Seamus Sullivan never asked to be a werewolf. He never even considered being a cop, that is until his childhood dream of becoming middleweight champion of the world is abruptly dashed by the jaws of a frothing lupus, commissioned to guard the gates of darkness deep beneath the bowels of Midtown Gardens Park. One chomp and Seamus is forever ushered into the world of the undead. No manual provided.
With the assistance of a self-appointed guardian, Seamus is doing OK in his earthly afterlife, as long as he controls his Irish temper and adheres to lunar calendar scheduling, and peaceful park duty. But OK becomes a KO when Seamus finally meets and falls paws over heels for his mysterious phantom woman--Claudia the feisty, bright, and beautiful teenage Cuban clairvoyant.
Happily ever after? If only undead were that simple. Add to the macabre mayhem Claudia's baseball Bomber brother, a moldy reporter, a vengeful mama, a questionable priest, a possessed mayor, a gaggle of ghosts, a president's son, a Confucius groupie, and what do you get? You get a farcely funny ride to the Darkside and back.
Seamus Sullivan never asked to become a werewolf, but in this second book of the sanguine series Officer Sullivan has adjusted well to undead life in a world where werewolves, plumed pirates, a Russian rogue, performing clowns, gourmet spaghetti sauce, and exploding toilets all have something in common-- love everlasting. Full of innocence and terror, surprises and amusements, WEREWOLF LOVE was written for every adventurous romantic who's ever wished that no death do us part.


Toys are a great way to help stimulate your bird's mind and to keep him/her busy. Even though there is a wide variety of commercially available bird toys out there, many of them could be harmful to your bird. Some people have also learned that their birds dislike these toys and favor something as simple as a bottle cap. These are some of the reasons why I will be trying to make toys which I think are safe and suitable for the birds.
The past few days I have found many sources which have instructions on how to make various types of toys. These are very helpful and can even get me started on making my own. I've already made a mini version of a toy named "The Paper Puff" which was originally made by Michelle from The Beak Whisperer. Here is the post she made about it. My version was made with tiny whiffle balls and cut up cupcake papers. Then they were attached with some hemp twine. It was a big hit with the birds. Froot Loop was the first to nibble on one, then the other two started to nibble a bit too. Before I knew it, there were little cupcake paper scraps all over their cage floor, and two scraggly looking Paper Puffs left.
I've also made other toys with beads on them, but the birds don't seem to like beads as much as shredding toys. There are many things out there that I can still experiment with though.
There are also many other materials you can find around your house that can be used to make great toys, such as bottle caps, toilet paper, and egg cartons. All you have to do is make sure they are safe, and be creative!
Posted in Informative Post and tagged Bird, Budgie, Toy Materials, Toys. Bookmark the permalink.


text:
CASIO BASIC ist der inoffizielle Name einer Programmiersprache, mit der verschiedene Miniprogramme für Taschenrechner der Firma Casio programmiert werden können. CASIO BASIC ist ein Dialekt von Basic.

Programmierung

Neben der direkten Eingabe am Taschenrechner können die Programme mit diversen Zusatzprogrammen auch extern am Computer bearbeitet und anschließend via Datenkabel auf den Taschenrechner übertragen werden.
Befehle werden durch einen Absatz oder einen Doppelpunkt getrennt.

Variablen

Im Gegensatz zu anderen Programmiersprachen besteht der Variablenbezeichner (Variable) in CASIO BASIC aus nur einem Buchstaben. Somit liegt die Anzahl der Variablen, die in einem Programm verwendet werden können, nur knapp über 26. Da einige mathematische Symbole auch als Variable benutzt werden können, variiert die genaue Anzahl der Variablen von Modell zu Modell.
Zusätzlich können ein- und zwei-dimensionale Felder (Liste, Matrix) verwendet werden.

Werte werden mit dem Operator "→" Variablen zugewiesen.

Zahleneingaben werden mit folgendem Befehl in eine Variable überführt:

 4→A

Werteabfrage vom Programmbenutzer:

 ?→B

Tastendruckabfrage

Mit dem Befehl "Getkey" kann der Tastencode der aktuell gedrückten Taste abgefragt werden. Jede Taste – bis auf AC/On/Off – besitzt einen solchen. Keine gedrückten Tasten ergeben den Rückgabewert 0 und EXIT 47. Es empfiehlt sich, ein Programm zu schreiben, welches den aktuellen Tastencode ausgibt, um sich die Codes zum Programmieren selbst zu erschließen.

Ein vereinfachtes Verwendungsbeispiel:

 Kurzes Programm, welches einen Ball über die Pfeiltasten nach links und rechts bewegt.

 While Getkey ≠ 47
 Locate x,y," "
 Getkey=27 ⇒ X<21 ⇒ x+1→x
 Getkey=38 ⇒ X>1 ⇒ x-1→x
 Locate x,y,"O"
 WhileEnd
Wenn nur das betätigen der EXE Taste benötigt wird, kann der Befehl "◢" am Ende einer Programmzeile verwendet werden. Beim Ausführen hält das Programm an dieser Stelle an und wartet darauf, bis der Benutzer EXE gedrückt hat. Diese Abfrage ist sehr nützlich, wenn eine Art "weiter" Funktion erforderlich ist wird.

 Beispielprogramm für die Anwendung des "◢" Befehls.

 While A=A
 A+1→A
 A◢
 WhileEnd

Bedingungen

 If...Then...IfEnd-Anweisung
 If Bedingung
 Then
 <Anweisung(en)>
 IfEnd
 If...Then...Else...IfEnd-Anweisung
 If Bedingung
 Then
 <Anweisung(en)>
 Else
 <Anweisung>
 IfEnd
 alternative/ verkürzte If...Then-Anweisung
 Bedingung ⇒ Anweisung

Schleifen
 For...To...Next

 For Wert → Variable
 To Wert
 <Anweisung(en)>
 Next

 For...To...Step...Next

 For Variable → Wert
 To Wert
 Step Wert
 <Anweisung(en)>
 Next

 While...WhileEnd

 While Bedingung
 <Anweisung(en)>
 WhileEnd

 Do...LpWhile

 Do
 <Anweisung(en)>
 LpWhile Bedingung

Textausgabe

 "Hallo Welt"
 (schreibt als fortlaufenden Text auf dem Textbildschirm, schiebt vorherige Texteingaben nach oben)

Oder:

 Locate X,Y,"Hallo Welt"
 (schreibt an angegebene Koordinaten auf dem Textbildschirm, überschreibt darunter liegenden Text, Koordinaten werden in Zeichen gemessen)

Oder:
 Text Y,X,"Hallo Welt"
 (schreibt den genannten Text sehr klein auf den Grafikbildschirm,  Koordinaten werden in Pixel auf dem Grafikbildschirm gemessen)

Weblinks
 Ein Tutorial zum Erstellen von Spielen mit Casio BASIC: http://community.casiocalc.org/topic/2448-casio-basic-tutorial/
 Eine Quelle für Spiele und Programme, die in Casio BASIC geschrieben wurden. (Nicht getestet / verifiziert): http://cabbresson.tripod.com/Casio/CasioIndex.htm
 Eine vollständige Erklärung der Geschichte von Casio BASIC: http://foroplus.com/basic/casiobasic.php
 Eine vollständige Erklärung der Geschichte von Casio POCKET BASIC: http://foroplus.com/basic/casiopbasic.php

BASIC
Casio

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


The tool used color analysis, metadata components, and face-detection of users' feeds. Retrieved 4 February 2019. In December 2013, Instagram announced Instagram Direct, a feature that lets users interact through private messaging. Although Systrom acknowledged the criticism as "fair", Recode wrote that "he likened the two social apps' common features to the auto industry: Retrieved June 10, 2014.
Retrieved June 14, 2017. Burbn was then pivoted to become more focused on photo-sharing. They adopted filters because Instagram had filters and a lot of others were trying to adopt filters as well. Retrieved June 10, 2014. Retrieved July 14, 2017.
Retrieved July 7, 2017. Some have suggested it may contribute to digital dependence , whist this same survey noticed its positive effects, including self expression, self identity, and community building. Users can also build a shopping list inside the platform by tapping on a tag and saving it.
Retrieved May 31, 2017. In February 2017, Instagram announced that users would be able to upload up to ten pictures or videos to one post, with the content appearing as a swipeable carousel. Retrieved November 8, 2017.
Instagram was listed among Time ' s "50 Best Android Applications for 2013" list. The picture currently has over 50 million likes. Desaturates the image as well as adds haze for a retro, dreamy look — with an emphasis on blacks and blues. Instagram username P2003 see uses.
On December 17, 2012, Instagram announced a change to its Terms of Service policy, adding the following sentence: In July 2014, it released Bolt , a messaging app where users click on a friend's profile photo to quickly send an image, with the content disappearing after being seen. Retrieved April 8, 2017. Intensifies shadows and brightens highlights. This means you often don't see the posts you might care about the most. Such statements should be clarified or removed.
Some have suggested it may contribute to digital dependence , whist this same survey noticed its positive effects, including self expression, self identity, and community building. Gives photographs an older look with a sepia tint and warm temperature. This notification post was surfaced as part of an effort to encourage engagement on Instagram.
Retrieved April 15, 2018. The first, introduced in March 2014, cut the size of the app by half and added significant improvements to performance and responsiveness on a wide variety of Android devices. Gives photographs an older look with a sepia tint and warm temperature. Retrieved June 21, 2018. This means you often don't see the posts you might care about the most. List of most-followed Instagram accounts.
In response to abusive and negative comments on users' photos, Instagram has made efforts to give users more control over their posts and accompanying comments field. Basic functionality is also available within the Instagram app and website. Retrieved 14 January 2019. New York Daily News.
Posts are generally received by a small percentage of a person's Facebook friends". Retrieved March 31, 2017. Retrieved April 23, 2017. On October 22, 2013, during the Nokia World event held in Abu Dhabi , Systrom confirmed the upcoming release of the official Instagram app for Windows Phone,  after pressure from Nokia and the public to develop an app for the platform.
Corresponding hashtags have been blocked as part of the company's response and a spokesperson engaged with the BBC explained: Applies a warm pink tone, subtle vignetting to brighten the photograph center and a thin black border. Instagram Updates Android App". Retrieved September 25, 2018. Retrieved May 9, 2017. Don't panic, it was an accident, and a short-lived one".
Retrieved April 20, 2017. We won't sell your photos". In June 2017, Instagram announced that it had introduced a new comment moderation system, that will automatically attempt to filter offensive, harassing, and "spammy" comments by default. Retrieved December 10, 2015.
Retrieved December 7, 2017. In December 2013, Instagram announced Instagram Direct, a feature that lets users interact through private messaging. Increases exposure and adds a yellow tint. In December 2017, The Verge reported that Instagram would let users press "Follow" on a hashtag, thereby seeing relevant highlights of the topic in their feeds. Kevin Systrom posted the first photo to Instagram on July 16, 2010. Archived from the original on November 1, 2011.


Hello! Had to tell this face-punch story that I heard from a co-worker at my previous job.
Back story: Guy was in horrible car accident, long story short he received around 200,000 from the settlement.
A few years later he was broke. FACE-PUNCH!
He told me one day that he saw a friend that avoids him now since he "loaned" him 5,000 a while back, and "I guess I won't get that back" said passively.
Bought unlivable land (swamp land) for taking his new 4 wheelers out on, but they were having problems running after a couple years.
Bought new gas sucking truck, which is falling into disrepair.
Same guy stops at gas station every day for breakfast and lunch, his receipt fell out of the bag, 20 dollars(Crap food and soda).
The only smart thing he may have done with his money was to buy a rental property. Except he rents it out to "friends" of him who take advantage of this by not paying him on time.
This workplace was full of great conversations of what not to do with your money.
Reminds me of a co-worker at a former job who won $60,000 in the lottery. They used some of it as down payment on a duplex and to pay off credit cards, which was good -- but then they blew the rest of it AND ran the cards back up by going to the casino every weekend.
I have a friend who owes me a quite disgusting amount of money. To be honest i don't think ill ever get it back and since i have accepted that i am much happier about the situation. He is a really good and loyal friend but didn't have much luck in his life. At one point i noticed he was avoiding me out of embarrassment and i told him i value his friendship more than the money so please don't avoid me.
I guess you could call it passive but its much healthier for me in-terms of maintaining my longest friendship and not dwelling on the past. i treat it as a lesson learned and don't lend anymore. He is actually fairly enterprising in a boom and bust sort of way and if he ever hits it big ill be paid back with super interest, not holding my breath though.
These people are jsut not ready to deal with money. They never had more than one paycheck. It's just not real, so they do stuff that is jut not real.
Winning the lottery positively reinforces foolish decision making (playing the lottery). It's not surprising when the people who do win end up blowing it all. They're just following the same decision making process that led them to play in the first place.
I knew a guy that won $400,000 at the casino. Spent it the first year on a nice RV, jet skies, new truck and a tanning booth. Two years later his son got really sick and they had to sell it all for a 1/4 of the price to pay the bill. He didn't want to waste the money on insurance.
It's kind of amazing to me that these people who win "low" lottery amounts - 60K, 100K, 200K fall into the same trap that mega millions winners fall into.
I can kind of see how they might think it's just impossibleto run out of money when they have 100 million. But 100K? OK, that's enough to pay off most of the debt they're probably in and go on a nice trip, but not nearly enough to adopt a high spending lifestyle.
My in-laws have never learned how to deal with money. They got a 6 figure settlement from being rammed by a semi several years ago but its already gone and they ask us for table scraps / leftovers. Kind of sad.
Seriously. And it's funny (for certain values of "funny") how 100K/year income is "just scraping by" yet 100K one-time lump sum is WHEEEEE JACKPOT!!!
Or... or... maybe they're just incredibly frugal and see You as wasteful spendy pants? Naah! Kinda sad..


I sell this on eBay for $79 or buy direct for $74. Shipping is $10 within the US or $23 outside.
This adapter will control the following tape transport controls: Play, Stop, F.F., Rewind, Record as well as Locate1 and Lifter.
Includes a DirecTV universal remote which includes batteries and is preprogrammed to work with the remote receiver. A pair of jumpers inside the remote adapter allows you to select between four different remote codes in case you have a conflict with an existing wireless device or if you want to have multiple remote adapters in the same room.


text:
UConn Health Joins NAACP in Campaign to Employ Formerly Incarcerated in Hartford Area
Oct 11, 2022 | 2022, All News, Press
Those who have been released from prison or have an arrest record need training even for entry-level jobs, and then to know where the jobs are.
It's the best way to keep people from breaking the law and going back to jail, said Scot X. Esdaile, president of the state chapter of the NAACP.
The Million Jobs Campaign aims to provide that training and has teamed up with UConn Health to open the door to entry-level jobs at the public hospital and research center. It has committed to a goal of hiring people who have had contact with the criminal justice system to fill 5% of its entry-level jobs over the next three years.
"Martin Luther King and Malcolm X both agreed that the greatest social program that you could ever create in the community is a job program of creating meaningful opportunities, meaning economic opportunities, for individuals to stay away from criminal activity," he said.
"If you wanted to be a fireman or be a police officer or be a correctional officer and you have a blemish on your record or you have been arrested — sometimes you don't even have to go to jail or be convicted," Esdaile said. "You've just been arrested. If it shows up on your record, it can affect you from being hired for jobs."
That number totals 13,000 to 14,000 people in Greater Hartford alone, Esdaile said. And Hartford has the most people incarcerated of any Connecticut city, at 1,065 per 100,000 population, according to the state Office of Police and Management, so that means a high number of formerly incarcerated people as well.
A 16-year-old who is arrested can have that on his record for the rest of his life, Esdaile said. And while employers can hire ex-convicts, it doesn't help if they don't have the skills to do the job.
This is where the Million Jobs Campaign comes in, working with the Capital Workforce Partners, which will provide the training. UConn Health is the third of four Hartford-area medical centers to join the campaign, Hartford Hospital and Connecticut Children's Medical Center have also signed on.
St. Francis Hospital will be the next to join, Esdaile said. The campaign began with Yale New Haven Hospital in New Haven. He estimated 1,000 to 1,500 jobs at the four Hartford Hospitals. The NAACP has an ultimate goal of 10,000 jobs across the state and 1 million jobs nationwide.
"Once they finish the training, then they come back to the NAACP," Esdaile said. "And then we set up the interview with the four hospitals. And then the person will take the best offer. So we have a pool of individuals after they finished training that the human resources department from all four hospitals will start setting up interviews for them."
The campaign will begin ramping up with public service announcements and radio and TV advertising next week, Esdaile said, after the grand opening Oct. 18 of the campaign's offices in the Gold Building, 755 Main St., Hartford.
Corrie Betts, outreach coordinator for the NAACP, who has been incarcerated himself, said his role "is making sure that I connect the dots, making sure that we give them the services that are available, but once those services that I'm able to connect them to that there's employment connected to those services."
He'll work with UConn Health and other partners "making sure that these employers are seeing these people as being individuals who have definitely put in the work to change in their lives and giving them opportunity," he said.
Besides job skills, creating a good resume, preparing for interviews are also vital, Betts said. "Setting the person up to go in front of an employer and they're able to tell their story and tell it effectively and honestly, it creates that opportunity," he said.
Employers, like the hospitals, need to be open to hiring those who have served their time, Betts said. "I don't think it should hold them from being able to be employable, being able to be productive members of society. And if we don't correct that, and we continue to create barriers for them, we just create a recidivism. Where does it stop?"
Lakeesha Brown, vice president of human resources at UConn Health, said the program will help the medical center in hiring people for what is a larger number of openings since the COVID-19 pandemic and the "great resignation."
"This particular initiative is good for not just the hospital and UConn Health as a whole … but it certainly is good for the state," she said. With post-incarceration recidivism rates running at 27%, "that has a direct effect on re-offense. People come out of jail, they want to do something with their lives for the most part, and then they can't get a job. And so it sort of perpetuates that cycle of crime."
"As a citizen, I'd much rather participate in advocacy for and support for post-incarceration, job readiness and training programs so that people can get a job," Brown said.
"This isn't a handout," she said. "This isn't a pipeline of just NAACP program graduates into positions. They still have to come in and compete."
Dr. Bruce Liang, interim CEO of UConn Health, said "there are many benefits to this collaboration. It will help give a fair second chance and strengthen equity and the economic status of formerly incarcerated individuals. Additionally, hiring a formerly incarcerated [person] has the potential to provide an added benefit of millions of dollars in economic impact for the state."
Statewide, the NAACP estimates that economic impact to total $7.5 million.
Originally published by the Hartford Courant.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
using System.Threading.Tasks;
using Elasticsearch.Net;
using FluentAssertions;
using Tests.Framework;
using static Tests.Framework.TimesHelper;
using static Elasticsearch.Net.AuditEvent;

namespace Tests.ClientConcepts.ConnectionPooling.Sniffing
{
	public class OnConnectionFailure
	{
		/**== Sniffing on connection failure
		*
		* Sniffing on connection is enabled by default when using a connection pool that allows reseeding.
		* The only IConnectionPool we ship that allows this is the <<sniffing-connection-pool,SniffingConnectionPool>>.
		*
		* This can be very handy to force a refresh of the pools known healthy node by inspecting Elasticsearch itself.
		* A sniff tries to get the nodes by asking each currently known node until one response.
		*/

		[U] public async Task DoesASniffAfterConnectionFailure()
		{
			/**
			* Here we seed our connection with 5 known nodes 9200-9204 of which we think
			* 9202, 9203, 9204 are master eligible nodes. Our virtualized cluster will throw once when doing
			* a search on 9201. This should a sniff to be kicked off.
			*/
			var audit = new Auditor(() => Framework.Cluster
				.Nodes(5)
				.MasterEligible(9202, 9203, 9204)
				.ClientCalls(r => r.SucceedAlways())
				.ClientCalls(r => r.OnPort(9201).Fails(Once))
				/**
				* When the call fails on 9201 the sniff succeeds and returns a new cluster of healty nodes
				* this cluster only has 3 nodes and the known masters are 9200 and 9202 but a search on 9201
				* still fails once
				*/
				.Sniff(p => p.SucceedAlways(Framework.Cluster
					.Nodes(3)
					.MasterEligible(9200, 9202)
					.ClientCalls(r => r.OnPort(9201).Fails(Once))
					/**
					* After this second failure on 9201 another sniff will be returned a cluster that no
					* longer fails but looks completely different (9210-9212) we should be able to handle this
					*/
					.Sniff(s => s.SucceedAlways(Framework.Cluster
						.Nodes(3, 9210)
						.MasterEligible(9210, 9212)
						.ClientCalls(r => r.SucceedAlways())
						.Sniff(r => r.SucceedAlways())
					))
				))
				.SniffingConnectionPool()
				.Settings(s => s.DisablePing().SniffOnStartup(false))
			);

			audit = await audit.TraceCalls(
			/** */
				new ClientCall {
					{ HealthyResponse, 9200 },
					{ pool =>  pool.Nodes.Count.Should().Be(5) }
				},
				new ClientCall {
					{ BadResponse, 9201},
					/** We assert we do a sniff on our first known master node 9202 */
					{ SniffOnFail },
					{ SniffSuccess, 9202},
					{ HealthyResponse, 9200},
					/** Our pool should now have three nodes */
					{ pool =>  pool.Nodes.Count.Should().Be(3) }
				},
				new ClientCall {
					{ BadResponse, 9201},
					/** We assert we do a sniff on the first master node in our updated cluster */
					{ SniffOnFail },
					{ SniffSuccess, 9200},
					{ HealthyResponse, 9210},
					{ pool =>  pool.Nodes.Count.Should().Be(3) }
				},
				new ClientCall { { HealthyResponse, 9211 } },
				new ClientCall { { HealthyResponse, 9212 } },
				new ClientCall { { HealthyResponse, 9210 } },
				new ClientCall { { HealthyResponse, 9211 } },
				new ClientCall { { HealthyResponse, 9212 } },
				new ClientCall { { HealthyResponse, 9210 } },
				new ClientCall { { HealthyResponse, 9211 } },
				new ClientCall { { HealthyResponse, 9212 } },
				new ClientCall { { HealthyResponse, 9210 } }
			);
		}

		[U] public async Task DoesASniffAfterConnectionFailureOnPing()
		{
			/** Here we set up our cluster exactly the same as the previous setup
			* Only we enable pinging (default is true) and make the ping fail
			*/
			var audit = new Auditor(() => Framework.Cluster
				.Nodes(5)
				.MasterEligible(9202, 9203, 9204)
				.Ping(r => r.OnPort(9201).Fails(Once))
				.Sniff(p => p.SucceedAlways(Framework.Cluster
					.Nodes(3)
					.MasterEligible(9200, 9202)
					.Ping(r => r.OnPort(9201).Fails(Once))
					.Sniff(s => s.SucceedAlways(Framework.Cluster
						.Nodes(3, 9210)
						.MasterEligible(9210, 9211)
						.Ping(r => r.SucceedAlways())
						.Sniff(r => r.SucceedAlways())
					))
				))
				.SniffingConnectionPool()
				.Settings(s => s.SniffOnStartup(false))
			);

			audit = await audit.TraceCalls(
				new ClientCall {
					{ PingSuccess, 9200 },
					{ HealthyResponse, 9200 },
					{ pool =>  pool.Nodes.Count.Should().Be(5) }
				},
				new ClientCall {
					{ PingFailure, 9201},
					/** We assert we do a sniff on our first known master node 9202 */
					{ SniffOnFail },
					{ SniffSuccess, 9202},
					{ PingSuccess, 9200},
					{ HealthyResponse, 9200},
					/** Our pool should now have three nodes */
					{ pool =>  pool.Nodes.Count.Should().Be(3) }
				},
				new ClientCall {
					{ PingFailure, 9201},
					/** We assert we do a sniff on the first master node in our updated cluster */
					{ SniffOnFail },
					{ SniffSuccess, 9200},
					{ PingSuccess, 9210},
					{ HealthyResponse, 9210},
					{ pool =>  pool.Nodes.Count.Should().Be(3) }
				},
				new ClientCall { { PingSuccess, 9211 }, { HealthyResponse, 9211 } },
				new ClientCall { { PingSuccess, 9212 }, { HealthyResponse, 9212 } },
				/** 9210 was already pinged after the sniff returned the new nodes */
				new ClientCall { { HealthyResponse, 9210 } },
				new ClientCall { { HealthyResponse, 9211 } },
				new ClientCall { { HealthyResponse, 9212 } },
				new ClientCall { { HealthyResponse, 9210 } }
			);
		}

	}
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Eli Meixler
As many as 225,000 undocumented Cambodian workers in Thailand rushed back into Cambodia, bringing little in the way of possessions but many fearful accounts of raids on factories and dormitories, interment, and shootings by Thai military police. Thai authorities repeatedly denied an ongoing crackdown on migrant labor, yet Cambodian workers reported Thai soldiers holding migrants at detention centers and demanding bribes amounting up to $66 for transit to the border. Between June 13-15, as many as 80,000 Cambodian migrant laborers - many employed in the garment, manufacturing, and construction industries - passed through Poipet, just one of six border crossings on the Cambodian-Thai border.
But hardship will not end at the border checkpoint for Cambodian migrants. Many are returning to the poorest provinces in the country, to communities that relied on the remittances to support extended families. It is likely many migrants not be welcomed with open arms back to regions already suffering a scarcity of basic resources - employment, healthcarework, even food and viable water - that first sent them in search of higher wages. It is no surprise that, even as they await military escorts back to their homes and families, migrants talk of returning to Thailand - many are still indebted to brokers who arranged their passage to Thailand - and over the next 6 months, as many as 700,000 Cambodian migrant workers will register with the new Thai foreign-labor regime. Yet for now, they willingly choose the insecurities of poverty, deprivation, and even homelessness over another day of uncertainty for their very safety under the Thai junta.
Rumors of military police round-ups and targeted violence sparked an unprecedented flight across the Cambodian-Thai border in June, 2014.
Over just one weekend, as many as 80,000 migrants crossed back into Cambodia at Poipet.
A migrant family waits for transportation
Poipet town square near the border crowded with people and buses
Cambodian military trucks at the border wait to bring deportees back to their home provinces
Exodus at Poipet
Cambodian undocumented migrant workers flee Thai junta, reports of violence


text:
Q: Why does `for x in list[None:None]:` work? I have a script that attempts to read the begin and end point for a subset via a binary search, these values are then used to create a slice for further processing.
I noticed that when these variables did not get set (the search returned None) the code would still run and in the end I noticed that a slice spanning from None to None works as if examining the entire list (see example below).
#! /usr/bin/env python
list = [1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10]
for x in list[None:None]:
  print x

Does anyone know why the choice was made to see the list[None:None] simply as list[:], at least that's what I think that happens (correct me if I'm wrong). I personally would think that throwing a TypeError would be desirable in such a case.

A: I also think that list[None:None] is interpreted as list[:]. This is handy behavior because you can do something like this:
return list[some_params.get('start'):some_params.get('end')]

If the list slicing wouldn't work with None, you would have to check if start and end were None yourself:
if some_params.get('start') and some_params.get('end'):
    return list[some_params.get('start'):some_params.get('end')]
elif some_params.get('start'):
    return list[some_params.get('start'):]
elif end:
    return list[:some_params.get('end')]
else:
    return list[:]

Fortunately this is not the case in Python :).

A: Because None is the default for slice positions. You can use either None or omit the value altogether, at which point None is passed in for you.
None is the default because you can use a negative stride, at which point what the default start and end positions are changed. Compare list[0:len(list):-1] to list[None:None:-1], for example.
Python uses None for 'value not specified' throughout the standard library; this is no exception.
Note that if your class implements the object.__getitem__ hook, you'll get passed a slice() object with the start, end and stride attributes set to None as well:
>>> class Foo(object):
...     def __getitem__(self, key):
...         print key
...
>>> Foo()[:]
slice(None, None, None)

Since Foo() doesn't even implement a __len__ having the defaults use None is entirely logical here.

A: None is the usual representation for "parameter not given", so you can communicate the fact to a function. You will often see functions or methods declared like this
def f(p=None):
    if f is None:
        f = some_default_value()

I guess this makes the choice clear: Be using None you can tell the slicer to use its default values.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


...and not the other way around - especially in elevator pitches.
We stumbled upon this question on Quora, where someone asks the best way to shut down a sales call quick.
The one who answered the question ended up getting annoyed, and resorted to entertaining himself by entertaining the telemarketer and not the other way around.
For the telemarketer, we understand that it's hard to haggle with people who, chances are, shut themselves up whenever there's an offer. For the customer, it's bothersome most of the time.
We can apply the same context to the elevator pitch, where you get to introduce your product or service to them in a short span of time. You'll know from their faces or emotions that they're not interested.
Show them something. Flyers, are effective: It saves time to explain things, it contains the things the people need to know, and they can easily share it.
Try a different approach. "It's not what you say, it's how you say it." This phrase has been said and done in marketing, customer experience, so on and so forth. Your idea might be great, but it can be better with a different approach.
Generate a happy vibe. Before you get in touch with your potential contact, make sure that you have a positive vibe running within you - so much that it can be passed to your contact, which might increase the possibility of them getting back to you.
With the right tools and a positive attitude, you are now ready to entertain your customers. Just so you know, in case you persist to those specific targets and they just won't give back, it's time to look for another set - you don't need to keep looking at the usual doors when there's a million of them.


Yves Gagnon this year offers two intensive 12-hour courses on ecological gardening.
The first will be held at Resto Végo on Saint-Denis in Montreal March 22 and 23 and the second at Place Rita St-Pierre in Victoriaville on April 26 and 27.
The course, held from 9 a.m. to 4 p.m., covers garden planning, living soil and organic fertilizer, seeds and seedlings, weed control, diseases and pests.
A $50 deposit is required.
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1. The Patriots have a reputation for being tough at the negotiating table, but they have also shown a more sensitive side in certain situations. What they did for defensive tackle Lawrence Guy on Feb. 15 is one example.
Similar to how the team adjusted the incentives in offensive tackle Sebastian Vollmer's contract in 2014 to give him a better chance to earn them when circumstances changed, the Patriots rewarded the hard-working Guy with a $500,000 renegotiation signing bonus, per documents filed with the NFL Players Association (and first noted by Twitter follower @IanWhetstone).
The $500,000 renegotiation signing bonus was a result of Guy missing a $500,000 playing time incentive by less than 1 percent from this past season. Guy would have earned $500,000 if he played in 55 percent of the defensive snaps in 2017. He played 54.8 percent, in part because of a limited workload (27 of 59 plays) in the season finale against the Jets as the game was in hand and resting Guy -- who is a starter -- became more of a priority.
Guy's agent, Jack Scharf, declined comment when asked about the $500,000 bonus.
Nonetheless, it is a kind gesture, and reflects how Guy has earned the respect of the Patriots' brass, specifically Bill Belichick.
2. The Patriots have yet to finalize their 2018 coaching staff, but the fact that offensive line coach Dante Scarnecchia keeps showing up at the office -- as he's done regularly since Super Bowl LII -- appears to be a positive sign regarding his plans for the upcoming season. At this point, I'd be surprised if Scarnecchia isn't back with the club.
3. When analyzing Bill Belichick's decision to not play Malcolm Butler on defense in Super Bowl LII, here is the stat that stands out: When the Patriots were in their dime defense (6 defensive backs) in the first half, the Eagles completed 6 of 9 passes for 135 yards and had a 26-yard run. The Eagles were 6-of-8 on third down in the first half against the dime defense.
Patriots coaches identified this as a problem as Justin Timberlake was performing at halftime (too late) and made an adjustment to remove safety Jordan Richards from the dime package and insert cornerback Johnson Bademosi, once again electing to pass over Butler.
So the question isn't necessarily why Eric Rowe started over Butler as one of the team's two corners (after a slow start, Rowe was competitive). The more relevant question is why Butler, who was healthy enough to play on special teams in Super Bowl LII and had played 98 percent of the defensive snaps in the 2017 regular season, was not viewed as one of the best seven defensive backs to have on the field in Super Bowl LII.
While understanding that Belichick has more information than all (perhaps Butler's illness from the two weeks leading up to the game was a factor), more reporting work needs to be done to add clarity to one of the most puzzling coaching decisions of Belichick's 18-year coaching tenure. Two weeks after the Super Bowl, it's still the No. 1 topic in most discussions I've had with Patriots followers.
In summary, by not playing Butler, there was a costly trickle-down effect in the dime package that moved safety Patrick Chung into the slot and had Richards filling more of Chung's standard role. The Eagles' TD drive starting at 11:53 of the second quarter highlighted this dynamic as tight Zach Ertz easily beat Richards for 19 yards on third-and-7, and receiver Alshon Jeffery beat Chung for 22 yards on second-and-10.
In the second half, the trickle-down effect of not playing Butler had Bademosi in the slot, and Bademosi had a costly missed tackle against receiver Nelson Agholor on the Eagles' initial third-down conversion.
Belichick and his staff are regularly praised for putting players in the best position to succeed, but by keeping Butler on the sideline, they didn't do that in the most important game of the season.
4. A decal that Patriots left tackle Nate Solder had on the back of his helmet stood out during Super Bowl LII.
When rewatching Super Bowl LII, noticed this sticker on the back of LT Nate Solder's helmet. Going to detail what it is all about as part of a piece Sunday morning. Neat story.
It is a Walter Payton NFL Man of the Year trophy silhouette and part of a new initiative for the NFL to recognize past award winners and current nominees. All 2017 nominees wore the decal through the end of the season, in recognition of their accomplishments on and off the field. It is a tradition the league plans to continue in the future. Furthermore, the NFL plans to have the six players who have won the award -- New Orleans Saints quarterback Drew Brees, Carolina Panthers linebacker Thomas Davis, Arizona Cardinals receiver Larry Fitzgerald, New York Giants quarterback Eli Manning, Houston Texans defensive tackle J.J. Watt and Dallas Cowboys tight end Jason Witten -- wear a Man of the Year patch on their jerseys in perpetuity to recognize their contributions to the game and their communities.
5a. This one slipped under the radar, but Solder was the AFC's Pro Bowl alternate at left tackle this past season, right there behind starters Alejandro Villanueva (Steelers) and Taylor Lewan (Titans), with Donald Penn (Raiders) the top backup. Penn didn't participate in the Pro Bowl because of injury, which would have opened the door for Solder had he not been playing in the Super Bowl (he played well in the game). It marked the first time that Solder, who joined the team as a first-round draft pick in 2011, earned a Pro Bowl distinction.
5b. Similarly, safety Devin McCourty was also a Pro Bowl alternate for this past season, behind Eric Weddle (Ravens), Reshad Jones (Dolphins) and Micah Hyde (Bills). It marked his fourth overall invitation to the Pro Bowl. Just like Solder, his alternate status had not been announced.
Hadn't seen the postgame handshake/embrace between Bill Belichick and Doug Pederson, but Belichick's respect for the way Pederson's team had played was hard to miss. As disappointed as Belichick had to be, the way he pulled Pederson in and shared a few words that lasted more than the norm stood out to me.
Former Patriots wide receiver Deion Branch watching from Robert Kraft's owners box was a nice touch. Branch, of course, had been MVP of the Patriots' 24-21 win over the Eagles in Super Bowl XXXIX.
At 3:23 of the third quarter, after the Eagles' Agholor caught a fade over Chung, NBC's Cris Collinsworth made a notable point about how Philadelphia traditionally runs more slants on their run-pass-option plays but they deserved credit for going more down the field in Super Bowl LII with plays like the fade. My sense is that probably surprised the Patriots based on what they had spent considerable time preparing for entering the game.
7. Patriots 2017 undrafted free-agent linebacker Harvey Langi attended the Super Bowl along with the team's other injured players, and there is optimism with how well he is recovering from a serious car accident that landed him on injured reserve after playing in just one game as a rookie. Langi expects to play again, and if things continue on their present course, some close to him believe he might even be ready for the team's offseason program in mid-April.
8. Here's one Patriots tight end record that Rob Gronkowski doesn't own: After leading the club with 69 receptions in the regular season, it marked the second time he's been the team-leader in receptions, which puts him three behind Ben Coates (1993-95,1997-98).
9. Did You Know: The Patriots' 613 yards of total offense in Super Bowl LII were the most ever in a Super Bowl.
10. The spotlight will soon be shining brighter on the 2018 draft class, with the NFL's annual combine two weeks away, which makes it timely for the annual reminder of being careful to fall into the trap of focusing only on the top players. Consider that the Patriots have had a rookie free agent make the 53-man opening day roster for 14 straight seasons. That is the third longest streak in the NFL, behind the Chargers (21) and Colts (19).


Have you ever wanted a certain color for a NeoPixel project and had trouble figuring out which RGB or HSV values to enter? You can use web colors to try and get specific colors but you never know how it will look in real life until you load up your code and see it in action. This project allows you to use potentiometers to adjust the red, green and blue values individually in real time to fine tune NeoPixel colors and to see exactly how RGB and HSV values from the code work in practice.
The Feather M0 Express board acts as the brains of the operation, since it has the perfect amount of pins to control the LCD, analog potentiometers and NeoPixels. The three potentiometers that are controlling the RGB values are connected to analog pins 0, 1 and 2. The NeoPixels' data pin is pin 13 and then LCD uses six of the digital pins (pins 5, 6, 9, 10, 11 and 12).
The main portion of the circuit is soldered to a perma proto board. This makes laying out the components very simple and allows for Ground and 5V to be easily accessible using the rails. The LCD screen is not soldered directly to the board. Instead a row of female headers are soldered in so that the LCD can be removed easily if needed and to lift it to the proper height for the top of the enclosure. The LCD needs an potentiometer to control the screen brightness, which is located to its left.
The individual 5mm LEDs are only receiving power and ground from the Feather M0 Express, so that they turn on whenever the board receives power. They're being used as labels to help identify which value the potentiometers are controlling.
This project is coded in CircuitPython. It utilizes the Adafruit Character LCD and NeoPixel libraries, so make sure that they are loaded into your library folder on your board.
For a more complete walkthrough on how to use CircuitPython please reference this Learn guide.
The goal of the code is to have the three potentiometers each control the red, green and blue values of the NeoPixels. The NeoPixels should update in real time according to the values read from the potentiometers and then those same values should appear on the LCD's screen.
The analog values produced by the potentiometers are converted to digital values by dividing the analog value by 257, giving a minimum value of 0 and a maximum value of 255. This value exists as a float. For the values to be able to be used as a value for the NeoPixels they need to be converted to integers with int.
For these same values to be used with the LCD screen, they need to be converted to strings, which is done with str. The only issue that remains is that the values will appear with their decimal points, making them incredibly long and unable to fit on the screen. The decimal is removed by using the truncate function (math.trunc) from the Python math library. Finally, lcd_clear() has to be called at the end of the loop so that the LCD refreshes to reflect the changing values from the potentiometers.
This piece of CircuitPython code utilizes the Adafruit Character LCD, FancyLED and NeoPixel libraries, so make sure that they are loaded into your library folder on your board.
You don't have to remain confined to RGB values though. The FancyLED library in CircuitPython allows you to use HSV, or hue, saturation and value, to affect the NeoPixel strip's color.
The code is very similar to the NeoPixel library RGB code that we just looked at. The goals are still the same: have the pots control the three values that affect the NeoPixel strip's color (in this case HSV) and have these values display on the LCD in real time.
The first change is the division of the analog voltage value by itself (pin.value / 65535) so that the minimum value read is 0 and the maximum is 1, since that is the range of HSV values.
Next, are the functions round_pot_h, round_pot_s and round_pot_v. These functions return a rounded number for the HSV values. Since HSV uses a decimal range between 0 and 1, the numbers can be very long in length, which won't fit on the LCD screen. Here, the numbers are being rounded to 2 decimal places so that all three HSV values can fit comfortably on the screen. However, you can easily change the number of decimal places to suit your needs.
In the loop, the HSV values are assigned to color, which is then converted from float HSV values to integer RGB values using pack() from the FancyLED library. These integer values are then written to the NeoPixel strip using strip.fill(packed) from the NeoPixel library.
For the LCD portion, the only big change from the NeoPixel RGB value code is that functions are being used and called to round the HSV values. This was done to avoid memory allocation issues.
Also, you'll notice that the values are not being converted to integers for the LCD. This is because although we need integers to write the colors to the NeoPixel strip, we want to see the float HSV values on the screen. Just like the RGB value code, the rounded HSV values are sent to the LCD as strings with str.
Some examples of HSV values being dialed in.
The case was designed in Fusion360 to have all of the components available on the top of the box with a hole in the back that allows the Feather M0 Express's USB port to be accessible. The bottom of the case has standoffs designed to screw the Feather and perma proto board in place with M2.5 screws. The case is also a snap fit case, making opening and closing it very simple.
The case was printed with 20% infill and .2mm layer height. No supports are needed. Silver PLA filament was used to act as a neutral, yet still bright, color with the lights.
The single 5mm LEDs used are very bright and need to be diffused so that you can still look comfortably at the NeoPixel strip. There is a great diffuser model on Thingiverse designed by 3dprintsolutions that fits perfectly over a 5mm LED. But since the LEDs are in LED holders, they aren't fully exposed and as a result the provided model is too long. You can shorten the model though in your slicer by performing a cut. A cut at Z height 6.7 provided the best fit, sitting flush with the case. You may find that you need to print this a bit smaller, between 93%-95% since the lip found on the bottom of LEDs is not being used to catch onto the diffuser's housing.
This cut model was then printed with 20% infill and .2mm layer height with white PLA. Supports were used as suggested by 3dprintsolution, the designer.
It might be your first instinct to try clear PLA, but white PLA was found to diffuse the LEDs better for the purposes of this project since they are just for labeling purposes.
Now it's time to solder everything together and fit everything snugly into the housing. Begin by placing all of the components onto the perma proto board and then running wires to the Feather M0 Express and other components. As mentioned in the Circuit portion of the guide, female headers were used for the LCD to plug into so that it can be removed easily and to lift it up high enough for the top of the case.
Circuit layout. Poster tack can be helpful when placing through-hole parts since it keeps everything in place and is easily removed after soldering.
For the individual LEDs be sure to use heat shrink to avoid any shorts. You can use color coded heat shrink to help keep the clear LEDs straight.
When laying out wire and soldering, make sure you use long enough lengths of wire for the potentiometers, NeoPixel strip and individual LEDs so that when you insert them into the case they have enough room and none of their connections are being stressed.
After you've finished soldering and have tested everything, it's time to put everything into the housing. First, use M2.5 screws to secure the Feather M0 Express board and perma proto board to the bottom of the case. Also slot the 5mm LED holders into the top of the case. Next, feed the potentiometers and individual LEDs into their holes. Secure the potentiometers with their included washer. Then, press the NeoPixel strip into its slot. Depending on your printer's tolerances you may need to use a small piece of electrical tape to help keep it in place; otherwise the housing should hold the pixels securely. After that, you're ready to close up the case, which should snap shut. With the headers the LCD's screen should be flush with the top of the case and fit properly in its cutout without much adjustment.
The knobs for the potentiometers help in labeling which color is being controlled. However, you may have noticed that there are no knobs with green markings. We can fix this with a simple Sharpie Paint marker. First, tape off the knob so that only the white strip is seen and then go to town with your Sharpie. You can use paint with a brush if you prefer, but the Sharpie is quick drying and less messy.
Taping and painting process for the green knob.
Once everything is inside the case you're ready to dial in all of the colors of the rainbow!
This guide was first published on Mar 02, 2018. It was last updated on Mar 02, 2018.


text:
Soldiers with the People's Liberation Army at Shenyang training base in China. DoD photo by Staff Sgt. D. Myles Cullen, U.S. Air Force.
1 Analysis
'New Wars' In Contemporary China? – Analysis
July 27, 2016 Canadian Military Journal 1 Comment
By Canadian Military Journal
By Kunal Mukherjee*
The post Cold War period has witnessed the rise of a new group of conflicts, which well known academics such as Mary Kaldor has called 'New Wars'1 to differentiate the current group of conflicts from earlier wars that are in keeping with the classical definition of warfare. Kaldor's thesis, although originally formulated in an East European context at an earlier period, has considerable explanatory power and it is without doubt that the theory still travels far and wide. Scholars have had a tendency to use the 'New War' argument within the context of Eastern Europe, the Middle East and Sub-Saharan Africa. It is the aim of this article to go beyond these conventional case studies and use the 'New War' theory to understand conflicts in different parts of contemporary China, and to see to what extent this 'New War' theory fits in with the Chinese context and helps us to understand those conflicts. Thus, this article introduces a new set of case studies: Xinjiang and Tibet.
Conflicts that are classified as 'new' or 'post-Cold War' are not really 'post-Cold War/post-1990s' in the strict sense of the term, since there are always short term factors and long term factors that lead to the outbreak of a conflict, and some of the long term factors can actually be traced back to pre-Cold War, or even earlier times. Thus, the case studies chosen for this article are 'new' or 'post Cold War' conflicts in the sense that the levels of violence in some cases have escalated more than ever in the post-1990s phase, although the long term causes can be traced back to earlier times. In Tibet, for instance, we saw a huge uprising that took place in the year 2008. In relation to Xinjiang, Dr. Michael Clarke, a China expert and an Associate Professor of Political Science and International Relations at the National Security College, ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, writes, 'China became more concerned regarding the security of Xinjiang with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.'2 Furthermore, these conflicts have gone on to acquire the characteristic features of what Kaldor calls 'New Wars'. This article is not so much interested in looking at the intricate details of the individual conflicts, but to what extent does the Kaldor thesis fit in within the Asian context. In this article, I have placed an emphasis on China's contested borderland regions, Xinjiang and Tibet. Also, I have chosen China as my chief case study because it is one of the two new rising economic giants on the Asiatic mainland, the other one being India. After the Asian Tiger economies reached near industrialised/miracle status, much attention has shifted to the mainland of Asia, with a special focus on China. In a world of increasing interconnectedness, developments in a rising Asia will invariably affect our lives in the west in one way or another. Thus, in an era of globalisation, the problems in Inner Asia or what may seem to be a remote part of Asia could have a profound impact upon our lives in the western world.
'New Wars' and Kaldor
Kaldor's New War theory is most certainly a powerful argument, and it travels far and wide to explain most present day conflicts, including some of the conflicts in inner Asia. The early chapters of the book, 'Old and New Wars,' look at some of the characteristic features of what Kaldor calls 'New Wars.' 'New Wars,' according to Kaldor, refer to those conflicts that started to take place in the 1990s and to a new form of political violence which must be distinguished from old wars. In these new wars, she argues, it has become difficult to differentiate between the 'global' and the 'local,' the 'political' and the 'non-political,' acts of aggression, or external attacks and acts of repression, or internal attacks. These wars need to be understood and analysed within the broader framework of globalisation. Kaldor argues, "New Wars are the wars of the era of globalisation."3 We notice pronounced identity politics in these wars and the participation of the diaspora, or dispersed persons. The presence of the armed forces and paramilitary is also strong in these new wars. We see that these new group of wars are funded differently from the way older wars were funded. For example, the diaspora might provide these conflicts with the necessary funding. In earlier times, wars tended to be funded through state revenue. In these conflicts, we see the presence of both 'global' and 'local' actors. The 'global' refers to UN peacekeeping missions, humanitarian or liberal intervention, the presence of international NGOs, and the presence of the specialised agencies of the United Nations. The 'local' refers to indigenous actors, such as war lords, local political actors, Islamists, and so on. These are some of the characteristic features of what Kaldor calls 'New Wars.' Kaldor also talks about the sharp economic divide between 'the global' and 'the local.' These 'New War' conflict zones are also prone to human rights abuses. 'New Wars involve a blurring of the distinctions between war, organised crime, and large scale violations of human rights. Although these wars are localised, they involve myriad transnational connections. New wars also arise in the context of the erosion of state autonomy, in other words, disintegration of the state. New wars occur in situations in which state revenues decline because of the decline of the economy and polity and also amidst criminality, corruption, and the inefficiency of failed or collapsed states.
Let us now see how this thesis fits in with the Chinese context. The 'New War' argument is a multi-faceted argument, and some of these facets fit in with the Chinese case.
Chinese Xinjiang
Geographically, Xinjiang is located in China's extreme far North West. It is China's largest province, and it has a massive border with the Islamic republics of Central Asia. "Currently, the region comprises 18 percent of modern China's territory."4 The ethnic composition of this province includes the predominantly Muslim Uyghur community, who claim to be a part of East Turkestan or Uyghuristan, and not a part of China.5 China's atheistic character did not go down well with the Uyghur community of Xinjiang, who believed in and still feel very strongly about their Islamic identity. "Formal education in Xinjiang before the Qing re-conquest of the 1870s was generally Islamic."6 Dr. Enze Han, another China expert and senior lecturer in Politics and International Studies at the University of London, writes, "The Uyghurs' cultural grievances mainly result from two factors: The first is the Chinese government's strict control of Islam in Xinjiang. The second factor is the chipping away of Uyghur-language education from the school curriculum in Xinjiang."7 For instance, originally, Uyghur pupils would start studying Mandarin Chinese from middle school, but in 1984, the language was pushed down to the third grade, and currently, they start studying it from the first grade.8 In addition to cultural grievances, Han also addresses the political and economic grievances. "One commonly cited factor to which Uyghur's continual grievance is attributed is the repressive tactics employed by the Chinese state. Chinese state policies toward political dissent have always been harsh, particularly when ethnic separatism is involved. For example, at the end of April 1996, the Chinese government launched its first Strike Hard/Yanda campaign."9 From an economic standpoint, Xinjiang is estimated to contain 35.7 billion tons of oil and 22 trillion cubic metres of natural gas. China's current strategy is to "…ship oil and natural gas from Xinjiang to its eastern provinces."10 Xinjiang is rich in not just oil and gas, but also in cotton and other resources.11
The Uyghurs have been quick to assert their differences from mainstream Han Chinese people, and this politics of difference has always unsettled officials in Beijing. "Rising Uyghur ethnic consciousness in the post-1978 era is believed to be related to tense Uyghur-Han (Han being the dominant racial group in China) relations and conflicts in Xinjiang."12 Dr. Nimrod Baranovitch of the Department of Asian Studies, University of Haifa, writes, "…a large body of literature makes clear that although the state plays a dominant role in the definition and representation of ethnic identities in China, ethnicity is a negotiated process and minorities are active agents in the negotiation of their ethnic identities."13 The Chinese political establishment has tried to undermine the local identity of the Uyghur's by trying to 'Hanify' Xinjiang by sending more and more racial Han Chinese people to the region and to take up jobs there. It was argued that ethnic minorities would not be able to develop without the assistance of the so called advanced Han nationality. Thus, Han determinism replaced self-determinism. Although China argues that this Han migration is being done for purposes of economic development and to raise the material standards of the local Uyghur people, substantial evidence shows that the economic benefits are going to the Han Chinese and are being concentrated in their hands, rather than trickling down to the local Uyghur community.14 This has exacerbated the situation and made the Uyghur community more fierce in asserting their Islamic identity and distinctiveness. For instance, "…posters of Mahmud Qashqari and Yusup Hajib, two historical figures that the Uyghur consider their cultural heroes, have been widely distributed in Xinjiang, which in obvious contrast to the official Chinese versions that stress Xinjiang has been an inseparable part of China since antiquity, these posters link the Uyghur's to a whole new world and to another history and civilisation."15 The Uyghur people, by and large, have been excluded from the decision making process with regard to development in Xinjiang, and yet they are expected to feel grateful to the Chinese for 'developing' their region. Well-known scholar and expert on China, Jackie Sheehan, argues that the colonial attitude16 that the Chinese from the heartland have towards the ethnic minorities of the peripheral borderland regions has galvanised the Uyghurs into action, asserting their distinct identity more than ever, thereby strengthening the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), and in the process, delegitimizing China's claim over Xinjiang. The Chinese have always viewed cultural differences, especially religious differences, with considerable suspicion. It was feared that religious differences might undermine state values, state definitions of nationalism, and 'patriotic' ideology. Identity politics is, thus, very pronounced in the context of Xinjiang, which is also one of the aspects of the 'New War' thesis. "Asymmetric economic development and neglect of identity issues seem to be the bane of Xinjiang province in China."17
Kaldor's theory discusses the strong presence of the paramilitary and armed forces in these conflicts. This aspect of the 'New War' theory fits in with the Xinjiang context in the sense that from time to time, the Chinese state has used the paramilitary and armed forces to crush the Uyghur uprisings. For instance, the people's militia was deployed to arrest insurgents and other subversive elements who were threatening to undermine the Chinese state and national patriotic ideology. "East Turkestan has been under military control by Communist China since 1949."18 The violent outbreaks in Xinjiang are sporadic. Thus, regional expert Dr. Elizabeth Van Wie Davis, writes, "A heavy police presence is a constant in Xinjiang."19
Another aspect of Kaldor's thesis is that these 'new' conflicts need to be studied within the broader context of globalisation. Furthermore, boundaries between nation states are increasingly becoming blurred, and although conflicts in this day and age may seem to be localised, there may be strong transnational connections and a strong role played by external actors. Uyghur nationalism has been inspired by certain central Asians. The ETIM, in particular, is believed to have been inspired by the political Islam of the AF Pak region, and to some extent by Iran. Uyghur militants have been spotted in the AF-PAK region. In an era of globalisation, activists and insurgents also make use of technology. "International campaigns for Uyghur rights and possible independence have become increasingly vocal and well organised, especially on the internet."20 Globalisation is affecting the development of Islam in China in a variety of ways. China is becoming part of the Islamic revival, which has become a global phenomenon over the last few decades. A certain kind of international Islam has become involved in strengthening Uyghur identity just as it has become enmeshed with ethno nationalist movements in various parts of the world. Dr. Stephen J. Blank, a Senior Fellow at the Strategic Studies Institute of the US Army War College writes, "…this increasing violence clearly stems from the globalisation of violence, including terrorism that pervades much of the Muslim world, and from the general growth in Xinjiang's global links of all kinds."21 It could be argued that some of the aspects of the 'New War' thesis intertwine with other aspects of the thesis. For instance, in this case, globalisation, which Kaldor mentions, intertwines with identity and identity politics, which Kaldor also discusses. Technology has been crucial in spreading awareness of the problem in Xinjiang. As a result of this awareness, Muslims from other parts of the Islamic world who feel strongly about their Islamic sense of collective identity, will come and join their Muslim Uyghur brothers to fight against Chinese oppression, or what is perceived as Chinese oppression. Globalisation has also increased the inequality of the Uyghur community and has therefore led to much polarisation within the Chinese context. The Hans have benefitted from the process in comparison to the Uyghurs. Growing inter-connectedness often creates new animosities and conflicts, which can, in turn, fuel reactionary politics and deep seated xenophobia, which we see in the context of Xinjiang. The region is also rich in natural resources, which the Chinese mainland would like to exploit in its quest to become a global super power.
Kaldor discusses how these conflicts happen in a situation of erosion of state authority. This applies to Xinjiang, since the ETIM is essentially a secessionist movement.
She is correct in suggesting that in these new conflicts, it has become increasingly hard to distinguish between the 'external' and the 'internal.' With regard to the Xinjiang conflict, this is very much the case. Although from the Uyghur standpoint, the Han Chinese presence in Xinjiang is viewed as external because the Uyghurs do not see themselves as a part of China, but rather, as a distinct nation in their own right. From an outsiders point of view, this distinction cannot always be made easily, since China sees Xinjiang as an 'integral' part of China, and has done everything it can to 'sinify' or 'hanify' the region, so that Xinjiang resembles China proper.
Kaldor is also correct in her point with respect to the participation of the diaspora in 'new wars.' With regard to Xinjiang, Beijing has blamed the Uyghur diaspora for stirring up violence within China, especially in Xinjiang. In this connection, mention may be made of Rebiya Kadeer and her efforts to free Xinjiang. She is the leader of the Uyghur community and although based in the United States, she fiercely supports the movement for a free East Turkestan from exile.22
Xinjiang is also prone to human rights violations,23 which is also very much in keeping with the 'New War' thesis.
The Case of Tibet
The situation in Tibet is quite similar to the situation in Xinjiang. For starters, it is essentially a secessionist movement, and thus, happens in a context of China's state authority being eroded. This is in keeping with the 'New War' thesis, since Kaldor mentions that 'new wars' end to take place in a context where state authority is increasingly being weakened.
Tibet, like Xinjiang, is also a deeply religious province. "Monastery education dominated before 1951, and still exerts a strong influence."24 The only difference is that whilst Xinjiang is predominantly Muslim, Tibet is predominantly Buddhist. The complicated situation in Tibet has occurred partly because the pronounced cultural differences, especially religious differences, do not go down well with the Chinese state. This is because cultural values distinct from mainland China are seen to be eroding mainstream state values, nationalism, and patriotic fervour. Religious groups in China have been strongly associated with secret societies and have been known for their underground activities in trying to topple the Chinese government throughout Chinese history.25
The issue of Tibetan national identity involves the question, to what extent is Tibet or was Tibet a distinct nation? Tibetans have argued that they were always a distinct nation, but China, on the other hand, has denied this. China argues that Tibet is an integral part of China, and that China has exercised sovereign authority over Tibet for 700 years.26 The Nationalities Affairs Commission was meant to pursue a policy of uniting the region with mainstream China, or China proper. "The trajectory of Chinese nationality policies is reflected in discrimination against minorities, the weakening of minority autonomous institutions in the 1950's, the attack on minority cultures and autonomy during the cultural revolution in the sixties, and finally, the modernisation agenda featuring the centralising and assimilating power of education and propaganda systems since the 1980s."27 The Dalai Lama's administration in Tibet had been abolished, and was replaced by the preparatory committee for the TAR [Tibetan Autonomous Region], as the official government of the region. After 1959, China launched a full campaign to integrate Tibet economically, politically, and militarily. The policy of Han migration also followed, which began to undermine local Tibetan Buddhist identity.28 Dr. Abanti Bhattacharya, an Associate Professor in the Department of East Asian Studies at the University of Delhi, writes, "The Chinese state, which calls for submerging all minority identities within the predominant Han identity in the larger cause of national cohesion and security, has effectively precluded the possibility of Tibetan assertions of identity and political autonomy."29 "For China's stability and prosperity, it is critical that all its nationalities identify with China."30 A series of so-called patriotic campaigns were designed to encourage Tibetans, including the clergy, to support integration within China.31 Tibetans have feared in recent years that they will become a minority in their own land due to the Han migration and inter-racial marriages introduced and encouraged by the state. In other words, there is a strong fear among local Tibetans that they will lose their distinct cultural identity. Like Xinjiang, it is the Hans who control the Tibetan economy and Tibetan administration. Tibetans cannot compete with the Han, who tend to be more skilled professionally. Tibetans, such as the Uyghur community in Xinjiang, have been excluded from the decision making process as far as development in the region is concerned. Development means different things to different people, and what it means to Tibetans is not what it means to the Chinese state. Furthermore, the development is unbalanced across localities.32 Despite protests, the Han migration or Han flood has continued, and that has paved the way for a new and formidable pro-China constituency in the region that has increased China's security in Tibet.33 Thus, at the heart of the problem is identity and identity politics, which is one of the aspects of Kaldor's 'New War' thesis. Kendrick Kuo, a Ph D student in International Relations at George Washington University, writes, "…in public statements, China has grouped East Turkestan terrorists with Tibetan and Taiwanese independence advocates. Religious adherents are viewed monolithically so that when devotees use a religious group to push for political ends, all followers of that religion are treated as co-conspirators."34
In keeping with the Kaldor 'New War' thesis, we also see the participation of the diaspora who are actively trying to raise awareness of the Tibetan issue internationally. For instance, "The exiled Tibetans in India have led a vociferous campaign for a separation of Tibet from China and have been able to exploit China's dependency on foreign powers to promote their interests. The US has been receptive to exiled Tibetan propaganda, which has also been mixed up with a highly-loaded human rights crusade against China."35
The region has also been subject to human rights abuses and police brutality. The strong presence of the armed forces and para-military in Tibet has paved the way for all sorts of human rights abuses and atrocities to occur. The PLA [People's Liberation Army] took over Tibet in 1950.36 "Public Security departments have taken broad responsibility to enforce regulations controlling religious activities and have participated actively in suppression campaign."37 Not only have many Tibetans lost their lives, but state policies have been introduced by which Tibetan language and resources are being systematically eroded.38 Thus, we see two features of the 'New War' thesis, that is, presence of the armed forces and the para-military, and human rights abuses in the Tibetan context. These two features of the 'New War' thesis are intertwined, since the heavy militarisation of Tibet has paved the way for all manner of police brutality to take place. In March 2008, Tibetans rose up in the biggest challenge to Chinese authority since the 1950s. "The Tibetan Government in Exile and rights groups claim that 220 Tibetans were killed, 5600 were arrested or detained, 1294 injured, 290 sentenced and over 1000 disappeared in the ensuing crackdown."39
It could be argued that Kaldor's 'New War' thesis still has considerable explanatory power. It travels far and wide, and although it was originally formulated in an East European context, and has been used as a theoretical framework to understand conflicts in the Middle East and Sub Saharan Africa, it can also be used to understand conflicts in contemporary China. Firstly, Kaldor's argument that these wars happen when state authority is being eroded in an atmosphere of corruption and criminality apply to the Chinese context. The very fact that both of these conflicts are essentially secessionist movements shows clearly that Chinese state authority is increasingly being undermined at the periphery, in its borderlands. Other aspects of the 'New War' thesis which can be found in the Chinese case include pronounced identity politics, the impact of globalisation, the heavy presence of the military and para-military, and human rights abuses. Sometimes, one aspect of the 'New War' thesis might intertwine with another aspect of the thesis. For instance in both cases, but more so with regard to Tibet, the heavy presence of the armed forces has paved the way for all manner of police brutality and human rights abuses to take place. Of course, there is an element of variation, and the thesis cannot be applied uniformly to both the case studies. The thesis seems to fit in better with the Xinjiang context than with Tibet. In other words, from the discussion above, we can find more of the features or aspects of the 'New War' thesis found in the context of Xinjiang than in Tibet.
As a solution to the above conflicts, one needs to look at both the short term factors as well as the long term factors that have caused the conflict. Measures to prevent conflict can be divided into two categories: light prevention and deep prevention.40 The practitioners of 'light prevention' do not necessarily concern themselves with the root causes of the conflict, but their aim is to "…prevent latent or threshold conflicts from becoming severe armed conflicts."41 Examples would include diplomatic interventions and private mediation efforts. Deep prevention, in contrast aims to address the root causes of the conflict which may mean engaging with issues of development, democracy and community relations. Since the conflicts in this article have been going on for decades and are still occurring in one form or another, it is important to give serious attention to deep prevention. If we take the light prevention approach, the problem will continue to persist. Since economic, political and social realities have led to these conflicts, sound policies in these areas can also provide a solution. The situation in both the case studies is not broken beyond repair. Good governance, effective development, reducing arms, demilitarisation, increasing human rights, and reducing the economic gap which exists between the different ethnic groups of these two provinces is most certainly the way forward.
*Kunal Mukherjee, Ph.D, is a lecturer in International Relations, Asian Politics, and Asian Security at the University of Lancaster in the United Kingdom.
This article was published by the Canadian Military Journal.
M. Kaldor, "New and Old Wars: Organised Violence in a Global Era," in Polity, 2001/6, pp. 1-2.
M. Clarke, "China, Xinjiang and the Internationalisation of the Uyghur Issue," in Global Change, Peace and Security, Vol. 22, No. 2, 2010, p. 215.
M. Kaldor, "In Defence of New Wars," in Stability, Vol. 2, No. 1, 2013, p. 2.
L. Steele and R. Kuo, "Terrorism in Xinjiang?" in Ethnopolitics, (Formerly Global Review of Ethnopolitics), Vol. 6, No. 1, 2007, p. 2.
For further discussion on the actual conflict refer to, K. Mukherjee, "The Uyghur Question in Contemporary China," in Strategic Analysis 34(3), May 2010.
E.T. Schluessel, "History, Identity and Mother Tongue Education in Xinjiang," in Central Asian Survey, Vol. 28, No. 4, 2009, p. 384.
E. Han, "From Domestic to International: the Politics of Ethnic Identity in Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia," in Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity, Vol. 39, No. 6, 2011, p. 947.
Ibid., p. 946.
C. Mackerras, "Xinjiang in 2013: Problems and Prospects," in Asian Ethnicity, Vol. 15, No. 2, 2014, p. 247.
X. Zang, "Major Determinants of Uyghur Ethnic Consciousness in Urumchi," in Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 47, No. 6, 2013, p. 2046.
N. Baranovitch, "From the Margins to the Centre: The Uyghur Challenge in Beijing," in The China Quarterly, Vol. 175, 2003, p. 726.
M. Dillon, Xinjiang: China's Muslim Northwest, (London: Routledge, 2004).
N. Baranovitch, pp. 726-750.
J. Sheehan, "China's Dangerous Dilemma in Xinjiang," at www.nottingham.ac.uk/cpi/publications. Accessed 2 February 2012 and available at https://www.nottingham.ac.uk/cpi/chinaanalysis/archived-publications/commentaries-reports/2009/index.aspx
B. Singh, "Unrest in Xinjiang," in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XLVIII, No. 6, 2012.
http://www.uyghurcongress.org/en/. 9 February 2012.
E.V.W. Davis, "Uyghur Muslim Ethnic Separatism in Xinjiang, China," in Asian Affairs: An American Review, Vol. 35, No. 1, 2008, p. 16.
D. Gladeney, "Islam in China: Accommodation or Separatism," in The China Quarterly, Vol.174, 2003, p. 458.
S. Blank, "Xinjiang and China's Security," in Global Economic Review: Perspectives on East Asian Economies and Industries, Vol. 32, No. 4, 2003, p. 122.
www.uyghuramerican.org. Accessed 9 February 2012.
People's Republic of China: Gross Violations of Human Rights in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, Amnesty International, April 1999.
G. Postiglione, Z. Zhiyong, and B. Jiao, "From Ethnic Segregation to Impact Integration: State Schooling and Identity Construction for Rural Tibetans," in Asian Ethnicity, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2004, p. 201.
M. Dillon, Religious Minorities and China, Minority Rights Group International, London, 2001.
http://www.china.org.cn/e-white/tibet/. Accessed 9 February 2012.
E. Perry and M. Selden, Chinese Society: Change, Conflict and Resistance, (London: Routledge, 2000), pp. 178-179.
J. Mirsky, "Tibet: China's Gaza," in Asian Affairs, Vol. 40, No. 3, 2009, p. 360.
A. Bhattacharya, "Chinese Nationalism and the Fate of Tibet: Implications for India and Future Scenarios," in Strategic Analysis, Vol. 31, No. 2, 2007, p. 237.
C. Bass, "Learning to Love the Motherland: Educating Tibetans in China," in Journal of Moral Education, Vol. 34, No. 4, 2005, p. 434.
K. Mukherjee, "China-Tibet Relations: The Interaction between Religion, Nationalism and Reform," in Korean Journal of Defence Analysis, Vol. 22 (4), December 2010.
G.A. Postiglione, "Making Tibetans in China: the educational challenges of harmonious multiculturalism," in Educational Review, Vol. 60, No. 1, 2008, p. 4.
M.C. Goldstein, "The Snow Lion and the Dragon," (Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 1997), p. 95.
K. Kuo, "Revisiting the Salafi-Jihadist Threat in Xinjiang," in Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, Vol. 32, No. 4, 2012, p. 529.
F. Christiansen and S. Rai, Chinese Politics and Society, (Hertfordshire, UK: Routledge, 1996), p. 305.
C. Mackerras, (ed.), Ethnicity in Asia, (London: Routledge-Curzon, 2003).
P.B. Potter, "Belief in Control: Regulation of Religion in China," in The China Quarterly, Vol. 174, 2003, pp. 317-337.
http://www.freetibet.org/. Accessed 2 February 2012.
T. Topgyal, "Insecurity Dilemma and the Tibetan Uprising in 2008," in Journal of Contemporary China, Vol. 20, No. 69, 2011, p. 183.
O. Ramsbotham, T. Woodhouse and H. Miall, "Contemporary Conflict Resolution," in Polity, 2005, p. 108.
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Canadian Military Journal
Canadian Military Journal is the official professional journal of the Canadian Armed Forces and the Department of National Defence. It is published quarterly under authority of the Minister of National Defence. Opinions expressed or implied in this publication are those of the author, and do not necessarily represent the views of the Department of National Defence, the Canadian Forces, Canadian Military Journal, or any agency of the Government of Canada. Crown copyright is retained.
One thought on "'New Wars' In Contemporary China? – Analysis"
Very Insightful. Although the solution given in article not seem to in sight as the rule of oppressive Govt. in China. Problem in Xinjiang may be more severe than in Tibet
as Uyghurs have getting support from radical Islam.


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How the Eff Is This 65-Year-Old Woman Pregnant with Quadruplets? A Doctor Weighs In
Are some ladies just better equipped to bear children?
by Ashley Oerman Published: Apr 13, 2015
A woman getting pregnant after trying in vitro fertilization (IVF) isn't exactly breaking news. But according to the Daily Mail, Annegret Raunigk of Germany, a 65-year-old mother of 13, is currently 21 weeks pregnant with quadruplets after undergoing the procedure with donated eggs and sperm.
RELATED: 4 Ways to Get Pregnant That Aren't Sex
So how the heck is this lady popping out babies when some women her age are going through menopause? "If you've got a uterus and a donor egg, it doesn't matter how hold you are—you can still get pregnant," says Lauren F. Streicher, M.D., an associate professor of obstetrics and gynecology at Northwestern University.
RELATED: A Doctor Explains How a Woman Can Go Nine Months Without Knowing She's Pregnant
That being said, just because a woman in her 60s can get pregnant doesn't mean that she should, says Streicher. That's because even if a woman this age was in terrific shape and only pregnant with one baby, her cardiovascular system is still 65 years old, putting her at risk for developing preeclampsia (a condition that can cause serious complications for both mom and baby), high blood pressure, and gestational diabetes. And since, in this particular case, Annegret is carrying multiple babies, her risk for those issues, plus a pre-term delivery, is super high. Those health problems put both her and her four babies in danger, says Streicher.
RELATED: The 13 Worst Things About Being Pregnant
And although Annegret has already had 13 kids, that doesn't mean she's in any better shape to handle this without any complications (even though she told the Daily Mail that she doesn't think she'll have any problems during this pregnancy). "It doesn't matter if she's had one baby or 20, there's absolutely no way her body is better at handling pregnancy than anyone else's," says Streicher. In other words, she was not born a better baby-maker than you—despite the crazy number of kids she's given birth to.
Ashley Oerman
Lifestyle Director
Ashley Oerman is the lifestyle director at Cosmopolitan, covering fitness, health, food, cocktails, and home. You can follow her on Instagram @AshleyOerman. She is pro-carbs.


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Feasibility of a Border Patrol Auxiliary
By Joseph J. Kolb on April 23, 2017
Joseph J. Kolb, M.A., is a fellow at the Center for Immigration Studies.
President Trump signs Executive Order pledging 5,000 more U.S. Border Patrol agents.
Current Border Patrol staffing levels are the lowest in seven years.
Current staffing levels compromise border security.
More than a third of Border Patrol agents have been relegated to non-patrol duties.
Former sector chief confirms viability of a civilian auxiliary division.
Effectiveness of federal auxiliaries has been demonstrated through the Civil Air Patrol and the Coast Guard Auxiliary.
A civilian Border Patrol auxiliary would be a cost-effective force multiplier and could potentially enhance agent safety.
Securing the northern and southwest borders is a chief concern of the Trump administration. Emphasis has been placed on the wall, but security ultimately will come down to boots on the ground as agents of the U.S. Border Patrol (USBP) make the physical apprehensions of illegal border-crossers and contraband. The administration immediately pledged 5,000 new agents in a February executive order, but the question remains whether that is still enough to fully secure the borders.1
There are currently 19,828 agents serving in the Border Patrol (down from a high of 21,444 in 2011), but not only has there been a steady decline in manpower, a startling number are not actually out patrolling the "line", as the border is referred to.2 Mathematically, the mission is daunting. Of the 19,828 agents, only 17,026 are earmarked to the southwest border. Considering work shifts and the sheer magnitude of the geography agents need to cover, this is not as large a number as it may seem.
According to Victor Manjarrez, Jr., a former sector chief in Tucson and El Paso, as many as 18 percent of agents in each sector could be tasked with non-"line" duties. This now takes the 17,026 down to 13,961, which agents fear creates not only a security void, but an agent safety issue where single agents can be in remote areas by themselves waiting for backup while attempting to apprehend and secure large groups of people.
"Agents can be found in the garage repairing vehicles, welding and repairing the border fence, etc. — the non-duty stuff takes about 18 percent of the manpower," Manjarrez told the author.
Border Patrol agents who have gone through the 66-day academy in Artesia, N.M., at a cost of around $25,000 per cadet and who will be making more than $70,000 plus benefits after three years, should not be wasted performing tasks such as vehicle repair or apprehension transfers.3 This is not only a waste of money and valuable human resources; it compromises national security.
Options to bolster manpower have been discussed and have received varying degrees of attention and skepticism. One such concept is the implementation of an auxiliary division comprised of civilian volunteers.
Feasibility of a Border Patrol Civilian Auxiliary
The concept of a civilian auxiliary to augment the agent force is not new. According to Manjarrez, the topic has been broached in the past, but never gained traction. For example, in 2005 then-Commissioner of Customs and Border Protection (CBP) Robert Bonner told the Associated Press there was an effort to explore the feasibility of an auxiliary, but it failed to gain support and traction from the National Border Patrol Council and lawmakers.4 In 2007, the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University published arguably the most comprehensive treatise on the feasibility and applicability of a Border Patrol auxiliary as a cost-effective and viable means to bolster much needed staffing voids along the border.5
"I believe the idea of an auxiliary unit would be very helpful in the right situations and the right training," Manjarrez, told the author. "The idea has come up several times before and I'm glad to hear that someone is thinking about it again."
Among the duties auxiliary personnel can perform are transportation, booking and processing, hospital watch, electronic video and movement sensor monitoring, dispatch, and vehicle and fence maintenance, all of which currently take agents off the line.
There is a general consensus in the National Border Patrol Council (the union representing Border Patrol agents), which is supported by Manjarrez, that auxiliary staff should not be put in the field. The author disagrees with this position on a variety of levels. With the appropriate training and guidelines, auxiliary personnel can be an additional body in a patrol vehicle typically manned by only one agent. This second person can be an extra set of eyes and ears as well as assist when multiple apprehensions occur simultaneously rather than leaving one agent alone waiting for backup. This can enhance agent safety.
The establishment of a recognized Border Patrol auxiliary division may mitigate the presence of the numerous "volunteer" border watch/patrol organizations already patrolling the border, mostly in Arizona, California, and Texas. One group in California went so far as to call itself the Border Patrol Auxiliary, which has no official status.6 These heavily armed militia-like organizations can make a volatile situation explosive, as has been seen in multiple incidents where they disobeyed orders by agents to drop their weapons or respond to commands. In 2015, a member of "Rusty's Rangers" in south Texas was wounded by an agent after the militiaman refused to drop his weapon.
In a 2014 statement, CBP explicitly posited that it does not endorse or support any private group or organization from taking matters into their own hands as it could have "disastrous personal and public safety consequences."
The concept of a law enforcement auxiliary does not come without precedent. There are dozens of civilian police departments with vibrant auxiliary units providing valuable support to the certified law enforcement officers.7 Among the most robust local programs are the New York City8 and Nassau County, N.Y., police departments.9 At the national level are the Coast Guard Auxiliary,10 a component of the Department of Homeland Security, and the Civil Air Patrol (CAP), a volunteer subsidiary of the U.S. Air Force.11
The policy statement of the Coast Guard Auxiliary reads in part that it is a uniformed volunteer component that provides a diverse array of specialized skills, trained crews, and capable facilities to augment the Coast Guard and enhance port and waterway safety.12 The organization also supports the operational, administrative, and logistical requirements of the Coast Guard. With additional training, Coast Guard auxiliarists are able to be more actively involved in the agency's mission. This program is called the Operational Auxiliarist Program.13 Such an advanced level of training will be discussed below for the Border Patrol auxiliary concept.
In 2012 the Government Accountability Office evaluated the efficacy of the Civil Air Patrol in Homeland Security missions. The report says: "Homeland security partnerships may grow increasingly important as fiscal constraints provide impetus for federal agencies to look to partners for mission support. One partner is CAP, a congressionally chartered, federally funded, nonprofit corporation with approximately 61,000 volunteer members that can function as the auxiliary of the U.S. Air Force. CAP conducts missions throughout the United States, including counter-drug, disaster relief, and search and rescue, using mostly single-engine aircraft."14 The report also specifically noted the air reconnaissance missions CAP has performed for CBP.
The Civil Air Patrol assists U.S. Customs and Border Protection, the Drug Enforcement Administration, and the United States Forest Service in the war on drugs. In 2005, CAP flew over 12,000 hours in support of this mission and led these agencies to the confiscation of illegal substances valued at over $400 million.15
The concerns the report presented included legal parameters, mission funding, existing capabilities, and capacity that could affect CAP's suitability for homeland security missions. For example, as an Air Force auxiliary, CAP is subject to laws and regulations governing the use of the military in support of law enforcement, which, among other things, allow CAP to conduct aerial surveillance in certain situations, but preclude its participation in the interdiction of vehicles, vessels, or aircraft. Similarly, while CAP's existing operational capabilities — aircraft, vehicles, personnel, and technology — position it well to support certain homeland security missions, they also limit its suitability for others. Since the Border Patrol is a federal law enforcement agency and not military, their auxiliary would be minimally affected by these limitations.
Despite these apparent hurdles, Civil Air Patrol Director of Operations John Desmarais confirmed to the author that CAP has flown and continues to fly border reconnaissance missions.
The groundwork already exists just between these two agencies to provide additional and low-cost support on the waterways and in the air. The next step is to consider what can be done to augment ground operations.
Glenn Kearney, executive president for the New York State Association of Auxiliary Police, told the author that background, desire, and training serve as the foundation for a successful program, and these programs are intended to augment and not replace existing agents or officers.
"We don't want the officers to babysit our auxiliary officers," Kearney said. "When it comes to trust, if you can trust a trained officer, you can trust a trained volunteer."
An additional benefit the Border Patrol may reap from considering this option is a bank of prospective recruits. Kearney says some civilian police departments actually use the auxiliary experience as part of the screening process.
The bottom line, according to Kearney, is that there needs to be buy-in from the National Border Patrol Council and DHS. Following the advice of Manjarrez and many in the National Border Patrol Council, auxiliary agents would not be armed or in the field. Volunteers would be armed only with non-lethal devices such as a baton, pepper spray, or Taser (more for self-protection than restraining an individual), and be allowed in a patrol vehicle only with an agent. Similar to civilian law enforcement, the auxiliary agents could assist in apprehensions and detain suspects. Ultimately, this may be subject to a tiered level of training depending on what role an individual is interested in, but most importantly qualifies for.
The tiers of training would include all volunteers to attend an expanded version of the current 20-hour Border Patrol Citizens Academy, which familiarizes community leaders with the mission, sectors, roles, and responsibilities of agents; border security infrastructure and technology; and cursory immigration law topics.16 This would be followed by upper-tier training of varying lengths depending on roles and responsibilities. The Nassau County Police Auxiliary academy, for example, includes 150 hours of training. Following training the applicant would have to pass a final examination and perform the specific job to demonstrate proficiency.
The following is a prospective tiered assignment scale:
Tier 1. Applicant would be in a non-suspect contact position such as clerical, or fence and vehicle maintenance.
Tier 2. Applicant would be a in a non-suspect contact position, but in a higher technical role such as surveillance or drone camera or ground sensor monitor/dispatcher.
Tier 3. Applicant would be in a role that would have direct interaction with suspects, whether in booking/processing, transport, or second seat on patrol. This category would receive the highest and longest level of training that would include self-defense and safe restraint techniques. Candidates could also receive emergency medical technician training to assist with emergencies in the field and at the station.
The Border Patrol likely will be in a net-negative staffing position for some time, even after the additional 5,000 agents are actually vetted, hired, and trained. Staffing will not be at a fully functional level because of the many non-patrol duties agents are called upon to perform. That said, the Department of Homeland Security should consider implementation of a volunteer auxiliary unit specifically recognized and trained to augment the Border Patrol. This is not only a low-cost option to bolster staffing, but may mitigate the presence of militia-like organizations that now often patrol the border without any oversight. The precedents have already been established by civilian law enforcement agencies around the country, as well as by the U.S. Coast Guard auxiliary and the Civil Air Patrol of the U.S. Air Force.
1 "Fact Sheet: Executive Order: Border Security and Immigration Enforcement Improvements", Department of Homeland Security, February 21, 2017.
2 "Border Patrol Agent Nationwide Staffing by Fiscal Year (as of October 1, 2016)" , U.S. Border Patrol, undated.
3 "Border Patrol Agent Pay and Benefits", U.S. Customs and Border Protection, last published April 17, 2017.
4 "U.S. mulls involving volunteers in Border Patrol", Fox News, July 20, 2005.
5 Christopher Hall, et.al., "Securing the Borders: Creation of the Border Patrol Auxiliary", John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, May 5, 2007.
6 Border Patrol Auxiliary Facebook page.
7 "Auxiliary Police", Wikipedia, last modified January 7, 2017.
8 "Who are the Volunteer Auxiliary Police?" , New York City Police Department, undated.
9 "Who We Are", Nassau County Auxiliary Police, undated.
10 "About the Auxiliary", United States Coast Guard Auxiliary, last updated July 14, 2015.
11 Civil Air Patrol website.
12 "US Coast Guard Auxiliary Policy Statement", Commandant of the U.S. Coast Guard, undated.
13 "Operational Auxiliarist Program", U.S. Coast Guard Auxilary, undated.
14 "HOMELAND SECURITY: Civil Air Patrol Involved in Certain Missions, but DHS Should Assess the Benefits of Further Involvement", Government Accountability Office, November 1, 2012.
15 "Missions: Emergency Services", George H. W. Bush Composite Squadron (SWR-TX-041), undated.
16 "U.S. Customs and Border Protection Citizen's Academy Invitation", press release, U.S. Customs and Border Protection, August 21, 2015.
Topics: Customs and Border Protection (CBP), Increasing the Number of Border Patrol Agents
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