text:
Sam Wild of Moss Side shouted: "Up the I.B."
Posted on March 15, 2015 by Anti-Fascist Archive Image	Reply
International Brigade leader Sam Wild of Moss Side was arrested at a Blackburn anti-Chamberlain demonstration alongside two other former International Brigadiers for being disorderly at a demonstration where he shouted "Up the I.B." and "Down with Chamberlain".
He was fined 5 shilling.
Thanks to MB for sending me this newspaper clipping. He's doing some great work at the Working Class Movement Library.
The Fighting 60s: 62 Group
Posted on November 21, 2014 by jyoud Standard	Reply
I have been sent an article Steve Silver wrote on the militant anti-fascist organisation the 62 Group for Searchlight in 2002. I'm more than happy to put up articles on the Anti-Fascist Archive and if you have any please send them to me.
He talks about the origins of the 62 Group and it's familiarities with the 43 Group from the 1940s. The 62 Group was also largely made up of working class Jews and it's main opponents were Mosley's fascists but also the future leaders of the fascist movement: Colin Jordan's and John Tyndall's group the Nationalist Socialist Movement.
Silver's article contains a large amount of eyewitness accounts and photographs.
To download the article click here.
To find out more on the 43 Group pick up fantastic book by Morris Beckman – 43 Group: Battling with Mosley's Blackshirts.
International Brigaders in the Spanish Civil War
Posted on July 7, 2014 by jyoud Standard	Reply
This blog post looks at the International Brigaders of the Spanish Civil War, through the passport and story of International Brigader Albert Cole.
Unlocking Ideas Worth Fighting For
International Bridgader passport of Albert Cole, Working Class Movement Library
"Comrades of the International Brigades! Political reasons, reasons of state, the good of that same cause for which you offered your blood with limitless generosity, send some of you back to your countries and some to forced exile. You can go with pride. You are history. You are legend. You are the heroic example of the solidarity and the universality of democracy."
Communist Deputy Dolores Ibarruri 'La Pasionaria', speaking from the Asturias
On 17th July 1936 a group of army officers launched a military coup in an attempt to overthrow the democratic Republican government of Spain. The coup was only partially successful and the country split in half and a bitter civil war ensued.
Internationally, twenty…
Gerda Taro: The forgotten photojournalist killed in action
Posted on December 27, 2013 by jyoud Standard	Reply
Gerda Taro: The forgotten photojournalist killed in action.
via Gerda Taro: The forgotten photojournalist killed in action.
Political Sticker Archive
Posted on December 27, 2013 by jyoud Standard	2
I have recently been contacted by the blog stickerkitty.
This blog has some great stickers along with cracking analysis. Subjects include anti-apartied movement, anti-fascism at St. Pauli FC, 1920's US political stickers and the Industrial Workers' of the World.
St. Lawrence's The Richard F. Brush Art Gallery has a digital collection of street stickers.
Check both of these out!
Nicky Crane: The secret double life of a gay neo-Nazi
Posted on December 9, 2013 by jyoud Standard	1
Original BBC Magazine article here
He was the British extreme right's most feared streetfighter. But almost right up to his death 20 years ago, Nicky Crane led a precarious dual existence – until it fell dramatically apart.
The skinhead gang marched in military formation down the High Street clutching iron bars, knives, staves, pickaxe handles and clubs. There were at least 100 of them. They had spent two days planning their attack. The date was 28 March 1980. Soon they reached their target – a queue of mostly black filmgoers outside the Odeon cinema in Woolwich, south-east London. Then the skinheads charged. Most of them belonged to an extreme far-right group called the British Movement (BM). This particular "unit" had already acquired a reputation for brutal racist violence thanks to its charismatic young local organiser. Many victims had learned to fear the sight of his 6ft 2in frame, which was adorned with Nazi tattoos. His name was Nicky Crane. But as he led the ambush, Crane was concealing a secret from his enemies and his fascist comrades alike. Crane knew he was gay, but hadn't acted on it. Not yet.
Twelve years later, the same Nicky Crane sat in his Soho bedsit. His room looked out across London's gay village – the bars and nightclubs where he worked as a doorman, where he drank and danced. Crane flicked through a scrapbook filled with photos and news clippings from his far-right past. For years he had managed to keep the two worlds entirely separate. But now he wasn't going to pretend any more.
Nicola Vincenzo Crane was born on 21 May 1958 in a semi-detached house on a leafy street in Bexley, south-east London. One of 10 siblings, he grew up in nearby Crayford, Kent. As his name suggests, he had an unlikely background for a British nationalist and Aryan warrior. He was of Italian heritage through his mother Dorothy, whose maiden name was D'Ambrosio. His father worked as a structural draughtsman. But from an early age Crane found a surrogate family in the south-east London skinhead scene.
Its members had developed a reputation for violence, starting fights and disrupting gigs by bands such as Sham 69 and Bad Manners. In the late 1970s, gangs like Crane's were widely feared.
"When you've come from a tough background, when you get that identity, it's a powerful thing to have," says Gavin Watson, a former skinhead who later got to know Crane. The south-east London skins also had close connections to the far right. Whereas the original skinheads in the late 1960s had borrowed the fashion of Caribbean immigrants and shared their love of ska and reggae music, a highly visible minority of skins during the movement's revival in the late 1970s were attaching themselves to groups like the resurgent National Front (NF). In particular the openly neo-Nazi BM, under the leadership of Michael McLaughlin, was actively targeting young, disaffected working-class men from football terraces as well as the punk and skinhead scenes for recruitment. Crane was an enthusiastic convert to the ideology of National Socialism. "Adolf Hitler was my God," he said in a 1992 television interview. "He was sort of like my Fuhrer, my leader. And everything I done was, like, for Adolf Hitler." Within six months of joining the BM, Crane had been made the Kent organiser, responsible for signing up new members and organising attacks on political opponents and minority groups. He was also inducted into the Leader Guard, which served both as McLaughlin's personal corps of bodyguards and as the party's top fighters. Members wore black uniforms adorned with neo-Nazi symbols and were drilled at paramilitary-style armed training weekends in the countryside.
They were also required to have a Leader Guard tattoo. Each featured the letters L and G on either side of a Celtic cross, the British Movement's answer to the swastika. Crane dutifully had his inked on to his flesh alongside various racist slogans. By now working as a binman and living in Plumstead, Crane quickly acquired a reputation, even among the ranks of the far right, for exceptionally brutal violence.
In May 1978, following a BM meeting, he took part in an assault on a black family at a bus stop in Bishopsgate, east London, using broken bottles and shouting racist slogans. An Old Bailey judge described Crane as "worse than an animal". The following year he led a mob of 200 skinheads in an attack on Asians in nearby Brick Lane. Crane later told a newspaper how "we rampaged down the Lane turning over stalls, kicking and punching Pakistanis". The Woolwich Odeon attack of 1980 was described by a prosecutor at the Old Bailey as a "serious, organised and premeditated riot". After their intended victims fled inside, the skinheads drilled by Crane began smashing the cinema's doors and windows, the court was told. A Pakistani man was knocked unconscious in the melee and the windows of a nearby pub were shattered with a pickaxe handle. In 1981 Crane was jailed for his part in an ambush on black youths at Woolwich Arsenal station. As the judge handed down a four-year sentence, an acolyte standing alongside Crane stiffened his arm into a Nazi salute and shouted "sieg heil" from the dock. Crane's three jail terms failed to temper his violence. During one stretch, he launched an attack on several prison officers with a metal tray. A six-month sentence following a fracas on a London Tube train was served entirely at the top-security Isle of Wight prison – a sign of just how dangerous he was regarded by the authorities.
All this may have horrified most people, but it made Crane a hugely respected and admired figure across the far right. He was neither an orator nor a conversationalist. His vocabulary was sparse at best. But he managed to exude a powerful charisma. "I knew him, I liked him. He was friendly," says Joseph Pearce, who was leader of the Young National Front during the early 1980s before turning his back on extremist politics. "He was not the most articulate of people. It would be yes or no. It was difficult to have anything but the most superficial conversation with him." In the aftermath of a violent march through racially mixed Lewisham in 1977, much of the UK's extreme right had concluded the path to power lay in controlling the streets and destabilising the multicultural society rather than through the ballot box.
At the same time, groups like the Anti-Nazi League (ANL) and, later, Anti-Fascist Action (AFA) were becoming more and more confrontational. "The opposition were very, very combative," Pearce says. "Their strategy was to smash the nationalist movement. It was a necessity to have a street presence that had muscle. Someone like Nicky Crane was a powerful physical but also symbolic presence." This was a description with which even Crane's enemies concurred. "By appearance and reputation he was the epitome of right-wing idealism – fascist icon and poster boy," writes Sean Birchall in his book Beating The Fascists, a history of AFA. Unbeknown to his comrades, however, a very different side to Nicky Crane was emerging.
It was a Thursday night at Heaven, a gay nightclub below London's Charing Cross station. Underneath the venue's arched roof stood a young man, up from Brighton for the evening. A garrulous character, he was universally known by his full title of John G Byrne. Since 1969, when he discovered reggae music as a 13-year-old, Byrne had been a skinhead. As he looked across the dancefloor, he caught sight of a man he'd never seen before. The stranger was tall, shaven-headed and tattooed. Byrne introduced himself. It was Nicky Crane, fresh out of prison. "He stood out quite a lot," says Byrne. "A lot of people used to be quite keen on him because he was a very butch-looking geezer." Years later, Crane said he hadn't had sex with a man until after he turned 26 in 1984. But now he was becoming a regular at places like Heaven. "I just used to chat to him," Byrne adds. "Nicky was quite a friendly person. He was quite quiet, really. He was the opposite of what he looked like."
He appears to have thrown himself enthusiastically into the gay scene around this time. His imposing frame meant he easily found work as a doorman at gay venues through a security firm. But if the neo-Nazi world would have abhorred his sexuality, the vast majority of London's gay scene would have been equally horrified to learn that he was a neo-Nazi. Among the leadership of the largely liberal-left gay rights movement that was growing in London during the 1980s, fascist symbolism was an obvious and outrageous taboo – a reminder of the persecution that lesbians and gay men had suffered. According to feminist scholar Sheila Jeffreys' book The Lesbian Heresy, a commotion unfolded in 1984 when a group of gay skinheads turned up at a gay bar in London's King's Cross and began sieg heiling. She also records that a well-known far-right youth organiser was thrown out of the same pub after taking off his jacket to reveal swastika tattoos. A huge row erupted the following year at the London Lesbian and Gay Centre in King's Cross when a gay skinhead night was held at the venue. It's not clear whether Crane was present at any of these incidents. But it appears that, at least initially, he was able to deflect questions about his politics by presenting himself on the gay scene as a skinhead first and foremost. His friend Byrne, who describes himself as "sort of more a Labour person", had no time for the far-right element that had infiltrated the skinhead movement. But Byrne was convinced at the time that Crane "wasn't really a Nazi. It was all show". The softly spoken Nicky he knew was too nice to be an extremist, Byrne believed. This wasn't as fanciful as it might sound. By the mid-1980s, a gay skinhead scene was beginning to flourish in London, says Murray Healy, author of Gay Skins: Class, Masculinity and Queer Appropriation. Gay men had many different reasons for adopting the look, he says. Some had been skinheads before they came out. Others found that, in an era when all gay men were widely assumed to be camp and effeminate, "you were less likely to get picked on if you looked like a queer-basher". There were also "fetish skins", attracted to the "hyper-masculinity" of the subculture. Against this backdrop, even the swastikas and racist slogans inked on Crane's body could be explained away, at least initially. During the 1980s, says Healy, "gay Nazis were assumed to be left-wing even if they had Nazi tattoos". "People refused to read these tattoos politically. People thought it was part of the authenticity ritual. People thought he was just playing a part." And indeed it wasn't just gay skins who flirted with the iconography of fascism. While "redskins" and "Sharps" – an acronym for Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice – confronted those with links to the far right, many heterosexual skinheads who were apolitical also adopted fascist garb, says Byrne. "A lot of skinheads that weren't right-wing used to wear Skrewdriver T-shirts," Byrne adds. "It was about the fashion of being a skinhead." But Crane wasn't just playing with the imagery of Nazism. He was living it. His decision to start frequenting venues such as Heaven wasn't the only thing that had changed since before his sentence. During the years 1981 to 1984, which he mostly spent incarcerated, his fame had grown far beyond the narrow confines of the far right.
In 1981, the journalist Garry Bushell helped put together a compilation album of tracks by bands from the burgeoning Oi! scene. Oi!, a cheerfully crude sub-genre of punk, was popular with skinheads. Its politics were fairly broad – while there were right-wingers within its ranks, some of its most prominent acts, including the Angelic Upstarts, were avowed socialists. Others, such as the 4-Skins, condemned political extremism of all kinds. That was to count for little after Bushell, desperate for a cover image after a photoshoot fell through, seized on a Christmas card which he says he believed showed a scene from the film The Wanderers. In fact, it was a picture of Crane.
It was only when the image was blown up to 12in cover size, Bushell says, that he noticed Crane's Nazi tattoos. Faced with the choice of airbrushing out his markings or pulling the release, the writer chose the former option.
"It was a monumentally, cataclysmically stupid decision," he says. The title of the compilation was Strength Thru Oi! – which Bushell says was intended as a pun on Strength Through Joy, the title of a recent EP by punk act The Skids, but which in turn was borrowed from a Nazi slogan. The Daily Mail seized upon the title and the connection with Crane, condemning the "highly controversial" record as "evil". According to Bushell, who had only recently left the Socialist Workers Party and still regarded himself at the time as a left-winger, the story was a "tissue of lies". But as a result of the coverage, the hitherto obscure Oi! scene became associated by many with the far right – to the chagrin of acts featured on the album, such as the socialist poet Gary Johnson. Crane's musical background had hitherto extended to starting fights at ska and punk gigs, plus a short-lived stint singing in a punk band called The Afflicted. The notoriety, however, transformed him into a skinhead icon. The Strength Thru Oi! cover image – featuring a topless, muscle-bound Crane snarling and raising his boot – was widely reproduced in the wake of the row. T-shirts featuring the image were sold at The Last Resort, a clothes shop favoured by skinheads in London's Whitechapel. They were a huge hit. Although the album was withdrawn from sale, reproductions of its cover adorned thousands of bedroom walls. "He was literally a poster boy," says Watson, who at the time was a teenage skin in Buckinghamshire. "Even a 15-year-old was like, 'That's what a skinhead should look like.' "He just fell into our living rooms. These little kids in High Wycombe – we didn't know anything about the Nazi stuff."
On the surface, the idea of a gay man embracing neo-Nazism might appear baffling and self-defeating. Just as Adolf Hitler's regime had thrown gays and lesbians into death camps, the neo-Nazi movement remained staunchly homophobic.
Crane was becoming all too aware of the contradiction of being a gay neo-Nazi. "A lot of people that I did used to hang around with, they did sort of like hate us," he said in 1992 – "us" meaning gay men.
"They'd go out queer-bashing. It's something I never did myself. And I'd never let it happen in front of me, either." He had, however, chosen fascism long before he had embraced his sexuality, and much of his social life and prestige was bound up with his status as a prominent neo-Nazi activist. To maintain his cover, Crane would often appear in public with a skinhead girl on his arm. "He often had a so-called girlfriend but they were never around for long," says Pearce. "Nicky had no chemistry with girls." Certainly, after coming out, Crane always described himself as gay rather than bisexual. Nonetheless, his relationships with women, coupled with rumours that he had fathered a son, allayed any initial suspicions his comrades might have had. So too did his propensity for racist violence.
On Sunday 10 June 1984, Greater London Council leader Ken Livingstone held a free open-air concert to protest against unemployment and government spending cuts. Thousands of Londoners turned out to watch acts like The Smiths and Billy Bragg. Most would have been attracted principally by the music and the summer weather. To Nicky Crane, however, anyone attending a left-wing-hosted event like this was a legitimate target. As The Redskins, a socialist skinhead band, played, Crane led an attack on the crowd. Around 100 fascists began setting about the audience closest to the main stage. "They were organised, they were used to violence, the audience wasn't," says Gary, an anti-fascist activist who was present that day and asked to be identified only by his first name.
The neo-Nazis were beaten back by a group of striking Yorkshire miners, invited to steward the event by Livingstone as a solidarity gesture, and members of the militant far-left group Red Action. Crane was not cowed, however, and after regrouping his forces, he charged a second stage at the other end of the park where the Hank Wangford Band were playing. This time, however, the anti-fascists were better prepared. Militants grabbed empty cider bottles to use as improvised weapons. As the anti-fascists fought back, Crane broke away from the main battle. "He was busy attacking the rest of the crowd, on his own, stripped to the waist," says Gary. As Crane tried to make it over a barrier on to the stage, he was knocked over by a Red Action member. He escaped the furious crowd by using a female left-wing activist as a human shield, according to witnesses. As the violence subsided, anti-fascists confronted another skinhead in the crowd. His Harrington jacket was unzipped to reveal a slogan on his T-shirt. It read "Nicky Crane", in tribute to the young man's hero. Given the carnage Crane had just instigated, the left-wingers had little sympathy for his admirer. The skinhead was set upon and beaten. Crane was never prosecuted for his part in the riot. In the febrile atmosphere of the mid-1980s, however, violence was everywhere. As clashes between police and striking miners becoming increasingly bitter, football hooligans across the country were fighting it out with unprecedented ferocity. The formation of AFA in 1985 resulted in increasingly bloody stand-offs between anti-fascists and the far right. Several years later, Crane told the Sun newspaper about an attack on a Jewish Remembrance Day ceremony for which he also appears to have escaped arrest. "We hurled insults at them and started punching and kicking as they went by," he admitted to the paper in 1992. On another occasion, Crane and his gang spotted a left-wing activist on a Tube train. "Me and a few mates beat him really badly," he said. "Even though he wasn't moving we all kept jumping on his head. "I think he survived. It must have been a miracle." After the BM collapsed in 1983, Crane had become something of a free agent. He was a visible presence on demonstrations held by other far-right groups. These included the NF – now split into two warring factions – and the British National Party, formed in 1982 by John Tyndall, which had begun to attract a significant football hooligan following. Among the rank and file of each group, Crane remained a hero. "You could very easily drop him into the Weimar Republic in 1923 and, some language difficulties apart, he'd fit right in," says Gary.
His closest affiliation, however, was with the neo-Nazi rock band Skrewdriver. Originally the group had been apolitical. In 1982, however, singer Ian Stuart Donaldson came out as a supporter of the National Front. With song titles like Europe Awake and Flying the Flag, the group gained a huge following among far-right skinheads. Opposition from anti-fascists meant gigs had to be forcefully stewarded. Donaldson appointed Crane as Skrewdriver's head of security, and he became a trusted lieutenant. Reportedly, Crane wrote the lyrics for a Skrewdriver track called Justice and provided the cover art for the albums Hail The New Dawn and After The Fire. Archive footage of their concerts shows Donaldson barking neo-Nazi lyrics as he loomed above Crane who stood, arms folded, at the front of the stage. The T-shirt on his chest said "Skrewdriver security" in Gothic script. Crane wasn't playing an instrument, but it was as though he was part of the performance. His status as a neo-Nazi icon had never been more secure. But for the first time, the twin strands of his double life were about to intersect.
The anti-fascist magazine Searchlight was, despite its political leanings, required reading for activists on the extreme right. Each month the publication would run gossip about the neo-Nazi scene, and fascists would furtively buy it to see whether they had earned a mention.
In April 1985 it ran a feature on Crane. It mentioned the GLC concert, the south London attacks and the jail sentences he had served. The magazine revealed it had received a Christmas card from him during his time on the Isle of Wight in which he proclaimed his continued allegiance to "the British Movement tradition" – that is, violence.
The Searchlight report ended its description of Crane with the line: "On Thursday nights he can be found at the Heaven disco in Charing Cross." Even a neo-Nazi audience might have been aware that Heaven was at this point London's premier gay club. Nicky Crane had been outed. And homosexuality was anathema to neo-Nazis. But the response of Crane's comrades to the revelation was to ignore it. A number of factors allowed Crane to brush off the report, Pearce says. Firstly, homosexuality was indelibly associated with effeminacy by the far right, and Crane was the very opposite of effeminate. Secondly, no-one wanted to be seen to believe Searchlight above the word of a committed soldier for the Aryan cause. Thirdly, on the most basic level, everyone was afraid of being beaten up by Crane if they challenged him. "I remember it was just sort of furtive whispering," adds Pearce. "I'm not aware that anyone confronted Nicky. People were happy for things to remain under the carpet." Sightings at gay clubs were dismissed by Crane. Donaldson claimed Crane told him that he was obliged to take jobs at places like Heaven because the security firm he was employed by sent him there.
"I accepted him at face value, as he was a nationalist," Donaldson told a fanzine years later.
For his part, Heaven's then-owner, Jeremy Norman, says he does not recall Crane working on the door: "I would imagine that the door staff would have been supplied by a security contractor and that he would have been their employee but it is all a long time ago." Rumours circulated that a prominent football hooligan and far-right activist had hurled a homophobic slur at Crane, who in response had inflicted a severe beating which the victim was lucky to survive. Word of this spread among the skinhead fraternity, too. "My mate had a shop in Soho," recalls Watson. "People would come in to say, 'Have you heard Nicky's gay?' He would say, he works around the corner, why don't you go and ask him? Of course they never did." Just as some in the gay community refused to believe that a gay man could be a neo-Nazi, others on the extreme right were unable to acknowledge that a neo-Nazi could be a gay man.
In 1987 Crane and Donaldson set up a group called Blood & Honour. It was a cross between a White Power music club and a political party. It staged concerts for Skrewdriver and other neo-Nazi bands with names like No Remorse and Brutal Attack. T-shirts, flags and records were sold by mail order through its magazine. The operation had an annual turnover of hundreds of thousands of pounds.
Donaldson was its head, Crane his right-hand man and head of security. Around the same time, the latter's organisational skills were being put to use elsewhere. Searchlight reported in October 1987 that "Crane, the right's finest example of a clinical psychopath, is also engaged in building a 'gay skins' movement, which meets on Friday nights" at a pub in east London. Crane's sexuality might by now have been obvious to any interested onlooker, but the neo-Nazi scene remained in denial. While his right-wing colleagues studiously ignored the report, AFA took an interest. Its activists put the pub under surveillance.
The anti-fascists didn't care about Crane's sexuality, but were concerned that the gatherings might have a political objective. "Here were gay skinheads wearing Nazi regalia," says Gary. "We could never get to the bottom of it – whether it was purely a sexual fetish."
The gay community had, by this stage, begun to take notice of Crane, too. He was confronted by anti-fascists attending a Pride rally in Kennington, south London, in 1986. The campaigner Peter Tatchell recalls a row erupting after it emerged Crane had been allowed to steward a gay rights march. The organisers had not been aware who Crane was or what his political affiliations were. But now they were, and Crane must have realised he would no longer be welcome in much of gay London. The gay skinhead night may simply have been an attempt to carve out a space for himself where he would not be challenged either for his sexuality or his politics. While his status in the far right was secure, he was being pushed to the fringes of the gay community. The double life he had been maintaining was beginning to erode.
The Bloody Sunday commemoration rally was held every January to mark the deaths of 14 unarmed protesters at the hands of the Parachute Regiment in Derry in 1972. For years the rally had been a target for the far right, whose sympathies in the Northern Ireland conflict mostly lay with the loyalists. So when Nicky Crane was spotted within the vicinity of the march in Kilburn, a traditionally Irish enclave of north-west London, in January 1990, it was assumed he had trouble in mind. Crane was confronted by anti-fascist activists who were stewarding the event and, after a brief exchange of blows, he managed to get away.
But when he was spotted in a black cab heading back into the area, marchers took it as read that he was about to spearhead an ambush on the march.
After the taxi became stuck in traffic at the top of Kilburn High Road it was quickly surrounded. Crane was pulled from the vehicle and found himself on the receiving end of the kind of violence he had long inflicted on others. After putting up fierce resistance, he was beaten unconscious. Three anti-fascists were jailed for a total of 11 years for their part in the incident. Unusually for a political street fighter who deplored the system, Crane testified at their trial. It was a hint that Crane was preparing to cut his ties with the extreme right. "I don't think he'd have done it in his fascist days, put it that way," says Gary. "You didn't go to the police. Hard men don't do that, they sort it out among themselves." It was not the first indication that Crane was losing his enthusiasm for the Nazi cause. In May 1989 he had fled when anti-fascists turned up to a meeting point in London's Hyde Park for a Blood & Honour gig. After the Bloody Sunday march, there is no record of Crane taking part in any further political activity. He had begun drifting away from the extreme right. Friends say he had begun spending an increasing amount of time in Thailand, where his past was not known and he could, for the first time since Strength Thru Oi! was released, be anonymous. Back in London, he appeared in a series of skinhead-themed amateur gay porn videos. The films did not achieve wide circulation but, to star in them in the first place, he must have been indifferent to whether or not he was exposed. Eventually he made a decision. It was time to end the double life once and for all.
The Channel 4 programme was called Out. It featured a series of documentaries about lesbian and gay life in the UK. The episode broadcast on 27 July 1992 was about the gay skinhead subculture. Its star attraction was Nicky Crane. First the programme showed recorded interviews with an unwitting Donaldson, who sounded baffled that such a thing as gay skinheads existed, and NF leader Patrick Harrington. And then the camera cut to Crane, in camouflage gear and Dr Martens boots, in his Soho bedsit.
Nicky Crane interviewed in 1992 for a Channel 4 documentary
He told the interviewer how he'd known he was gay back in his early BM days. He described how his worship of Hitler had given way to unease about the far right's homophobia. He had started to feel like a hypocrite because the Nazi movement was so anti-gay, he said. "So I just, like, couldn't stay in it." Crane said he was "ashamed" of his political past and insisted he had changed. "The views I've got now is, I believe in individualism and I don't care if anyone's black, Jewish or anything," he added. "I either like or dislike a person as an individual, not what their colour is or anything." The revelation attracted considerable press attention. The Sun ran a story with the headline "NAZI NICK IS A PANZI". Below it described the "Weird secret he kept from gay-bashers". Crane reiterated that he had abandoned Nazi ideology. "It is all in the past," he told the paper. "I've made a dramatic change in my life." The reaction from his erstwhile comrades was one of horror and fury. Donaldson issued a blood-curdling death threat on stage at a Skrewdriver gig. "He's dug his own grave as far as I'm concerned," Donaldson told the Last Chance fanzine. "I was fooled the same as everybody else. Perhaps more than everybody else. I felt I was betrayed by him and I want nothing to do with him whatsoever." But according to Pearce – who by this stage had made his own break with the NF – it was Crane's disavowal of National Socialism, rather than the admission of his sexuality, that proved particularly painful for Donaldson. "I think that Ian would have been very shocked," says Pearce. "He was deeply hurt. But it had more to do with the fact that he switched sides politically. "Nicky didn't just come out as a homosexual, he became militantly opposed to what he previously believed in." British Nazism had lost its street-fighting poster boy. For the first time in his adult life, however, Crane was able to be himself. Watson recalls catching a glimpse of Crane – by then working as a bicycle courier – shortly after he came out. "I saw him riding around Soho in Day-Glo Lycra shorts," remembers Watson. "I thought, good for you."
On 8 December 1993, Byrne took the train to London. He had arranged to meet his friend Nicky Crane at Berwick Street market, just a few yards from his Rupert Street bedsit. Byrne was looking forward to having "a good old chat" about skinheads they both knew. But Crane didn't turn up. When Byrne got home, he found out why. Crane had died the day before. He was 35. The cause of death was given on his death certificate as bronchopneumonia, a fatal inflammation of the air passages to the lungs. He was a victim of the disease that had killed so many other young gay men of his generation. "He didn't tell me about his problems with Aids," says Byrne. "He didn't talk much about it really. I thought it was a shame." Word had got around that Crane was ill, however. Gary recalls his shock at seeing his one-time foe looking deeply emaciated, waiting on a platform at Baker Street Tube station. Crane's stature was such, however, that even at this point fellow passengers were careful to keep their distance. Those who suffered as a result of his rampages may have breathed a sigh of relief that he was no longer able to terrorise them. But his death marked more than just the end of Nicky Crane. It also coincided with the passing of an era in which the extreme right hoped to win power by controlling the street with boots and fists. In 1993, Crane was dead, Donaldson died in a car crash and the British National Party (BNP) won its first council seat in Millwall, east London. The various factions of the NF had by now all but withered.
The following year, BNP strategist Tony Lecomber announced there would be "no more meetings, marches, punch-ups" – instead, the intention now was to win seats in town halls. The party would try to rebrand itself as respectable and peaceful – a strategy continued, with varying success, under the leadership of Nick Griffin. Streetfighters like Nicky Crane were supposedly consigned to the past.
The broader skinhead movement was changing, too. Watson, like many other former skins, had by the time of Crane's death, abandoned boots and braces for the rave scene. His skinhead days already felt like a different age. "The skinhead stuff was washed away by rave and it's, 'Oh yes, Nicky's out of the closet,'" Watson says. "It's the story of that side of skinheads, isn't it?" By contrast, the presence of skinheads in gay clubs and bars was no longer controversial. Shorn of its political associations, the look was by now, if anything, more popular in London's Old Compton Street or Manchester's Canal Street than on football terraces or far-right rallies. Two decades after Crane's death, says Healy, the skinhead is "recognised as a gay man unambiguously in London and Manchester". He adds: "If the Village People reformed today there would be a skinhead in the group." He may be an extreme case, but Crane reflects an era in which people's expectations of what a gay man looked and behaved like began to shift. "Everybody always knew gay people, but they just didn't know it," says Max Schaefer, whose 2010 novel Children of the Sun features a character fascinated by Crane. "The neo-Nazis were no different from everyone else." It's unlikely Crane reflected on his place at this intersection between all these late 20th Century subcultures. He was a man of action, not ideology – a doer who left the thinking to others, and this may be what led a confused, angry young man to fascism in the first place. As he lingered in St Mary's hospital in Paddington, west London, waiting to die, a young man named Craig was at his side. Craig was "one of Nicky's boyfriends", says Byrne. According to Crane's death certificate, Craig was with him at the end. Picture research by Susannah Stevens
Beating the Fascists? The German Communists and Political Violence 1929-1933
Posted on October 2, 2013 by Anti-Fascist Archive Standard	1
Eve Rosenhaft's work on the street fighting between German communists and Nazis is now available for free download.
Original link.
Thanks to Butchers1972.
The Warrington Bomb and Red Action
Posted on September 25, 2013 by Anti-Fascist Archive Standard	Reply
Recently, BBC North West's Inside Out programme conducted an investigation into the 1993 Warrington bombing. Ending the police's embarrassment of not catching the killers of Johnathan Ball and Tim Parry was, seemingly, the motivation. Inside Out speculates that the perpetrators of the lethal bombing were Jan Taylor and, Red Action member, Patrick Hayes. Inside Out asks that when the police were looking for Irish suspects; should they have been looking for a rogue IRA active service unit made up of Englishmen.
The documentary's evidence supporting their claim leaves some questions. First is the linking of the bin bombing and gas works bombing in Warrington to the Harrods bin bombing and the bombing of a gas works in Tyneside. They are linked by target but, it is also implied, by suspects. The Tyneside gas works was bombed by an Englishman; the Warrington gas works by Irishmen. That the Warrington gas bombing was conducted by Irishmen wasn't mentioned in the documentary. Partially based upon this faulty evidence the programme reasons that the Warrington bin bombing was carried out by the Harrods bin bombers: Hayes and Taylor. The film insinuates that English IRA active service units were attacking similar targets but Warrington gas bombing was done by Irishmen.
Another problem with the same targets, same nationality of suspects theory is that Hayes and Taylor were also convicted of bombing a train. Where does the train attack fit in to Inside Out's story?
Inside Out uses Hayes' Red Action membership as more evidence of guilt. Firstly, the programme doesn't make it clear that only Hayes was a Red Action member, Taylor wasn't. The programme also points out Red Action favoured "chicken-box bombs", like the one used by Hayes and Taylor. The fact is that Red Action has never been found to have bombed anything. The implication is that Red Action had a bombing campaign but they did nothing of the sort. Why would Red Action favour a certain bomb when they had nothing to do with bombing?
Red Action is painted as a shadowy organisation. Whilst certainly secretive it was hardly unreachable. The Independent, ITV and the BBC had all interviewed Red Action. The organisation was very openly pro-IRA, it was on the front of its newspaper and on its stickers; it wasn't a secret. It was not the underground network Inside Out would have us believe.
Red Action Sticker
Another claim is that the (or these?) English IRA active service unit were rogue or not in the loop. It is pointed to that the IRA was already at the peace table so why would they need to continue bombing? Furthermore, the polices' claim that the IRA didn't use the correct code words is their evidence of the bombers being rogue. But the IRA disputed that the wrong codes were used at the time. It's a 'he said; she said' situation in which the truth may never be known.
Inside Out's own evidence can be used to dispute the rogue unit idea. To provide evidence that there was a campaign to bomb certain targets in England they discuss how the IRA's top man in England was caught with a list of targets, including gas works, and semtex. If the orders were coming from the IRA's leading volunteer in England how were the active service units rogue or acting alone?
The evidence presented implying the guilt of Patrick Hayes and Jan Taylor is hardly clear cut. The idea that English IRA units were bombing the same targets isn't true and the idea they were rogue has little evidence. I believe the documentary provides more questions than answers. The simplest being what was the purpose of documentary? And why now?
The Arrest of Patrick Hayes
Patrick Hayes statement in Red Action following his arrest.
Charge of the New Red Brigade, The Independent. This article asks who Red Action are following Hayes' arrest.
Violence with Violence, World in Action (ITV) investigates anti-fascist groups.
Archive in Focus: Syd Shelton, Rock Against Racism
Posted on September 8, 2013 by Anti-Fascist Archive Video	Reply
Fantastic video featuring an interview with Syd Shelton, the official photographer of Rock Against Racism. The video features a slide show of some of Syd Shelton's most powerful works of political photography.
Syd Shelton tells why it was important to engage with the white working class community to prevent a further rise in support for the far right.
He also discusses the photography and how Temporary Hoarding moved away from Cartier Bresson-esque photography which dominated the left and used staged photographs.
He recollects his experiences at the Battle of Lewisham: the riot shields, a group of girls capturing a Union Jack from the NF honour guard and how this day helped form the ideas which would lead to Rock Against Racism.
Finally, he discusses the setting up of the first Rock Against Racism Carnival and the, sometimes taut, relationship with the Socialist Workers' Party.
Give it a watch!
(source: http://vimeo.com/37939497)
No Retreat: Interview with Dave Hann and Steve Tilzey
Posted on September 5, 2013 by Anti-Fascist Archive Standard	3
spikemagazine.com
[This article appears online at http://www.spikemagazine.com/1104noretreat.php%5D
Street Fighting Men
Ben Granger talks to Dave Hann and Steve Tilzey, authors of "No Retreat", a punchy account of their days fighting neo-Nazis in North-West England.
Back in the late 70s Manchester was a stronghold of Britain's premier far-right party, the National Front. As factories and communities went down they went up, recruiting at pubs and football matches, bolstered by a backdrop of fear, poverty, ignorance and desperation. They strutted through the town's grey streets by day, cudgelling random blacks and gays in dark alleys at night. Kicking around and insulting lefty paper sellers was another hobby. That was until a few young working-class activists, centred initially round the Socialist Workers Party and the Anti-Nazi League, decided to fight back.
"The Squads" -as they became known- eschewed the standard British lefty tactics. They didn't depend on banners, slogans and face-painting. Men who could handle themselves, they responded to the NF in kind; with boots and fists. "The fash" weren't used to people fighting back and before long it was they who were on the defensive.
As the NF dissolved into the more openly Nazi British Movement and other warring factions, Anti-Fascist Action grew from the ashes of the Squads, shunned and denounced by the middle-class leadership of the SWP, they still booted the Nazis out of central Manchester and took the fight further out, to the further reaches of the north-west and the country beyond.
No Retreat is a memoir from two veterans of these struggles. While overlapping strongly, the first half is Squad member Tilzey's story from the late 70s to mid 80s, detailing the collapse of the NF and the rise and fall of the psychopathic British Movement. AFA founder member Hann takes over from the 80s to the late 90s, recounting the fight against the new British National Party and their partners in thuggery Combat 18. It describes the movement's very real successes, but also tells of the setbacks and the infighting endemic to groups of the left.
To say it doesn't shy from the violent side of the struggle is an understatement. Fastpaced accounts of kickings and hammerings dominate the narrative. Dave jokes at one point that AFA considered seeking sponsorship from Lucozade for the use they made of their old style glass bottles "an ideal hand to hand or throwing weapon, and the police can't arrest you for it as long as its still got som drink left in it." Liberals and pacifists won't be perusing this over their chiantis.
There's a lot of knockabout humour too. At one point during a battle in London, Steve McFadden (Eastenders' Phil Mitchell) is caught up in the scene; at another Dave and the AFA boys receive notice of a large gathering of Nazi boneheads in Manchester that turns out to be a scene for Robbie Coltrane's "Cracker".
It's a lively, irreverent, thrills but no-frills account which at times reads like one of the numerous soccer-hoolie memoirs proliferating in the "True Crime" section at book-stores (and indeed its publisher Milo purveys many such books themselves). But amidst all the scrapping and joking is the constant and powerful message that fascism thrives when the workingclass is ignored and betrayed. The authors argue this betrayal has come not only from all the major parties, but from the middle-class leadership of far-left groups too, pursuing students with single issue politics rather than working people.
I met up with Dave Hann and Steve Tilzey for drinks on Deansgate in Manchester. The chain pub we meet in is corporate, with cosmetic concessions to local surroundings. By contrast, these two are the real deal. Older and broader now, they're still imposing enough to intimidate the frailer sections of the master race. Steve is garrulous, warm, humorous and infectiously friendly, a quick-tongued and foul-mouthed Manc through and through. Dave is more soft-spoken and considered and wry, with a cosmopolitan accent reflecting his changes in location despite a longstanding base in Manchester. Both have retired from their street fighting roles, Steve works in local government, Dave is a plasterer. But their deep-seated resolve against the forces of fascism still burns bright.
What made you decide to release this book when you did?
ST: There were lots of people who did a lot of work for anti-fascism back in the previous decades, and their contributions haven't been properly documented before. There was a fear they would be lost to history. Our book is a way of keeping the story alive.
You both got involved in far-left activist politics as very young working-class men in the 70's and 80's. Why is that less common these days, and why are groups like the SWP now largely middle-class?
ST: Basically, people like we were are less easy to control. Students are less bother, they do as they're told.
DH: Getting out into work-places, where it counts, is a lot harder to do. It's a lot easier to stick on campuses and bang on about single-issues. It just doesn't achieve much. The most frequent response to your activities on the left and in the mainstream is that it's "counterproductive" and that "you're as bad as them".
ST: Obviously, we get that all the time. It may seem simplistic to say that these are some seriously evil bastards and we're the good guys…What I always say to these people is "what would you have done in the second world war"? That was a war against Nazis, and so was this. And it worked.
The book provides ammunition for your critics in detailing how you fought alongside questionable allies on the streets at times. Criminals with Irish backgrounds, Celtic football hooligans, Moss Side hard-men. And weren't some people up for a fight with whoever?
ST: A lot of people you work with you won't be in agreement with. I've stood next to many people in my time against the fascists. I've looked around and thought; these may not be people I've got much in common with, but we've all got one enemy. Anti-fascism is a broad church, and if people want to fight them it's not up to us to turn them away because we disagree with them on certain issues.
DH: You've got to ask yourself, where do political activists come from? They don't come fully formed into your ranks. Some people may just join in for an afternoon's fighting sure, but its then you can try to persuade them. You should engage people like that, not ignore them.
It worked in ways other left-wing groups didn't. We've had ex-NF members who've joined. We've had lots of football hooligans. Some of them just started out from the standpoint that they didn't like way the NF and the BNP were bullying people around on the terraces. Then, when they talked to us, some got thinking about things in a more socialist-orientated way.
If someone got on to the coach with us with a copy of the News Of The World we'd welcome him. Other left groups would just be horrified and turn their noses up. We'd welcome him, and tell him why his paper was full of shit later. People are bombarded with right-wing propaganda throughout their lives. If someone's got baggage, that's fine, we weren't gonna turn them away.
How do you feel that because of the violent nature of the book it's often placed in the "true crime" section of bookshops?
ST: I've heard its been placed in the comedy sections at times myself. [laughs] I know people have labelled this book another soccer book. The book talks about violence but it details how it was. It wasn't pleasant at times, we were scared, of being arrested, of being kicked in. But at the end of the day, when these people are in your town, you've got to take action. You've got an obligation.
The Squads and AFA weren't just about generals running round, we were all equal with different qualities, good fighters, good communicators, spotters, good drivers even, they all had a part to play. When people say "its like a football book" I can understand that, but I think it comes over that it wasn't the same, this wasn't just a load of blokes saying "what a good row" after a punch up. If me and Dave had wanted to just be football hooligans then we would. It would have been a lot easier. And we didn't.
DH: At then end of the day, we wanted people to read this book. AFA campaigned, we worked in communities, we did talks in schools, we did mass leafleting. We could have concentrated on all that and no-one would have read it. I challenge anybody to write a book like that and have it widely distributed. Yes there was a lot of violence, and yes the book talks about that. But you can walk down Manchester today with a banner of Lenin and no-one will touch you. That's a result.
The ultimate vindication of the AFA strategy seems to be that very thing. Even now, with the BNP in a huge resurgence, there are seemingly no go areas for them: most of Manchester (as opposed to Greater Manchester), South Yorkshire, even a lot of East London. Prime, poor areas for BNP recruitment but they don't seem to try it now. And these were the areas where AFA was most active…
DH: Absolutely. Where we were strongest they are weakest now. Basically, we took out a generation. These are people who thrive on ruling the streets, inspiring youngsters to look up to them. We took the role-models out for kids like that. Even today in Manchester, with the BNP riding high nationally, you don't see them Manchester, yo don't see paper sellers, you don't see stickers. Not even graffiti.
But you certainly can't be complacent even here. I've often likened fighting fascism to nailing jelly to the ceiling.
ST: So speaks a true dodgy plasterer..
DH: Yes, they always take the piss..But the point is you can never stop. And neither will they. There's a line of argument that says fascism will always be there as long as capitalism is. It's probably true. But do you wait for capitalism to dissolve when there's a gang attacking an Asian shop? You have to do something at the time and that's what we did.
As you detail in the book, there's your own strongholds you've secured, but there's other places like Burnley where you fought them off but now they've taken hold. As you said, you kicked them out, but there's a vacuum in isolated working-class places like that which no-one filled and they came back. Would a change in the Labour government change things?
ST: No way.
DH: Not one iota. We were saying back in the 70's Labour had lost it, lost touch with working people. How much worse is it now? They've got their heads completely up their arses and there's no way back. They're trying to copy the situation of the Republicans and the Democrats in the US.
Except now Labour are closer to the Republicans!
DH: Well, yeah….[laughs]
So do you see anyone as voicing a true working-class alternative?
DH: Well there are a few, there's anarchist groups emerging which seem to have the right idea…
ST: People say, why would you hang around a bunch of revolutionary groups when it just ain't gonna fucking happen? To be honest I go along a lot more with that view now. Let's face it, the state is the biggest gang in town. It's got the biggest mob. If it wanted to it could wipe out the left just like that like in Chile. I can't really see the point in things like the SWP any more. You could say that's me getting old, that's me in the comfort zone now, with me season ticket for OT (Old Trafford). But you do still need to campaign on individual issues. There's nothing to be gained from the SWP, there's gonna be no great change…watch this fucker disagree with me…
DH: I do think society can change more but I agree you've got to campaign on people's lives. If you can go to a housing estate and get the lifts working in a tower block, people remember who you are. Campaign on these issues, get things done, and when the fascists walk down your street they listen. Sometimes we were so busy fighting the fascists we didn't spend too much time offering alternatives. You've got to do both. Take people's hearts and minds away from them and offer them an alternative.
Over the last twenty to thirty years the left has moved further and further away from the working-class. If this doesn't change it's a historic mistake we're going to live to regret. The book details the more subtle, undercover work that you did in particular Steve, at first for the Squads and later for [anti-fascist magazine] Searchlight. This included spying, secret photography, bugging meetings. You come over as being particularly enthusiastic about this line of work.
ST: Yes well it goes back to when I was young that, I'd always fancied myself as a bit of a James Bond.[laughs].No I've always liked codes, things like that.
In particular when I got involved with Searchlight I met people who really new their stuff with surveillance. As well as bugging meetings we did the bins of a lot of leading people on the far-right, John Tyndall, Martin Webster, Lady Birdwood. Some of that stuff made it into the book, some didn't. I've still got a lot of shit on these people that's not yet been made public.
What did you make of the recent BBC undercover documentary on the BNP?
ST: I thought it was well-done, it was a good mainstream documentary. Of course, it told us nothing we didn't know about these people ourselves. We've bugged BNP meetings where the stuff they were saying puts that right in the shade.
One thing that comes over very strong in the book is that you're Reds in both senses of the word. By your account Manchester United was always heavily anti-fascist in character, yet Manchester City was far more of a hotbed of NF support. Why is that?
ST: There really is no clear answer to that. Historically there was the old United-Catholic
City-Protestant thing, and I think there's an element of that.
And yet City actually have more black fans than United too…
ST: I know; it's weird. I do think a lot of it is just down to coincidence and can't be explained. Groups of lads coming from certain areas, hanging around together, supporting the same team. Some just supported the same politics too, including far-right politics.
It's not clear cut at all. I've certainly heard a fair amount of racist shite at United over the years, we just always managed to isolate them. We helped do that through fanzines we wrote for a while. It was honest, 90% football and 10% politics but it worked. At the same time, City has had its anti-Nazis who've given us support.
One more thing is that City has always been a big England supporting team and United hasn't, once again because of Irish ancestry.
How do you feel about the whole issue of supporting the national team, and indeed patriotism in general?
ST: I want England to win. I've got Irish roots but I don't do the plastic paddy thing like others. I was born in England, I want them to win, I'll watch the football and I'll cheer if they score.
Do you see the current popularity of the flag of St George as a good thing?
ST: Look at [Bolton boxer] Amir Khan. He seems to be really into it as are loads of other normal people at the moment and I think that's good and positive.
DH: Anything that reclaims it from these morons is a good thing.
Do you think the blanket-rejection of all patriotism by much of the left has led to its lack of popularity amongst the working-class?
ST: Definitely. Just being anti-British is pointless and negative. Because of the BNP and NF fucking around with it I admit to thinking twice whenever I see the Union Flag or the Flag of St George, but I shouldn't have to. The Irish get together, have a great time, celebrate their team –
DH: Yes but they don't have a history of oppressing other people so its not quite the same.
ST: I know. It might sound naïve but I still think you can reclaim that. This country has got a lot of real proud history, Its union movement, the Tolpuddle martyrs, the fight for democracy. It 's not just about kings, queens and the empire. We shouldn't let the rightwing hijack it.
It must be sickening to see the BNP's current electoral success…
ST: It's extremely scary the gains they're making. They're capitalising on Islam and the Iraq war. It's ringing a lot of fucking bells in your Burnleys, your Blackburns. We've got difficult times ahead. The worse it gets in Iraq and the middle-east, they worse it'll get here. Fair play to the anti-war movement, they need to be out there making the point this isn't an issue the enemy should be winning on.
DH: The thing is, we kicked them out of certain zones, and we largely scared them off the streets altogether. But now they're trying to follow Le Pen in going for full-on electoral respectability and doing well. The fact that they don't have a such a big street presence has put anti-fascism into a state of flux.
ST: Except they still are on the streets. Not at day but at night, they're going into pubs, stirring up trouble. They're just not out on marches behind rows of police any more, and it makes it harder to deal with them.
[BNP Leader] Nick Griffin is modelling himself on Le Pen, in having a respectable electoral platform, but also in the sense of having a hardcore of activists still there ready to intimidate the enemy. The core of the BNP hasn't changed at all. Combat 18 are often portrayed in the media as deadly organised Nazi terrorists, yet in your accounts of fighting them Dave you describe them as the exactly the same gangs of misfits and football hooligans you fought
under the different banners of the NF and BNP. Were they really no more of a threat?
DH: Well for a start the British Movement would have eaten them alive. They had a lot more capability to cause serious damage.
Yes C18 had dangerous psychos but they were also full of wind. They took credit for things they didn't do.
But did they not send you a letter bomb at one point?
DH: The one really serious move C18 made was getting Scandinavian allies to send bombs to the AFA office, and to Sharon Davies for having a black husband. In general they attacked more right-wingers than left-wingers. C18 was a trap, a state-run set up.
DH: Charlie Sargent, one of the leaders, was in the pay of the state. He talked up a lot, attracting the most dangerous elements, but then just ended up attacking and killing Nazi rivals.
ST: Charlie's inside for killing [C18 rival] Chris Castle. Now his brother Steve Sargent and Will Browning's lot are at each other's throats. To say C18 didn't achieve much is an understatement, which makes you think doesn't it? MI5 were interested in the links between British Nazis and Loyalist terrorists, who muck around a lot together. So C18 was set up by MI5 as a honey-trap for Loyalists that got out of hand. There's a lot of mistrust and subterfuge amongst both the far-right and
their opposition. Steve, you've worked with Searchlight, but AFA members have denounced Searchlight for working with MI5 themselves.
ST: With these sorts of politics, there's a lot of intrigue. I've said how I enjoyed doing the bins more than smacking heads together, but if we're doing that, don't think the state isn't doing it, for fuck's sake.
There has been a relationship between Searchlight and the secret services yes. At times people's lives have been saved in foiling bombs, so I think it's a pay-off that's sometimes been justified. At times maybe it got too cosy, and I can understand why people see that. Some ex-AFA have asked Dave how he could even work with me on this book, y'know, as I'm "tainted" by the magazine…
DH: If you think Searchlight is a state-run organisation, fair enough, gather your own intelligence. I don't have any truck with Searchlight myself. I think it's been involved in underhand things. But I would say grow up and don't blame it for everything that ever goes wrong. They are what they are, we are what we are, let's just all do what we do.
What final message would you like this book to have?
DH: What's been nice to see is as sales have fallen in this country, its started to sell elsewhere, all over the place, in France, the Czech republic, the US, Germany.
ST: We're not setting ourselves up as the authorities on anti-fascism. We're far from "the experts". All we've done is been honest and tell it how it is. I was a bit neurotic about
when this came out, but after my kid being born its actually the proudest thing I've ever done. You know what… the best thing is there's the sons of friends; young kids, and they read it and it gives them inspiration. They say it's got energy to it.
DH: I know a Celtic fan who works on a building site, and he told me this book gave him the confidence to stand up to the racist dick-heads he works with. He said he reads a little
bit each day and that gives him a bit of fight to stand up for himself against them. Other people did this for longer than we did, and did more than we did. I welcome other books about the subject. I'd like everyone to tell their own stories and keep these things alive. There's even talk of a film being made of it, which may or may not happen.
ST: Yeah there's rumblings, a Ken Loach style thing. Phil Mitchell would obviously play Dave-
DH: Yeah and the guy who plays Curly Watts can be you Steve!
[For the record there are slight echoes, though Dave is slimmer than Mr MacFadden and Steve's resemblance to Kevin Kennedy is of the nose only.] Steve, from your recounts of some of your NF opponents in the book you seem to know some of them. And when you were in Strangeways, [Steve and other Squad members received several months' imprisonment for intimidation of an NF skinhead in what Steve considers was a possible MI5 set up] they put you in a cell with Kev Turner, an north eastern NF organiser. Did these experiences give you a grudging respect for some of them?
ST: When I was banged up with Kev Turner I said to him "I know what you're in for, you know what I'm in for, and we both know why they've put us in together. Are we gonna go down that road?" We co-operated for the duration. He seemed alright for a time, and I thought, "Is he really that bad?" I thought they might be some hope for him. I thought I may get through to him. But basically he was a coward. He was a Geordie in with a bunch of Mancs and just kept his head down. He showed his true colours when he got out before me and sent me a postcard from Auschwitz. "Having a great time Steve!" He was a snake; not a pleasant feller.
As for the others, yeah, I know some of them, we've spoken. One of the people I mention in the book has done a complete sea-change now and hands out anti-racist leaflets. But people like Kev won't change.
DH: A lot of fascists and Nazis are in it just for the row. Nine times out of ten these people will crack. I think you could convince 90% of fascists of the error of their ways, if you had enough time. Some, the hardcore, I don't think you could ever change them short of killing them. Which by the way is a route we've never gone down. We value our liberty as much as anyone. Nick Griffin has described this book as a manual for violent action against nationalists. I think he's shot himself in the foot saying that – Well he's already shot himself in the eye! [laughter.] [Griffin has indeed got a glass eye due to a self inflicted gunshot wound during far-right survivalist manoeuvres]
ST: I wonder if he did that to follow Le Pen who's also got one eye.
DH: And of course Hitler only had one ball!
ST: Singles all round lads…I think what Dave means is if we've inspired people we've done our job.
There are many who would still denounce Steve and Dave as a pair of thugs backing it up with political pretensions. That certainly isn't the impression I went away with. The liberal argument of "don't sink to their level" completely ignores the very real and appalling violence meted out by the far-right against completely innocent blacks, Asians and gays. If the police are slow to defend them, as has often been the case, taking direct action is not self-indulgent violence but an urgent necessity. To compare Steve and Dave to the vicious bullies they were up against; sadists, firebombers, desecrators of cemeteries, and murderers, seems the worst kind of prissy-minded pacifism.
Meeting Steve and Dave I was struck by their essential decency and normality; regular lads who took the decision to stand up to a great evil in the ways they knew how. At the same time there was something about their inquisitive nature, their background travelling that quite definitely puts them apart from the mass of the defeated and impressionable they have spent much of their lives trying to convert or confront.
As I left them I was invigorated by their spirit of defiance, yet despondent that a newer generation don't seem to be taking their place with the same zeal. And even if they did, it wouldn't be enough to shut down the more sophisticated BNP machine of today, a party that took 800,000 votes at the last European elections, dwarfing past totals. It would take a whole shift in the political discourse of the country into both a more leftward AND more working-class oriented direction for the BNP to go away, which ain't happening anytime soon.
A sickeningly evil presence founded on the very worst political traditions of the twentieth century is growing in this country. No Retreat is a bold account of people who got off their arses and did something about it. Methods may need to change, but the same attitude is needed, now more than ever.


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text:
Q: Batch scheduler time , status and account I'm stuck for one of the requirements .
Have to check the Status , Time and Name/created by of the Batch Schedular .Have a query working for CronTrigger for this but how do i implement it through Visualforce page ?
An example will help me to reach my destination.

A: Sharing some code I happen to have closely available, although not exactly what you're asking for, pretty close.
public class CronJob {
    public Id jobId { get; private set; }
    public String jobName { get; private set; }
    public CronTrigger obj { get; private set; }

    public CronJob(CronTrigger ct) {
        jobId = ct.Id;
        jobName = ct.CronJobDetail.Name;
        obj = ct;
    }

    public pageReference unschedule() {
        System.abortJob( jobId );
        return null;
    }
}

public list<CronJob> getScheduledJobs() {
    list<CronJob> cj = new list<CronJob>();
    for (CronTrigger ct : [SELECT Id, CronJobDetailId, CronJobDetail.Name,
            NextFireTime, PreviousFireTime, State, StartTime, EndTime, CronExpression,
            CreatedBy.Name, CreatedDate, TimesTriggered from CronTrigger
            WHERE CronJobDetail.JobType = '7'
            ORDER BY CronJobDetail.Name]) {

        cj.add( new CronJob( ct ) );
    }
    return cj;
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
I have always thought of myself as a solitary gamer. The mental image of playing a video game elicits a similar feeling as the mental image of reading a book.
However, I can feel the ideological ground shift beneath me. Co-op gaming has ruptured my self-styled image of as a "lone wolf" gamer, and I fear I am becoming dependent on the company of others, regardless of what game I am playing. Our story starts in the wild, wild West.
As we discussed in our last podcast, neither Jorge nor I enjoyed Call of Juarez: Bound in Blood. In addition to its numerous mechanical quirks and its many thematic cliches, the game seemed to taunt us with the fact that we could not play it together. The addition of a co-op mode would probably have left us with a much more favorable impression, even if every flawed aspect of the game was left intact.
The genius of co-op is that it can be fused onto mediocre or rehashed gameplay and serve to make an otherwise underwhelming game engaging. Call of Juarez's cover system was not as fluid as Gears of War's, its control was not as precise as Call of Duty 4's, and its storytelling was not as good as Bioshock's. However, had we been able to play together, the experience of cutting a path of destruction from Appalachia to Mexico would have been something Jorge and I would have talked about for months.
As I write this, I can think of a host of games in which the simple act of including another player within a proven framework drastically increases my interest:
1. Resident Evil 5
In many ways, I consider RE 5 a step back from RE 4 in terms of inventory management, weapon options, and boss battles. Jorge forthrightly asserts he would have never finished the game had he been playing solo. Despite these gripes, fighting against the deadly (but repetitive) zombie horde together has become one of my favorite RE experiences.
2. Scribblenauts
Like many folks in the community, I was perched atop the Scribblenauts bandwagon. I am now back on the ground, smarting from the abrupt blow dealt by reality.
Save for its expansive dictionary, everything that could have gone wrong with that game did: The control scheme falls into the trap of over-utilizing the touch screen. Most of the time the sloppy hit detection and character movement feels like it was implemented as a hasty afterthought. The items rarely interact in the way I expect them to. I thought liquid nitrogen could freeze just about anything, but I guess bears are more resistant to cold than I thought. The puzzles and objectives are exceedingly vague and are liable to be solved more effectively with repetitive, brute force techniques, rather than wit and creativity.
The main reason I am still playing the game is because of a co-op patch Hanah and I created. Elegant in its simplicity, we huddle around the DS and stumble through the game together. My reliance on dragons usually proves less effective than her skill with a fishing rod, but we are making steady progress by doing a couple levels every night.
3. Professor Layton
While word problems, geometric visualization exercises, and jig-saw puzzles remind me of standardized testing, the prospect of sitting down with another player has convinced me that perhaps it is worth a shot. While I am more naturally inclined to get my video game-British-gentleman fix from platforming, perhaps Professor Layton will keep my mind as fit as Sir Hatsworth keeps my thumbs?
4. Army of Two: The 40th Day
I scarcely believe I am writing this, but it just serves to demonstrate how big an influence co-op gaming can have on a game. After hearing rumors and promises that the game will present the players with situations that have multiple solutions, I am hopeful that the game will emphasize actual negotiation between the two players. Theoretically, if a mission to assassinate a Bad Guy can be accomplished by either blowing up a building or by a precise sniper shot, the players must come to a consensus on how important collateral damage is.
Like RE 5, it is the external game dynamics (the interpersonal relationship between the players), rather than the game's internal dynamics that create novelty. While the graphics, story, music, and general "bro-ishness" of the game leaves are cringe-inducing, I cannot help but be interested in how the co-op experience will shape the game.
5. New Super Mario Bros. Wii
Despite one of the most generic titles of all time, this game promises to do something that no other Mario game has ever done: Simultaneous Mario platforming will become a reality.
After playing this game at PAX, I realized that it might better be classified as a "competitively cooperative" game. Players are able to jostle each other for position and snatch items away from one another, but to clear a level, at least one of the four must make it to the end. This means that while griefing Luigi might be hilarious, a player must balance this fun against the cost of potentially spending a 1up that may very well become the difference between seeing the flag pole or seeing the game over screen.
So there you have it: I admit, venturing out of my single-player cave is sometimes a necessity, and many times an enjoyable one. What do you folks think? Do you welcome the apparent rise of co-op gaming? Which (intentional or otherwise) co-op games are looking forward to? What lackluster games have been saved by the addition of more players? How must we change the way we evaluate games now that the experience often depends so heavily on the availability and uniquely personal interaction between players?
Now, if you will excuse me, I need to decompress from all this socializing with a game of solitaire. But then again, I bet co-op solitaire would be pretty fun...
Labels: features, game design
David September 26, 2009 at 8:57 AM
Have you ever played Four Swords Adventures? It was an excellent example of exactly this sort of co-op experience being attached to an already effective single player formula. Too bad it relied upon expensive peripherals...
Hopefully we'll see a sequel on Wii. If Nintendo insists on making it a portable/console link-up game, at least this time it won't require special cables.
Jeremy September 26, 2009 at 9:59 PM
'Splosion Man is quite fun in the co-operative multiplayer mode. Two player platforming where you really do need to work together: you're only going to get to that high ledge by exploding together; you're only going to get one of you across that acid pool by punting them...
Nels Anderson September 28, 2009 at 4:12 PM
The only interesting thing about Army of Two: The 40th Day is that Alex Hutchinson formerly of EA Maxis went to Ubi Montréal specifically to work on this. He was the lead designer on Sims 2 and gave a great talk on social mechanics at GDC. After seeing that, my interest in 40th Day went from zero to significant.
That's supposed to be "Another interesting thing" not "The only interesting thing." Catty Freudian slip, perhaps?
Scott Juster September 30, 2009 at 8:01 PM
Never played Four Swords Adventures, but I always wanted to. As you point out, the hardware requirement was a real barrier to entry.
I think it's a very cool idea though, especially since Zelda is usually such a solitary experience.
@Jeremy
That actually sounds pretty fun. I'm imagining the line between co-op and griefing hilariously thin.
@Nels
Hah, the unintentional burns are always the best! :-)
I find it really interesting when designers work on hugely different games. Maybe 40th Day will have a "woo-hoo" option?
EXP Podcast #45: A Real Downer
EXP Podcast #44: Call of Juarez: Bound in Blood De...
Review: The Puzzling Success of Professor Layton
Review: The Novelty of New Super Mario Bros.
EXP Podcast #43: Tact and Dead Celebrities
Supplemental Gaming
Unexpectedly Serious Games
EXP Podcast #42: Title Bouts
Farmpocalypse Now
EXP Podcast: PAX 2009, Day 3
Henry Hatsworth's Harried Heroics
EXP Podcast #41: Survey Said...Depresssion?

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


We have received a lot of requests for decorative room makeovers! Now if only the recycle program would take off! If you're reading this blog and you know of any local designers that may want to partner with us or offer their services - please tell them about Cecily's Closet!
Tonight Grammy and Grampy are coming over so we can actually go out on a date! Yippee! A night out is exactly what we need right now. We have so much to celebrate! Onwards and upwards!


Machine translated chapter 20 of Almighty Student light novel.
Had these matters, Xia Tian has not wanted to continue to stay in classroom, in any case was final several days on the college entrance examination, could not learn anything, only then reviewed with him does not have what relations, happen to earlier went back with white-clothed person study study Kungfu. He does not want next time when bumped into A'San and Quicksand their this Expert is so passive. "Master, waits for me." Huo Lajiao also ran the classroom, she behind with her two young female juvenile delinquent. "You how with." Xia Tian thorough was speechless regarding Huo Lajiao, which her oneself go to probably with. "Master, my grandfather said that any Martial Arts must be joined to any Core Law and concrete cultivation method, you make that a few tricks that I look at I go back to practice radically inadequately." Huo Lajiao depressed saying. "My anything Core Law, I surnamed Fan will not have studied two moves with old Senior, is you sees." Xia Tian answered. "Master, I knew, you thought certainly that I cannot become your woman, therefore you are not willing to teach me Kungfu." Huo Lajiao lowered the head, as if aroused very big courage "to come Master, I have prepared to devote." On the Xia Tian forehead presented heavy line: "Was right, the cell phone uses taking advantage of me, my did not have the electricity." Huo Lajiao has given Xia Tian the cell phone. "Hey, older female cousin, I am Xia Tian." "Relax, I am all right, I in school." "Good, where?" "I one will look for you." After Xia Tian has hung up the telephone, gave Xu Grandfather to make a phone call to report a safety, but Xu Grandfather there situation was not quite good, although Xu Family does not dare to move him, but Xu Family started to get rid to Xu Grandfather. Xu Grandfather management ability is very strong, moreover he also because helps Xia Tian be retaliated by Xu Family. Finally Xia Tian decided that contends with Xu Family directly . Moreover the way that he chooses is also very simple, after the college entrance examination, he represents Xu Grandfather to carry on a martial arts contest with Xu Family, if after he has won that Xu Family, cannot look for the trouble of Xu Grandfather, if Xia Tian lost, then Xu Grandfather will thoroughly vanish in Jiang Hai City.
This proposition is not Xia Tian raises, but is Xu Family, Xu Family proposed intentionally this request, to force Xia Tian gets rid, hears Xia Tian to agree that later Xu Dechuan relaxed finally. The witness of this martial arts contest is Greenwood Villa Fan Zhuifeng, he is Jiang Hai City famous figure. Had him to make the testimony the words, Xu Family does not dare to violate agreed that although Xu Dechuan does not think that Xia Tian can defeat A'San, but in this case Xu Dechuan believes that Xia Tian behind that Master will certainly get rid. Xia Tian understands Xu Grandfather thoughts, but he has not exposed, he wants to know that mother's whereabouts must have the assistance of Xu Dechuan. Therefore he must preserve Xu Dechuan, the A'San strength he is very clear, by his present Martial Arts, absolutely is not the A'San match, but from college entrance examination also several days, for these days every day had white-clothed person Professor his Martial Arts, happen to takes A'San to experiment own cultivation achievement. So long as he has defeated A'San, then, can threaten him in Jiang Hai City nobody, moreover can be short of Xu Family such one greatly troublesome. "Master, how you are willing to teach me Kungfu." Huo Lajiao has followed in Xia Tian behind. "Looks at your performance." Xia Tian looked at Huo Lajiao one: "Your potential was really too bad." Xia Tian took a fast look around Huo Lajiao one, the whole of Huo Lajiao is too bad, non- mainstream that appearance Xia Tian most does not like. "Master, you request not to be high, in any case I am also a woman." Huo Lajiao was saying depressed. "In brief present your I do not like, or you trade the body to dress up me to have a look." Xia Tian wants to open Huo Lajiao, he does not think that Huo Lajiao also has the leeway that anything develops. Huo Lajiao hears the Xia Tian words, can only turn around leave, now he was goes home not to be impossible to change a way, therefore he planned that looked for her elder sister Huo Wennu, she must completely change from top to bottom. "Sister Huo, why do you go?" Two shout radically hurriedly. "Happen, you also follow me, must change together to change, asks my big sister to go." Huo Lajiao walks toward the distant place. After Xia Tian opened Huo Lajiao, must take taxi Jianghai University, older female cousin in a that side hotel in oneself, seemingly what happened, happen to have not been being on vacation from school time, even if he goes back now, white-clothed person should not go.
Guessed that from this him white-clothed person should be very familiar with own father, because father's wish is well studies. After arriving at the hotel, Xia Tian had found quickly older female cousin, she and Bing Xin, Bing Xin today has worn a sportswear, wraps completely her stature, Xia Tian sees Bing Xin each time, the X-Ray Vision eye cannot help with, really his expects. Today what Bing Xin puts on is blue Pikachu. Saw Xia Tian stares is staring at itself, Bing Xin has had a special feeling, oneself probably are anything has not put on same standing in front of Xia Tian, she has blocked her clothes with both hands hurriedly, but she discovered that Xia Tian vision unexpectedly moved downward. "rascal." Bing Xin stared Xia Tian one wickedly. This hotel belongs to that ordinary student hotel, reserves a room little, only then the person can enter to reserve a room, therefore Xia Tian they sit in the hall, now or in the morning, therefore in hotel also nobody. What Xia Tian they sit is simple four people of tables, in the room is clean. "Yesterday exactly what happened?" Ye Qingxue opens the mouth to ask. "Anything, has not been solved." Xia Tian does not want to explain are too many, after all X-Ray Vision eye type of thing does not have the means to explain that if he told to Ye Qingxue, that will only annoy to trouble to Ye Qingxue. He will also be grasped, when guinea pig dissection. "You are not willing to say." Ye Qingxue understands Xia Tian, she knows the matter that Xia Tian does not want to say everyone takes her not to have the means: "I ask you to come to have the matter today to ask you to help." "Asked me?" Xia Tian moral nature suddenly one cold, older female cousin had not said asked that this saying sought the character, perhaps that must what happened. "Good, I order you, replaces Student Association to attend afternoon Basketball match." Ye Qingxue aggressive side revealed once more that saw her side Xia Tian relaxed, this is older female cousin that she knows. "older female cousin, doesn't Jianghai University have own Basketball team?" Xia Tian asked. "I knew certainly to have, but this time I must with the people of Jianghai University Basketball team to the war, this time they lead other two players to participate by a Jianghai University player, we were chosen the manpower by Literature and Art Department." Ye Qingxue answered.
", Your this is in fights." Xia Tian then responded. "Was these fellows of Basketball team has been supercilious, especially their instructor, transferred schools from the US, did not pay attention to our Literature and Art Department, said that we hundred did not have uses is Scholar." Ye Qingxue indignant saying: "This time must teach that dead girl, she said that so long as we were dropped within 20 points they to lose by them." "Volume." Xia Tian stares slightly: "This amateur team goes to fighting others school team score really not so is fond of playing jokes." "I, no matter, you must draw the score to me to 20, otherwise I make you attractive." Ye Qingxue has wielded fist to Xia Tian, the meaning is you, if makes me lose face you to wait for death. "I as far as possible." Xia Tian nodded. At this moment in the hotel walks four people, three male female, these three male are very high, is one meter more than nine, the female upper body put on a blue short sleeve, below has worn white shorts, stood is slim and graceful there, the whole was attractive. Moreover each may be called perfect! "Height 175, leg long 114, this stature may be called perfect, if can give me to become the concubine to be good." The Xia Tian X-Ray Vision eye cannot help but opened, the underwear style of female with Bing Xin adorable completely different, she is wild that the underwear majority is the gauze. "rascal." beauty stared Xia Tian one wickedly, afterward looked to Xia Tian behind Ye Qingxue and Bing Xin. Bing Xin and Ye Qingxue titter, beauty that Xia Tian sexually harassed a moment ago is their sworn enemies, instructor Tang Yan of Basketball team. "Ye Qingxue, must carry on to compete in the afternoon, did you hide here? Hears in your Literature and Art Department except for mother artillery is the woman, moreover cannot collect including five complete men, this also ratio? Goes to other mass organization there to borrow some manpower." Tang Yan ridicule looks at Ye Qingxue, she similarly is figure in Jianghai University school beauty ranking, she is listed at sixth, placed Ye Qingxue and Huo Wennu behind, because this actually she does not have two female attractive, she just transferred schools for a half year, the human spirit does not have Ye Qingxue and Huo Wennu is high, moreover transfers schools from the overseas. She also has her mass organization in Student Association, is the Basketball society, Ye Qingxue is Literature and Art Society, Wen Yiwu is always everyone refuses to accept anyone, therefore had this time Basketball match. "Remembers our gambling make, if you lost, later saw that I must call Sister Xue." Ye Qingxue enraged looks at Tang Yan. "Naturally, you, if lost, later saw that I shouted me Sister Yan." Tang Yan very draws out own chest to refuse to admit being inferior.
Had these matters, Xia Tian has not wanted to continue to stay in classroom, in any case was final several days on the college entrance examination, could not learn anything, only then reviewed with him does not have what relations, happen to earlier went back with whiteclothed person study study Kungfu. He does not want next time when bumped into ASan and Quicksand their this Expert is so passive. Master, waits for me. Huo Lajiao also ran the classroom, she behind with her two young female juvenile delinquent. You how with. Xia Tian thorough was speechless regarding Huo Lajiao, which her oneself go to probably with. Master, my grandfather said that any Martial Arts must be joined to any Core Law and concrete cultivation method, you make that a few tricks that I look at I go back to practice radically inadequately. Huo Lajiao depressed saying. My anything Core Law, I surnamed Fan will not have studied two moves with old Senior, is you sees. Xia Tian answered. Master, I knew, you thought certainly that I cannot become your woman, therefore you are not willing to teach me Kungfu. Huo Lajiao lowered the head, as if aroused very big courage to come Master, I have prepared to devote. On the Xia Tian forehead presented heavy line Was right, the cell phone uses taking advantage of me, my did not have the electricity. Huo Lajiao has given Xia Tian the cell phone. Hey, older female cousin, I am Xia Tian. Relax, I am all right, I in school. Good, where I one will look for you. After Xia Tian has hung up the telephone, gave Xu Grandfather to make a phone call to report a safety, but Xu Grandfather there situation was not quite good, although Xu Family does not dare to move him, but Xu Family started to get rid to Xu Grandfather. Xu Grandfather management ability is very strong, moreover he also because helps Xia Tian be retaliated by Xu Family. Finally Xia Tian decided that contends with Xu Family directly . Moreover the way that he chooses is also very simple, after the college entrance examination, he represents Xu Grandfather to carry on a martial arts contest with Xu Family, if after he has won that Xu Family, cannot look for the trouble of Xu Grandfather, if Xia Tian lost, then Xu Grandfather will thoroughly vanish in Jiang Hai City. This proposition is not Xia Tian raises, but is Xu Family, Xu Family proposed intentionally this request, to force Xia Tian gets rid, hears Xia Tian to agree that later Xu Dechuan relaxed finally. The witness of this martial arts contest is Greenwood Villa Fan Zhuifeng, he is Jiang Hai City famous figure. Had him to make the testimony the words, Xu Family does not dare to violate agreed that although Xu Dechuan does not think that Xia Tian can defeat ASan, but in this case Xu Dechuan believes that Xia Tian behind that Master will certainly get rid. Xia Tian understands Xu Grandfather thoughts, but he has not exposed, he wants to know that mothers whereabouts must have the assistance of Xu Dechuan. Therefore he must preserve Xu Dechuan, the ASan strength he is very clear, by his present Martial Arts, absolutely is not the ASan match, but from college entrance examination also several days, for these days every day had whiteclothed person Professor his Martial Arts, happen to takes ASan to experiment own cultivation achievement. So long as he has defeated ASan, then, can threaten him in Jiang Hai City nobody, moreover can be short of Xu Family such one greatly troublesome. Master, how you are willing to teach me Kungfu. Huo Lajiao has followed in Xia Tian behind. Looks at your performance. Xia Tian looked at Huo Lajiao one Your potential was really too bad. Xia Tian took a fast look around Huo Lajiao one, the whole of Huo Lajiao is too bad, non mainstream that appearance Xia Tian most does not like. Master, you request not to be high, in any case I am also a woman. Huo Lajiao was saying depressed. In brief present your I do not like, or you trade the body to dress up me to have a look. Xia Tian wants to open Huo Lajiao, he does not think that Huo Lajiao also has the leeway that anything develops. Huo Lajiao hears the Xia Tian words, can only turn around leave, now he was goes home not to be impossible to change a way, therefore he planned that looked for her elder sister Huo Wennu, she must completely change from top to bottom. Sister Huo, why do you go Two shout radically hurriedly. Happen, you also follow me, must change together to change, asks my big sister to go. Huo Lajiao walks toward the distant place. After Xia Tian opened Huo Lajiao, must take taxi Jianghai University, older female cousin in a that side hotel in oneself, seemingly what happened, happen to have not been being on vacation from school time, even if he goes back now, whiteclothed person should not go. Guessed that from this him whiteclothed person should be very familiar with own father, because fathers wish is well studies. After arriving at the hotel, Xia Tian had found quickly older female cousin, she and Bing Xin, Bing Xin today has worn a sportswear, wraps completely her stature, Xia Tian sees Bing Xin each time, the XRay Vision eye cannot help with, really his expects. Today what Bing Xin puts on is blue Pikachu. Saw Xia Tian stares is staring at itself, Bing Xin has had a special feeling, oneself probably are anything has not put on same standing in front of Xia Tian, she has blocked her clothes with both hands hurriedly, but she discovered that Xia Tian vision unexpectedly moved downward. rascal. Bing Xin stared Xia Tian one wickedly. This hotel belongs to that ordinary student hotel, reserves a room little, only then the person can enter to reserve a room, therefore Xia Tian they sit in the hall, now or in the morning, therefore in hotel also nobody. What Xia Tian they sit is simple four people of tables, in the room is clean. Yesterday exactly what happened Ye Qingxue opens the mouth to ask. Anything, has not been solved. Xia Tian does not want to explain are too many, after all XRay Vision eye type of thing does not have the means to explain that if he told to Ye Qingxue, that will only annoy to trouble to Ye Qingxue. He will also be grasped, when guinea pig dissection. You are not willing to say. Ye Qingxue understands Xia Tian, she knows the matter that Xia Tian does not want to say everyone takes her not to have the means I ask you to come to have the matter today to ask you to help. Asked me Xia Tian moral nature suddenly one cold, older female cousin had not said asked that this saying sought the character, perhaps that must what happened. Good, I order you, replaces Student Association to attend afternoon Basketball match. Ye Qingxue aggressive side revealed once more that saw her side Xia Tian relaxed, this is older female cousin that she knows. older female cousin, doesnt Jianghai University have own Basketball team Xia Tian asked. I knew certainly to have, but this time I must with the people of Jianghai University Basketball team to the war, this time they lead other two players to participate by a Jianghai University player, we were chosen the manpower by Literature and Art Department. Ye Qingxue answered. , Your this is in fights. Xia Tian then responded. Was these fellows of Basketball team has been supercilious, especially their instructor, transferred schools from the US, did not pay attention to our Literature and Art Department, said that we hundred did not have uses is Scholar. Ye Qingxue indignant saying This time must teach that dead girl, she said that so long as we were dropped within 20 points they to lose by them. Volume. Xia Tian stares slightly This amateur team goes to fighting others school team score really not so is fond of playing jokes. I, no matter, you must draw the score to me to 20, otherwise I make you attractive. Ye Qingxue has wielded fist to Xia Tian, the meaning is you, if makes me lose face you to wait for death. I as far as possible. Xia Tian nodded. At this moment in the hotel walks four people, three male female, these three male are very high, is one meter more than nine, the female upper body put on a blue short sleeve, below has worn white shorts, stood is slim and graceful there, the whole was attractive. Moreover each may be called perfect Height 175, leg long 114, this stature may be called perfect, if can give me to become the concubine to be good. The Xia Tian XRay Vision eye cannot help but opened, the underwear style of female with Bing Xin adorable completely different, she is wild that the underwear majority is the gauze. rascal. beauty stared Xia Tian one wickedly, afterward looked to Xia Tian behind Ye Qingxue and Bing Xin. Bing Xin and Ye Qingxue titter, beauty that Xia Tian sexually harassed a moment ago is their sworn enemies, instructor Tang Yan of Basketball team. Ye Qingxue, must carry on to compete in the afternoon, did you hide here Hears in your Literature and Art Department except for mother artillery is the woman, moreover cannot collect including five complete men, this also ratio Goes to other mass organization there to borrow some manpower. Tang Yan ridicule looks at Ye Qingxue, she similarly is figure in Jianghai University school beauty ranking, she is listed at sixth, placed Ye Qingxue and Huo Wennu behind, because this actually she does not have two female attractive, she just transferred schools for a half year, the human spirit does not have Ye Qingxue and Huo Wennu is high, moreover transfers schools from the overseas. She also has her mass organization in Student Association, is the Basketball society, Ye Qingxue is Literature and Art Society, Wen Yiwu is always everyone refuses to accept anyone, therefore had this time Basketball match. Remembers our gambling make, if you lost, later saw that I must call Sister Xue. Ye Qingxue enraged looks at Tang Yan. Naturally, you, if lost, later saw that I shouted me Sister Yan. Tang Yan very draws out own chest to refuse to admit being inferior.