kevin Costner's "McFarland, USA" a White-Savior Film? Well, Yes and No
Is Kevin Costner a white savior in "McFarland, USA?"
The release of the movie McFarland, USA has generated quite a bit of criticism due to its perpetuation of the "white savior" myth. Yet again, Hollywood has given us a tale about a white hero who enters a community of color and motivates non-white characters to achieve things beyond their dreams. This white-savior theme finds particularly fertile ground in films about high school. High school is the last moment in the life-course before we send children off to be adults. This is society's last chance to get the socialization messages right before we potentially lose touch with a generation. Hollywood loves the potential of this moment. We have seen the basic white-savior dynamic in high school films such as Freedom Writers, Dangerous Minds, and Blackboard Jungle. In these films, Erin Gruwell, Louanne Johnson, and Richard Dadier, (played by Hilary Swank, Michelle Phifer, and Glen Ford, respectively) are white teachers who enter the "dangerous jungles" of classrooms filled with mostly non-white students and convince these students to believe in themselves, to make better choices in their lives, and to work hard in school. Hollywood is more than happy to cast popular and bankable white actors to portray characters who rescue non-white characters from lives of poverty and desperation. Such films stir audiences with "feel good" happy endings and serve to cleanse white audiences from the guilt of racism. In McFarland, USA, Kevin Costner is the latest actor to play a white teacher (Jim White, if you can believe it) who saves students of color from their difficult and dreary lives.
Jim White transforms a group of seven poor, rural Mexican-American boys into championship cross-country runners. He also motivates them to attend college, at times against the wishes of their parents who would rather have them earning extra money picking crops in the fields. Along the way, he gains respect for the culture and work ethic of the boys. The white hero is personally transformed as he comes to appreciate the humility, tenacity, and integrity of the residents of McFarland. McFarland, USA tells the tidy Hollywood story of how racial chasms in the United States can be bridged by the efforts of individual heroes, and that the agents of this racially progressive change can be white people.
However, I would argue that there is much more to McFarland, USA and similar high school films than this "white savior" dynamic. To explain these films narrowly as "white-savior" narratives is to ignore the underlying assumptions of class privilege that too often go unremarked in our popular culture. Of course, race and class intersect in complicated ways that make a simple debate about the relative importance of these two social forces impossible. Still, the language of "class" often gets lost when the language of "race" is used to analytically frame films such as McFarland, USA. As Americans, we are often uncomfortable talking about class differences. In fact, we like to think that class, as a social category, isn't that important in our lives. We are much more likely to see race as an issue that permeates everyday life. However, under the surface of the "white-savior" trope in many high school films is a class-based story of middle-class heroes rescuing poor youth.
I would argue that there is much more to McFarland, USA..than this "white savior" dynamic. To explain these films narrowly as "white-savior" narratives is to ignore the underlying assumptions of class privilege.
For instance, let's take a look at a few other "savior" films in the high school film genre to see if we see similarities between them and McFarland, USA. As I noted, there are white savior teachers rescuing non-white students in Dangerous Minds, Freedom Writers, and Blackboard Jungle. But let us not overlook the Latino-savior Jaime Escalante rescuing low-income Latino math students in Stand and Deliver, the black-savior Mark Thackeray rescuing white working-class students in To Sir, With Love, the black-savior Ken Carter rescuing multi-racial high school basketball players in Coach Carter, the black-savior principal Joe Clark rescuing an entire inner-city school in Lean on Me, and the black teacher Blu Rain who saves a desperately poor and troubled black student in Precious. I do not point out these examples to say that the heroes of films like McFarland, USA, Dangerous Minds, Freedom Writers and Blackboard Jungle are not examples of white saviors. They certainly are. But they are more than that. Our understanding of these films falls short if we limit the analytical categories we use to describe and criticize them.
Despite their racial differences, the cinematic heroes Jim White, Erin Gruwell, Louanne Johnson, Mark Thackeray, Richard Dadier, Jaime Escalante, Ken Carter, Blu Rain, and Joe Clark all have something in common. They are all adult members of the middle or upper middle class. They all enter a low-income community as middle-class outsiders. They exercise their middle-class privileges and assumptions as they "save" low income students from a culture of poverty and despair. There are certainly plenty of racial overtones, assumptions, and examples of the white-savior complex in many of these films. But there is much more in these films that we need to understand.
In "Lean on Me," Joe Clark is a middle-class savior
To help reveal the class-based assumptions of movies like McFarland, USA it is important to analyze them not only as individual pieces of art, but as part of a larger genre that reveals cultural assumptions about social class, adolescence, and education in the United States. (I analyze 177 films about high school in Hollywood Goes to High School: Cinema, Schools, and American Culture. The updated and revised second edition will be released by Worth Publishers on March 13th, 2015.) When we contrast films like McFarland, USA with films that feature middle-class students we begin to see that social class is an explanatory variable at least as prominent as race. In these middle-class high school films such as The Breakfast Club, Ferris Bueller's Day Off, and Clueless, the teachers, coaches and principals are never depicted as heroes. In fact, the adult characters become either antagonists or side-show buffoons. In school films about middle-class students it is the students who are invariably the heroes. Middle-class students know how to rescue themselves. Ferris Bueller doesn't need the help of any adult. He is just fine on his day off. The kids in The Breakfast Club have problems, but they solve them on their own, in spite of adult intervention. Middle-class kids in high school films need no savior -- even when they are flawed, even when they need help, and regardless of their race. It is only poor students who need a savior. The poor students are often black, Latino, or Asian. They are also sometimes white.
The multi-racial poor students in Dangerous Minds, for instance, need Louanne Johnson. They depend upon her. She is, in every real sense, their savior. And she is white. But she is also an adult middle-class outsider with middle-class cultural assumptions about individual responsibility and success. When she tells her students, "You have a choice. It may not be a choice you like, but it's a choice" she is echoing the sentiments of Coach Ken Carter, a middle-class African-American, when he says to his multi-racial poor basketball players, "Go home and look at your lives tonight. Look at your parents' lives and ask yourself, 'Do I want better?'" Jim White knows the odds are stacked against the kids on his cross-country team. But he also admires their work ethic and he has been impressed by how they have responded to his coaching. He tells his team, "There's nothing you can't do with that kind of strength, with that kind of heart." The post-script of the film proudly reveals that all seven team members attended college, most graduated, and they currently have middle-class jobs such as police detective and school teacher. We are even told that several of them are now "landowners." It is a happy capitalist ending.
In Hollywood's worldview, only poor students need saviors – and the saviors are always adult members of the middle-class. And sometimes they are white. But regardless of their race, the salvation offered is always one that reinforces middle-class cultural assumptions about individualism, hard work, the importance of education, and the possibilities for upward class mobility.
Robert C. Bulman
Robert C Bulman is a professor of sociology at Saint Mary's College of California. He received his B.A. in sociology from U.C. Santa Cruz in 1989 and his Ph.D. in sociology from U.C. Berkeley in 1999. He is the author of Hollywood Goes to High School: Cinema, Schools, and American Culture. It was first published in 2005. The second updated and revised edition will be published by Worth Publishers on March 13th, 2015. You can reach him at rbulman@stmarys-ca.edu
What Is Whitewashing and Why Does It Matter?
Image credit: Vincent Paolo Villano
In recent weeks, there has been an uptick in online discussions about whitewashing, due in no small part to the news that not a single person of color was nominated for an Academy Award this year. Soon after the nominations were announced, the hashtag #OscarsSoWhite began trending, where a number of people pointed out that this was in fact the second time in 20 years that the nominations list featured exclusively white actors. But pull back the Academy's plush red carpet a little further, and one finds it is the fifth time in 30 years this has happened. Pull it back even further and one finds that in the years between 1927 and 2012, 99 percent of women who have won "Best Actress" have been white, and the same is true for 91 percent of men who have won "Best Actor."
The charge being leveled against the Oscars is of racism; that consciously or not, members of the Academy consistently fail to appreciate and honor the work of non-white actors. The basis for the charge is that there have been enough nominations and enough awards given to detect a bias. That is, if Oscars were awarded like lottery winnings, by sheer chance alone non-white actors would take home a more proportionate share of the little statues, so there is cause to believe that somehow the creep of racial bias is contaminating the nomination process. The fact that 94 percent of voting members are white doesn't exactly ease fears that the Academy is playing racial favorites.
My aim here is not to contribute to the growing criticism of the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences. While the concerns of a whitewashed Oscars ceremony are certainly justified, in my view this criticism risks missing the forest for the trees. The more one obsesses about whether members of the Academy are racist or whether the ceremony is a racist production, the easier it is to miss the whitewashed media environment the Oscars celebrate. In other words, the Oscars matter, but the ceremony should not be conflated with the institution, where there is a discernible preference for creating white-centered media, and the pactice of doing so is routinely defended as merely an economic calculation. There is some truth to the assertion that that Hollywood producers are simply giving people what they want, and as this clip from the PBS series America Beyond the Color Lines attests, many producers certainly believe this to be the case (skip ahead to the 17:00 mark). However, this explanation is far from complete, and I think there is cause for suspicion that the explanation shifts responsibility from the media makers to the media consumers.
In order to grab the problem at its root and expose it, it's necessary to define what is meant by whitewashing. In its simplest form, whitewashing refers to the tendency of media to be dominated by white characters, played by white actors, navigating their way through a story that will likely resonate most deeply with white audiences, based on their experiences and worldviews. There are four distinct types of whitewashing. My claim is that Hollywood is guilty of producing all of these types, and equally important is the fact that Hollywood also creates the conditions by which their continued production becomes almost inevitable.
First, whitewashing happens in films based on historical events, where white actors play the role of non-white characters. An exemplar of this first type is the classic movie, Birth of a Nation, where a number of white actors notoriously appeared in blackface. A more recent example is the film Argo, which recounts the CIA plot to rescue six Americans during the Iranian hostage crisis in 1981. In the film, Ben Affleck, a white man, plays the role of Tony Mendez, a Latino CIA officer who headed the operation. In addition to the incongruence between the real man and the actor, Tony Mendez's last name appears to be downplayed in the film.
A variation on this first type of whitewashing occurs in adaptations of written works of fiction. This happens when a fictional character from a novel is originally drawn or described as a person of color, yet in the live action adaptation, the character becomes inexplicably white. Sometimes the white actor pretends to be of a different race, as when Johnny Depp pretended to be a Native American man in The Lone Ranger. Other times the character's original racial identity is entirely abandoned and the character simply becomes white, as appears to be the case with The Last Airbender.
A second type of whitewashing can be observed in films that claim to be based on true stories. Here, the constellation of events that comprise a historical moment are reconfigured, forcing the audience to experience the story from a white perspective, as such, this type of whitewashing is a principal agent in shifting the public memory of real events. For example, Dances with Wolves ostensibly depicts a period of what has been euphemistically described by some historians as the Western Expansion, but is more accurately characterized as a patchwork of genocidal practices and policies by the United States government against the Native Peoples of North America. By inveigling its audience to experience this historical period through the eyes of a white protagonist, Dances with Wolves privileges the white experience. Dances, and other films like it, are whitewashed insofar as they succeed in prioritizing the white experience of witnessing this tragedy over the experiences of Native families who lived through it and died from it.
A third type of whitewashing can occur, even when the majority of characters in a film are played by black and brown actors. Here, the term refers to the observation that white actors secure all the major roles of a film, or they play the most well-rounded, complex characters of a film. Again, Dances of Wolves is an example of this type of film, but other examples include The Last Samurai and Dangerous Minds.
Finally, it is also possible to speak of whitewashing as a description of a genre or a particular film industry. Any given film might be dominated by white characters because some stories just happen to be told about white people. Similarly, it sometimes happens that white characters are protagonists in stories, and white actors are sometimes just the best actors for major roles. However, these films might justifiably be called whitewashed if the majority of films produced over a given span of time fit this pattern. In other words, whitewashing cannot always be discerned on a film-by-film basis. It is only after stepping back and looking at the films produced over the span of a period of time that one is able to see that a disproportionate number of films are being written from a white perspective, mostly feature white characters, or that speaking roles are disproportionately awarded to white actors.
There is an old cliche that the only color Hollywood executives see is green. Indeed, as I alluded to above, one common defense offered by those who make films is that they are simply giving the public what it wants. What is rarely discussed is that people are not simply born with fully formed preferences. The defense fails because Hollywood films are directly implicated in shaping people's racialized preferences in the first place. If it is true that the paying public truly wants white actors to dominate the silver screen, then Hollywood producers need to own up to the fact that they have played a central role in shaping that desire.
Prophets for Profit?: A Review of the Film "Black Church, Inc."
In this post, Kendra Barber reviews the documentary film, Black Church, Inc.: Prophets for Profit (2014). Her summary of the film, as well as her critiques, are especially valuable for those looking to incorporate the film into classroom instruction. Barber shows how the film can offer a nice, albeit partial, history of the role of the Black Church in black communities, yet she encourages viewers to consider the shortcomings of the film. Specifically, instructors can point to the importance of empirical data to inspire more nuanced conversations about black megachurches and the role of religious institutions in addressing social problems.
Film poster for "Black Church, Inc" (2014)
Luxury cars, mansions, tailor-made suits…these are often the stereotypes people have of the pastors of black megachurches, defined as congregations with a weekly attendance of 2,000 or more. Reality shows like "Preachers of LA" that feature megachurch pastors such as Bishop Noel Jones, Bishop Ron Gibson, and Bishop Clarence McClendon driving luxury cars, surrounded by an entourage, and living in million dollar homes only fuel these stereotypes. The size and concentration of resources in black megachurches has made them the target of criticisms to an extent that smaller churches have not been. For example, minister and civil rights activist Al Sharpton and political scientist Fredrick Harris have criticized black megachurches for using their power to legislate morality and focusing on material prosperity rather than working to end poverty. In general, black megachurches are accused of abandoning the social justice legacy of the Black Church in favor of a theology of prosperity, which blends positive confession, scriptures, and an emphasis on economic advancement.
Black Church, Inc.: Prophets for Profit is a 2014 documentary film directed by Todd L. Williams that takes a critical look at the Black Church and how the pursuit of profit corrupts the morality of the Black Church and its ability to serve the community. The documentary begins by explaining the history of the Black Church as a central institution in the black community and what sociologist E. Franklin Frazier called a "refuge in a hostile world." The scene cuts from images of small black churches to images of megachurches such as The Potter's House pastored by T.D. Jakes and New Birth Missionary Baptist Church pastored by Bishop Eddie Long, who the narrator suggests are not just "holy men" but are also "business men." The rest of the film follows this pattern, juxtaposing the role of the Black Church as an institution committed to helping "the least of these" and enacting societal change versus black megachurches as institutions committed to increasing the finances of the pastors rather than helping the community. The documentary asserts that prosperity gospel is particularly detrimental to poor black communities who give their money to megachurches with the expectation that they will achieve the same financial success as megachurch pastors. According to Black Church, Inc., black megachurches are popular because they specialize in entertaining people and, as a result, congregants are distracted from asking critical questions about church finances and social problems affecting the black community. In the end, Black Church, Inc. alleges that "black megachurches have caused the Black Church to lose its prophetic voice."
Bishop T.D. Jakes outside The Potter's House
The sanctuary of Bishop Eddie Long's New Birth Missionary Baptist Church
While Black Church, Inc. provides a suitable starting point to discuss changes in the black religious landscape and the role of black churches in black communities, there are a number of weaknesses in the documentary. The primary weakness is the treatment of black megachurches and prosperity theology as interchangeable. Undoubtedly there are black megachurches whose pastors preach prosperity theology and abuse their leadership positions for financial gain. However, the entire documentary is based on generalizations that all black megachurches are prosperity churches. This mischaracterization seems to occur because a number of the most high-profile black megachurches that have television ministries are prosperity churches (e.g., Creflo Dollar's World Changers Fellowship Churches and Eddie Long's New Birth Missionary Baptist Church, both of which are featured prominently in the documentary). Black megachurches, just as smaller black churches, adhere to a range of theological orientations and it is imprudent to assume that all black megachurches are prosperity churches and therefore have rejected efforts to improve the black community.
Indeed, empirical research establishes that all black megachurches are not abandoning "the least of these" for the pursuit of material wealth; unfortunately, Black Church, Inc. is completely devoid of any empirical research. Contrary to presumptions made in Black Church, Inc. that all black megachurches eschew public engagement and social service provision in favor of prosperity, nationally representative research by sociologist Sandra Barnes and political scientist Tamelyn Tucker-Worgs show that black megachurches are more publicly engaged than smaller churches and all megachurches, regardless of race. In her sample of sixteen black megachurches, Sandra Barnes has found that most clergy explicitly espouse a social gospel message or it is embedded in a broader message informed by the model of Christ. These churches sponsor programs such as Community Development Corporations, voter registration drives, schools, credit unions, prisoner reentry initiatives, job training, health clinics, and neighborhood revitalization programs that aim for community empowerment. Barnes also discovered that the size of the megachurch did not necessarily determine the number and type of social programs offered, as some "smaller" megachurches sponsored more programs than considerably larger megachurches.
Tamelyn Tucker-Worgs has conducted extensive research on Community Development Organizations (CDOs) created by black megachurches to address issues of social and economic inequality in black communities. The majority of black megachurches have CDOs and over 48% of black megachurch CDOs provide housing (with 31% providing low-income housing), almost 50% provide child care/tutoring programs, over 30% provide counseling and job training, 24% provide adult education and housing counseling, and 19% provide entrepreneurship training. Although the study of black megachurches is still relatively new in the sociology of religion, the existing data refute the generalizations made in Black Church, Inc.
"Indeed, empirical research establishes that all black megachurches are not abandoning "the least of these" for the pursuit of material wealth; unfortunately, Black Church, Inc. is completely devoid of any empirical research."
The secondary weakness of Black Church, Inc. is a reliance on the narrative that the Black Church has always resisted racial and economic inequality, with Black Church activism during the Civil Rights as a classic example. Yet, this is a mischaracterization of the history of the Black Church in the U.S. The Black Church does not exist in a vacuum and is shaped by the social and political context of the time. As a result, the Black Church has a complex and contradictory history that at times accommodated to the status quo, at other times challenged it, and sometimes did both simultaneously. Although it is a common narrative that the vast majority of black churches participated in the Civil Rights Movement, it was only a minority of black churches that did. Nevertheless, as shown by Aldon Morris, the work of those churches was indispensible to the organizing success of the movement. With a better understanding of this complex and contradictory history, the makers of Black Church, Inc. could have examined how the current social and political context shapes the strategies of action taken by black megachurches. Unfortunately, the makers of Black Church, Inc. took the bait of public perceptions of black megachurches and missed the opportunity to ask more nuanced and meaningful questions.
Overall, Black Church, Inc. would best serve as a documentary exploring the role of churches as tax-exempt institutions and how some pastors use their leadership roles to engage in financial mismanagement. However, the broad generalizations regarding black megachurches and prosperity theology in Black Church, Inc. only serve to further the stereotypes of black megachurches as a substitute for significant inquiry of the study of black megachurches.
Kendra Barber
Kendra Barber is a PhD candidate at the University of Maryland, College Park. She is currently completing her dissertation which examines how black megachurches in Washington, D.C. are addressing racial inequality.
Sarah Silverman's Comedy: Cultural Transformation or Regression?
Comedy serves as a fascinating yet controversial area of analysis in sociology. The way comedic performances frame sensitive subjects such as racism, sexism, and classism tell us much about society and about ourselves as viewers. In many instances, comedians seek to make their audience laugh through whatever means possible—including the use and reproduction of harmful stereotypes--in order to gain popularity and earn a living. However, in some cases comedians can serve as formidable weapons of cultural transformation because of their sanctioned authority to progressively debate even the most difficult topics. Accordingly, comedy has the potential to encourage audiences to critically think about why the joke made them uncomfortable and why they laughed at the joke. In analyzing humor from sociological perspective, it is important to consider what these jokes reveal about ourselves and our society. Using Sarah Silverman's video, "I Love You More" (a.k.a. "Jewish People Driving German Cars"), this post considers what activist role comedians can serve in raising awareness about racism, and what, if any, boundaries should be drawn by comedians targeting race in their performances:
In this video, Sarah Silverman explores and critiques many different racial and ethnic stereotypes. She sings lines like "I love you more than Jews love money" and "I love you more than Asians are good at math." To elaborate on one example, Silverman articulates that "Jewish people driving German cars" is similar to "Black guys calling each other niggers." When the narrative cuts short to two deadpan African-American men, they stare at her in all seriousness and do not laugh at the comparison; the tension created from the scene is unsettling. For a moment, Silverman looks taken aback and frowns sheepishly, until one of the African-American men starts laughing and she, relieved, playfully pushes one of them and starts laughing again. Both men immediately stop laughing and stare unbelievably at her in silence. She nervously tries to laugh at the joke again, but this time they do not join in and continue to stare at her, showing that it isn't funny to them for her to make a joke out of racism against their racial group, even though she also inhabits the identity of another historically oppressed group (she is Jewish). Silverman cuts off the video mid-laugh by turning her head to the camera while smiling and singing "Chachacha!"
Silverman's use of the "n-word" creates a tense moment.
While many people love Silverman's humor, it is not for everyone. But stay with me here; let's unpack this to the degree that people do find it funny (and based on the YouTube comments, at least some people do). How should we interpret Silverman's comedy and the role of her race and ethnicity in her performance? More broadly, how does the race or ethnicity of the comedian telling the joke affect our reception of the joke? Is it okay for black people to do racially prejudiced jokes about African-Americans, or wouldn't that also be discriminatory of them to do so? Are there times when it is acceptable for dominant racial or ethnic groups to make jokes about racial minorities? To help us understand how humor functions and how audiences receive humor, we can draw upon a number of theories of humor.
First, according to relief theory, we find humor in taboo topics and "naughty" thoughts (Mulder and Nijolt 2002). This theory of humor is based in Freudian theory which sees such taboo subjects as creating a nervousness or "psychic energy," which is released through laughter. This is especially the case when an individual has suppressed particular feelings, which are addressed in a comedic performance, and relieved through laughter. In our examples here, audiences are likely to recognize that the stereotypes presented in Silverman's video are taboo or politically incorrect, and to the degree that they feel uncomfortable (which may be compounded if they partially accept the stereotypes but suppress their beliefs), this nervousness may be released through laughter. But this only suggests why we laugh, but not necessarily why we interpret the joke as humorous.
Second, incongruity theory posits that people laugh to release physical, mental, or emotional tension when there are incongruities (i.e. things that are perceived to be out of place or inconsistent in relation to the established social norms). From this perspective, humor may be seen as releasing anxiety and tension over incompatibility between the object that is being targeted and how the audience anticipates a different meaning. But given a range of possible audience perceptions, different audiences may identify different incongruities and thus experience humor for distinct reasons. In this case, the analysis hinges on identifying various incongruities, which I will pursue further below.
Third, Charles Gruner's superiority theory helps further explain why and how people find certain jokes about race funny and others offensive. Superiority theory rests on the assumptions that "we laugh about the misfortunes of others [and] it reflects our own superiority" (Mulder and Nijolt 2002: 3). It argues that "every humorous situation has a winner and a loser; incongruity is always present in a humorous situation; [and] humor requires an element of surprise" (Mulder and Nijolt 2002: 3). From this perspective, humor is a means to "compete" with others and "the 'winner' is the one that successfully makes fun of the 'loser'" (Mulder and Nijolt 2002: 3). (Picture the bully making jokes about someone else to put them down.)
When we integrate incongruity theory with superiority theory, we might see some troubling consequences of jokes that play on stereotypes. In short, "the phenomenon of humor requires the participation of at least two parties: an object (probably incongruous) and an appreciator (probably feeling superior)" (Lyttle 2003). This joke becomes funny (for some audiences) because the objects made fun of by Silverman during the performance are black, Puerto-Ricans, gays and lesbians, and Jewish people. From this perspective the incongruity might lie in the unexpected juxtapositions of different stereotypes, their simultaneous juxtaposition to crude statements (e.g. "I love you more than dogs love balls"), her usage of a derogatory racial slur while members of that racial group are present and appear physically threatening, and the audience's overall struggle to interpret her political incorrectness. In particular, the narrative gets progressively more incongruent as the tension escalates from her sense of entitlement to criticize other oppressed minority groups. While some audiences might feel offended, this humor may empower others to feel superior because they seemingly lack the negative traits of the stereotypes groups.
In extending superiority theory sociologically, we can further draw upon maintenance theory. Maintenance theory argues that comedians'
jokes maintain the established social roles and divisions within a society. They can strengthen roles within the family, within a working environment and everywhere there exists an in-group and out-group. When [ethnic] jokes are concerned, jokers choose groups very similar to theirs as the target of the joke only to focus on the mutual differences and in that way strengthen the established divisions between the two groups. (Mulder and Nijolt 2002: 7)
Silverman's humor supports this theory when she begins playing into an ethnic stereotype about Jewish people. She sings "I love you more than Jews love money" and then branches off into increasingly more offensive stereotypes about marginalized races and ethnicities, and gays and lesbians. The audience could perceive her as acknowledging some of the preconceived notions about her own ethnic groups only to establish that they are very different and separate from the preconceived cultural meanings attached other oppressed groups. This is accomplished by suggesting that her ethnic group has a sense of class-based superiority over these other groups.
If we interpret Silverman's video through the lenses of superiority theory or maintenance theory, we should be highly critical of it. As the YouTube comments for the video illustrate, many viewers do indeed take her stereotypes at face-value and find humor in them. If this were the only interpretation, we should critique Silverman, as a white middle-class comedian, to tell jokes that draw so blatantly on stereotypes about other oppressed racial and ethnic groups. From these perspectives, her humor reproduces stereotypes and the power relationship that is built upon them. Many comedians and jokes rely on these very dynamics. However, these are not the only interpretations of Silverman's humor in this context.
Rather, there is also a deeper, more critical incongruity in Silverman's humor in this video. This incongruity is situated in how the objects (various racial and ethnic stereotypes) are positioned relative to one another in a way that actually challenges both the stereotypes and their usage by a white, middle-class comedian. The audience perceives a supposed ignorance in her usage of these stereotypes only to recognize that she is juxtaposing them in a critical manner. She produces dramatic irony that makes the audience sensitive to racial dilemmas raised in the performance. In short, one racial stereotype is like any other; they are gross oversimplifications that can be hurtful, but they do not affect all audiences in the same way (as exhibited by the reaction of African-Americans in the video). Or like Louis CK once said, "white people don't get offended by being called crackers." Here, Silverman is bringing attention both to the inappropriate usage of the stereotype as well as her usage of it as a white person.
Louis CK also pushes issues of race in his humor.
For those viewers that acknowledge these subtleties, we can interpret her song as raising awareness about why it is not okay for those who benefit from white or class privilege to use racial slurs or make racist comments. By introducing the African-American men in the skit, she holds the mirror up to herself and uses the tense, but humorous, moment to critique her own use of stereotypes. When the skit ends with a harsh realization that the comedian did not have the right to criticize the misfortune of these groups in the first place, the joke serves as a useful tool to unpack the sense of entitlement that white privilege bestows upon certain comedians, including Silverman. From this perspective, the tension is resolved only when the audience realizes through Silverman's interaction with the two African-American men that it is her and her white privilege that should be made fun of. If we accept this interpretation, we might see her witty humor as exposing her own white privilege.
I leave it up to the reader to determine which of these theories of humor is appropriate for interpreting the video of Sarah Silverman, a white upper-middle class, female, Jewish comedian. Again, when we look at the YouTube comments for the video, I believe we find evidence that viewers draw upon all these interpretations (and more). But the broader questions about the role of race in humor, and the quality of that humor, still do not end there. Even if we accept her humor as an attempt to expose white privilege, is it acceptable that she uses such blatant and derogatory racial slurs to so? As noted on Jezebel, perhaps comedians must actually come from the marginalized position to claim to speak on behalf of them, or perhaps "if you need to rely on jarring, abominable and offensive words, you're probably not that funny" anyway.
Elizabeth Dickson
Elizabeth Dickson is a student at Ohio Wesleyan University, where she is double-majoring in Psychology and Sociology.


On 26 June 2009, the Canadian Supreme Court handed down a decision which discussed in detail the right of adolescents to make their own medical decisions. The Court held that the wishes of the child must be considered when determining what action was in the child's best interests.
AC was 14 years old. She was admitted to hospital with intestinal bleeding, and needed a blood transfusion. AC was a Jehovah's Witness and was prohibited from receiving blood or blood products. She, and her parents, refused to consent to the transfusion. AC's doctor applied for a court order permitting the transfusion on the grounds that it was medically necessary to prevent death or serious injury to AC.
Under s 25(8) of the Child and Family Services Act the Court has power to order medical treatment that is in the 'best interests' of the child, despite the child and/or parents refusing to consent to the treatment. Where a child is 16 or older, s 25(9) provides that the child's views should be determinative, and the Court shall not authorise the treatment without the child's consent unless there is evidence that the child lacks the maturity to appreciate the consequences of their decision.
AC was deemed competent to make decisions about her medical treatment, but because she was under 16, her wishes were not determinative. The Court granted the treatment order as requested by the doctors, and the transfusion was given to AC. In making the treatment order, Kaufman J proceeded on the basis of deemed capacity, and did not investigate AC's actual capacity to make medical decisions. This was done because, in Kaufman J's view, there was no requirement under s 25 for the Court to give consideration to the wishes of a child under 16.
violated her right to religious freedom (s 2(a) of the Charter).
In a 6:1 decision, the Canadian Supreme Court rejected AC's appeal and upheld the validity of s 25 of the Act on all grounds.
It is a sliding scale of scrutiny, with the adolescent's views becoming increasingly determinative on his or her ability to exercise mature, independent judgment. The more serious the nature of the decision, the more severe its potential impact on the life or health of the child, the greater the degree of scrutiny that will be required.
Whilst s 25(8) does not expressly provide for the wishes of a child under 16 to be considered, Abella J said the section must be viewed in the context of the Act. Her Honour referred to s 2 of the Act, which provides that a child of 12 years or more is entitled to be advised of the proceedings and can make their views known. It also provides that children under 12 can have their views considered where the judge is satisfied that they understand the nature of the proceedings. Section 2(1) provides that, in determining 'best interests', consideration should be given to the mental and emotional state of the child, the need for the treatment, the views and preferences of the child, and the child's religious and cultural heritage.
Justice Abella concluded that the 'best interests' test requires consideration of the child's views, and argued that it is, 'by definition, in a child's best interests to respect and promote his or her autonomy to the extent that his or her maturity dictates'.
With respect to s 7 of the Charter, her Honour noted that an inability to determine one's own medical treatment constitutes a deprivation of liberty and security of the person. However, Abella J considered that this is constitutional where the deprivation is in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice, including that the provisions must not be arbitrarily applied. Her Honour stated, 'it would be arbitrary to assume that no one under the age of 16 has capacity to make medical treatment decisions. It is not, however, arbitrary to give them the opportunity to prove that they have sufficient maturity to do so'.
By permitting adolescents under 16 to lead evidence of sufficient maturity to determine their medical choices, their ability to make treatment decisions is ultimately calibrated in accordance with maturity, not age, and no disadvantaging prejudice or stereotype based on age can be said to be engaged.
With respect to the s 2(a) right to religious freedom, Abella J noted that religious heritage forms part of the consideration given when determining the 'best interests' of the child. Accordingly, her Honour did not consider that s 25(8) of the Act violates the right to religious freedom.
[A] young person with capacity is entitled to make the treatment decision, not just to have 'input' into a judge's consideration of what the judge believes to be the young person's best interests. Under Abella J's approach, the court may (or may not) decide to give effect to the young person's view, but it is still the court that makes the final decision as to what is best for the young person. This mature young person, however, insists on the right to make her own determination about what treatment to receive or not to receive, based on a mature grasp of her perilous situation.
His Honour argued that the limitations on AC's rights were not reasonable as reasonableness relates to the purpose of the limitation. His Honour argued, 'if the legislative net is cast so widely as to impose a legal disability on a class of people in respect of an assumed developmental deficiency that demonstrably does not exist in their case, it falls afoul of the 'no valid purpose' principle …'.
This decision may be relevant to the interpretation of ss 8, 14 and 21 of the Victorian Charter of Human Rights and Responsibilities.
Section 8 of the Victorian Charter is similar in effect to the Canadian s 15 provision. Accordingly, the two stage inquiry proposed by Abella J may prove useful in determining the scope of the s 8 prohibition on age discrimination.
Section 14 of the Victorian Charter provides for freedom of religion and is, in essence, equivalent to s 2(a) of the Canadian Charter. However, s 14(2) of the Victorian Charter provides that a person must not be restrained in a way that limits their freedom to have a religious observance or practice. This additional section may limit the impact of the s 2(a) analysis given by the Canadian Supreme Court.
Section 21 of the Victorian Charter protects the right to liberty and security of the person. Unlike s 7 of the Canadian Charter, the Victorian provision does not contain the limitation that the liberty and security can be deprived, 'in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice'. However, s 7 of the Victorian Charter imposes limitations of similar effect, and provides that human rights may be subject to 'reasonable limits'. In determining reasonableness, the Victorian Charter prescribes that consideration should be given to the relationship between the limitation and its purpose (s 7(2)(b)). Accordingly, the discussion in AC v Manitoba may prove highly relevant.
The decision in AC v Manitoba may also impact on s 17 of the Victorian Charter, which provides for the protection of families and children. There is no corresponding right in the Canadian Charter, but the 'best interests' analysis given by the Canadian Supreme Court may prove useful if an AC v Manitoba type case should arise in Victoria.
The decision is available at http://www.canlii.org/en/ca/scc/doc/2009/2009scc30/2009scc30.html.


text:
package org.optaplanner.core.impl.localsearch.decider;

import org.optaplanner.core.api.domain.solution.PlanningSolution;
import org.optaplanner.core.api.score.Score;
import org.optaplanner.core.impl.heuristic.move.Move;
import org.optaplanner.core.impl.heuristic.selector.move.MoveSelector;
import org.optaplanner.core.impl.localsearch.decider.acceptor.Acceptor;
import org.optaplanner.core.impl.localsearch.decider.forager.Forager;
import org.optaplanner.core.impl.localsearch.scope.LocalSearchMoveScope;
import org.optaplanner.core.impl.localsearch.scope.LocalSearchPhaseScope;
import org.optaplanner.core.impl.localsearch.scope.LocalSearchStepScope;
import org.optaplanner.core.impl.score.director.InnerScoreDirector;
import org.optaplanner.core.impl.score.director.ScoreDirector;
import org.optaplanner.core.impl.solver.scope.DefaultSolverScope;
import org.optaplanner.core.impl.solver.termination.Termination;
import org.slf4j.Logger;
import org.slf4j.LoggerFactory;

/**
 * @param <Solution_> the solution type, the class with the {@link PlanningSolution} annotation
 */
public class LocalSearchDecider<Solution_> {

    protected final transient Logger logger = LoggerFactory.getLogger(getClass());

    protected final String logIndentation;
    protected final Termination termination;
    protected final MoveSelector moveSelector;
    protected final Acceptor acceptor;
    protected final Forager forager;

    protected boolean assertMoveScoreFromScratch = false;
    protected boolean assertExpectedUndoMoveScore = false;

    public LocalSearchDecider(String logIndentation,
            Termination termination, MoveSelector moveSelector, Acceptor acceptor, Forager forager) {
        this.logIndentation = logIndentation;
        this.termination = termination;
        this.moveSelector = moveSelector;
        this.acceptor = acceptor;
        this.forager = forager;
    }

    public Termination getTermination() {
        return termination;
    }

    public MoveSelector getMoveSelector() {
        return moveSelector;
    }

    public Acceptor getAcceptor() {
        return acceptor;
    }

    public Forager getForager() {
        return forager;
    }

    public void setAssertMoveScoreFromScratch(boolean assertMoveScoreFromScratch) {
        this.assertMoveScoreFromScratch = assertMoveScoreFromScratch;
    }

    public void setAssertExpectedUndoMoveScore(boolean assertExpectedUndoMoveScore) {
        this.assertExpectedUndoMoveScore = assertExpectedUndoMoveScore;
    }

    // ************************************************************************
    // Worker methods
    // ************************************************************************

    public void solvingStarted(DefaultSolverScope<Solution_> solverScope) {
        moveSelector.solvingStarted(solverScope);
        acceptor.solvingStarted(solverScope);
        forager.solvingStarted(solverScope);
    }

    public void phaseStarted(LocalSearchPhaseScope<Solution_> phaseScope) {
        moveSelector.phaseStarted(phaseScope);
        acceptor.phaseStarted(phaseScope);
        forager.phaseStarted(phaseScope);
    }

    public void stepStarted(LocalSearchStepScope<Solution_> stepScope) {
        moveSelector.stepStarted(stepScope);
        acceptor.stepStarted(stepScope);
        forager.stepStarted(stepScope);
    }

    public void decideNextStep(LocalSearchStepScope<Solution_> stepScope) {
        InnerScoreDirector<Solution_> scoreDirector = stepScope.getScoreDirector();
        scoreDirector.setAllChangesWillBeUndoneBeforeStepEnds(true);
        int moveIndex = 0;
        for (Move<Solution_> move : moveSelector) {
            LocalSearchMoveScope<Solution_> moveScope = new LocalSearchMoveScope<>(stepScope);
            moveScope.setMoveIndex(moveIndex);
            moveIndex++;
            moveScope.setMove(move);
            // TODO use Selector filtering to filter out not doable moves
            if (!move.isMoveDoable(scoreDirector)) {
                logger.trace("{}        Move index ({}) not doable, ignoring move ({}).",
                        logIndentation, moveScope.getMoveIndex(), move);
            } else {
                doMove(moveScope);
                if (forager.isQuitEarly()) {
                    break;
                }
            }
            stepScope.getPhaseScope().getSolverScope().checkYielding();
            if (termination.isPhaseTerminated(stepScope.getPhaseScope())) {
                break;
            }
        }
        scoreDirector.setAllChangesWillBeUndoneBeforeStepEnds(false);
        LocalSearchMoveScope<Solution_> pickedMoveScope = forager.pickMove(stepScope);
        if (pickedMoveScope != null) {
            Move<Solution_> step = pickedMoveScope.getMove();
            stepScope.setStep(step);
            if (logger.isDebugEnabled()) {
                stepScope.setStepString(step.toString());
            }
            stepScope.setUndoStep(pickedMoveScope.getUndoMove());
            stepScope.setScore(pickedMoveScope.getScore());
        }
    }

    private void doMove(LocalSearchMoveScope<Solution_> moveScope) {
        ScoreDirector<Solution_> scoreDirector = moveScope.getScoreDirector();
        Move<Solution_> move = moveScope.getMove();
        Move<Solution_> undoMove = move.doMove(scoreDirector);
        moveScope.setUndoMove(undoMove);
        processMove(moveScope);
        undoMove.doMove(scoreDirector);
        if (assertExpectedUndoMoveScore) {
            LocalSearchPhaseScope<Solution_> phaseScope = moveScope.getStepScope().getPhaseScope();
            phaseScope.assertExpectedUndoMoveScore(move, undoMove, phaseScope.getLastCompletedStepScope().getScore());
        }
        logger.trace("{}        Move index ({}), score ({}), accepted ({}), move ({}).",
                logIndentation,
                moveScope.getMoveIndex(), moveScope.getScore(), moveScope.getAccepted(),
                moveScope.getMove());
    }

    private void processMove(LocalSearchMoveScope<Solution_> moveScope) {
        Score score = moveScope.getStepScope().getPhaseScope().calculateScore();
        if (assertMoveScoreFromScratch) {
            moveScope.getStepScope().getPhaseScope().assertWorkingScoreFromScratch(score, moveScope.getMove());
        }
        moveScope.setScore(score);
        boolean accepted = acceptor.isAccepted(moveScope);
        moveScope.setAccepted(accepted);
        forager.addMove(moveScope);
    }

    public void stepEnded(LocalSearchStepScope<Solution_> stepScope) {
        moveSelector.stepEnded(stepScope);
        acceptor.stepEnded(stepScope);
        forager.stepEnded(stepScope);
    }

    public void phaseEnded(LocalSearchPhaseScope<Solution_> phaseScope) {
        moveSelector.phaseEnded(phaseScope);
        acceptor.phaseEnded(phaseScope);
        forager.phaseEnded(phaseScope);
    }

    public void solvingEnded(DefaultSolverScope<Solution_> solverScope) {
        moveSelector.solvingEnded(solverScope);
        acceptor.solvingEnded(solverScope);
        forager.solvingEnded(solverScope);
    }

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Michigan Football Team To Wear Patch Honoring Oxford High School Shooting Victims
Filed Under:Big Ten Championship Game, michigan football, Michigan football team, Michigan school shooting, Oxford High School shooting, Oxford shooting victims
(CBS DETROIT) – The Michigan football team will wear patches on their uniforms to honor the Oxford High School shooting victims.
Credit: Michigan Football Twitter account
Four students were killed during the school shooting, and seven others were wounded. The shooter, 15-year-old Ethan Crumbley, has been charged for the shooting.
The players will wear the jerseys with these patches during the Big Ten Championship Game on Saturday, Dec. 4.
On Twitter, the Michigan football team posted an image of the jerseys with the patch and said, "The shape is of Oxford's 'Block O' meant to honor all victims, survivors, and community members."
They explained that the 'TM' and '42' on the patch are a tribute to Tate Myre, who played football at Oxford High School. The four hearts honor Tate Myre, Hana St. Juliana, Madisyn Baldwin, and Justin Shilling.
© 2021 CBS Broadcasting Inc. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


We love the end product!!!!"
The Audet & Associates Construction Group was formed in 1996.
Initially a dedicated landscape construction company, the group has evolved and become and industry leader in the installation of onsite sewage systems and excavation.
The divisions within the group work harmoniously off one another as much of the heavy equipment is shared amongst the divisions.
Our team approach to landscape sites is one where we strive to create a well balanced landscape that is both environmentally and fiscally responsible through knowledge, education and awareness.


text:
Labor 'proud' of corrupting Gonski needs-based funding
Labor 'proud' of corrupting Gonski…
Bill Shorten has said he 'stands by' Labor's corrupted version of Gonski schools funding that has created inequality in the amount of Commonwealth money a disadvantaged student would receive in each state and territory.
Mr Shorten wilfully ignored the facts and was backed by his deputy Tanya Plibersek who made a series of embarrassing missteps in an interview today on schools funding after avoiding providing comment on the debates in the sector since she bumped off Kate Ellis and assumed the role way back in July.
The Deputy Opposition Leader even went so far as to say she was "proud" of the schools funding arrangements Labor implemented. Those same arrangements Ms Plibersek is "proud" of:
Would see government schools in Western Australia attract 40 per cent less Commonwealth funding in 2017 than comparable schools in some other states with the same need
Include differences of more than $1,500 between what federal funding a disadvantaged student would attract in one state (NT) compared to what that same student would attract in another (WA)
Mean a Catholic school in Victoria would attract more than double the Commonwealth funding of a comparable Catholic systemic school in NSW despite having nearly identical circumstances and student populations
In fact Tanya Plibersek has said she is proud of arrangements which a key architect of the Gonski reforms described as a "corruption".
"We are very proud of the Gonski needs based funding model…"
Tanya Plibersek, Interview, 22/9/16
"In the run-up to the 2013 election, prime minister Kevin Rudd and education minister Bill Shorten hawked this corruption of the Gonski report around the country, doing deals with premiers, bishops and the various education lobbies."
Ken Boston, Opinion piece, 6/9/16
Tanya Plibersek has also desperately tried to distract from the distortions Labor built into their schools funding arrangements.
"That's actually not embedded in the Gonski school funding model – that is what happened when the government changed nationally…"
Tanya Plibersek has this dead wrong as the Coalition has been implementing exactly what Labor had offered states, according to the same funding formulas and loadings. It is Labor's special deals that have created the disparate federal payments for comparable schools just because they are in different states.
The only difference between Labor and the Coalition when it came to schools funding in 2013 was that Bill Shorten sneakily cut $1.2 billion of offered funding out of the WA, Queensland and NT education systems pre-election, which we had to put it back into the budget subsequently to avoid inequities being even worse than they are.
The full extent of Labor's corruption of the 'Gonski' schools funding model has been exposed and all they have to offer are excuses and lies.
The Turnbull Government took a clear policy to the election to grow Commonwealth schools funding from $16 billion in 2016 to $20.1 billion in 2020 and to implement more than a dozen practical reforms backed by evidence to improve our education system.
We want students leaving school with literacy and numeracy skills that are up to scratch, we want to reward teachers for their competency and achievement not just their length of service, we want to be able to identify and help Year 1 students who need additional support and we want to give families more transparency so they can monitor their children's progress and better support them.
Tomorrow's meeting will be a chance for Education Ministers to indicate which areas of our proposed evidence based reforms they believe we can effectively cooperate on and their views on how we can share the record levels of growing funding most fairly.
We call on Labor to work with the Turnbull Government in a conversation about schools funding that moves past politics so we can focus on a distribution of funding that is informed by need, equitable across Australia and ensures the implementation of practical, evidence-led reforms that are proven to lift student outcomes.
Category: Media Releases 22 September, 2016
PreviousPrevious post:Interview on ABC 891 Adelaide Breakfast with Matthew Abraham and David BevanNextNext post:Doorstop interview at Education Council, Adelaide


text:
Poland abortion ruling: Workers strike nationwide
Poles are angry about a top court ruling that bans abortions in cases of fetuses with birth defects. People from across the country joined the strikes.
Employees across Poland took part in nationwide strike on Wednesday to protest a controversial top court ruling on abortion.
The Women's Strike, which has been leading the opposition to the bill, called the strike under the slogan: "We are not going to work."
Local media reported on female and male employees of public institutions, universities and private firms, taking a day off work to show solidarity with the protesters.
The strike follows protests and other actions after the Constitutional Tribunal last Thursday banned abortions related to fetal congenital defects.
The ruling ended the most common of the few remaining legal grounds for abortion in the predominantly Catholic country. Abortion is now only permitted in cases where the mother's life is at risk or if the pregnancy was caused by rape or incest.
How is the strike affecting Poland?
The University of Gdansk tweeted photographs of striking students on Wednesday.
Mayors of several cities, including capital city Warsaw and Krakow are also supporting the call for workers to stay off their jobs.
Hanna Zdanowska, the mayor of Lodz, a city in central Poland, took part in the strike, posting a picture on Twitter of an empty office seat.
Jacek Jaskowiak, the mayor of the western city of Poznan on Tuesday tweeted his support for workers who were planning on not turning up to work.
How has the Polish government reacted?
Interior Minister Mariusz Kaminski on Wednesday vowed "decisive action'' by the police "in the face of further attempts of similar acts of aggression and desecration announced by the leaders and organizers of the protests."
Kaminiski was commenting after women on Sunday entered churches to disrupt Masses, confronted priests with obscenities and spray-painted church buildings.
Many who oppose the new anti-abortion ruling in Poland hold the Catholic Church in the country responsible for their role in opposing abortion, in addition to the government.
Jaroslaw Kaczynski, the leader of the ruling conservative Law and Justice Party (PiS) accused protesters of seeking "to destroy Poland."
He called on his party's supporters to defend churches "at any cost."
Poland and human rights
Since 2015, the PiS-led government has pushed through a number of wide-reaching controversial reforms to media and the judiciary in addition to the abortion ruling. The government has also vocally supported anti-LGTB+ sentiment.
In late September, the European Union criticized Poland together with Hungary for slipping democratic standards. The EU earlier called Poland out on plans for a postal ballot in important presidential elections during the coronavirus pandemic.
kmm/rt (AP, dpa)
Related Subjects Poland, Catholicism
Keywords Poland, abortion, Catholic Church, strike
Permalink https://p.dw.com/p/3kWxM


text:
A doctor or knowledgeable practitioner should supervise anyone for whom fasting is questionable—that is, anyone in poor health or without fasting experience. If the fast is extended for more than three to five days, regular monitoring, including physical examination and blood work should be done, probably about weekly. Fasting may reduce blood protein levels and will definitely lower blood fats. Uric acid levels may rise secondary to protein breakdown, while levels of some minerals, such as potassium, sodium, calcium, or magnesium, may drop. Iron levels are usually lower, and the red blood count may also drop during this time.
Nutritionally, fasting helps us appreciate the more subtle aspects of diet, since less food and simple flavors become more satisfying. My early fasts definitely reawakened my taste buds and allowed me to appreciate and desire more natural foods. Mentally, fasting improves clarity and attentiveness; emotionally, it may make us more sensitive and aware of feelings. I have seen on several occasions individuals making decisions based on new clarities brought out during fasts. Fasting clearly supports the transformational evolutionary process. For example, when we really "get" that our spouse is not going to change his or her habits of eating, watching TV, or being too busy to really relate to us—that the priority of the relationship is very low and the love is clearly not there—it may be time to make a change. With fasting, we can feel empowered to do things we only thought about before. Fasting can precipitate emotional cleansing as well. Attitude and general motivation are usually uplifted with cleansing. Spiritually, juice fasting offers a lesson in self-restraint and control of passions, which help us in many avenues of life.
Fasting is a simple process of self-cleansing. We do not need any special medicines to do it; our body knows how. Provided that we are basically well-nourished, systematic undereating and fasting are likely the most important contributors to health and longevity. Fasting is even more important to balance the autointoxication that results from common dietary and drug indiscretions.
I look at fasting as "taking a week off work" to handle the other aspects of life for which there is often little time. With fasting we can take time to nurture ourselves and rest. Fasting is also like turning off and cleaning a complex and valuable machine so that it will function better and longer. Resting the gastrointestinal tract, letting the cells and tissues repair themselves, and allowing the lymph, blood, and organs to clear out old, defective, or diseased cells and unneeded chemicals all lead to less degeneration and sickness. As healthy cell growth is stimulated, so is our level of vitality, immune function and disease resistance, and our potential for greater longevity.
Fasting Examples
J.R. did a 67-day fast on juices at age 20 when he joined a fasting and health-food-oriented community in 1975. He describes feeling great and very light. In fact, he lost a lot of weight. His only problems were skin sores that would not heal. These were of course, seen as a detox process. Medically, they could be attributed to protein/nutrient deficiency as well. This long fast on juice nutrients was a major transitional period for J.R. to change his diet to raw foods and strict vegetarianism. It also helped change his beliefs and motivation for life.
S.R. was very overweight and in a family relationship that was not supporting her growth. She clearly grasped for spiritual unfoldment. She was very strong, had loads of energy and various congestive symptoms—a prime candidate for fasting. After she began her fast, she decided to go 30 days on Master Cleanser with my support. She did wonderfully, lost 24 pounds, and wasn't through yet. For the next 30 days, she did my seven-food diet (apples, lemons, alfalfa sprouts, brown rice, carrots, almonds, and broccoli), picking seven primary foods to make up her diet, thus continuing her willpower and diet focus. After that, S.R. did another 30-day fast on Master Cleanser and other juices. She did well. During these months she moved from bookkeeping and typing into the healing arts. She left her husband and moved to the Midwest to take a job assisting a well-known physician in her healing research.
*There are many choices that will make up a relatively balanced diet.
B.D. and C.D.—This father (B.D., age 46) and son (C.D., age 15) attended a recent fasting group. B.D. was 50 pounds overweight (231, 5'9") and had high blood pressure. On exam B.D.'s cholesterol was 214. He had in the past followed a low- fat, Pritikin-like diet and felt better. He was really ready for a change and wanted to fast. He wanted me to see his son to evaluate whether he also could join the fasting group. C.D. was an overweight (181, 5'9") teenager on a typical teenage diet but inspired toward health.
B.D. did incredibly well on the Master Cleanser for 10 days, feeling fine and energetic and dropping his weight to 213. His new diet plan became more vegetarian, wholesome, and low fat, and included one- to two-day fasts weekly, plus a week-long fast every few months. A follow-up four months later found him well and busy in a new job. His weight had gotten to a low of 195 and he stabilized at about 202 with his diet. The positive value he received was that he realized that he could be in control of his diet. He was in much better shape and his self-esteem was much higher; of course he could see his feet and the earth again as his pant size dropped from 42" to 36".
C.D. dropped his weight from 182 to 171 with the fast and was an inspiration to the fasting group. His body and face changed dramatically. New activities and exercise were added to his regimen, and he now is a more serious bicyclist. C.D.'s diet also changed dramatically to enjoying salads and fruits, some grains, and fish and poultry. He got away from the sweets, sodas, salt snacks, and fried foods he was eating before. Now at 165, he feels great!
Hazards of Fasting
If fasting is overused, it may create depletion and weakness, lower resistance, and allow diseases to begin. Certain people are not good candidates for fasting or cleansing. Others may enjoy fasting so much that they overindulge in it and take it beyond the limits of normal elimination, resulting in protein and other nutritional deficits, reduced immunity, and loss of energy. While fasting allows the organs, tissues, and cells to rest, clean house, and handle excesses, the body needs the nourishment provided by food to function after it has used its stores.
Many people of the world are involuntary fasters, while those of the Western nations are more likely to be feasters. In Third World countries, many starvation deaths result from the disease of protein deficiency, termed kwashiorkor, and protein-calorie malnutrition, known as marasmus. What happens to these people is what happens with chronic fasting—loss of muscle mass, weight, and energy, and finally swelling and death.
Malnourished people should definitely not fast, nor should some overweight people who are undernourished. Others who should not fast include people with fatigue resulting from nutrient deficiency, those with chronic degenerative disease of the muscles or bones, or those who are underweight. Diseases associated with clogged or toxic organs respond better to fasting. Sluggish men or women who retain water or whose weight is concentrated in their hips and legs often do poorly with fasting. Those with low daytime energy and more vitality at night (more yin or alkaline types) may not enjoy fasting, either.
I do not suggest fasting for pregnant or lactating women. People who have weak hearts, such as those with congestive heart failure, or who have weakened immunity usually are not good candidates for fasting. Before or after surgery is not a good time to fast, as the body then needs its nourishment to handle the stress and healing demands of surgery. Although some of the nutritional therapies for cancer include fasting, I do not recommend fasting for cancer patients, especially those with advanced problems. Ulcer disease is not something for which I usually suggest fasting, either, although fasting may be beneficial for other conditions present in a patient whose ulcer is under control. Many clinics and fasting practitioners do believe in fasting for ulcers, however. In the first test case of the Master Cleanser (lemon juice, maple syrup, cayenne pepper, and water), Stanley Burroughs claims to have cured a patient with an intractable ulcer. Mr. Burroughs used the two main ingredients that all doctors suggested that this patient avoid, citrus and spice, which he figured were the only things left that might heal the ulcer. The fasting process itself probably is helpful for ulcers, since it reduces stomach acid and aids in tissue healing. And cayenne pepper, even though it is hot, has a healing effect on mucous membranes, and in herbal medicine, it is commonly recommended for ulcers. So, even though peptic ulcers are on the contraindication list, some ulcer people may do very well with fasting, especially with cabbage/vegetable juices.
Contraindications for Fasting
Underweight Pregnancy
Fatigue Nursing
Alkaline type Pre- and postsurgery
Low immunity Mental illness
Weak heart Cancer
Low blood pressure Peptic ulcers
Cardiac arrhythmias Nutritional deficiencies
As with any therapy that has some physiological effect and benefit, fasting also may have some hazards. The potential for the development of these problems is maximized with lengthy, noncaloric or water fasts and minimized with juice fasting of reasonable length, such as one to two weeks. Clearly, excessive weight loss and nutritional deficiencies may occur, again more marked with water fasts (juices provide calories and nutrients, although they do not provide complete nutrition). Weakness may occur, or muscle cramps may result from mineral deficits. Sodium, potassium, calcium, magnesium, and phosphorus losses occur initially but diminish after a week. Blood pressure drops, and this can lead to episodes of dizziness, especially when changing position from lying to sitting or sitting to standing. Uric acid levels may rise, which may result in acute gout attacks or a uric acid kidney stone, although this is rare. This problem is minimized with adequate fluid intake.
Some research reports have described hormone level changes with fasting. Initially, the level of thyroid hormone falls, but it rises again in association with protein-sparing ketosis. Female hormone levels fall, possibly as a result of protein malnutrition, and this can lead to loss of menstrual flow; that is, secondary amenorrhea. This cessation of the periods in women is also seen in longtime vegetarians, especially those who engage in extensive exercise programs.
Cardiac problems, such as abnormal rhythms (arrhythmias), can occur more easily with prolonged fasting and/or with subclinical preexisting problems. Extra beats, both ventricular and atrial, have been seen, and there have been deaths from serious ventricular arrhythmias, such as ventricular tachycardia, most often occurring during long water fasts. Similar problems have occurred recently in people using the nutrient-deficient protein powders that have been freely sold; many unhealthy weight reducers have been put at risk by using these powders over extended periods on unmonitored fasts. This risk is minimized with juice fasting (up to two weeks) or when basic minerals, mainly potassium, calcium, and magnesium, are supplemented during water fasts. Having our progress followed medically through physical exams, blood tests, and even electrocardiograms is a way to protect ourselves from the potential hazards of fasting.
8Role of Diet and Nutrition in Health
9Chamomile (German)


Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas spoke in Ramallah and accused Prime Minister Netanyahu of transferring funds to Hamas used to finance terrorist attacks in Judea and Samaria.
"He personally transfers money to Hamas to carry out terror attacks in the West Bank and we pay the price," Abbas said.
Prior to publication of Trump's peace plan for the Arab-Israeli conflict, Abbas said that "we won't negotiate with the American administration, because it's not neutral. We support an economic, political. and security agreement.
"Israel and the US are talking about the economic solution to the conflict and transferring $10-12 billion to the Palestinian Authority. But where's the political solution? According to the US and Israel, it'll come later, we know the result of this path. We won't accept a solution that will not address the political problem.
"We won't agree that Hamas is accused of being a terrorist movement. It's part of the Palestinian people, we don't agree with Hamas on almost every issue, and they create anarchy in the West Bank, but these things are between us Palestinians. We won't accept condemnation of Hamas."
Abbas described efforts to thwart Brazil's recognition of Jerusalem. "I spoke to President Erdogan for quick action against Brazil in response to their decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, and we agreed to continue cooperation with the Turks so we can see what can be done about this dangerous issue, whether it comes from Brazil or any other country."


text:
import time as timemod
import datetime
import os
import numpy as np
import logging
from functools import wraps
import collections

logger = logging.getLogger(__name__)

def decyear_inv(decyear,format='%Y-%m-%dT%H:%M:%S'):
  '''
  convert decimal year to date
  '''
  year = int(np.floor(decyear))
  remainder = decyear - year
  year_start = datetime.datetime(year,1,1)
  year_end = datetime.datetime(year+1,1,1)
  days_in_year = (year_end - year_start).days
  decdays = remainder*days_in_year
  date = year_start + datetime.timedelta(days=decdays)
  return date.strftime(format)

def decyear(*args):
  '''
  converts date to decimal year
  '''
  date_tuple      = datetime.datetime(*args).timetuple()
  time_in_sec     = timemod.mktime(date_tuple)
  date_tuple      = datetime.datetime(args[0],1,1,0,0).timetuple()
  time_year_start = timemod.mktime(date_tuple)
  date_tuple      = datetime.datetime(args[0]+1,1,1,0,0).timetuple()
  time_year_end   = timemod.mktime(date_tuple)
  decimal_time    = (args[0] + (time_in_sec - time_year_start)
                     /(time_year_end - time_year_start))
  return decimal_time

class Timer:
  def __init__(self):
    self.time_dict = collections.OrderedDict()
    self.actime_dict = collections.OrderedDict()

  def tic(self,ID=None):
    if ID is None:
      itr = 0
      while True:
        n = 'process %s' % itr
        if n not in self.time_dict:
          ID = n
          break

        itr += 1

    if ID in self.time_dict:
      logger.warning('%s is already being timed' % ID)
      return

    if not ID in self.actime_dict:
      self.actime_dict[ID] = 0.0

    self.time_dict[ID] = timemod.time()

    logger.debug('timing %s' % ID)

  def toc(self,ID=None):
    if ID is None:
      ID = self.time_dict.keys()[-1]

    curtime = timemod.time()
    runtime = curtime - self.time_dict.pop(ID)
    self.actime_dict[ID] += runtime

    disp = '%.4g %s' % self.convert(runtime)

    logger.debug('elapsed time for last call to %s: %s' % (ID,disp))
    return 'elapsed time for last call to %s: %s' % (ID,disp)

  def summary(self):
    while len(self.time_dict.keys()) > 0:
      self.toc()

    logger.info('---- TIME SUMMARY ----')
    for i,val in self.actime_dict.iteritems():
      disp = '%.4g %s' % self.convert(val)
      logger.info('total time running %s: %s' % (i,disp))

  def convert(self,t):
    unit = 's'
    if t > 3600.0:
      unit = 'hr'
      t /= 3600.0

    elif t > 60.0:
      unit = 'min'
      t /= 60.0

    elif t < 1.0:
      unit = 'ms'
      t *= 1000.0

    return t,unit

GLOBAL_TIMER = Timer()

def funtime(fun):
  '''
  decorator which times a function
  '''
  @wraps(fun)
  def subfun(*args,**kwargs):
    t = Timer()
    GLOBAL_TIMER.tic(fun.__name__)
    try:
      out = fun(*args,**kwargs)
    finally:
      GLOBAL_TIMER.toc(fun.__name__)
    return out
  return subfun

def tic(*args,**kwargs):
  return GLOBAL_TIMER.tic(*args,**kwargs)

def toc(*args,**kwargs):
  return GLOBAL_TIMER.toc(*args,**kwargs)

def summary(*args,**kwargs):
  return GLOBAL_TIMER.summary(*args,**kwargs)


text:
DANA WHITE: LOOKIN' FOR A FIGHT CARD ANNOUNCED FOR BANGOR EVENT
[NEF Press Release]
Bangor, Maine (July 12, 2016) – Earlier today, New England Fights (NEF) announced the fight card for the promotion's August 5, 2016 event at the Cross Insurance Center in Bangor, Maine. Ultimate Fighting Championship (UFC) President Dana White will be present at the event to scout talent for his web show Dana White: Lookin' for a Fight. Eight professional mixed-martial-arts (MMA) bouts will be presented before White. Sixteen competitors will look to impress the UFC boss and earn a contract with the largest MMA promotion in the world.
In the main event, "The Fearless" Alfred Khashakyan (7-2) will face Brazilian prospect Ricardo Lucas Ramos (8-1) in a bantamweight contest. Based out of Glendale, California, Khashakyan is a finisher, having won seven of his last eight bouts via knockout or technical knockout. Khashakyan will be in good company on August 5 as his opponent does not believe in letting the judges decide the winner either. Seven of Ramos' eight wins have been finishes, including five submissions.
Maine lightweights Jon Lemke (5-5) and Jesse "The Viking" Erickson (7-5) will meet in a rematch of their Bellator 93 bout from 2013. Lemke won the first battle in Lewiston via first round technical knockout. Both Erickson and Lemke have recently challenged for the NEF MMA Professional Lightweight Title. They are two of the top-ranked fighters in the state at 155-pounds.
Local, Bangor-based Young's MMA will send no less than four competitors to the cage in hopes of winning a UFC contract. "The" Ryan Sanders (10-7), Aaron "Relentless" Lacey (1-0), CJ Ewer (1-0), and Josh "Hook On" Harvey (1-0) will all be in action for the first time at the Cross.
In a bout that has all the makings of a "show-stealer," Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu (BJJ) black belt Jarod "Last Minute" Lawton (4-2) is scheduled to face Mike "The Mustache" Hansen (4-4) in a middleweight bout. Both will be looking to bounce back from losses in their respective previous bouts. Hansen is a former state high school wrestling champion out of Mountain Valley High School in Rumford, Maine.
The full fight card (subject to change):
265-POUNDS: Brendan Battles (1-0) vs. Derrick Brown (4-3)
185-POUNDS: Jarod Lawton (4-2) vs. Mike Hansen (4-4)
170-POUNDS: CJ Ewer (1-0) vs. Ruben Redman (0-1)
155-POUNDS: Ryan Sanders (10-7) vs. Derrick Kennington (11-7)
155-POUNDS: Jesse Erickson (7-5) vs. Jon Lemke (5-5)
145-POUNDS: Josh Harvey (1-0) vs. Brandon Bushaw (2-2)
145-POUNDS: Aaron Lacey (1-0) vs. John Santos (3-3)
135-POUNDS: Alfred Khashakyan (7-2) vs. Ricardo Lucas Ramos (8-1)
New England Fights' next event, "NEF Presents Dana White: Looking for a Fight" takes place on Friday, August 5, 2016 at the Cross Insurance Center in Bangor, Maine. Tickets are on sale now at www.CrossInsuranceCenter.com or by calling the box office at 800.745.3000.
For more information on the event and fight card updates, please visit the promotion's website at www.NewEnglandFights.com. In addition, you can watch NEF videos at www.youtube.com/NEFMMA and www.flocombat.com, follow them on Twitter @nefights and join the official Facebook group "New England Fights."
Labels: NEF, News, UFC


From 1901 to 1903, the Galt Football Club won the Ontario Cup, defeating teams from Ontario, Quebec and Manitoba. When the 1904 Olympics were announced for St. Louis, Missouri, many teams withdrew from competition due to travel costs and previous losses to the Galt team. The Galt Football Club travelled to St. Louis on a special steam train decorated in red and white, along with 50 supporters and the Mayor of Galt. In the first game, Galt defeated the Christian Brothers College 7-0. The following day, in the game against St. Rose, Galt won 4-0, claiming the gold medal. The team was welcomed back to Galt by 3,000 cheering fans.
Learn more about the Galt Football Club on the Soccer Hall of Fame and Museum website.
Read more about the Galt Football Club – including player biographies and team stats – on the Canadian Soccer History webpage.


A great skin tip: use an extra drop around the eyes at night to help firm and smooth fine lines. You may also combine 50/50 with organic cold pressed coconut oil for a fantastic body serum. Helps to firm sagging skin on knees and arms.
Sensitive skin types may want to blend with a few drops of coconut oil for use on the face.


Ted and Marvin the Golf Caddy Dog have a lot of fun together on the golf course. When a new neighbor named Molly moves in next door, they all become quick friends! Be sure to check out the rest of the books in this series, as well as the activity and coloring books!
Marvin Qualifies for Junior Nationals!


text:
Alex Groza – cestista e allenatore di pallacanestro statunitense
 Petru Groza – politico rumeno
 OC-14-4A "Groza-4" – fucile d'assalto russo

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia