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MANIFESTOMYTHMATERIAL
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by Niyi Adeogun
MANIFESTO STATEMENT
We were created to practice nonviolence as a way of life in the world.
Violence, Nonviolence, and Antiviolence
Andrea Smith
Andrea Smith is a cofounder of Evangelicals 4 Justice and a board member of the North American Institute for Indigenous Theological Studies. She is currently chair of the Ethnic Studies Department at UC Riverside. Her books include Conquest, Native Americans and the Christian Right, and Unreconciled
In 1989, the federal courts recognized the right of the Ojibwe in Wisconsin to spearfish in ceded territory. A number of anti-Indian hate groups soon formed such as Stop Treaty Abuse (STA) and Protect America's Rights and Resources (PARR). When the Ojibwe spearfishers attempted to spearfish, these groups would mobilize white people to flock to the boat landings, and physically and verbally harass them. They would shoot at the Chippewa, attempt to overturn their boats, and carried signs with racial slurs, such as "Save a Fish; Spear a Pregnant Squaw." In order to de-escalate the violence, Walt Bresette and others organized the Witness for Nonviolence program, which mobilized allies to stay at the boat landings with the Ojibwe spearfishers. These groups did not engage in acts of confrontation or violence; their mere presence in large numbers helped de-escalate the violence and create safety for the spearfishers.
During the late 1980s/early 1990s, I became involved through the Chicago chapter of Women of All Red Nations and the Indian Treaty Rights Committee. I helped organize volunteers from Chicago, trained them in nonviolent witnessing and helped with logistics in getting volunteers to Wisconsin. At the time, however, I was not convinced about nonviolence as a strategy. I was more sold on Malcolm X rather than Martin Luther King. And being at the boat landings with a bunch of white people shooting at you and hurling racial epithets at you doesn't inspire feelings of nonviolence. It felt like we were being overly passive when we should be standing up aggressively against anti-Native violence and hatred.
I eventually started to see that nonviolence as a strategy was not passive at all but could be very powerful. At one boat landing, the white mobs started to get very aggressive and started yelling, "Go home! Go home!" We started confronting them and yelling, "We ARE home! You go home!" Tensions started to escalate. However, one of the Native leaders reprimanded us and said, "Ignore them! We're going to have a pow wow instead." So the leaders brought out the drum and everyone started singing and dancing around the drum. Within 15 minutes, the white mobs got bored and left.
I eventually came to understand that the brilliance behind this program was the manner in which Bresette reconceptualized the struggle. In the beginning, it was easy to see the mobs of white sports fishers as the enemy. However, Bresette argued that Native peoples and their allies needed to look at this conflict in a broader context. It had recently become profitable for mining corporations to begin mining for natural resources in that area. However, the first attempts to begin mining were derailed by a united Indian and non-Indian opposition to the mining. The courts' recognition of the Ojibwe's right to hunt, fish, and gather posed an additional threat to these companies because if mining operations so degraded the environment that the Ojibwe could not hunt, fish and gather, then the Ojibwe were in a position to argue that such operations would be a violation of treaty rights. Consequently, argued Bresette, it is entirely possible that these mining companies are actually funding these hate groups. The problem is not these sports fishers, who actually have every bit as much to lose if mining companies come in and destroy their tourist economies. Rather, it is the mining companies who are probably promoting disunity in Northern Wisconsin so there will be less political opposition to their mining operations.
As a result, nonviolent witnesses were instructed to conduct themselves in such a way that would help defuse the violence, but that did not create such hostility among the sports fishers that it would become impossible to build alliances with them in the future. The people yelling at us today, we were told, could be our future allies.
As it happened, Exxon and Rio Algom began the process of opening a sulfite mine in Northern Wisconsin. The Midwest Treaty Network immediately began an educational tour that reached over 1,000 white residents in Northern Wisconsin to inform them of the importance of siding with the Ojibwe to stop Exxon. They and other organizations were so successful in mobilizing support to stop mining in Wisconsin among white people that Wisconsin's pro-mining governor at the time, Tommy Thompson, was compelled to sign a mining moratorium in 1997. Exxon then withdrew from northern Wisconsin in 1998. Of course, racial conflict has not ended in northern Wisconsin, nor have the threats posed by mining companies. Still, this effort is a very significant success in which the alliance-building done by a relatively small number of Native rights' groups were able to stop Exxon – a success not many groups can claim.
Violent and Nonviolent Postures
Many organizers rightfully critique nonviolence when it is used to strengthen the powerful. One example would be Peter Gelderloos's book, How Nonviolence Protects the State. A problem with some theories of nonviolence struggle is that it tends to render invisible the violence of the current political and economic system. For instance, when people in the Movement for Black Lives protest police brutality, they are deemed "violent," but the actions of the police that led to the protest are deemed business as usual. Furthermore, just living in the United States is an act of violence because we live in a system that was built on slavery and Indigenous genocide as well as the appropriation of resources from the Global South. In this respect, there really is no such thing as nonviolence because nobody can escape their complicity in the structures of violence that govern the world.
For this reason, organizations I have been involved in started describing themselves as "antiviolent" rather than "nonviolent," such as Incite! Feminists of Color Against Violence. That is, we express our commitment to ending structures of violence, while remaining aware of our current complicity in structures of violence and understanding that we cannot claim clean hands.
In addition, this position does not necessarily preclude us from engaging in acts of resistance that may be deemed "violent" by others, since we are aware that there is no way to avoid acting violently in our current political and economic system. When we have a rigid divide between violence and nonviolence, we can actually increase the demonization and disposability of others. That is, there are always going to be situations in which the moral action is unclear. Is it okay to kill someone who is trying to kill you? And then what counts as "trying to kill you"? Is it okay to engage in property damage to save a life? For other reasons? When faced with moral quandaries, the general response is to say that the action I want to engage in does not count as violence. The result, however, is that the persons negatively impacted by our actions gets erased from consideration because we put our actions in the category of "nonviolent." Instead, I have found it helpful to put all actions that negatively impact others in the category of "violence" and then understand that violence may sometimes be a necessary tragedy. That is, it becomes possible to engage in action because it might be a necessary step given the constraints in which we operate, and at the same time, we can mourn the losses that result from the action. Being able to mourn those losses enables us to always be struggling for how to create a world in which such actions would no longer feel necessary in the future.
An antiviolent posture can also help us develop a more holistic approach in terms of strategy. Instead of dividing "good" (i.e., nonviolent) strategies from "bad" (i.e., violent) strategies, we can address each strategy from the perspective of harm reduction. That is, there is no strategy that does not result in harm. Martin Luther King's strategies were premised on the idea that he knew nonviolent resistance would provide violence from the state and expose it to the larger public. People were certainly hurt by violence from these strategies. Nonetheless, his strategies were effective in helping to end formal racial segregation despite the harm that resulted.
Thus, we can evaluate each strategy in terms of its likely effectiveness in tension with the harm that is likely to result from that strategy. And we do not ignore or absolve ourselves of the harm that does result. Such an approach enables us to see all the losses that result from a particular strategy, to mourn those losses, even as we might still need to engage that particular strategy at a moment in time.
On the other hand, I see in some circles that strategies deemed more "violent" are often romanticized as the more revolutionary strategy. I remember some young aspiring activists talking about how they were willing to "die for the people." I replied, "That's great! But most organizing is actually slow and tedious, getting to know people and getting them involved. So are you willing to stuff envelopes for the people?" Sadly, they were not. Revolutionary chic often provides a distorted view of what organizing involves, and it often relies upon rendering the target of a violent action disposable. It is not a surprise that even when revolutionary movements are successful, they end up replicating the systems they were trying to end. This revolutionary chic framework also obscures the fact that many strategies deemed nonviolent can be much more effective. As historian Howard Zinn noted, revolutionary chic is often based on a few people being the true revolutionaries who need to engage in extreme actions. But if you actually do organizing work and get millions of people involved, then nonviolent strategies that might seem more passive can be very effective.
A New World Vision
If we disrupt the divide between violent and nonviolent action, we recognize that a world without violence is not simply about ceasing to engage in certain actions, but it is a positive project about creating new systems of care and relationality such that violence would start to be unthinkable. We need new economic, political, and social systems in which all are cared for, everyone is respected, and we recognize that we are related to each other.
One such example would be the statements issued by Indigenous peoples' organizations at the 2008 World Social Forum. These groups contended that the goal of indigenous struggle was not simply to fight for the survival of their particular peoples, but to transform the world so that it is governed through principles of participatory democracy rather than through colonial states. Their vision of nationhood required a radical reorientation toward land. All are welcome to live on the land, they asserted, but we must all live in a different relationship to the land. We must understand ourselves as peoples who must care for the land rather than control it. Furthermore, we have to understand ourselves as constituted through radical relationality to all people and all of creation. Instead of the western framework, in which I know who I am because I am not you, we must embrace the indigenous principles, I know who I am because of you and because of my relationships with you. From this epistemology arises a different understanding of nationhood. Rather than a nation-state model in which nations make exclusive claims to land, indigenous nationhood is premised on the principle that one's nation can only thrive when all other nations also thrive.
Similarly, we see the same theme in which land is understood to be God's. Some peoples may be bestowed the original instructions of how to care for the land, but they do not "own the land." In fact, as stated in Psalms 24:1, "The earth is the Lord's and all that is in it, the world, and those who live in it." We also read in Leviticus 25:23, "The land shall not be sold in perpetuity, for the land is mine; with me you are but aliens and tenants." From such a framework, we can begin to imagine new systems of the world in which we understand that we are all related. Because we are all related, we create new systems of governance that are not based on competing for land or resources which gives rise to violence, domination and control, but are based on ensuring the well-beings of all peoples and all of creation based on principles of justice, interrelatedness, respect, and mutuality.
I suggest that we no longer equate "nonviolence" with a specific set of strategies that are ethically pure and can easily be demarcated. Instead nonviolence signifies a world we wish to bring into being through radical imagining. Until we create that world, we can adopt a position of antiviolence in which we acknowledge our complicity and try to reduce harm around the structures of violence which are unavoidably constituted through today.
We express our commitment to ending structures of violence, while remaining aware of our current complicity in structures of violence and understanding that we cannot claim clean hands.
If we disrupt the divide between violent and nonviolent action, we recognize that a world without violence is not simply about ceasing to engage in certain actions, but it is a positive project about creating new systems of care and relationality such that violence would start to be unthinkable.
Nonviolence signifies a world we wish to bring into being through radical imagining.
REFLECTIONINSPIRATION
by Josue Carballo-Huertas
Jesus Among the Insurrectionists
Michael Stalcup
Michael Stalcup is a biracial Thai American missionary living in Bangkok, Thailand. His poetry has been published in Sojourners Magazine, First Things, Faithfully Magazine, and more. He co-leads Spirit & Scribe, a workshop integrating spiritual formation and writing craft. Read more of his poetry at michaelstalcup.com
View ScriptClose Script
The Suffering Servant suffers still:
Accosted by an angry mob again,
Not in Gethsemane with clubs and swords,
But Washington D.C. with guns and words
On signs: His name twisted, taken in vain,
Numbered among the rebels on the Hill.
They raise a cross — that tool of hate
Which Christ, refusing violence, once remade
Into a sign for peace, pointing us home,
Into a plowshare, sowing His shalom —
But here the cross recalls its primal shade,
Not far from where a noose and gallows wait.
In grief, Christ prays and urges us:
"Forgive them, for they know not what they do!"
"Judge them!" we protest, ready for a fight,
But darkness must be driven out by light.
Lord, help us love our enemies like You.
Have we not all been far more treasonous?
Come lead us, Prince of Peace, who stormed
Golgotha's hill, not armed with guns or swords
But with disarming love, dismantling
Authorities and powers, answering
Rebellion with ransom, war with words
Of "It is finished," death with life transformed.
by Mondo Scott
GIVING UP MY RIGHT TO VIOLENCE
Diana Oestreich
Soldier turned Peacemaker, Diana heard God's call to love her enemies in the most unlikely space: on the battlefield of the Iraq war. Diana is an activist, veteran, sexual assault nurse, and relentless practitioner of peace. Whether speaking across the country or in Iran and Iraq or at her son's middle school in Minnesota, she empowers us to identify political or religious divides to cross our own "enemy lines" in order to wage peace. Because God's justice and joy cannot wait. Diana is the founder of Waging Peace Project. Her book, Waging Peace: One Soldier's Story of Putting Love First, was Amazon's new release in war and peace. She lives on Ojibwa land on the shores of Lake Superior. Her family is woven together through adoption and a shared love of bad jokes and competitive card games.
"If you slow down or stop the convoy to avoid running over a child, you will be responsible for your fellow soldiers getting attacked. I hope you understand your duty," the Sergeant barked.
I'm 23 years old, in the middle of the invasion of the Iraq war. The Commander's words from the briefing was pummeling my insides. I believed in sacrificing to serve my country, even taking a life to save a life, but this? How could I choose between the lives of my fellow soldiers and an Iraqi child? Whose life would I protect, and whose would I take? I had one night to decide because the convoy was happening in the morning.
Back in my tent, laying on my cot, tears rolling down my face, my chest heaving under the tension, I whispered to God again, "I have to Jesus, I have to take a life to save a life."
Whatever he was going to ask of me, it was too late. I'd already given my allegiance to the uniform I was wearing. In that moment, a voice echoed back to me so clearly I froze, "But I love them Diana, I love them too."
Jesus' words pointed to something unfamiliar: nonviolence.
The tension melted, and it felt like I could breathe again. I knew it was the truth. Jesus commanded us to love our enemies. He took the sword out of Peter's hand, he disrupted every act of violence and said "this is not my way". If Jesus refused to pick up the tool of violence to make the world right again, who was I to use the tool he refused to touch?
"But I have to Jesus, I HAVE to take a life to save a life." This is what my little country Baptist church taught me, to take a life for my country is to serve God. Wearing the uniform was a family tradition and celebrated in my church and rural community. Why was God standing in front of my service, my loyalty to my country, and my "good works"?
In church I had been taught that Saul was zealous for the traditions of his forefathers. Saul believed he was making the crooked road straight by harming and killing followers of Jesus. He was admired and celebrated by his people and his faith. Likewise, my faith celebrated the uniform, being willing to sacrifice or kill for my country. I wore the uniform like my father and grandfather before him.
God was stepping in front of what I believed to be righteous, what my faith believed was a necessary evil, and what my country required of me. He was demanding that I love the way he loves. God was asking me to give up my right to violence, because he loved those I saw as enemies the same way he loved and tenderly cared for me and my future.
On the battlefield of the Iraq war, Jesus asked me to lay down my weapon and to love my enemy. He was inviting me to be a citizen of the Kingdom of heaven first and a citizen of my country second. The world tells us we can't live without using violence. Jesus interrupted violence; he refused to use it. In Matthew 5:43-45 he demands that we not only surrender our right to violence but to take up loving our enemy: "You have heard that it was said, 'You shall love your neighbor and hate your enemy.' But I say to you, love your enemies and pray for those who persecute you, so that you may be children of your Father in heaven."
We can live like Christ, but we can't take a life for Christ because he never did. Violence is our native tongue, it's the tool the world wields and a tradition that is passed down to us. Jesus never touched violence to mend the broken things of the world. Human history tells us we can't live without violence, that we need it, while Jesus tells us we won't truly live until we can give it up.
I don't know what it means to love my enemies, but refusing to harm them is a first step. I don't know why simple truths are so blurry or why it took a war for me to hear the God of love tell me to love instead of kill. But it did.
Laying down my weapon that night was my desert baptism. It's where I surrendered my rights and all my other allegiances. The right to put myself first, the right to kill to protect my life, my allegiance to put my country first at all costs - all of these rights went down under the water. God asked for my everything, even the things I believed were righteous, even the things I thought were good.
To follow Jesus I gave up all my other rights. My citizenship changed when I said yes to Jesus. I traded my American rights in order to live the way of Christ. My only debt is to love like Christ, to serve like Christ. God used the self-sacrificing love of Christ on the cross to unmake all the brokenness of the world. That's my only tool to make the crookedness of this world straight. To give my life away because that's how Jesus did it on the cross and healed the whole world.
Nonviolence is what transformed me. It liberated me. It also cost me dearly. The morning of the convoy, I stood trembling next to my truck. I didn't know if a child would get pushed in front of me that day, I didn't know if a battle buddy would be ambushed. The only thing I knew was the truth that if God loves my enemy, then I had no other choice but to love them too. I wrapped my fingers around that truth and prayed I'd have the strength to hold on to it. No child was pushed in front of my truck during the convoy. But now I was a soldier in the middle of a war told by God to love my enemy? That obedience cost me safety, security, and belonging in places I love. It still scares me knowing I'm sending my sons out into an angry and hurting world armed only with love.
Nonviolence means my faith is no longer a weapon I use to divide "us" from "them." Instead, it's a blank check. It's the posture of Jesus' self sacrificing love on the cross. Nonviolence is what I'm arming my sons with. This is the truest gift I can give them - an arrow to load in their bow and a solid bullseye to aim at. It's a posture to live from and love from. The power to decide ahead of time how they will show up for the neighbor nobody likes and how they respond to the bully on the playground or to the violence and uncertainty this world is going to ambush them with.
Nonviolence means my children refuse to see anyone as their enemy, as disposable, or outside our jurisdiction to love. I'm not going to shield my children from the violence of this world, because I don't want to shield them from an even bigger reality of a love that never fails. When violence is aimed at our neighbors, we stand in front of them because that's what Jesus did. When he saw the woman being stoned for adultery he interrupted the violence against her.
Choosing nonviolence is costly, but what it gives us in return is priceless: the freedom to say yes to Christ's call to love our enemies. I was preaching at a synagogue for a Veteran's Shabbat service recently when the Rabbi shyly approached me afterward and mentioned, "You know the call to love our enemies you mentioned? We don't have it in Judaism, it's only a Christian thing." A little embarrassed, as well as in shock, I let that sink in. Loving our enemies is what sets us apart and identifies us with Christ.
I went to war knowing what I would die for, but now I know what I'm living for. Jesus loves our enemies. Will we follow him and choose to love them too?
If Jesus refused to pick up the tool of violence to make the world right again, who was I to use the tool he refused to touch?
I don't know what it means to love my enemies, but refusing to harm them is a first step.
Choosing nonviolence is costly, but what it gives us in return is priceless: the freedom to say yes to Christ's call to love our enemies.
STORYINSPIRATION
A LITURGY OF NONVIOLENCE
Cole Arthur Riley
Cole Arthur Riley is a writer and liturgist who serves as the Content and Spiritual Formation Manager for a Center for Christian Studies at Cornell University called Chesterton House. She is the creator and writer of Black Liturgies, a project seeking to integrate the truths of Black dignity, lament, justice, and liberation into written prayer. She is currently working on a book with Penguin Random House to be released in 2022.
To be a Christian is to commit yourself to protecting the dignity of each person and piece of creation. Violence does not protect humanity, it demeans it. We will not make death from death.
Scripture:
They shall beat their swords into plowshares,
and their spears into pruning hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation,
neither shall they learn war any more;
but they shall all sit under their own vines and under their own fig trees,
and no one shall make them afraid;
for the mouth of the Lord of hosts has spoken.
Micah 4:3-4
God of the Garden, We thank you for being a Maker who grounds all of creation in sacred shalom. We thank you that our origin is one of harmony; each plant, star, and human woven together in cosmic dignity. As we contend with a world that has fallen out of balance — a world tormented by greed, injustice, death, and decay — would you ground us again in our holy beginnings? Make us people of deep mutuality, believing in our interconnectedness with every created thing. Remind us that even in the face of evil, our dignity is magnified as we realize the dignity of another. And as we move toward justice and liberation, may we look at tools of death with new imaginations, that we would become like You — capable of beholding the dust, and raising up beauty.
Breath Prayer:
INHALE
We will not be held by hatred.
God, let us make life from death.
MYTH >

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


With over 11,000 New Yorkers, proudly calling Staten Island home, it should come as no surprise that jobs on the island are often in high demand, and even in higher competition. While many Staten Islanders, like Frank Camuso choose to start their own business and are in fact, creating jobs for others. This new generation seems to have a strong focus on education and finding employment before they can even think about building a dream of their own.
Civil servants or employees represent over 70 city agencies, from teachers, firefighters, police officers, to parks workers, and sanitation workers, these jobs provide many Staten Islander's a level of stability previously unseen before. Frank Camuso having lived on the island for years, knows a number of firefighters and police officers. "It seems like more than half of my high school class became either a police officer, firefighter, or sanitation worker, it's a dream job for a lot of on Staten Island" said Frank Camuso. Despite his entrepreneurial spirit leading to a number of business ventures, including restaurants and more on the island, not many shares that drive or the "hustle" it takes.
With civil service jobs currently in high demand, thousands of hopeful's head to the new civil service testing center in St. George, trying for a shot at one of the few available spots. The last wave of testing saw over 79,941 individuals submit exams for everything from sanitation work, to the park's department. Many see the guarantee of a good salary, and the ability to retire with a pension as well as other benefits. This makes it hard to pass up, especially for a borough of people who have classically chosen early entry into the workforce over advanced education. With so many applicants and so few openings, many may have to adopt the entrepreneurial spirit of someone like Frank Camuso.
The first big hurdle in becoming an NYC civil servant is with the wait. In the months between July of 2016 and February of 2018, 227,429 people have taken civil service exams, 110,230 of such people took tests in 2016-2017 and 117,199 from 2017-2018 as of February. That's 7,000+ more applicants, and it seems like these numbers will continue to rise every year.
The sad news is that, while only a small number will pass the exam of their chosen field, an even smaller number will be chosen to join the ranks. After months, and in some cases years of waiting. Frank Camuso knew of a friend who came from a family of civil service workers, and not wanting to limit his chances he applied to multiple agencies; police, fire, parks and recreation, sanitation, and even an exam for train conductors.
He lived as a paraprofessional to mentally handicapped school children for over 10 years and unfortunately, he aged-out of the running before he could receive a call from the FDNY or NYPD. He is still hoping to hear back about becoming a train conductor having taken the exam in 2017. With such a slim chance at making it, it truly seems that the city of New York has turned becoming a civil servant a dream rather than a reality.
Are There Too Many Cars on Staten Island?
Copyright © Frank Camuso All rights reserved.


text:
Indian Hawks And The American Plan
The American President and his entire security apparatus do not generally welcome and make time for second-tier leaders. So what explains the special treatment for hardliners and known anti-Americans?
Mr. L. K. Advani, India's Home Minister, arrived in Washington, DC, on January 8, 2002 for a short visit. The official purpose of the visit was to meet with the U.S. Attorney General, Mr. John Ashcroft, but in reality his most important meetings were with President George Bush and the National Security Advisor, Dr. Condoleeza Rice. He also met with Gen. Colin Powell, and other officials from the State, Defense and Energy Departments. Mr. Kamal Pande, home secretary and Mr. K. P. Singh, the head of internal security agency (IB), accompanied Mr. Advani.
From the very outset, it was clear that this was no ordinary official visit. First of all, Indian home ministers do not go abroad for official business, and secondly, the American President and his entire security apparatus do not generally welcome and make time for second-tier leaders from other countries. Indeed, as reasons will become clear later on, it will also be obvious why another unusual event will occur next week when Mr. George Fernandes visits the U.S. Equally surprising is that neither Mr. Jaswant Singh nor Mr. Brajesh Misra, India's Foreign Minister and the National Security Advisor, respectively, are accompanying Mr. Advani.
To comprehend reasons for the visit, one has to understand the "high command" of the Indian decision making apparatus vis-a-vis national security. The highest decision making body is the Indian Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) consisting of Prime Minister Vajpayee, Mr. Advani, Mr. Fernandes, Mr. Jaswant Singh, Mr. Yashwant Sinha, and Mr. Brajesh Mishra. At issue is the "American Plan" for dealing with Islamic terrorism in the subcontinent with special focus on Jihadi groups engaged in cross-border terrorism in India.
The Plan is controversial because it is not obvious to India how such a plan can succeed in achieving its stated goals. Americans are making an extra effort to convince the Indian administration as they are concerned about an outbreak of a nuclear war much more seriously than either of the warring sides. They have, therefore, extended invitations to the "most hawkish" member and the "most anti-American" member of the CCS (relatively speaking) to visit Washington and discuss their apprehensions with principal enunciators of the American strategy.
Besides, both Mr. Advani and Mr. Fernandes have strong following in their respective constituencies in India that must be placated in order to buy into any American plan of action. This job could not have been done by Foreign or Finance Ministers or by Mr. Mishra, all of whom are viewed soft on political ideology (and are considered uniformly pro-American) and less credible to the NDA constituents.
The real purpose of Mr. Advani's visit was to receive a detailed briefing on the American Plan and Americans wanted to convince him that the Plan was credible in achieving both American and Indian objectives related to the war on terrorism. Indeed, in a press conference on January 12, Mr. Advani himself stated that one of the purposes of his visit was to "discuss ways to give effect to our common resolve to defeat terrorism decisively and speedily."
To understand the American Plan, one must first divorce American public official statements for their actual policy decisions. As much as Gen. Musharraf has a reputation of saying one thing and doing the other, it is actually Americans who have taken this doublespeak to exalted heights. Surprising, as it may appear to some, the Indian troop deployment along the border with Pakistan was exactly what Americans had hoped that India would do. It has furthered American interests and, according to policy makers in Washington, reaffirmed the logic of the American Plan.
Central to the American Plan is an undeniable fact that while the destruction of Taliban could be achieved by pursuing the war in Afghanistan, the destruction of al-Qaeda, central to American objectives, would not be possible without pursuing the war in Pakistan.
From the very outset, Americans have recognized that al-Qaeda has managed to operate with a mobile command center and its current theater of operation is the Afghanistan-Pakistan region. But pursuing a war with surrogates to minimize American casualties requires a different strategy than traditional military deployment. The help of Northern Alliance fighters in Afghanistan and of Pakistani troops in Pakistan is consistent with the American doctrine.
Pakistan, however, is no Afghanistan. Besides a well disciplined army potentially armed with nuclear weapons, Pakistan is more attractive on the side of the U.S. rather than against it. So while America has carefully refrained from making public statements against the Pakistani regime and graced it with lavish praise and financial assistance (tacitly recognizing that some of the funds will line pockets of the mighty), in private it has steadily turned the screws on Musharraf, and more importantly, the Pakistani military-intelligence complex into submitting to American wishes.
In dealing with Musharraf, Americans now recognize that three are three facets to every statement that he makes. What he says, what he actually means and what he can really accomplish are three entirely different things. This process of learning "Musharrafisms" began immediately after his initial strong support for America immediately following the September 11 tragedy. However, Pakistani policies showed no change, and only after a combination of American threats coupled with millions of dollars, did Mushharraf agree to displace active handlers of Taliban and al Qaeda leadership in the ruling junta.
For those in the American administration that were still on the fence in regards to Pakistan's true intentions, the moment of truth came when the top Taliban and al-Qaeda leadership slowly disappeared into Pakistan. Since deployment of American troops was ruled out, the squeeze on Musharraf was beginning to wear thin. The U.S. did not relish the prospect of losing its core objective in the war against terrorism, recognizing that elements of Pakistani military, intelligence and public were overtly and covertly in cahoots with Islamic terrorists.
Once India decided to deploy its troops at its borders, the U.S. actually encouraged Indians to make their deployment credible in terms of battle-ready formations. For once, the U.S. did not preach restraint, and instead used the Indian military build-up for its own benefit to pressure Pakistan in making new concessions to render the country inhospitable to the al-Qaeda movement and its leaders.
American message to Pakistan came through many channels, including communications from Chinese, British and Russian authorities, high profile visits of the Indian Home Minister to the U.S., and a U.S. Congressional delegation that visited Pakistan on January 8. The consequence of that pressure was a declaration by Gen. Musharraf on January 12 to change the course of Pakistan's centrality to global Jihad as laid out by Gen. Zia-ul-Haq nearly two decades back.
Musharraf said the right words from an American perspective, though American skepticism is no less than Indian in accepting the General's change of heart solely on his words. America, like India, is looking for his deeds and how he will follow through on his promises. This point is clearly shared by both the U.S. and India. After all, the last time that Gen. Musharraf used the words that "force cannot resolve the Kashmir issue and it must be settled through a dialogue" was what got the Agra Summit going. No one needs to be reminded of that fiasco.
But were Americans able to convince Mr. Advani that Musharraf's change of heart is exactly the prescription to the cross-border terrorism that has affected India as well as the United States? In a Press Conference in Washington on January 9, Mr. Advani listed four conditions that if met by Pakistan would demonstrate an act of good faith by India's irritant neighbor.
Of the four conditions, Gen. Musharraf met one condition very clearly ("categorical renunciation of terrorism"), one condition somewhat clearly ("close Jehadi training camps and stop assistance to terrorists"), one condition somewhat ambiguously ("stop infiltration of men and materiel into J&K"), and one condition was rejected ("hand over 20 terrorists on the Interpol list").
Interestingly, Mr. Advani laid no conditions related to the political issue of Kashmir, and hence General's words that "Kashmir runs in our veins" has no relevance in terms Pakistan's commitment, or lack thereof, to fighting Jehadi culture on its soil.
Mr. Advani, knowing that recent Indian posture has benefited the United States as much as India, should demand and receive more from Pakistan. Since the road to Islamabad runs through Washington, the U.S. must support (privately at least) that Pakistan's pronouncements while necessary, are not sufficient, to meet Indian concerns. The two "minimum" demands that India should make are: (a) Pakistan must immediately hand over (or facilitate the capture of) at least 14 or 15 individuals of Indian nationality listed among the 20 terrorists demanded by India, and (b) that Indian and Pakistani DGMO's immediately initiate discussions on agreeing jointly to steps necessary for preventing infiltration across the Indian border, including in J&K.
Until such steps are taken, India should continue its diplomatic, political and military pressure on Pakistan. Like the United States, India must turn the screws further on Pakistan to force it in making changes. The ruling junta, lacking political wisdom, is unable to gauge the intensity of Indian resolve without a show of force.
By all indications, Mr. Advani impressed his hosts in articulating India's security threats and political resolve with clarity and depth. The next phase of the diplomatic battle falls on Gen. Colin Powell when he visits the sub-continent on January 15.
If Pakistan does not agree to take additional steps beyond those announced by Gen. Musharraf on January 12, then it should be clear to both the United States and India that the moment of decision is near for India to act forcefully and decisively.
This article also appeared in the Outlook Please click here to view the same.


text:
Q: Snowflake/SQL Calculate distinct user Id count in trailing last 30 days for each date I am trying to get a daily count of distinct IDs in the last trailing 30 days.
The output should look like this:
DATE        Count(Distinct ID) Trailing Last 30D    Equation
2022-01-02  232                Distinct IDs in the last 30 days from 2022-01-02
2022-01-03  1231               [...]
2022-01-04  123
2022-01-05  242
2022-01-06  3432

However, from my query below - it does not return the correct distinct count of IDs from the last trailing 30 days. Can someone advise on how I should properly go about this? Is there a way to incorporate a window function to count the distinct count of IDs in the last trailing 30 days?
WITH DATE_SPINE AS (
    SELECT d.DATE
    FROM DATE d
    WHERE d.DATE BETWEEN '2022-01-01' AND '2022-05-01'
)
SELECT d.DATE,
       COUNT(DISTINCT IFF(u.EVENT_DATE >= d.DATE - INTERVAL '30 DAYS', ID, NULL)) AS TRAILING_30_MAU
FROM DATE_SPINE D
LEFT JOIN USERS u ON u.EVENT_DATE = d.DATE
GROUP BY 1
ORDER BY 1 DESC

A: Join with a list of the dates between the_date-29 and the_date, count:
with dates as (
    select distinct  o_orderdate a_date
    from SNOWFLAKE_SAMPLE_DATA.TPCH_SF1.ORDERS
)

select count(distinct o_custkey), a_date, count(distinct o_orderdate)
from SNOWFLAKE_SAMPLE_DATA.TPCH_SF1.ORDERS a
join dates b
on a.o_orderdate between b.a_date-29 and b.a_date
group by 2
order by 2
limit 100

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
COVID-19 and rent: What happens when you can't pay?
By Lindsay SheatherSusanne Rakoczy
The COVID-19 Legislation Amendment (Emergency Measures) Act 2020 (NSW), which came into effect on 25 March 2020, amended a number of acts including the Residential Tenancies Act 2010 (NSW). This has allowed the Minister to make regulations temporarily restricting a landlord's enforcement actions under a lease as a result of the impact of COVID-19 on a tenant's ability to perform its obligations.
As a result, the Residential Tenancies Amendment (COVID-19) Regulation 2020 (NSW) (Regulations) under the Residential Tenancies Act 2010 (NSW) came into effect on 15 April 2020.
With effect from 15 April 2020, landlords are prohibited from:
issuing a termination notice on an impacted tenant (being a member of a household impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic) or applying to the Tribunal for a termination order in respect of a beach of a residential tenancy agreement arising from an impacted tenant's failure to pay rent, water usage charges or other utility charges
listing the personal details of an impacted tenant (being a member of a household impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic) on a residential tenancy database due to the non-payment of rent, water usage charges or other utility charges payable under a residential tenancy agreement.
In addition, any termination notice given by a landlord to a tenant during the period 15 April 2020 to 14 October 2020 which operates to terminate a residential tenancy agreement:
at the end of a fixed term tenancy or periodic agreement
as a result of tenant breach (other than due to non-payment of rent, water usage charges or other utility charges)
which is in respect of a long-term tenancy where the tenant has been in occupation for 20 years or more, must give at least 90 days' notice of the termination.
What is a household impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic?
A household impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic is one where one or more of the rent payers has:
lost employment or income as a result of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic
had a reduction in work hours or income of at least 25% due to COVID-19
had to stop working or materially reduce their work hours because the rent payer, a member of the household or someone whom the rent payer cares for fall ill with COVID-19,
and, as a result, the weekly household income (comprising the total weekly income of all rent payers in the household, including any government payments) for the household has been reduced by 25% compared to the weekly household income for the household before the occurrence of any of the above matters.
Does that mean landlords cannot evict a tenant?
No – the prohibitions under the Regulations only apply to an impacted tenant.
However, a landlord may give a termination notice to an impacted tenant or apply for a termination order to be issued on an impacted tenant where it would otherwise be prohibited from doing so under the Regulations if:
the notice is given or the application to the Tribunal for a termination order is made at least 60 days after 15 April 2020
the landlord and impacted tenant have participated, in good faith, in formal rent negotiations
it is fair and reasonable in the circumstances of the case for the landlord to give the termination notice or apply for the order.
The landlord retains its rights under a residential tenancy agreement in respect of non-impacted tenants.
the above changes will be in effect for a temporary period of 6 months commencing 15 April 2020, unless extended
the above changes do not affect social housing
similar changes apply to Boarding Houses under the Boarding Houses Regulation 2013 (NSW).
Maddocks has produced guides to a range of legal issues raised by COVID-19. You can access these guides here.
Looking for guidance on these changes?
Get in touch with the Property & Development team.
Alicia Albury
Bronwyn Badcock
Lindsay Sheather
Industrial and logistics 2021 – Looking back and looking forward
By Nick Sparks
It has been another record-breaking year for the industrial and logistics property market. A lot of fun for those that...
The evolving Split Contract Model – Medium density in Greenfield development sites
By Nick Sparks, John Varos
Historically, townhouses would make up a relatively small proportion of product in master planned greenfield...
The impact of Windfall Gains Tax on regional property
By Mark Kemp, Adam Jaques
Introducing the new Environment Protection Regime in Victoria: What's different?
By Maria Marshall, Thy Nguyen
On 1 July 2021, the Environment Protection Act 2017 (new Act) came into force....


text:
Cross Currents: Family Law and Policy in the US and England
Sanford N. Katz, John Eekelaar, and Mavis MacLean
Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: March 2012
A Background to the Twentieth Century
1 How to Give the Present a Past? Family Law in the United States 1950–2000
2 Changing Family Patterns in England and Wales over the Last Fifty Years
3 A Century of the American Family
4 Family Policy in the Post-War Period
5 The Evolution of Family Policy in the United States after World War II
6 English Family Law since World War II: From Status to Chaos
B Establishing the Family
7 The Shadowlands: The Regulation of Human Reproduction in the United States
8 The Legal Regulation of Infertility Treatment in Britain
9 Parenthood in the United States
10 Marriage, Cohabitation, and Parenthood—from Contract to Status?
11 Marriage: An Institution in Transition and Redefinition
12 The Constitutionalization of American Family Law: The Case of the Right to Marry
13 Dual Systems of Adoption in the United States
14 English Adoption Law: Past, Present, and Future
C Regulating and Reorganizing the Family
15 Divorce in the United States
16 Divorce in England 1950–2000: A Moral Tale?
17 The Financial Incidents of Family Dissolution
18 Post-divorce Financial Obligations
19 The Status of Children: A Story of Emerging Rights
20 Disputing Children
21 The Law and Violence Against Women in the Family at Century's End: The US Experience
22 Violence Against Women in the Family
D The Family and Governmental Agencies
23 A Forum for Every Fuss: The Growth of Court Services and ADR Treatments for Family Law Cases in the United States
24 Access to Justice in Family Matters in Post-War Britain
25 Child Welfare Policy and Practice in the United States 1950–2000
26 From Curtis to Waterhouse: State Care and Child Protection in the UK 1945–2000
27 The Hague Children's Conventions: The Internationalization of Child Law
E . Epilogues
28 Individual Rights and Family Relationships
29 The End of an Era?
The Legal Regulation of Infertility Treatment in Britain
(p.165) 8 The Legal Regulation of Infertility Treatment in Britain
Cross Currents
Ruth Deech
The history of the regulation of in vitro fertilisation (IVF) in Britain reveals movement from control of embryo research to the regulation of infertility treatment in IVF centres and the monitoring of new assisted reproductive techniques (ART). Regulation was rooted in the need to allay widespread fears expressed by politicians, the media, the public, and the professions about embryo research, its morality, and its direction. The Act created was the first piece of legislation in Britain to regulate research and IVF clinics. Its origins can be found in the Warnock Report, commissioned by the government in response to public concern about IVF. Under the legislation, the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority (HFEA) was established ′to monitor and to regulate research and the provision of infertility services involving IVF and artificial insemination. One foreseeable development will be the elimination of disease and the addition of desirable characteristics to babies by use of preimplantation genetic diagnosis, cloning, and genetic manipulation.
Keywords: Britain, in vitro fertilisation, embryo research, media, politicians, regulation, Warnock Report, infertility, artificial insemination, assisted reproductive techniques


Sudan experiences "an unprecedented economic collapse", said Dr Ali El Haj, secretary-general of one of Sudan's opposition parties. He called for dealing with the Turkish Lira or the Chinese Yuan as substitute for the US Dollar, as a way out for the economy.
El Haj, secretary-general of the Popular Congress Party, called for the appointment of ministers of the economic sector "on the basis of efficiency rather than party affiliation". He said that government spending at the centre and state level should be reduced.
He also called for dealing with the Turkish Lira or the Chinese Yuan as substitute for the US Dollar, as a way out for the economy.
The Popular Congress Party has launched harsh criticism on the ruling National Congress Party (NCP), calling it "the biggest threat to the country". On Wednesday, in the Eid El Adha holiday, El Haj described the NCP as the biggest obstacle to peace.
Sudan's President Omar Al Bashir said in his speech on the occasion of Eid El Adha that he will drastically review the macroeconomic fundamentals. He also unveiled the existence of an ongoing review of state and federal institutions' structures as part of a new austerity drive that would see more cuts to diplomatic missions abroad.
This week the Central Bank of Sudan issued a decree instructing government agencies to shut down any commercial bank accounts denominated in foreign currency they may have and hand it to the Bank.


text:
The Art of Evil – Ten Villains to Know and Loathe (Part Two)
Posted by natechen on September 17, 2016
For the overview of what's going on here and the first four villains on the list check out this post.
6 – Captain Louis Renault (Casablanca)
Louis is a villain. Let's make that clear from the get go. He extorts money from businesses, abuses his power to carry on affairs with desperate women and shows no loyalty to anyone. He even conspires to see his prisoners murdered. He stands in the way of the heroic Victor Lazlo and frequently backs the greater villain, Major Strausser. His heart is his least vulnerable spot.
Yes, he is a villain redeemed. Even he can take only so much and finally breaks down and throws in his lot with Rick, Ilsa and Victor. But he was never, even for a second, a good person before.
Louis displays the full breadth of what can be accomplished with a good villain. What he does isn't good but it is understandable. He's over a barrel with the Nazis and with everyone else in town is getting theirs, why should Captain Renault be any different? We also understand why, when it comes down to the wire, he makes a break to the other side. He's had enough of seeing his friends on eggshells. He doesn't want to be looked down on anymore. And maybe it feels better to be a good guy than a bad guy, too. A lot of stories have tried to replicate Louis' character arc in the decades since Casablanca. What few of them understood was that his greatness as a sympathetic character is partly defined by his gleeful and almost entirely unrepentant villainy.
5 – Brigid O'Shaughnessy (The Maltese Falcon)
The greatest strategist on this list is also the original femme fatale. (Bet you weren't expecting that.) This classic villain takes Sam Spade and his partner on a wild ride from beginning to end, ruthlessly manipulating the detectives, cutting down enemies and dodging blame like a nonstick pan decades before Teflon would be invented.
O'Shaughnessy might be a surprising pick given how thoroughly all the characters in this story were outwitted – the prize they were fighting over was worthless, after all. She also doesn't seem like much of an opposing force. After all, she actually wants Sam to get the Falcon for her, so they're not working at odds… or so it would seem. But since she is the murderer of Sam's partner, and that's something he has to clear up as a matter of principle, they are at cross purposes, even if Sam doesn't know it.
Brigid is a study in understated villainy. While nothing she does seems bad on the surface once the full depths of her character is understood, the degree with which she's ruthlessly manipulated people for her own goals and the lack of feeling she shows when those she exploits die speak powerfully to how twisted she's become in her pursuit of the Falcon. She's a cold woman and has a well deserved spot on this list.
4 – Dio Brando (JoJo's Bizarre Adventure)
He murders a dog. He does it by tying up the animal and tossing it in a garbage incinerator to burn to death when the trash is disposed of. The sound of the poor creature kicking against the door as it burns will haunt you for life.
Not convinced of his villainy yet? He also poisoned his foster father, who had raised him with care and love. He tried to steal the Joestar (yes, really) family fortune from his foster brother and willingly became a vampire to facilitate his ambitions. He stole the body of Jonathan Joestar after killing him and, after a hundred years at the bottom of the ocean he returned with the power of Stand to threaten the Joestars once more. It would ultimately take three generations of the Joestar lineage to bring an end to Dio, a man of unfathomable talent, charisma and ambition but very little notion of human kindness or decency.
Much of Dio's impact lies in his presentation. From his arrogant boasting to his clever manipulations, Dio is always the spitting image of someone we have known and hated, whether for good reason or not. That very mundane kind of loathing, combined with his incredible power and generations spanning threat, combine to make him a very unsettling kind of evil. Dio is the kind of villain we all hope to eventually get away from.
He's also the reminder that we never really will. The sheer scope of Dio's life and impact on the world is staggering. Although it would take a hundred years and the efforts the six heroes known as the Stardust Crusaders to end Dio for good the results of his actions echoed through every chapter of JoJo's Bizarre Adventure, a comic that has run for nearly thirty years. While presentation earned him a spot on this list the sheer scope of his villainy is enough to push him to fourth place.
3 – Darth Vader (Star Wars Episodes IV, V, IV)
In 1977 Darth Vader walked through an airlock, over the bodies of his enemies and into cinema legend as one of the most recognizable villains to ever grace the silver screen. He projected menace and power, crushed his enemies and nearly pulled a hero from the path of righteousness. His silhouette alone is instantly recognizable. To bring him to life required the towering presence of a bodybuilder, with a stunt double to fill in for his lightsaber battles, two separate costume designers, one to build his suit and another to craft his skull like helmet, the boneshaking bass voice of James Earl Jones and a sound design team to add in the uncanny rasping of his breath. Any character portrayed in film is a mix of multiple contributors but Vader combined the parts so thoroughly, made each piece so much a part of the identity, that to remove one would be to destroy the character in his entirety. Like a chimera or Frankenstein's creature, Vader is many parts stitched together into a single whole. His very existence is somewhat monstrous.
Yes, I've said that all before. That doesn't make it any less true now.
But Vader is also an example of something else – he is a villain redeemed. In spite of his unsettling presence, no matter the depths of the evil we see him endorse, he's also a villain who is redeemed. From the human perspective redemption is not about atonement, which is a thing we cannot do, but about repentance. Many people have protested that simply saving the life of his son should not be enough to turn Darth Vader from the path of damnation because it couldn't make up for all the wrongs he'd done.
He let Alderaan blow up. In one of the few things the prequels did to increase the impact of the original trilogy, he murdered children. (You may now commence the hate.) Let's face facts – it wouldn't matter what Vader did it wouldn't make up for the wrong he'd done.
Vader's moment of redemption come's when he repents of his evil, demonstrates that by throwing off the evil that bound him (literally) and seeking forgiveness from the only person he could before he died – his son, Luke. In this character arc Darth Vader shows the tragedy of a true villain. For all his evil he never got close to peace or happiness.
2 – Legato Bluesummers (Trigun)
On the planet of Gunsmoke the descendants of a failed human colony fleet eek out a meager existence, doing their best to keep failing technology running while outlaws run rampant and threaten the peace. One of the greatest outlaws – supposedly – is Vash the Stampede, a gunslinger of superhuman abilities and endless bloodlust.
Or not. Vash is actually a goofball who would rather eat pancakes than shoot his gun and bends over backwards to keep everyone, even his enemies, alive to see another day. He loves life, his own and others, and he wants everyone to get all they can out of it.
Legato Bluesummers is his exact opposite.
As the commander of the Gung Ho Guns and the chief minion to Vash's sociopathic brother Millions Knives (yes, really) Legato has only one purpose in life: To show Vash that his philosophy is worthless.
Where Vash tries to lift people up and inspire them to perfect themselves, Legato's first attack is carried out by a man who was bought a slave and spent most of his life training to become a killing machine for the sole purpose of fighting Vash. Where Vash delights in times of peace for the people around him, Legato uses his powers to control them into forced suicides, reveling in the horror they feel as they realize they can no longer control themselves.
Did I not mention the Gung Ho Guns all have superhuman powers? They kind of need them to fight Vash. Even the names of Legato's subordinates are on point – Monev the Gale, Dominique the Cyclops, E.G. Mine, Rai-Dei the Blade, Leonof the Puppetmaster, Gray the Ninelives, Hoppered the Gauntlet, Zazie the Beast, Caine the Longshot, Midvalley the Hornfreak and Chapel the Evergreen.
But they all answer to Legato, and it's no wonder given that he can take over their body pretty much any time he wants. Ultimately, not even Vash can beat Legato's powers. Vash is immune to control, sure, but he has friends who aren't. And Legato doesn't need to kill Vash, he just needs to prove that Vash's commitment to not killing is untenable. So he asks Vash who should die.
And as Vash's finger squeezes the trigger, Legato smiles. When he dies, he's won.
Legato Bluesummers is the villain at his most horrifying. By standing against everything that's good in a hero he calls those values into question and by breaking the hero he reminds us that nothing is certain, even those things most worthwhile.
Legato is also the villain at his most necessary. Because when Vash slowly pieces himself back together, collects himself and asks if it's still worthwhile to stand by his values he decides it is. And that makes the story all the stronger. It's what makes Legato Bluesummers such a valuable villain to understand. And it's what makes him the strongest villain on this list, perhaps one of the best ever written.
So why is he number two? Well, my friends, that's because we need to talk about…
Baron Klaus Wolfenbach (Girl Genius)
When Bill and Barry Heterodyne traveled the length and breadth of Europe, saving towns, defeating monsters, discovering SCIENCE! and generally making the continent a better place, Klaus Wolfenbach was right beside them. When they united the continent and Bill got married Klaus went off to parts unknown. Three years later he returned with his son on his back to find his two best friends missing, his castle in ruins and all the old feuds raging once again.
That was when he decided, in his own words, "No more negotiations, no more second chances. We did it my way – and it worked."
Now Klaus Wolfenbach, lord of Castle Wolfenbach, keeper of the Pax Transylvania, rules all of Europe from the mountains of Romania to the walls of Paris. He expects local rulers to keep public works in order, does his best to keep taxes fair and generally tries not to intervene in local politics unless there's another childish spat brewing. There's no room for heroes in the Wolfenbach Empire, the Baron's troops have a handle on things – and Klaus has put all the monsters to work anyways, thankyouverymuch.
The Corbettites keep the trains running through the wastelands and most people can live halfway comfortably without ever having to leave their city-states. The exceptional can catch the eye of the Baron or a local Spark and turn their genius to science, so long as they leave certain kinds of research to the Baron. Life goes smoothly in the Wolfenbach Empire. It'd be nice if Klaus could enjoy it.
The strangest thing about Klaus is that the whole iron-booted overlord schtick doesn't sit well with him. He doesn't want to babysit petulant children like the local lords and ladies, he doesn't enjoy power half as much as his research, he hasn't seen his wife in years. But…
There are the Heterodynes. No one's sure what's happened to them and Klaus sure seems to miss his friends and he takes their legacy pretty seriously, to the point where he lets people write or perform any kind of nonsense about their adventures they want, no matter how bad he looks in the story (so long as it's funny), just to keep the legacy alive. And there's the Other, the mysterious being who waged war with all Europe for two years before vanishing into the mists of history along with the Heterodyne brothers. Perhaps most of all there's the sense of responsibility. He just can't seem to step away and leave Europe to ruin itself.
If that means he has to hunt possible Heterodyne heirs over hill and stream to make sure they stay out of trouble, seize any artifacts of the Other and incarcerate everyone related to them, carve his way through the Other's brainwashed servants, imprint his own personality on his son to keep him from the Other's influence and ultimately lock an entire town outside the flow of time…
Well, these are the compromises one must make.
Nothing demonstrates Klaus's potential for villainy than his treatment of his son, Gilgamesh. You see, Klaus is a good father. Maybe even a great one. He makes time for his son, teaches him the ropes of life, both as the ruler of a large nation and as a scientist. When Gil goes out and wins his first great battle Klaus drags himself out of his hospital bed, ignoring his doctor's orders, and watches it happen. As Gil emerges victorious he returns to bed, considering the pain and potential long term consequences of his actions a small price to pay for witnessing his son's success. He's a tough but fair and, in many ways, doting father.
That doesn't keep him from driving a wedge between Gil and his romantic interests and later engaging in preemptive brainwashing to keep Gil from being influenced by the Other.
Klaus is riddled with contradictions like this. He takes in the Heterodyne's minions, the Jaegers, because in the past they were feared across the continent. And he owes the Heterodynes, so he'll look after what's theirs. He then turns the Jaegers into his own personal storm troops and makes their reputation even worse. He keeps the peace with an iron heel that breeds even more unrest than existed in the past. He approaches every problem with an attitude and desires that are understandable, even normal. But his methods and the outcomes are frequently horrific.
Klaus is the everyman's villain. Not because he's normal – in fact, he's a spark, a mad genius with an intellectual capacity beyond the merely mortal. He comes from a long line of sparks and holds a hereditary title. He's charismatic, more than a little lucky, dresses great and has the respect of pretty much every other monster out there. But people can have all those things and never amount to anything. What drives him to villainy – friendship, idealism, family – those are things we all understand.
It makes his villainy all the more relatable, disappointing and, sometimes, inspiring. We'd all like to know or be someone like Klaus. It's very easy to say we wouldn't go as far as he would but, as the man himself reminds us, actually making good on that promise can be very hard.
The best part about Klaus is that his story isn't finished. That's the biggest reason he's a wildcard on this list, we don't know the full breadth of his plans, motives and circumstances yet. Until we do he could be anything – a villain, redeemed or otherwise, an antihero or even a hero in his own right, if a very dark one. Until we know for sure he has to be a bit of an enigma to us, and for this reason he's not officially ranked on this list. Although with all I've said, how could he be anything but the best?
This entry was posted in On Writing and tagged Brigid O'Shaughnessy, Darth Vader, Dio Brando, Klaus Wolfenbach, Legato Bluesummers, Louis Renault, On Writing, The Art of Villainy. Bookmark the permalink.
The Art of Evil – Ten Villains to Know and Loath (Part One)
The Art of Evil – For What Purpose?
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22 contestants made it to the very first auditions in 2009 for the Miss Africa USA Pageant. Contestants flew in to Atlanta from different States across America to audition for a spot at the Semi finals of the pageant hoping to make it thru to the finals. Auditions enable the pageant management to get to know the contestants, their different personalities while judges also assisted in the selection process.
Contestants came along with their families and friends to support them through the auditions. Various stages of assessment involving public speaking, exploring their different humanitarian platforms, information sharing, personal interviews with pageant management.
Contestant Coretha from Gabon introduces herself at audition dinner.
Auditions provide a great opportunity for the girls to discover themselves and build their confidence levels when facing an audience or the public. Initially most of the girls start off very shy but with a little bit of training and inspiration from one another, a great speaker develops. Its amazing.
Generally the August Auditions in 2009 went really well, very friendly contestants who were happy to bond with each other, girls who share one thing in common, an African heritage and what it means to be African growing up in America. The challenges and the benefits for young women are pretty similar.


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You are here:Home/CFO, Fintech/Investigating LATAM's Fintech Boom: Colombia
Investigating LATAM's Fintech Boom: Colombia
Tomás Jiménez2022-05-04T18:14:20+02:0009/05/2022|Categories: CFO, Fintech|Tags: Colombia|
Continuing our look at LATAM's Fintech markets, let's take a closer look at the regulatory and tax issues directly affecting Fintechs in Colombia.
Colombia has become one of LATAM's leading players in Fintech, and it's easy to see why if we simply look at smartphone usage figures. DataReportal's recent publication shows that 98.1% of Colombia's population now has a mobile phone, and 97.5% of these are smartphones, being used to access the internet an average of 5hrs per day.
At the end of 2020, Colombia hosted some 322 Fintechs offering online lending, payments, business finance and wealth tech, a 37% rise since 2017. Online lending is by far the biggest sector (30%), followed by digital payments (26%). Investors have contributed more than US$1 billion into Colombian Fintech in the last 3 years, US$300 million of which in the first five months of the pandemic.
Not only is the country ranked 45 of 83 of the countries analysed in Findexable's Global Fintech Rankings Report 2021, but this position puts Colombia fourth in the 22 countries of Latin America, just behind Brazil, Mexico and Uruguay. What's more, both Bogota and Medellin appear in the list of City Rankings – a major achievement given Medellin hosts just 2.5 million people! – and the city of Cali is a new entrant to the list this year.
Investors have contributed more than US$1 billion into Colombian Fintech in the last 3 years, US$300 million of which in the first five months of the pandemic
Industry trade body Colombia Fintech brings together over 250 innovation companies; 70% of which are Fintechs and the remaining 30% being firms that integrate the Fintech value chain through consulting, market research and traditional finance/tech services. Based in Bogota, Colombia Fintech hosts events, releases publications and works towards expanding the Colombian Fintech industry.
Although traditional banking and digital banking have the same backbone, there are laws and regulations that adjust the characteristics of each one to provide a process of greater transparency and control. Colombia has, however, been one of the most proactive LATAM jurisdictions for Fintech regulation. It was the first country to offer a 'regulatory sandbox', offering start-ups the chance to experiment under relaxed conditions.
These are the relevant regulatory and tax rules for Colombian Fintechs.
Existing legislation
There are several institutions and laws that regulate the Colombian financial system, housed in the Political Constitution; circulars of the Financial Superintendence of Colombia (SFC) and presidential decrees and sanctions which not only allow the expansion of the sector, but aim for more transparency between consumers, financial institutions and the government.
The SFC has been monitoring the technological evolution of the financial system in the country since the early 2000s. With the aim of seeking a balance in the use of digital banking, it established (in sub numeral 2.3.4.11 of Chapter I of Title II of Part I of the Basic Legal Circular – External Circular 029 of 2014) that, for all purposes, the financial services a consumer accesses using a mobile device but through a web browser and without association of the service to a mobile line are also considered as internet banking.
Law 1273 of 2009 further regulates the digital financial system in Colombia. It covers digital banking typifying computer crimes in Colombia, including infractions by and on electronic financial channels.
Subsequently, Law 1735 of 2014 was introduced in the search for greater financial inclusion. This created the Specialised Companies in Electronic Deposits and Payments (SEDPE), aimed at promoting population penetration through transactional financial products, such as transfers, payments, drafts and collection, and which would later be reinforced by Decree Number 1491 of 13 July 2015.
On 2 May 2019, the Colombian Congress approved the fast-track of licences for Fintechs, to make the constitutions of this type of company more flexible.
For both traditional and digital banking, a new tax reform (Law 2155 of 2021) lists an additional surcharge or tax that would apply only to financial institutions that have a taxable income equal to or greater than 120,000 UVT (Unidad de Valor Tributario, or Tax Value Unit) – which would be COP4,356,960,000 according to the value of the UVT of the year 2021 (c. US$1,101,128).
More, a special rate will apply between 2022 and 2025:
General Corporate Rental Rate: 35%
Surcharge: 3%
General rental rate for financial institutions: 38%
This surcharge will be collected through a 100% advance, calculated on the taxable basis of the income tax paid by the taxpayer for the previous taxable year, and is due in two equal instalments, according to the deadlines set in the corresponding tax calendar.
Article 65 of the Social Investment Law 2155 of 2021 details all the valid deductions and repeals, and orders the elimination of paragraph 1 of article 115 of the Tax Statute (ET) (which stated that the Industry and Commerce tax (ICA) discount would be to 100% from 2022 for both traditional and digital banking). However, in order to strengthen tax revenues and have a more efficient balance between territorial and national taxes, said ICA tax discount will remain at 50% for the taxable year 2022.
Financial institutions (both traditional and digital banking) settle the sales tax, applying the general rate of 19% to commissions and remunerations, with exceptions defined by law. Commissions and remuneration for banking services, therefore, are taxed at 19%.
On the other hand, commissions for the use of debit and credit cards, interest on credit, sale and purchase of foreign currency, and exchange operations on financial derivative instruments are exempt, in accordance with the national tax statute.
Auxadi can help with your Colombian operations. Get in touch with our Colombian team to see just how our accounting, tax and payroll services can make your life easier.
Daniela Diaz Quijano
Local Knowledge – International Coverage
Founded in 1979, Auxadi is a family-owned business working for multinational corporations, private equity funds and real estate funds. It's the leading firm in international accounting, tax compliance and payroll services management connecting Europe and the Americas with the rest of the world, offering services in 50 countries. Its client list includes many of the top 100 PERE companies. Headquartered in Madrid, with offices in US and further 22 international subsidiaries, Auxadi serves 1,500+ SPVs across 50 jurisdictions.
All information contained in this publication is up to date on 2022. This content has been prepared for general guidance on matters of interest only, and does not constitute professional advice. You should not act upon the information contained in this chart without obtaining specific professional advice.No representation or warranty (express or implied) is given as to the accuracy or completeness of the information contained in this content, and, to the extent permitted by law, AUXADI does not accept or assume any liability, responsibility or duty of care for any consequences of you or anyone else acting, or refraining to act, in reliance on the information contained in this chart or for any decision based on it.
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Week 3 Challenge: Show us what you're made of!!!
Give us more insight into your business with a 30 second behind the scenes video.
Last week we asked you to go out into your local community, talk to local food makers and food businesses and report back. It was great to see how many wonderful businesses are out there producing great food and we love how you have taken inspiration from them for your recipe and product.
The aim of GROW2CEO is to give students an insight into the food industry, from sourcing the raw ingredients (planting your rocket), researching your market (meeting local food businesses), to putting your ideas together and coming up with your business plan.
Which brings us to Challenge 3! Now don't worry, we don't expect you to write a business plan, but we do want you to tell us about what your recipe is, how you would bring it to market, make it stand out and sell it.
What is your recipe? Include this in your video if you have it, tell us about the ingredients, why you picked them, did you come up with the recipe yourself or is it a twist on an existing recipe?
Name your recipe (product), and if you want, come up with a business (brand name) – for example, Cully & Sully is a business (brand name), and their Creamy Tomato and Basil Soup is a recipe (product name).
How will you package your soup? What will make it stand out on the shelves, what's different about it?
Who do you think will buy your soup? How will you reach these customers? Would it be traditional radio, newspaper and TV advertising, or digital marketing through social media, or a combination of both.
You can include all or some of the above, tell us as much as you can, we want to see that you have thought about the process of food making, and how food gets from the kitchen to a supermarket shelf and into the hands of a customer.
Don't get bogged down by details – the beauty of this campaign is that you can dream as big as you like (within reason!), so don't worry about having facts and figures (although they can help too), just have fun, show us you've learned something and are enjoying it!


Flex is great to prototype.
Here's a little thing I've thrown together a while ago. Pick and create football-formations.
It features a couple of custom components like a JerseyEditor, a simple Color-Picker a formation list and some custom item renders.
You can adjust the formations on the fly entering any system you like. Try 4-4-2 if you're more in for a classical style, try 2-3-4-1 for an attacking lot or use drag and drop to adjust your own custom formation.
Clicking on a player opens up the editor so you can add your own players. And no, the colours of the jersey editor do not get passed over right now.


SMALL PAUL TRIBUTE and FUNDRAISER !!
LITCHFIELD PARK – Arts In The Park Series FINALE !!
Celebrating more than 20 years together, Cold Shott andthe Hurricane Horns are a local favorite. The eight-man band, founded by bassist Ted Kowal in 1990, features a three-man horn section and has performed at clubs such as the Rhythm Room, at community events and it has even opened for Eddie Money. They bring funk, blues, soul and R&B, always finding the right tune to get everyone dancing.
Runners-up: 74th Street Band, Black Bottom Lighters, Cait Brennan, Chuck E. Baby, Halocene, Jaleo Band, Str8Up Band, the Instant Classics, the Veragroove.
Congratulations to Cold Shott and the Hurricane Horns friends, family and fans.
COLD SHOTT and The Hurricane Horns NOMINATED !!
After 28 years of continual uninterrupted performance in ARIZONA,we have been nominated to the ARIZONA BLUES HALL OF FAME!!


The US president also credited Prime Minister Narendra Modi with bringing the country and all of its people together.
United States President Donald Trump on Friday commended India and Prime Minister Narendra Modi for the country's "astounding growth". He made the statement on the sidelines of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Vietnam, PTI reported.
Trump is currently on a five-nation tour in Asia and will head to the Philippines next.
Modi is scheduled to leave for the Philippines on Sunday to attend the Association of Southeast Asian Nations Summit and the East Asia summit.
Earlier in the day, Trump pushed for freedom of trade and economic openness in the Indo-Pacific region. He also warned that the US would no longer "tolerate chronic trade abuses".