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Record losses, partly attributed to Covid, Moshiri's funding plans & stadium finance update
By the esk on December 11, 2020 • ( 15 Comments )
There are two headlines from today's release of the report and accounts to June 30 2020. One is a record loss of £139.9 million of which the club attribute £67.3 million directly to the impact of Covid-19. However, that fails to acknowledge underlying losses of £72.6 million resulting from expenditure remaining much higher than income.
The second item of note is the continued financial support from Farhad Moshiri, £350 million up to the end of the accounting period, a further £50 million in November 2020, and a commitment to further fund the club through a placement of new shares, more of which below
Financial Year 2019-2020
£m 2019/20 2018/19* Change %
Broadcast 98 132.70 -26.15
Matchday 11.9 14.20 -16.20
Sponsorship/Ad/Merch 63.7 29.10 118.00
Other commercial 12.3 11.70 5.13
Total 185.90 187.70 -0.96
Broadcast revenue reflects the following: 31 out of 38 games played in the period so only reflects the pro-rata revenue. The revenue from the remaining 7 games will appear in the 2020/21 accounts
Matchday reflects the absence of supporters from the March lockdown onwards
The club are making big claims on the increase in commercial income. Whilst no doubt commercial income has increased, these figures include the £30 million received from USM in relation to the naming rights option. Remove the £30 million (which is a one off payment) and commercial income has grown by 12%, a reasonable performance but still relatively low if the objective is to catch up rivals.
The accounts show a total loss of revenue arising from Covid-19 at £33 million (plus £34 million of associated costs, see below)
2019/20 2018/19* Change £m
Staff costs 164.8 160 4.8
Other operating costs 33.1 43.1 -10
Depreciation 6.9 6.5 0.4
Operating costs pre player/management trading 204.8 209.6 -4.8
Bramley-Moore costs 19.9 7.2 12.7
Provision for onerous contract 4.4 0 4.4
Pension revaluation 0 0.5 -0.5
Operating expenses and exceptional items 24.3 7.7 16.6
Operating loss pre player/management trading -43.1 -29.6 -13.5
Staff costs increase by £4.8 million to £164.8 million (88.6% of turnover)
Other operating costs fell by 23% to £33.1 million
Bramley-Moore costs £19.9 million reflecting planning application, revised design and preparatory expenditure
Operating loss increases by 45.6% to £43.1 million
Profit/(Loss) including player trading
£ millions 2019/20 2018/19* Change £m
OC and exceptional items 24.3 7.7 16.6
Amortisation -99.2 -95.1 -4.1
Impairment of player registrations -26.3 -2.5 -23.8
Amount payable to former employees -6.6 0 -6.6
Profit on player trading 40.5 20.3 20.2
Statutory loss before interest & tax -134.7 -107 -27.7
Interest and tax -5.1 -4.9 -0.2
Statutory loss -139.8 -111.9 -27.9
Loss directly attributable to Covid-19 67.3 0 67.3
Underlying loss -72.5 -111.9 39.4
Onerous contract charges of £4.4 million relate to the re-valuing of an existing contract due to Covid-19. Contract unspecified by club due to commercial confidentiality
Amortisation increased to £99.1 million reflecting continued investment in the playing squad
The value of player registrations dropped by £26.3 million reflecting the lower value of players in the Covid-19/post Covid world
Marco Silva and his staff's departure cost £6.6 million
Player trading profit increased to £40.5 million through the sales of Gueye, Lookman, Vlasic and Onyekuru
Interest and tax costs £5.1 million
Statutory loss of £139.9 million of which the accounts claim £67.3million is directly attributable to Covid-19. This is calculated by the £33 million loss of revenue plus the impairment charges
Whilst the club is right to highlight the impact of Covid-19 on revenues and the additional costs in terms of impairment, it should not escape anyone's attention that even without Covid losses since Moshiri acquired 49.9% in February 2016 amount to more than £190 million despite over £210 million in player trading profits. Add in Covid and that rises to more than £250 million.
What is clear is that costs continue to outstrip income. This arises from the legacy of 2017/18, the failure to increase commercial income beyond that of USM, and the ongoing costs of Bramley-Moore. When planning permission is eventually granted those costs will be capitalised and will improve the Profit and Loss account by some £40 plus million.
How have we funded such losses?
We have funded the losses from three sources
Player trading (see above)
Shareholder loans
I have already noted the £210 million in player trading profits since Moshiri arrived in 2016.
Since his arrival (to the date of the accounts 23 November 2020) Moshiri has provided the club with a total of £400 million in shareholder loans.
External debt (partially as a result of Covid) has grown too
£40 million secured against future broadcasting revenue supplied by Rights and Media Funding
£18.7 million through Metro Bank through the The Coronavirus Business Interruption Loan Scheme
Connected Parties
Those that read the detail of the accounts may notice that USM no longer appear as a connected party in the accounts (due to Moshiri's shareholdings in USM and Everton). Moshiri's shareholding in USM has changed to the extent that USM are no longer considered to be a connected party to Everton. As a result the accounts will no longer detail the degree of financial support USM provide Everton.
Moshiri's continued financial support
The club announced their intention to issue new shares to Farhad Moshiri through Blue Heaven Holdings Limited. The shares will represent up to £250 million reflecting his previous loans and his recent commitment to a further £50 million injection in November. As a result (including the November injection) at least £100 million will have been provided and up to £150 million of existing shareholder loans will be converted into shares. At a price of £3,000 a share Moshiri's shareholding in the club will increase to above 90% assuming he takes up the full placement offered. Moshiri continues to support the continued holdings of smaller shareholders and I am informed that intention will not change.
It should be noted also that the financial support is directly from Moshiri, it is not of Usmanov's doing, Moshiri should be given the credit for his financial commitment.
Bramley-Moore Funding
The club continue to make progress on the funding package for Bramley-Moore. Ostensibly there are two options, the type of funding used by Arsenal and Tottenham Hotspur in the early days of their stadium financing – so called construction funding (before converting to long-term debt) or as Everton hope, to be the first club to achieve long term funding through private placement during the pre-construction/construction phase. The club is currently completing their due diligence obligations to potential lenders through JP Morgan and Mitsubishi Bank. When completed the club will have access to draw down facilities to be used through the construction progress. It is hoped that the interest costs of such lending will be capitalised until the stadium is operational (a standard practice on construction lending, less so in the private placement market). If Everton achieve a private placement in the pre construction/construction phase it will be highly innovative.
It is clear that Covid-19 has impacted the financial performance of the club in the year 2019/20. That impact will continue to be felt in 2021/21. However it is also clear that even in normal conditions the club continues to have costs greater than income. This can only be addressed by reducing the number of unproductive players previously acquired plus a much greater concerted effort to build revenue streams around the globe, even in a post Covid world.
The issue of Premier League Profit and Sustainability rules, let alone UEFA's Financial Fair Play have not been addressed in these accounts partially due to the effective suspension. However, when looking though the impact of Covid-19 it is clear we would not comply to the previous existing rules and regulations.
Having an owner prepared to soak up losses is an enormous luxury. As I have consistently spoken of, we must become sustainable through increasing income whilst reducing costs not least because of Profit & Sustainability and Financial Fair Play. Continual player sales and/or shareholder bailouts are not a sustainable model.
Moshiri for all his financial support must address the management of the club at board and executive levels and bring people in who can make his business sustainable. He (and the club) are carrying a huge cost in not doing so.
Having someone to fund losses is not (despite his apparent willingness to do so) good news. Having people who turn losses into profits is far more preferable
Categories: Everton, Everton finances
Tagged as: Bramley-Moore, Everton finances, Moshiri
Nil Satis Nisi Optimum, the governance and cultural changes required for it to become a reality at Everton
Everton Business Matters Season 4 Episode 3: Everton's finances 2019/20 and Moshiri's continued commitment to the club
Ian Smitham says:
Thanks for the detailed analysis, as always. Paul, we met nearly 3 years ago and the feeling I had was that the value of the business is directly linked to the progression of BMD. Bearing in mind that actually going to the game is no longer a habitual thing, due to the covid, I wondered whether you think the size of the ground needs a rethink? With Moshiri now becoming owner of over 90% of the shares, I also wondered what you think his motivation is bearing in mind these figures, though accepting these are plagued by the covid? What do you think he is getting out of it all?
Hi Ian, I hope you are well. There is no thought that in the medium long term attendances at football will reduce once the vaccination process is largely completed, thus no plans to change the capacity of the ground.
Re Moshiri's motivation, he is clearly dedicated to providing Everton with the resources required to become a success, the major issue I have is that he is putting faith in people who are unlikely to provide him that success, wasting huge sums of money in the long term. Post construction I suppose the club's value will reflect the investment he has made should he wish to sell.
G-John Costigan says:
Hard to argue with your conclusions. I wonder who would. Feels like we exist under a golden goose. Hope it doesn't get Covid. Hope the club follows some if not all of your thinking.
Thanks for the analysis. I really appreciate that you translate these things for the fans.
However, I feel like you're painting a false picture in terms of our (lack of) improvement. We're not going to become a champions league club turning a profit over night.
Moshiri ballsed up with the hiring of Koeman, Alladyce and Walsh and we are still suffering the consequences. A long period of large losses was always going to happen in order to attempt to stay competitive and replace that old, relegation level squad with little sell on value. Should we have stuck with what we had to avoid increasing losses? Would Niasse, Williams and Martina have kept us in the league? Even if they would have, we would have missed out on the asset value we have made on players like Richarlison, Kean and Digne and would never have built a squad strong enough to attract Carlo.
Since that period, the board has changed plenty so I don't know why you think these guys are at fault. The playing squad and management/coaching has enormously improved with a proportionately low increase in cost. We have to remember that we were comfortably the unluckiest team in the league last season with injuries and we were only awarded 1 penalty. A season with average luck would have seen our income be much higher with a potential Europa campaign this season. This has obviously had a huge effect on income so we can't look at this new set of accounts as though it is the norm and we can't act as though the plan is definitely a bad one when we don't know where we would be otherwise. Unfortunately, that injury luck has bled into this season as instead of buying successors/competition to Coleman, Digne and Richarlison we had to buy a CB and yet more CMs. Again it's not the board's fault that they made reasonable choices about priorities in the transfer market and then get punished in the worst possible way with injuries and suspensions.
Anyway that's my little rant about the growing criticism from yourself and the fans about the running of the club post Steve Walsh which I feel is unfair. I understand that maybe when you talk about sustainability you're mainly wanting higher income from sponsors and sales but I think we have to bear in mind the importance of the team's success in our income and how that has been artificially, significantly lower than it would be due to misfortune. We are facing yet more bad luck this season and I hope the fan base has enough perspective about it to avoid becoming hostile towards Ancelotti, Brands and Moshiri who in my mind are making broadly good decisions and will succeed long term.
Jamie, I appreciate you taking the time to write a detailed response and offer an alternative view to my own. Unfortunately, I hold the view that the corporate culture set over many years by the Chairman and his appointed CEO will never deliver the results I believe our club is capable of achieving. Of course, it is not my decision and the majority shareholder seems willing to continue his trust in them. I happen to disagree and believe only a significant clear out at the top of the organisation will produce the results required within the scale and timeframe required for us to be competitive once more.
Thanks again for explaining your views
Thanks for responding!
I think the struggle I'm having with your arguments about the Chairman and CEO in particular is that they are often very high level. I've listened to your podcasts (and Roger Armstrong's) quite a lot and read your articles and I'm very sure that you don't like what they're doing but I have no idea exactly what they're are doing wrong in your view.
Obviously, you feel our commercial income is too low but in what way are they failing to increase it? Is not the main issue that are on pitch performances don't attract big money? A 12% increase sounds good to me. Is there an obvious way to do better that they're missing? We've seen the advertising campaign that came with the signing of Rodriguez. Surely, that's a good sign for the future.
I don't actually know if you like Brands or not. Do you consider him part of the problem? I think the major doubts around his transfers are being answered this season with Kean succeeding at PSG and Carlo putting a lot of faith in Iwobi. I get the impression you feel the academy has been run incorrectly but, again, I think there's a lack of explanation (though maybe this point should be directed more at Roger).
I suppose what I'm getting at is that I would love to read an article from yourself about exactly what you would do. Maybe a hypothetical example of a board that you would construct and how it differs to now. That would help a layman like myself understand better where you're coming from. As, to be honest, the shots you often take without (from my view) a full explanation comes across quite poorly.
I think if you piece together my articles and many of my podcasts you ought get a clear idea. A properly functioning board with a "heavy duty" Chairman capable of both leading the board but also representing the interests of the club externally with all the many stakeholders plus having the skill set to grow the club's presence internationally.
A functioning board that provides oversight and directs the executive team. An experienced commercially focused CEO; a footballing structure that has the DoF in charge of all footballing matters; an academy that operates under a single footballing philosophy consistent with the requirements of the first team; a commercial development team that focuses on revenue opportunities local, national and international; a radical change in corporate culture – much more aggressive; a clean break with the charity from an organisational and management perspective – although offering financial support each year; a complete revamp of communications strategy; a total reorganisation of our outsourced arrangements with Fanatics focused on growth, wider availability of merchandise nationally and internationally; a clearly defined strategy to dominate the City and City region; engagement in schools, soccer camps and general wellbeing with children – all designed to assist them but build a rapport with the club – I could write pages of what I would do.
Above all an absolute commitment to excellence and winning back our position within the elite of the game. To be recognised as the best run football club (in every respect) in the game.
"I could write pages of what I would do." Please do! It would make for a great article! Maybe all this information is out there already but it's harder to piece together than you might think.
I would love for this comment to be fleshed out long form. I want to know which of those we're already doing/trying to do and which we aren't. Should I infer that we're not doing any of them? Surely, in some cases, the board are trying to achieve the same thing within a different structure.
Why is breaking from the charity a good idea?
What makes you think the DoF doesn't have control of all footballing matters?
What do you mean by "dominate the city region"?
Why can't assume that the club is committed to excellence? The level of investment suggests we are trying to be excellent. Especially, in hiring people with great track records like Ancelloti and Brands.
I know that this is just something you do in your free time so don't take any of the above as a demand. I'm just keen to understand as much about the club as possible.
I want to reiterate that I appreciate you putting this information out there for the fans and I appreciate you taking the time to indulge my comments.
iansmitham says:
Paul, your article, 12 December , 4:06, displays the dynamic, focussed thinking that I , as an outsider from the business, think is absent currently. As Jamie says, please do expand on it.
RichardF says:
Very good summary. I don't think I could name another business where the executives would retain all responsibilites with such poor financial results, but as you've written before, it is a reflection of the corporate culture and governance in the organisation.
It's also interesting to note the (new) auditors have insisted on a letter of support from the majority shareholder to sign off the accounts. Understandable given the financial position/performance/current audit environment etc. though it's not sustainable and i doubt he's going to want to do that every year.
It's a shame there isn't more disclosure in the accounts about how the onerous contract provision has arisen (not insignificant given the size of the business).
Thanks Richard, I totally agree – I did ask Sasha Ryazantsev for more details on the onerous contract but he was not prepared to divulge any further information
AnInterestedFan says:
Interesting stuff, very informative as ever.
Two questions. Firstly Impairment of Player Registrations. This still counts against FFP I assume? It did pre Covid, depends what the regulators decide I suppose.
Secondly, naming rights option of £30m.
How does this work? I'd have thought that the PL, and beyond that certainly UEFA if they qualify, would be wanting a look.
Thanks for your comments. Yes the impairment charges count against both the PL and UEFA's financial regulations.
The naming rights option is treated as commercial income (although the accounts should have treated it as an exceptional income item). The PL looked at it at the time it was announced and found no issue with it. I suspect UEFA have not done so due to us not qualifying last season
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Q: Calling a Function from Macro Design In Access I have written some sql queries, some sub procedures and have some saved imports.
Now I am trying to use the Macro Design in Access to provide a run button which will run these objects sequentially.
However I dont see any command for running a sun procedure, I can see OpenVisualBasicModule and Runcode.
OpenVisualBaicModule is only opening my sub procedures and Run Code is asking for a function only.
I created a function with all the sub procedure call inside. But thats not working while individually all of them work.
Any suggestion what to do.

A: Make sure your VBA code is placed inside a Function (not a SUB, that won't work).
Create your function like:
Function DoSomething()
  'Do your stuff
End Function

Or if you want to execute a Sub, just create a Function that calls your sub, like:
Function DoSomething()
   Call YourSub()
End Function

Inside the Macro Design, add the 'RunCode' action (Macro Commands > RunCode) and call your function:
DoSomething()

And voila, you're done.

A: As you are already using code, the Macro seems unnecessary. In the Property Sheet for the Button, find the OnClick row and type in there:
=YourFunctionName()

(this also has to be a Function, not a Sub-procedure; this is a peculiarity of Access)
In your function you can use DoCmd to call any Macro Actions that you are using in your current Macro. Throw a MsgBox as the first line of your function to check that it is running.
You may be less familiar with the code, than a macro, but you will be able to add good comments to it, step-through and debug the code, use sensible error-handling - far easier than you can with a Macro.

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December is a great time to reflect and determine what we want to bring to our patient care for the upcoming year. We believe that many things set us apart as a clinic and as practitioners. We are proud of our ongoing commitment to continuing education. Learning ways to help our patients feel better, faster.
Many of our patients come for the soft tissue work and stay for the dry needling. Which is why you won't find Drs. Coapland or King around the office much over the next couple weeks. Both are attending Structure and Function courses focusing on advanced dry needling and orthopaedic rehab and sport performance needling techniques, and can't wait to bring these new skills to your next visit.


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Twin Cities Daily Planet (https://www.tcdailyplanet.net/tag/prison/)
[COMMUNITY VOICES] Non-criminal 'technical violations' are increasing Minnesota's prison population
By Hemlock Murphy and David Boehnke | November 21, 2018
When it comes to incarceration rates, Minnesota stands out as one of the few states who is experiencing an increase in their prison population despite prison overcrowding and crime at a 50-year low. While there are multiple factors for this, a significant part of this increase is due to the incarceration of formerly released individuals for non-criminal "technical violations" of parole. According to the Department of Correction in 2017 alone, 3,391 people were returned to prison, yet 88 percent – or nearly 3,000 of those admissions – were a return without a new sentence, that is, for technical violations. A technical violation is a petty violation of supervised or conditional release (colloquially known as "parole") which are not in themselves a misdemeanor or felony. For example, people can be violated for failure to obtain or maintain housing or employment, being late for or missing an appointment, going on social media, driving a vehicle and many other non-crimes. Continue Reading
Restoring an echo of humanity for inmates through a different kind of public health
By Khymyle Mims and Sun Yung Shin | September 13, 2018
Erin Sharkey is preparing for a nature writing course she will offer at the Faribault Correctional Facility, a medium security prison. "It would be great to be able to have people spend time in nature when they are thinking and writing about nature," said Sharkey. As a local artist, writer and instructor at the Minnesota Prison Writing Workshop, Sharkey would like to bring in sensory-rich objects, such as leaves, as a writing prompt for the students. But, she is not allowed to take a leaf inside the prison so she brings pictures of leaves. The everyday struggle to maintain one's humanity inside Minnesota prisons remains largely out of sight. Continue Reading
Best of Neighborhood News 9/12: 'Disapproved Books:' New Weisman exhibit highlights censorship in prison system
By Katie Jeddeloh | September 13, 2018
A new exhibit at the Weisman art museum, "The Section of Disapproved Books," allows guests to look at and flip through over 400 books banned by prisons across the country. The library contains several popular covers, highlighting the subjective nature of prison book banning and encouraging visitors to think critically about the use of censorship in the prison system. "The goal would be to affect these regulations," said creator Daniel McCarthy Clifford. "[Banning these books] is a pretty arbitrary process, and I think bringing awareness to it could affect some policy change."
Find out more at MN Daily. Franklin/Hiawatha Native homeless encampment faces City-mandated removal by end of September
In the Franklin/Hiawatha corridor, many homeless Native individuals have formed a small community encampment, sleeping in tents and helping each other to survive the harshness of homeless living conditions, as well as receiving regular assistance from volunteers. Continue Reading
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State of Minnesota Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Day Celebration Ordway Center for the Performing Arts 345 Washington St, Saint Paul, Minnesota 55102
20jan10:00 am12:00 pmState of Minnesota Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Day Celebration
Minnesota Governor Tim Walz and Lieutenant Governor Peggy Flanagan invite you to join them at the 34th Annual State of Minnesota Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Day Celebration. This event is
Minnesota Governor Tim Walz and Lieutenant Governor Peggy Flanagan invite you to join them at the 34th Annual State of Minnesota Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Day Celebration.
This event is an opportunity for community to come together, reflect and build on the legacy of Dr. King, strengthen connections, and celebrate the Black experience.
Doors open at 9:15 a.m. with fun activities in the foyer. The program begins at 10 a.m. This celebration is free and open to the public. Seating is limited and will fill up fast. There will be overflow areas available for viewing and live streaming on TPT.org.
The theme for this year's celebration is "For Our Children." Young people throughout Minnesota are building and pushing towards Dr. King's vision of a beloved community where our children live with dignity and joy, people's identities are seen and valued, and each of us are interconnected and interdependent.
Stay tuned for upcoming announcements of an incredible keynote and powerful performers!
ASL interpreters and CART Services will be available on site. If you have additional requests for a reasonable accommodation contact Tessa Lara at 651-539-1103 or Tessa.Lara@state.mn.us by Friday, January 10, 2020.
This celebration wouldn't be possible without the support from 3M, the Governor's Council on the Martin Luther King, Jr. Holiday, the Minnesota Department of Human Rights, the Council for Minnesotans of African Heritage, and several Minnesota State Agencies.
(Monday) 10:00 am - 12:00 pm CST
Ordway Center for the Performing Arts
345 Washington St, Saint Paul, Minnesota 55102

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After 12 years in the corporate world, holding positions in product management, sales and marketing, Skander turned his focus to learning and development. His interest was sparked by wanting to help people go beyond their comfort zone and challenge themselves, getting them past their hindering beliefs. Skander holds a Post-Graduate Degree in International Business and Logistics from Kedge Business School, Marseille, France and a Master Degree in Applied Foreign Languages (English/Spanish) from London Metropolitan University and Aix-en-Provence University in France.
Skander delivers interventions on leadership, sales, management and coaching principles, in French, English and Spanish, and has worked on projects across Europe, the Middle East, Africa and the US. Based near Marseilles, France, Skander is married and has two children, and in his spare time, he organizes coaching sessions for troubled youth in his region to help them better prepare for job interviews. He also enjoys swimming and reading.


Chapter 57 – Will You Get Sudden Wealth?
The eighth house is one of the inauspicious houses in the chart. It represents accidents, death, buried things, secret, black money etc.
When the second house lord is favorably placed in eighth house, the native gets wealth due to accidents, death, buried things (Treasure) etc. But if unfavorably placed, the native may end up with sudden loss of wealth.
The second lord Venus will be in Scorpio. This is enemy sign to Venus. But Venus aspects the second house from eighth house. So, it brings longevity and good wealth to the native. Being lord of powerful pathaka sthana, placed in eighth house, will reduce the evil effect of being lord of pathaka sthana. But since Venus is significator of marriage, it may delay the marriage of the native. If Venus is placed in 3rd quarter of Anuradha/Anusham nakshatra or 4th quarter of Jyeshta/Kettai nakshatra, better results are expected. But if placed in 2nd quarter of Anuradha/Anusham nakshatra, good results will be reduced.
The second lord Mercury will be in Sagittarius. This is neutral house to Mercury. But Mercury is friendly to the ascendant lord Venus. So, it gives good results in its dasa period. The native gets sudden wealth from his maternal uncle relations. If Mercury is placed in 3rdquarter of Moola nakshatra or 2nd quarter of Purva Ashada/Puradam nakshatra, better results are expected.
The second lord Moon will be in Capricorn. This is neutral house to the native. Moon in eighth house makes the native indecisive and oscillation of mind. But the native's speech will be attractive. The native my get wealth from his mother as a heir of properties. If Moon is placed in 2nd /4th quarter of Sravana/Thiruvonam nakshatra, better results are expected.
The second lord Sun will be in Aquarius. This is neutral sign to Sun. The native may lose his father at young age and gets property as heir. Native's father may not be helpful to him. Since Sun aspects the second house, it may cause eye disease to the native. But brings good wealth. If Sun is placed in 1stquarter of Purva Bhadrapada/Poorattathi nakshatra, better results are expected. But if placed in 3rd quarter of Dhanishta/Avittam nakshatra, good results will be reduced.
The second lord Mercury will be in Pisces. This is debilitation sign for Mercury. So, the native may not get wealth in his life. He may end up with great loss in his business. The native must be careful in investments. If Mercury is placed in 2nd quarter of Uttara Bhadrapada/Uththirattathi nakshatra, better results are expected. But if placed in 4th quarter of Revathi nakshatra, good results will be reduced.
The second lord Venus will be in Aries. This is neutral sign to Venus. Since Venus is significator of marriage, it may delay the marriage of the native. Venus, the natural benefic in eighth house gives good longevity to the native. If Venus is placed in 2ndquarter of Ashwini nakshatra or 3rd quarter of Bharani nakshatra, better results are expected. But if placed in 2nd quarter of Bharani nakshatra, good results will be reduced.
The second lord Mars will be in Taurus. This is enemy sign to Mars. Mars in eighth house creates lots of problems to the native. It brings sudden accidents to the native. He may lose his spouse at a very young age. The native must be careful in investments. If Mars is placed in 2nd quarter of Kritika nakshatra or 1st quarter of Rohini nakshatra, better results are expected. But if placed in 4thquarter of Rohini nakshatra, good results will be reduced.
The second lord Jupiter will be in Gemini. This is enemy house to Jupiter. The natural benefic Jupiter in eighth place gives good longevity to the naïve. But the native may be issue less or may have delayed child birth. The native must be careful in investments, particularly with private financial institutions. If Jupiter is placed in 1st / 4thquarter of Ardra/Thiruvathirai nakshatra, better results are expected. But if placed in 2nd quarter pf Ardra/Thiruvathirai nakshatra, good results will be reduced.
The second lord Saturn will be in Cancer. This is enemy sign to Saturn. Saturn in eighth house gives good longevity to the native. This is exception for the karako bhava nasthi concept. Though Saturn is the significator for longevity, it is exempted. But financially the native may not be sound. If Saturn is placed in 3rd quarter of Pushya/Pusam nakshatra or 2nd/3rd quarter of Ashlesha/Ayilyam nakshatra, better results are expected.
The second lord Saturn will be in Leo. This is enemy sign to Saturn. Saturn is ascendant lord too. So, this placement is not favorable to the native. It creates lots of obstacles in native''s life. The native may not have good relationship with this father. Saturn in eighth house gives good longevity to the native. If Saturn is placed in 3rd quarter of Phalguni/Puram nakshatra nakshatra, better results are expected. But if placed in 1stquarter of Magha nakshatra, good results will be reduced.
The second lord Jupiter will be in Virgo. This is enemy house to Jupiter. The natural benefic Jupiter in eighth place gives good longevity to the naïve. But the native may be issue less or may have delayed child birth. The native must be careful in investments, particularly with private financial institutions. If Jupiter is placed in 4thquarter of Uttara Phalguni/Uththram or 4th quarter of Hastha nakshatra, better results are expected. But if placed in 2nd quarter of Uttara Phalguni/Uththram nakshatra, good results will be reduced.
The second lord Mars will be in Libra. This is neutral house to Mars. Mars in eighth house creates lots of problems to the native. It brings sudden accidents to the native. He may lose his spouse at a very young age. The native must be careful in investments. If Mars is placed in 4th quarter of Chitra nakshatra or 2nd quarter of Swathi nakshatra or 1st quarter of Vishaka nakshatra, better results are expected.
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The project for the "department for social integration" is the architectural formulation of the inner values of this institution, therefore concepts as dedication to the public service, decrease of social segregation, and service to the community should be clearly visible in the design. Therefore, to fulfil this condition our design strategy was focused in the creation of a public space capable of create new ways of interaction between the street level and the institutional building.


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Sarnia set to tackle lead in drinking water
Tyler Kula, Sarnia Observer
Updated: June 3, 2018
Sarnia is getting ready to embark on a long, expensive plan to get rid of lead in drinking water, largely in homes built 60 or more years ago.
But first the city needs to drill down exactly how many households are affected, according to research conducted by Kitchener-based Jacobs Engineering Group.
A report by the company presented to Sarnia city council contends water from the utility supplying Sarnia and five other Lambton municipalities is largely lead-free, until it moves from mains into people's homes.
The issue is service lines – connecting lines from mains to houses – were made with lead up until the mid-1950s, said Monique Waller of Jacobs Engineering.
"This is the primary way lead gets into the drinking water, when it passes through this small pipe," she recently told council.
Water meters, valves, fixtures and solder can also be sources, Waller said.
Estimates are as many as 8,600 properties could be affected inside of the area bounded by Murphy Road and Campbell, Front, and Exmouth streets.
Complicating the matter, the city is only responsible for pipes up to the curb. The rest is considered private property.
Depending on the setback, replacing a private lead service line could cost a homeowner $4,000 to $5,000, said Mike Bekvens, Sarnia's director of engineering.
There are two ways to get the lead out, Waller said: remove the pipes or add phosphate or alkalinity-adjusting chemicals to the water supply.
Both come with tradeoffs, she said.
The firm is suggesting a three-year, $3.5-million study starting in 2019 to determine who is affected and where, and then figure out the best approach.
If it's feasible, after the three-year study period, the Jacobs report recommends eliminating all lead lines within 12 years. If that timeline won't work, it'll require discussions with municipalities that belong to the Lambton Area Water Supply System.
In the meantime, the plan calls for introducing some sort of loan program to help homeowners with the cost of replacing lead pipes, and encourages public information about the potential health risks.
Exposure to lead in water is linked to cognitive, blood pressure and renal dysfunction in adults, and neurodevelopmental and behavioural effects in children.
Young children and pregnant women are the most vulnerable, Waller said.
A recent report from the Lambton water supply system says lead levels in water tested as high as 6.3 parts per billion (ppb) in 2017. The provincial maximum is 10 ppb.
The number is up substantially from recent years. For instance it maxed at 1.29 ppb in 2015.
 Ontario election muddies red-hot green energy file Curbside food collection off to slow start


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MIA > Archive > Connolly > Index
Labour In Irish History
Capitalist betrayal of the Irish Volunteers
"Remember still, through good and ill,
How vain were prayers and tears.
How vain were words till flashed the swords
Of the Irish Volunteers."
– Thomas Davis
The theory that the fleeting 'prosperity' of Ireland in the time we refer to was caused by the Parliament of Grattan is only useful to its propagators as a prop to their argument that the Legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland destroyed the trade of the latter country, and that, therefore, the repeal of that Union placed all manufactures on a paying basis. The fact that the Union placed all Irish manufactures upon an absolutely equal basis legally with the manufactures of England is usually ignored, or, worse, still, is so perverted in its statement as to leave the impression that the reverse is the case. In fact many thousands of our countrymen still believe that English laws prohibit mining in Ireland after certain minerals, and the manufacture of certain articles.
A moment's reflection should remove such an idea. An English capitalist will cheerfully invest his money in Timbuctoo or China, or Russia, or anywhere that he thinks he can secure a profit, even though it may be in the territory of his mortal enemy. He does not invest his money in order to give employment to his workers, but to make a profit, and hence it would be foolish to expect that he would allow his Parliament to make laws prohibiting him from opening mines or factories in Ireland to make a profit out of the Irish workers. And there are not, and have not been since the Union, any such laws.
If a student desires to continue the study of this remarkable controversy in Irish history, and to compare this Parliamentarian theory of Irish industrial decline with that we have just advanced – the Socialist theory outlined in our previous chapter – he has an easy and effective course to pursue in order to bring this matter to the test. Let him single out the most prominent exponents of Parliamentarianism and propound the following question:
Please explain the process by which the removal of Parliament from Dublin to London – a removal absolutely unaccompanied by any legislative interference with Irish industry – prevented the Irish capitalistic class from continuing to produce goods for the Irish market?
He will get no logical answer to his question – no answer that any reputable thinker on economic questions would accept for one moment. He will instead undoubtedly be treated to a long enumeration of the number of tradesmen and labourers employed at manufacturers in Ireland before the Union, and the number employed at some specific period, 20 or 30 years afterwards. This was the method adopted by Daniel O'Connell, the Liberator, in his first great speech in which he began his Repeal agitation, and has been slavishly copied and popularised by all his imitators since. But neither O'Connell nor any of his imitators have ever yet attempted to analyse and explain the process by which those industries were destroyed. The nearest approach to such an explanation ever essayed is the statement that the Union led to absentee landlordism and the withdrawal of the custom of these absentees from Irish manufacturers. Such an explanation is simply no explanation at all. It is worse than childish. Who would seriously contend that the loss of a few thousand aristocratic clients killed, for instance, the leather industry, once so flourishing in Ireland and now scarcely existent. The district in the city of Dublin which lies between Thomas Street and the South Circular Road was once a busy hive of men engaging in the tanning of leather and all its allied trades. Now that trade has almost entirely disappeared from this district. Were the members of Irish Parliament and the Irish landlords the only wearers of shoes in Ireland? – the only persons for whose use leather was tanned and manufactured? If not, how did their emigration to England make it impossible for the Irish manufacturer to produce shoes or harness for the millions of people still left in the country after the Union? The same remark applies to the weavers, once so flourishing a body in the same district, to the woollen trade, to the fishing trade, and so down along the line. The people of Ireland still wanted all these necessaries of life after the Union just as much as before, yet the superficial historian tells us that the Irish manufacturer was unable to cater to their demand, and went out of business accordingly. Well, we Irish are credited with being gifted with a strong sense of humour, but one is almost inclined to doubt it in the face of gravity with which the Parliamentary theory has been accepted by the masses of the Irish people.
It surely is an amusing theory when we consider that it implies that the Irish manufacturers were so heartbroken, grieving over losing the trade of a few thousand rack-renting landlords, that they could not continue to make a profit by supplying the wants of the millions of Irish people at their doors. The English and the Scotch, the French and the Belgian manufacturers, miners, merchants, and fishermen could and did wax fat prosperous by supplying the wants of the Irish commonalty, but the Irish manufacturer could not. He had to shut up shop and go to the poorhouse because my Lord Rackrent of Castle Rackrent, and his immediate personal following, had moved to London.
If our Parliamentarian historians had not been the most superficial of all recorders of history; if their shallowness had not been so phenomenal that there is no equal to it to be found except in the bigotry and stupidity of their loyalist rivals, they might easily have formulated from the same set of facts another theory equally useful to their cause, and more in consonance with the truth. That other theory may be stated thus: –
That the Act of Union was made possible because Irish manufacture was weak, and, consequently, Ireland had not an energetic capitalist class with sufficient public spirit and influence to prevent the Union.
Industrial decline having set in, the Irish capitalist class was not able to combat the influence of the corruption fund of the English Government, or to create and lead a party strong enough to arrest the demoralisation of Irish public life. This we are certain is the proper statement of the case. Not that the loss of the Parliament destroyed Irish manufacture, but that the decline of Irish manufacture, due to causes already outlined, made possible the destruction of the Irish Parliament. Had a strong enterprising and successful Irish capitalist class been in existence in Ireland, a Parliamentary reform investing the Irish masses with the suffrage would have been won under the guns of the Volunteers without a drop of blood being shed; and with a Parliament elected under such conditions the Act of Union would have been impossible. But the Irish capitalist class used the Volunteers to force commercial reforms from the English Government and then, headed by Henry Grattan, forsook and denounced the Volunteers when that body sought, by reforming the representative system, to make it more responsive to the will of the people, and thus to secure in peace what they had won by the threat of violence. An Ireland controlled by popular suffrage would undoubtedly have sought to save Irish industry, while it was yet time, by a stringent system of protection which would have imposed upon imported goods a tax heavy enough to neutralise the advantages accruing to the foreigner from his coal supply, and such a system might have averted that decline of Irish industry which, as we have already stated, was otherwise inevitable. But the only hope of realising that Ireland lay then in the armed force of the Volunteers; and as the capitalist class did not feel themselves strong enough as a class to hold the ship of state against the aristocracy on the one hand and the people on the other, they felt impelled to choose the only alternative – viz., to elect to throw in their lot with one or other of the contending parties. They chose to put their trust in the aristocracy, abandoned the populace, and as a result were deserted by the class whom they had trusted, and went down into bankruptcy and slavery with the class they had betrayed.
A brief glance at the record of the Volunteer movement will illustrate the far-reaching treachery with which the capitalist class of Ireland emulated their aristocratic compatriots who
sold for place or gold,
Their country and their God.
but, unlike them, contrived to avoid the odium their acts deserved.
At the inception of this movement Ireland was under the Penal Laws. Against the Roman Catholic, statutes unequalled in ferocity were still upon the statute books. Those laws, although ostensibly designed to convert Catholics to the Protestant Faith, were in reality chiefly aimed at the conversion of Catholic-owned property into Protestant-owned property. The son of a Catholic property-holder could dispossess his own father and take possession of his property simply by making affidavit that he, the son, had accepted the Protestant religion. Thenceforth the father would be by law a pensioner upon the son's bounty. The wife of a Catholic could deprive her husband of all control over his property by simply becoming a Protestant. A Catholic could not own a horse worth more than £5. If he did, any Protestant could take his horse from him in the light of day and give him £5 in full payment of all rights in the horse. On the head of a Catholic schoolmaster or a Catholic priest the same price was put as on the head of a wolf. Catholics were eligible to no public office, and were debarred from most of the professions.
In fact the Catholic religion was an illegal institution. Yet it grew and flourished, and incidentally it may be observed it secured a hold upon the affections and in the hearts of the Irish people as rapidly as it lost the same hold in France and Italy, where the Catholic religion was a dominant state institution – a fact worth noting by those Catholics who are clamouring for the endowment of Catholic institutions out of public funds.
It must be remembered by the student, however, that the Penal Laws, although still upon the statue book, had been largely inoperative before the closing quarter of the eighteenth century. This was not due to any clemency on the part of the English Government, but was the result of the dislike of those laws felt by the majority of intelligent Irish Protestants. The latter simply refused to take advantage of them even to their personal aggrandisement, and there are very few cases on actual record where the property of Catholics was wrested from them by their Protestant neighbours as a result of the Penal Laws in the generations following the close of the Williamite war. These laws were in fact too horrible to be enforced, and in this matter public opinion was far ahead of legislative enactment. All historians agree upon this point.
Class lines, on the other hand, were far more strictly drawn than religious lines, as they always were in Ireland since the break up of the clan system, and as they are to this day. We have the words of such an eminent authority as Archbishop Whatley in this connection, which coming, as they do, from the pen of a supporter of the British Government and of the Protestant Establishment, are doubly valuable as witness to the fact that Irish politics and divisions turn primarily around questions of property and only nominally around questions of religion. He says:
"Many instances have come to my knowledge of the most furious Orangemen stripping their estates of a Protestant tenantry who had been there for generations and letting their land to Roman Catholics ... at an advance of a shilling an acre."
These Protestants so evicted, be it remembered, were the men and women whose fathers had saved Ireland for King William and Protestantism, as against King James and Catholicity, and the evictions here recorded were the rewards of their father's victory and their own fidelity. In addition to this class line on the economic field the political representation of the country was the exclusive property of the upper class.
A majority of the members of the Irish Parliament sat as the nominees of certain members of the aristocracy who owned the estates on which they 'represented' were situated. Such boroughs were called 'Pocket Boroughs' from the fact that they were as much under the control of the landed aristocrat as if he carried them in his pocket. In addition to this, throughout the entire island the power of electing members of Parliament was the exclusive possession of a privileged few. The great mass of the Catholic and Protestant population were voteless.
This was the situation when the Volunteer movement arose. There were thus three great political grievances before the Irish public. The English Parliament had prohibited Irish trade with Europe and America except through an English port, thus crippling the development of Irish capitalism; representation in the House of Commons in Dublin was denied alike to Protestant and Catholic workers, and to all save a limited few Protestant capitalists, and the nominees of the aristocracy; and finally all Catholics were suffering under religious disabilities. As soon as the Volunteers (all of whom were Protestants) had arms in their hands they began to agitate for the removal of all these grievances.
On the first all were unanimous, and accordingly when they paraded the streets of Dublin on the day of the assembling of Parliament, they hung upon the mouths of their cannon placards bearing the significant words:
FREE TRADE OR ELSE
– and the implied threat from a united people in arms won their case. Free Trade was granted. And at that moment an Irish Republic could have been won as surely as Free Trade. But when the rank and file of the Volunteers proceeded to outline their demands for the removal of their remaining political grievances – to demand popular representation in Parliament – all their leaders deserted. They had elected aristocrats, glib-tongued lawyers and professional patriots to be their officers, and all higher ranks betrayed them in their in hour of need. After the granting of Free Trade a Volunteer convention was summoned to meet in Dublin to consider the question of popular representation in Parliament. Lord Charlemont, the commander-in-chief of the body, repudiated the convention; his example was followed by all the lesser fry of the aristocratic officers, and finally when it did meet, Henry Grattan, whose political and personal fortunes the Volunteers had made, denounced them in Parliament as "an armed rabble".
The convention, after some fruitless debate, adjourned in confusion, and on a subsequent attempt to convene another Convention the meeting was prohibited by Government proclamation and the signers of the call for the assembly were arrested and heavily fined. The Government, having made peace in America, with the granting of American independence, had been able to mass troops in Ireland and prepare to try conclusions with the Volunteers. Its refusal to consider the demand for popular representation was its gage of battle, and the proclamation of the last attempt at a Convention was the sign of its victory. The Volunteers had, in fact, surrendered without a blow. The responsibility for this shameful surrender rests entirely upon the Irish capitalist class. Had they stood by the reformers, the defection of the aristocracy would have mattered little, indeed it is certain that the radical element must have foreseen and had been prepared for that defection. But the act of the merchants in throwing in their lot with the aristocracy could not have been foreseen; it was too shameful an act to be anticipated by any but its perpetrators. It must not be imagined, moreover, that these reactionary elements made no attempt to hide their treason to the cause of freedom.
On the contrary, they were most painstaking in keeping up the appearance of popular sympathies and in endeavouring to divert public attention along other lines than those on which the real issues were staked. There is a delicious passage in the Life of Henry Grattan, edited by his son, describing the manner in which the Government obtained possession of the arms of the various corps of Dublin Volunteers, which presents in itself a picture in microcosm of very many epochs of Irish history and illustrates the salient characteristics of the classes and the part they play in Irish public life.
Dublin is Ireland in miniature; nay, Dublin is Ireland in concentrated essence. All that makes Ireland great or miserable, magnificent or squalid, ideally revolutionary or hopelessly reactionary, grandly unselfish or vilely treacherous, is stronger and more pronounced in Dublin than elsewhere in Ireland. Thus the part played by Dublin in any National crisis is sure to be simply a metropolitan setting for the role played by the same passions throughout the Irish provinces. Hence the value of the following unconscious contribution to the study of Irish history from the pen of the son of Henry Grattan.
In Dublin there were three divisions of Volunteers – corresponding to the three popular divisions of the 'patriotic' forces. There was the Liberty Corps, recruited exclusively from the working class; the Merchants Corps, composed of the capitalist class, and the Lawyers Corps, the members of the legal fraternity. Henry Grattan, Jr., telling of the action of the Government after the passage of the Arms and Gunpowder Bill requiring the Volunteers to give up their arms to the authorities for safe keeping, says the Government "seized the artillery of the Liberty Corps, made a private arrangement by which it got possession of that belonging to the Merchant Corps; they induced the lawyers to give up theirs, first making a public procession before they were surrendered".
In other words and plainer language, the Government had to use force to seize the arms of the working men, but the capitalists gave up theirs secretly as the result of a private bargain, the terms of which we are not made acquainted with; and the lawyers took theirs through the streets of Dublin in a public parade to maintain the prestige of the legal fraternity in the eyes of the credulous Dublin workers, and then, whilst their throats were still husky from publicly cheering the 'guns of the Volunteers', privately handed those guns over to the enemies of the people.
The working men fought, the capitalists sold out, and the lawyers bluffed.
Then, as ever in Ireland, the fate of the country depended upon the issue of the struggle between the forces of aristocracy and the forces of democracy. The working class in town and the peasantry in the country were enthusiastic over the success of the revolutionary forces in America and France, and were burning with a desire to emulate their deeds in Ireland. But the Irish capitalist class dreaded the people more than they feared the British Government; and in the crisis of their country's fate their influence and counsels were withdrawn from the popular side. Whilst this battle was being fought out with such fatal results to the cause of freedom, there was going on elsewhere in Ireland a more spectacular battle over a mock issue. And as is the wont of things in Ireland this sham battle engrosses the greatest amount of attention in Irish history. We have already alluded to the Henry Flood who made himself conspicuous in the Irish Parliament by out-Heroding Herod in his denunciation of the Government for failing to hang enough peasants to satisfy him. Mr. Henry Grattan we have also introduced to our readers. These two men were the Parliamentary leaders of the 'patriot party' in the House of Commons – the "rival Harries", as the Dublin crowd sarcastically described them. When the threat of the Volunteers compelled the English authorities to formally renounce all its rights to make laws binding the Irish parliament, these two patriots quarrelled, and, we are seriously informed by the grave historians and learned historians, the subject of their quarrel divided all Ireland. In telling of what that subject was we hope our readers will not accuse us of fooling; we are not, although the temptation is almost irresistible. We are soberly stating the historical facts. The grave and learned historians tell us that Grattan and Flood quarrelled because Flood insisted that England should be required to promise that it would never again interfere to make laws governing the Irish Parliament, and Grattan insisted that it would be an insult to the honour of England to require any such promise.
As we have said, the grave and learned historians declare that all Ireland took sides in this quarrel, even such a hater of England as John Mitchell in his History of Ireland seemingly believes this to be the case. Yet we absolutely refuse to give any credence to the story. We are firmly convinced that while Grattan and Flood were splitting the air with declamations upon this subject, if an enquirer had gone down into any Irish harvest field and asked the first reaper he met his opinion of the matter, the said reaper would have touched the heart of the question without losing a single swing of his hook. He would have said truly: –
"An' sure, what does it matter what England promises? Won't she break her promise, anyway as soon as it suits her, and she is able to?"
It is difficult to believe that either Grattan or Flood could have seriously thought that any promise would bind England, a country which even then was notorious all over the world for broken faith and dishonoured treaties. Today the recital of facts of this famous controversy looks like a poor attempt at humour, but in view of the tragic setting of the controversy we must say that it bears the same relation to humour that a joke would in a torture chamber. Grattan and Flood in this case were but two skilful actors indulging in oratorical horse-play at the death-bed of the murdered hopes of a people. Were any other argument, outside of the absurdity of the legal hairsplitting on both sides, needed to prove how little such a sham battle really interested the great mass of the people the record of the two leaders would suffice. Mr. Flood was not only known to be an enemy of the oppressed peasantry and a hater of the Catholics – that is to say, of the great mass of the inhabitants of Ireland – but he had also spoken and voted in the Irish Parliament in favour of a motion to pay the expenses of an army of 10,000 British soldiers to be sent to put down the Revolution in America, and Mr. Grattan on his part had accepted a donation of £50,000 from the Government for his 'patriotic' services, and afterwards, in excess of gratitude for this timely aid, repaid the Government by betraying and denouncing the Volunteers.
On the other great questions of the day they were each occupying an equivocal position, playing fast and loose. For instance: –
Mr. Flood believed in Democracy – amongst Protestants, but opposed religious freedom.
Mr. Grattan believed in religious freedom – amongst property owners, but opposed all extension of the suffrage to the working class.
Mr.Flood would have given the suffrage to all Protestants, rich or poor, and denied it to all Catholics, rich or poor.
Mr. Grattan would have given the vote to every man who owned property, irrespective of religion, and he opposed its extension to any propertyless man. In the Irish House of Commons he bitterly denounced the United Irishmen, of whom we will treat later, for proposing universal suffrage, which he declared would ruin the country and destroy all order.
It will be seen that Mr. Grattan was the ideal capitalist statesman; his spirit was the spirit of the bourgeoisie incarnate. He cared more for the interests of property than for human rights or for the supremacy of any religion.
His early bent in that direction is seen in a letter he sent to his friend, a Mr. Broome, dated November 3, 1767, and reproduced by his son in his edition of the life and speeches of his father. The letter shows the eminently respectable, anti-revolutionary, religious Mr. Henry Grattan to have been at heart, a free thinker, free-lover, and epicurean philosopher, who had early understood the wisdom of not allowing these opinions to be known to the common multitude whom he aspired to govern. We extract: –
"You and I, in this as in most other things, perfectly agree; we think marriage is an artificial, not a natural, institution, and imagine women too frail a bark for so long and tempestuous a voyage as that of life ... I have become an epicurean philosopher; consider this world as our ne plus ultra, and happiness as our great object in it ... Such a subject is too extensive and too dangerous for a letter; in our privacy we shall dwell upon it more copiously."
This, be it noted, is perhaps not the Grattan of the poet Moore's rhapsody, but it is the real Grattan.
Small wonder that the Dublin mob stoned this Grattan on his return from England, on one occasion, after attending parliament in London. His rhetoric and heroics did not deceive them, even if they did bewitch the historians. His dramatic rising from a sick bed to appear before the purchased traitors who sold their votes to carry the Union, in order to appeal to them not to fulfil their bargain, makes indeed a fine tableau for romantic historians to dwell upon, but it was a poor compensation to the common people for the Volunteers insulted and betrayed, and the cause of popular suffrage opposed and misrepresented.
A further and, to our mind, conclusive proof of the manner in which the 'Parliament of '82' was regarded by the real Nationalists and progressive thinkers of Ireland is to be found in the extract below from the famous pamphlet written by Theobald Wolfe Tone and published September, 1791, entitled An Argument on behalf of the Catholics of Ireland. It is interesting to recall that this biting characterisation of the 'glorious revolution of 1782' from the pen of the most far-seeing Irishman of his day, has been so little to the liking of our historians and journalists that it was rigidly boycotted by them all until the present writer reprinted it in 1897, in Dublin, in a series of '98 Readings containing also many other forgotten and inconvenient documents of the same period. Since then it has several times been republished exactly as we rereprinted the extract, but to judge by the manner in which some of our friends still declare they "stand upon the constitution of '82" it has been published in vain for some people.
WOLFE TONE ON GRATTAN'S PARLIAMENT
(Extract from the famous pamphlet, An Argument on behalf of the Catholics of Ireland, published September, 1791)
I have said that we have no National Government. Before the year 1782 it was not pretended that we had, and it is at least a curious, if not a useful, speculation to examine how we stand in that regard now. And I have little dread of being confuted, when I assert that all we got by what we are pleased to dignify with the name of Revolution was simply the means of doing good according to law, without recurring to the great rule of nature, which is above all positive Statutes; whether we have done good or not, why we have omitted to do good is a serious question. The pride of the nation, the vanity of individuals concerned, the moderation of some honest men, the corruption of knaves, I know may be alarmed when I assert that the revolution of 1782 was the most bungling, imperfect business that ever threw ridicule on a lofty epithet, by assuming it unworthily. It is not pleasant to any Irishman to make such a concession, but it cannot be helped if truth will have it so. It is much better to delude ourselves or be gulled by our enemies with praises which we do not deserve, or imaginary blessings which we do not enjoy.
I leave to the admirers of that era to vent flowing declamations on its theoretical advantages, and its visionary glories; it is a fine subject, and peculiarly flattering to my countrymen, many of whom were actors, and almost all spectators of it. Be mine the unpleasing task to strip it of its plumage and its tinsel, and show the naked figure. The operation will be severe, but if properly attended to may give us a strong and striking lesson of caution and of wisdom.
The Revolution of 1782 was a Revolution which enabled Irishmen to sell at a much higher price their honour, their integrity, and the interests of their country; it was a Revolution which, while at one stroke it doubled the value of every borough-monger in the kingdom, left three-fourths of our countrymen slaves as it found them, and the government of Ireland in the base and wicked and contemptible hands who had spent their lives in degrading and plundering her; nay, some of whom had given their last vote decidedly, though hopelessly, against this, our famous Revolution. Who of the veteran enemies of the country lost his place or his pension? Who was called forth to station or office from the ranks of opposition? Not one. The power remained in the hands of our enemies, again to be exerted for our ruin, with this difference, that formerly we had our distress, our injuries, and our insults gratis at the hands of England; but now we pay very dearly to receive the same with aggravation, through the hands of Irishmen – yet this we boast of and call a Revolution!
And so we close this chapter on the Volunteers – a chapter of great opportunities lost, of popular confidence betrayed. A few extracts from some verses written at the time in Dublin serve as an epitome of the times, even if they do seem a little bitter.
Who aroused the people?
The rival Harries rose
And pulled each other's nose.
And said they aroused the people.
What did the Volunteers?
They mustered and paraded
Until their laurels faded.
This did the Volunteers.
How died the Volunteers?
The death that's fit for slaves.
They slunk into their graves.
Last updated on 12.8.2003


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Sagaris är ett släkte av tvåvingar. Sagaris ingår i familjen parasitflugor.

Kladogram enligt Catalogue of Life:

Källor

Parasitflugor
Sagaris

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


GT 56 is the place to be for 5th and 6th graders. The tweeners joins the adults in the auditorium for praise and worship, then, at the fellowship time, they go upstairs for a Bible lesson designed just for them.
REACH nonbelieving students, to CONNECT them with other Christians, to help them THRIVE in their faith, and to challenge the thriving to UNCOVER their ministry and HONOR God with their lives.
Wednesdays weekly at Grace Temple Church in the Youth Auditorium upstairs for bible study. Service starts at 6:30pm with worship in the Main Auditorium, we then move upstairs for our youth service.
Mission Trips, Camp of Champions Summer Camp, Back 2 School Retreat, Game Nights, Hang-outs and various other events.


The latest kerfluffle in Congress over intelligence oversight – which some Democrats apparently see as a way to make up political ground lost by the embarrassing antics of the opportunistically amnesiac Nancy Pelosi – concerns what the newspapers claim was a plan to unleash secret CIA hit teams against al-Qa'ida terrorist leaders around the world. This is not a debate about the legality or morality of assassination, for no one seems to question the idea that it is permitted to target enemy combatants who have taken up arms against you. (That is just warfare, not "assassination.") Rather, the debate is about a very inside-the-beltway sort of problem: compliance with the Congressional reporting requirements of the National Security Act of 1947 regarding covert activities.
What did the law require when the CIA is said to have begun looking into setting up teams of what the Washington Post breathlessly called "specially trained assassins"? The National Security Act defined "covert action" as an activity meant to influence political, economic, or military conditions abroad, where it is intended that the U.S. role will not be revealed. Targeted killings of terrorist enemy combatants by the CIA clearly qualified. In order to authorize such activity, the President had formally to make a special written "finding" setting out his reasons. According to media reports, at least, President Bush made just such a finding in late 2001, authorizing the U.S. Intelligence Community (IC) to capture or kill members of al-Qa'ida. This finding was the basis upon which the CIA proceeded with its now well-known program of killing terrorists with Hellfire missiles launched from unmanned Predator aircraft.
If recent reports are to be believed, while the innovative and unprecedented "death drone" program was getting underway, the CIA began looking into the option of using teams of real-live humans to kill terrorists as well. The use of such hit squads is common in espionage fiction, of course, and they have been used in the counter-terrorist arena for many years by other countries, not least by Israel. In a sense, therefore, it would have been shocking had the CIA not at least considered the use of such teams.
To evaluate what the CIA should have been expected to do in reporting its activities under the 2001 finding, it is worth understanding what a deliberately ambiguous and flexible system was established under these provisions of the Act. To begin with, it has always been clear that the requirement to keep Congress "fully and currently informed of all covert actions" simply cannot be taken literally. As with similar provisions requiring that Congress be "fully and currently informed of all intelligence activities," it would clearly be both impossible and undesirable for the Executive Branch to try to fulfill this requirement to the letter. Even were it possible to do so in ways consistent with security, telling the oversight committees everything about every activity in real time would yield a torrent of data that would overwhelm the committees' capacity to do anything with it. This is an old litigator's trick: respond to document discovery requests by flooding one's adversary with more paper than he can possibly read.
Oversight on such terms would be no oversight at all, so both the Executive Branch and Congress long ago reached an implicit agreement that being kept fully and currently informed of all activities doesn't literally mean being fully and currently informed of all activities. Rather, as is the case with relationships between coordinate branches of our government in some other areas of national security law (e.g., war powers), the two sides have been content to live out the specific and sometimes quite flexible parameters of their statutorily-bounded relationship through an iterated game of informal rule definition based in ongoing practice. This is not an area of law in which there are too many "bright line" rules, and there probably shouldn't be.
Don't get me wrong. There is a good deal of ambiguity that is necessarily built into such a system, and it is clearly a process that is highly deferential to the national security discretion of the Executive Branch, but this does not mean that the IC never plays fast and loose with reporting requirements. IC briefers have for years restricted reporting of some sensitive "ordinary" (i.e., not covert action) intelligence activities to the "Gang of Eight," for example, even though the National Security Act only provides express authority to do so in cases of covert action. The Executive Branch does this ostensibly – and not always unreasonably – for reasons of security, but also in part because this is a way to undercut Congress' ability to exercise its oversight functions. It is terribly difficult for top-level "Gang of Eight" legislators to put information in context and do any meaningful follow-up if they only learn about something in a private one-on-one briefing, cannot keep any notes they take, and cannot inform or involve any of the experts on their staffs. Too often, such restrictive procedures allow the IC to say it briefed Congress without Congress having been really informed in any particularly useful way. Unfortunately, however, our legislators have long acquiesced in this, so it's hard to blame the spies too much for continuing the practice.
But the current purported "scandal" isn't about such reporting games: it is about whether the CIA should have told Congress anything at all about its purported work to develop counter-terrorist hit squads. Apparently, it said nothing for eight years, until Panetta cancelled the program. How does the CIA's performance measure up against the framework established by the National Security Act?
To some extent, this question is presently unanswerable in public – and probably should remain so. Too little has been revealed about the precise contours of the alleged program and how far it progressed. It is possible to offer some basic guidance, however, to help make sense of whatever details do emerge as our congenitally loose-lipped government officials fight yet another political and bureaucratic battle of press leaks and selective media "spin" using classified information.
All in all, therefore, there seems to be much less to this intelligence oversight "scandal" than one would think from reading overheated accounts of Congressional critics trying to score post hoc political points against the previous administration. There is room for lively debate about what the details of this alleged program actually were, and about precisely what should have been reported to whom. This debate, however, is less a legal debate than a policy one: on present information, it is hard to point to any specific reporting requirement that was traduced by George Tenet's CIA.
This episode will be another data point in the evolving history of Congressional-Executive relations in intelligence oversight, and each side may well adjust its future dealings with the other in light of the controversy. Let no one pretend, however, that this squabble is about "lawlessness" by the IC or by the Bush Administration. So far, the only actual contempt for intelligence oversight law that has been on display comes from those who care more about finding political advantage in opportunistic finger-pointing than in really understanding the legal framework of covert action reporting requirements.


What benefits can you get for your children?
Where do your children go for health care?
You are Here: Home Page > Child Health Plus > How Do I Apply?
Starting January 1, 2014, you can apply for Child Health Plus and/or Medicaid coverage through the New York State of Health Marketplace: https://nystateofhealth.ny.gov/.
Call this toll-free number: 1-800-698-4KIDS (1-800-698-4543) or the New York State of Heath Marketplace at 1-855-355-5777, and ask about Child Health Plus. (If you are hearing impaired, call the TTY number, 1-877-898-5849.) If you would like someone to assist you in applying for either Children's Medicaid or Child Health Plus, there are enrollers in your community who can help.
These enrollers will help you fill out the application, collect the necessary documents, and select a health plan. In many cases, assistance is available during evenings and weekends. To learn the nearest location where application assistance is available, , click on this link Community Organizations that can help you enroll or call 1-800-698-4KIDS (1-800-698-4543).


Loved the story and the characters. Can't wait to start the next book!
It was a book that I couldn't put down from start to finish.thatis the 3rd. Book I have read of this author and have just started another and are keeping my eye out for more.
A great book to pick up and put down. An easy read. I enjoy Cathy Sharps books as an enjoyable holiday read.


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FINLAND: Why have Finns been so successful?
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https://www.globalbusinessnews.net/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/EU-Democracy.jpg 456 675 Ed https://www.globalbusinessnews.net/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Global-Panorama-for-Ed-4-6-2019.png Ed2017-10-21 20:23:342017-10-21 20:24:33WEF...author: EU Democracy?


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Hines Drive bridge 'repair' unsafe for fire trucks
Don Howard
The long awaited re-opening of the Hines Park bridge closed last year after a Michigan Department of Transportation (MDOT) inspection revealed serious safety issues may not be the news Plymouth Township Fire Department officials were hoping for.
Last week Manager Kevin Gunn of the Wayne County Bridge Division said because the bridges were not re-built, but repaired, there would be restrictions on the weight limits.
Gunn said when the bridges are re-opened the county will impose a new less-than-3-ton vehicle weight restriction that will force township fire and emergency vehicles to continue to take a time-consuming detour through a residential area when responding to the northeast part of the township, including its largest subdivision, Lake Pointe.
Plymouth Township Fire Chief Dan Phillips said the weight restrictions "will definitely add to our response time," should equipment be required from Fire Station No. 1, on Haggerty. The fire department has had a long-established detour through Hines Park because of the probability of trains blocking the crossing at Haggerty Road.
Gunn said the new 26,000 to 32,000 gross vehicle weight rating (GVWR) restrictions would allow, "cars, buses, fire engines, trucks and cyclists" to use the bridges.
Phillips said the newest of the township fire engines weighs 56,000 pounds and he has had "no assurance they (the bridges) are safe."
Type C school buses, also known as "Conventional" typically range between 23,500 and 29,500 GVWR, depending on seating capacity. Type D school buses, also known as "Transit-Style-engine behind the wind- shield," weigh between 25,000 and 36,000 GVWR. The gross vehicle weight rating (GVWR) for school buses is the estimated total weight of a school bus that is loaded to capacity, including the weight of the vehicle itself, plus fuel, passengers and other miscellaneous items.
On June 10, Wayne County Parks received notification from the road com- mission that the repair work on the first of four bridges was complete and set to re- open. The bridges were initially slated for a complete rebuild after MDOT inspectors found stress cracks in the center slabs they said made the structures unsafe for both pedestrians and motorists.
In April of last year Wayne County Director of Roads, Mike Gorman, abruptly closed three of the four bridges located in Plymouth Township that cross the Rouge River along with another located in Livonia, near I-275.
It took the county almost nine months decide whether to rebuild or replace the bridges, complete design plans, conduct a competitive bid inquiry and find a con- tractor to start the work. A statement from MDOT officials said the identical bridges; all built in 1932, needed a complete replacement and were past their planned life span. The county opted for a repair, rather than replacement, according to Gunn.
The bridge located on Hines Drive at Haggerty Road is the first re-build completed. A second bridge located west at Hines and Woods Drive and third bridge located on Hines west of the Northville Road is set to re-open by the first of August, according to information provided by the county.
Fire DepartmentNewsPlymouth
Tags:Dan PhillipsEdward Hines ParkHines DriveWayne County
Canton trustee is honored for math, science work
Independence Day parades and celebrations planned
Purchase of $1 million fire truck OK'd
Officials question fire truck purchase
County officials eluding real-story on bridge closures


There are endless possibilities for connecting with your donors in a modern world. Christian Heckenberg takes us through the stages to ensuring small to medium-sized not for profits are making the most of digital fundraising.
Think about what you're trying to achieve with your digital fundraising. Brainstorm the ways your charity helps its cause and why this deserves your donors support. By setting the tone initially, you can move forward with your marketing strategy: is it serious and urgent or fun and relaxed?
START – Tell people why you're connecting with them.
UPDATE – Plan on telling people the progress while asking for support.
SHOW – When you can, start sharing the positive impact of your activities.
REPEAT – Continue the story in a way that ties into your messaging.
Create a multi-step email campaign.
Acquiring new donors is difficult and expensive, studies have demonstrated that it takes 6-12 interactions before someone turns from a supporter into a donor. Treat an email campaign like a book with each message a chapter of the story. For example: In the first introductory emails, make your cause known and update your donors on your fundraising activities. Follow up with a reminder and another update email. Finish your campaign with the end result of where their funds will go.
Your donors want to read your emails anywhere, on any device. To do this, your email platform needs to be reliable. Ensure you can track open rates, click throughs and manage unsubscribes. Test the way your campaign looks and the interaction across all devices. Finally, close the loop and make sure the emails and website have calls to actions to create a measurable result.
Plan your campaign follow up.
Set performance targets – and make them realistic and achievable! Don't just set targets on the number of new donors, have a blended performance result that includes number of subscibers and likes on social media. The more ways to measure your communications, the better.


"Danger Will Robinson: Approaching Excessively Original Gravity!" and "Now Entering High Alcohol Zone" Deliverence Barley Wine is brewed with a combination of two-row Pale and imported Crystal malts. Micah uses Columbus and only Columbus hops in an aggressive kind of way to balance this big beer's serious flavor profile. As you may have surmised, the beer is dry-hopped. A proprietary brewery-developed ale yeast strain is used. Deliverence is also open-fermented and long term temperature control aged to perfection before being bottled resulting in a smooth, easily drinkable Barley Wine. You may consider setting one bottle aside as, like the Imperial Stout we sent last month, this sweet nectar will only improve with age.
Immediately note a fruity, clean and hop spicy nose. Look for good head retention in this filtered, beautiful burgundy red, very full-bodied beer. This Barley wine has an intensely sweet start, a very clean malty body perfectly balanced with a mellow bitterness and a nice hop spicy finish. High alcohols are evident leaving you with a toasty feeling. Overall, a very smooth, perfectly balanced, and extremely flavorful American Barley Wine! We loved it. Six enthusiastic thumbs way up!
Murphy's Creek Brewing Co., located in Angles Camp, CA, in the foothills of the Sierra Nevada Mountains, was founded in 1992 by Dan Ayala. The brewery itself is located on the banks of Murphy's Creek, near the site of the original brewery established in 1848. The brewery uses a 12 barrel brewhouse and distributes in only 3 counties local to the brewery. Brewers Micah Millspaw and Ken Parsons began brewing their Deliverence Barley Wine in the summer of 1995 and soon thereafter it was named by a local homebrewer who, after first tasting it, proclaimed it to be an experience akin to the religious ecstasy. A quick glance at the label is all you need to know that the name took on its own refined definition over the years that obviously has nothing to do what so ever with any form of religion. The existing label is also a statement of the brewery's sense of humor; note the sign posted and the hidden message in the mountain range. In any case, we're confident that you too, will squeal like a pig, though hopefully in pure pleasure rather than discomfort, as you savor this truly exceptional beer.
For more information about the brewery and scheduled tours, call (209) 736-BREW.


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Q: adding data to a UITableViewCell I have a tableview filled with conversations meaning each cell has a persons name on it and when you click that persons name it sends an object containing the latest message to another view controller and segues to it so you can see the message.  If i want to reply and send that reply back to that specific cell i click on how do i do it?  Im using the cell identifier as the persons name that is displayed on the cell.
Basically i want to know how to store a new object or property in a specific cell using the cell identifier.

A: Agree with LyricalPanda. You need a better unique identifier than a name. Where is your data coming from? Does it have something unique? If not you need to create one when you load your data source and before you show it.


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The stoolie is Plywood Rack used for.
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Сейнт Питър Порт () е административен център на Гърнси, както и главно пристанище на острова. Наслението му е 16 488 (2001).

Сейнт Питър Порт е енория, малък град със стръмни тесни улички. Пощенския код на тази енория започва с GY1.

География
Градът се намира на източното крайбрежие на Гърнси. Граничи със Сейнт Сампсън на север, Вейл на северозапад, Сейнт Андрюс на запад и Сейнт Мартин на юг.

Релеф
На север и около пристанището, релефът е равнинен, но на юг става много по-хълмисто (не толкова, колкото при Сейнт Мартин)

Гърнзи
Столици в Европа


text:
Kensington Gardens, 27 Princes Square, South Kensington, London W2 | 20 minutes walk from Paddington
This 180ft Victorian bronze gilt statue in Kensington Gardens is a tribute to Queen Victoria's husband, Prince Albert, and was erected following his death through typhoid at the age of 42. The Albert Memorial accurately captures a royal love story that, like the statue, has stood the test of time. The Queen's grief, and that of her public, was directed at the monument which reflected both the Prince's various public passions and Victorian achievements of the time.
Diana Memorial Fountain


text:
Front Cover Actor
Genre Action; Adventure; Fantasy
Director John Milius
Audience Rating R (Restricted)
Conan the Barbarian, the movie that turned Arnold Schwarzenegger into a global superstar, is a prime example of a match made in heaven. It's the movie that macho maverick writer-director John Milius was born to make, and Arnold was genetically engineered for his role as the muscle-bound, angst-ridden hero created in Robert E. Howard's pulp novels. Oliver Stone contributed to Milius's screenplay, and the production design by comic artist Ron Cobb represents a perfect cinematic realization of Howard's fantasy world. To avenge the murder of his parents, Conan tracks down the evil Thulsa Doom (James Earl Jones) with the help of Queen Valeria (played by buff B-movie vixen Sandahl Bergman) and Subotai the Mongol (Gerry Lopez). Aptly described by critic Roger Ebert as "the perfect fantasy for the alienated pre-adolescent," this blockbuster is just as enjoyable for adults who haven't lost their youthful imagination. --Jeff Shannon
Edition Collector's Edition
Color Closed-captioned Widescreen


text:
Ron Perelman puts Revlon to its own landmark test
Revlon redux
15 January 2016 By Reynolds Holding Follow @holdingren
Ron Perelman may be putting Revlon to its own landmark test. The billionaire investor is considering selling the cosmetics maker thirty years after acquiring it in a controversial court fight. His legacy is a bedrock M&A principle: Boards must get the best deal for shareholders.
The takeover battle for Revlon was one for the ages. In 1985, the company rejected an unsolicited offer from Perelman-controlled Pantry Pride and adopted a poison pill against further approaches. Pantry Pride then launched a hostile bid, and Revlon persuaded buyout shop Forstmann Little to swoop in with an offer. After the company rejected an even higher price from Perelman, he promptly sued.
The Delaware Supreme Court bought the investor's argument that Revlon's board had breached its duty to shareholders by blocking them from accepting his higher offer. The justices also established a rule that has guided transactions since. When it's clear a sale will occur, a board's duty shifts from essentially protecting the company to getting the best price.
The extent of that obligation is still a contentious issue, though. Delaware courts have recently ruled, for example, that sellers don't have to actively shop themselves before signing a deal. And boards can turn down a bid at the highest price if it has a low chance of closing.
In any event, Perelman may soon have to comply with the rule he has wrought. He encountered legal trouble in 2009, when he settled Securities and Exchange Commission accusations of misleading shareholders and independent directors in connection with a failed attempt to take Revlon private.
The company has struggled since, facing stiff competition from larger rivals like Estée Lauder and L'Oréal and a host of more niche and exclusive brands. Its sales have declined in the past three quarters, and in 2013 it said it would leave China, a huge market for beauty products.
Perelman and his investment firm, MacAndrews & Forbes – which owns a 77.6 percent stake in Revlon – will have their work cut out for them. No matter the outcome, however, the billionaire may be remembered as much for his contribution to corporate law as for his financial deeds.
Source: REUTERS/Athit Perawongmetha
Reuters: Perelman to seek strategic options for Revlon
Perelman latest to test Spac investor gullibility
Ron Perelman's lowball offer deserves skepticism
Billionaire investor Ron Perelman, the majority owner of Revlon, said on Jan. 14 that he would seek strategic alternatives for the cosmetics maker.
Perelman's investment company, MacAndrews & Forbes, disclosed in a filing with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission that it had not formulated any specific or definitive plan or proposal.
MacAndrews & Forbes has a 77.6 percent stake in the cosmetic company, which has a market capitalization of $1.32 billion.


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