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The Polish Republic of Untruth
Home / Issues / 2017 January-February / The Polish Republic of Untruth
by Konstanty Gebert January 12, 2017 in 2017 January-February, Politics, World
It didn't take long for the recently elected government to have a troubling impact on the state of the country's democracy.
by Konstanty Gebert
"Who murdered Kielce's Jews during the town pogrom?"
The woman asking the question, Monika Olejnik, is Poland's most popular TV host, an interviewer with a reputation for asking tough questions; her interviewee, a middle-aged woman, squirms nervously. This is not a trick question: The murder of 42 Jewish survivors of the Shoah by a Polish mob in the southeastern Polish town of Kielce on July 4, 1946, is a well-established fact. Nine participants were sentenced to death and executed. And yet, the woman being interviewed live, days after the 60th anniversary of the pogrom, is hemming and hawing.
"Well, there were different historical vicissitudes," she says with a tight smile.
"So who committed the crime?" Olejnik presses on.
"Anti-Semites."
"Meaning who? Were they Poles?"
"Well, Poles can't exactly be equated with anti-Semites."
Olejnik gives up. Earlier in the interview, she tried to have her guest address the Jedwabne massacre, which preceded the one in Kielce by five years. Jedwabne is equally well-documented, though the evidence became widely known only in 2000, following the publication of the book Neighbors by Polish historian Jan T. Gross. In 1941, immediately after the German conquest of Poland, the Polish inhabitants of the small town of Jedwabne herded several hundred of their Jewish neighbors into a barn and burned them alive. Despite these facts, the woman being interviewed didn't waver. "Jedwabne is a historical fact that has led to many misunderstandings and very biased opinions," she said.
"No, Poles burned Jews in a barn."
"That's your opinion, echoing the opinion of Mr. Gross."
This Monty Pythonesque dialogue would be troubling no matter who the participants were. But the fact that the interviewee is Anna Zalewska, Poland's minister of education, is chilling. She is a member of the government set up after the 2015 electoral victory of Law and Justice, the right-wing populist party led by Jarosław Kaczynski. Its short reign has fueled fears that Poland—long considered a poster child for post-communist transformation—is experiencing an illiberal backlash. After the fall of communism, Poland embraced democracy and free enterprise with a passion. This optimism came with more than a bit of arrogance—and with a total underappreciation of the pull of national glory and the dark appeal of conspiracy theories. All that was considered the baggage of the past, consigned to the garbage heap of history. It proved instead to be a harbinger.
Supporters of the National Radical Camp demonstrate against refugees in Wroclaw, Poland, November 18, 2015, by burning an effigy of an Orthodox Jew holding a European Union Flag.
The rise of the Law and Justice party began with a plane crash. In April 2010, a plane carrying Jarosław Kaczynski's twin brother, Lech, then Poland's president, and 96 members of the nation's elite—including members of the government, military and clergy—crashed in Smolensk, Russia, while attempting to land in bad weather. The delegation had been on its way to a commemoration of the 1940 massacre of 20,000 Polish officers by the Soviets. No one survived.
Although both Polish and Russian investigations at the time pointed to pilot error as the cause of the fatal crash, conspiracy theories soon arose—namely, that the crash was orchestrated by Russia, perhaps with help from the president's political enemies in Poland. These swirling rumors captured the imagination of the Polish public; Law and Justice, led by Kaczynski, used them as a way to destabilize the Civic Platform-led government. To be sure, it was not the only campaign talking point: Civic Platform, in power for eight years, had had its share of scandals and seemed indifferent to the social concerns of many Poles. Law and Justice offered voters social spending and national glory—and revenge.
The new government has repeatedly told Poles—and the world—that Poland has nothing to be ashamed of in its history, and that Poles should be free of the "pedagogy of shame" forced on them by previous governments.
To the surprise of half the country, it worked. The party's presidential candidate, Andrzej Duda, received just over half of the vote in the runoff, and Law and Justice itself received just under 38 percent of the vote (with a turnout of just over 50 percent), which translated to a little over half of the seats in Parliament—giving it an unassailable mandate to govern.
The changes came quickly. The new government ignored rulings of the Constitutional Tribunal (the equivalent of the U.S. Supreme Court) and declared the tribunal itself subject to its approval. Duda refused to recognize new judges elected to the court in the last days of the previous parliament, instead choosing his own judges after the ruling party pushed through new legislation that gave him greater say in who got the job. The president pardoned a former Law and Justice head of the Central Anticorruption Office, Mariusz Kaminski, while his case was in appeal. Kaminski had been sentenced to three years in jail for abuse of power during his investigation of an opposition politician, who later committed suicide. Following his pardon, Kaminski was appointed to head the Internal Security Agency. New laws threatening basic freedoms (for example, allowing electronic snooping without a warrant and admitting "fruit of the poisonous tree" evidence in court) were passed.
The media have suffered as well: More than 100 journalists were purged from public broadcast media, which was turned into a propaganda outlet. Public media's new head, Jacek Kurski, a former Law and Justice member of Parliament, cited steady public support for the party as proof he is doing a good job. Media critical of the government were accused of being in the service and pay of dark foreign forces and treasonous former elites.
These measures have sparked waves of protests: More than 200,000 people demonstrated against the government in Warsaw in May—the biggest protest since the fall of communism—an event organized by a newly formed grassroots civic organization, the Committee for the Defense of Democracy. Abroad, the European Commission, the European Union's governing body, censured the Polish government for its attacks on the independence of the judiciary and the media, and came close to voting on sanctions against it. Poland replied by telling the EU to mind its own business—which apparently did not include the state of affairs in Poland, a member since 2004.
The door has been opened wide to the introduction of what the new government has called one of its top priorities: polityka historyczna, or "history policy." Senior politicians, from the president and prime minister downward, have repeatedly told Poles—and the world—that Poland has nothing to be ashamed of in its history, and that Poles should be free of the "pedagogy of shame" forced on them by previous governments.
The term "pedagogy of shame" refers mainly to the official contrition expressed by Polish presidents and prime ministers, starting in the post-communist period, for crimes committed by Poles against their Jewish compatriots. In a policy of historical honesty, endorsed by governments both left- and right-wing, anti-Semitic crimes were acknowledged and condemned. This soul-searching and accounting was viewed on the international stage—as well as the Jewish one—first with incredulity and mistrust, then with growing appreciation and respect. Polish public opinion was another matter. Raised for generations with the (legitimate) belief that theirs was a martyred nation, many Poles found it increasingly hard to accept that their victimhood did not automatically grant them the moral high ground when it came to their behavior toward Jews during the Holocaust. The Poles are not unique in this mistaken assumption. But Poland is especially fraught because of its central position in the 20th-century killing fields, so aptly described by historian Timothy Snyder in his seminal book Bloodlands. Many Poles saw it as a zero-sum game wherein they had been transformed from victims to perpetrators.
In a televised presidential debate held before the May 2015 elections, Duda took advantage of this sentiment to attack incumbent Bronisław Komorowski of Civic Platform, who was elected following Lech Kaczynski's death. He asked Komorowski why, in a 2011 letter commemorating Jedwabne, he'd acknowledged that Poles perpetrated the massacre. "Mr. President, what does your policy of the defense of the good name of Poland look like, if in your declarations you use a formulation which destroys the real historical memory?"
Duda's words were craftily designed. He did not allege that Komorowski had lied, but rather that his words were an assault on Poland's good name. Therefore, Komorowski's retort—"Who does not acknowledge what happened in Jedwabne closes his eyes to historical truth"—while entirely correct, was also entirely off the mark. Duda had just comforted the voters by saying: I will defend your memory, while Komorowski will continue to threaten it.
A life-size dummy of a Hasidic Jew with sidelocks (which the perpetrator would later say symbolized George Soros), holding an EU flag, was set ablaze to laughter and applause.
What is truth, anyway? In the case of the Smolensk plane crash, Law and Justice voters believed the previous government had falsely attributed responsibility to Poles to cover up a Russian crime. Why, then, believe in Polish responsibility for other crimes? The Jews in Jedwabne could well have been murdered, as in innumerable other places, by Germans. Polish responsibility for the Kielce pogrom could have been a "provocation" (i.e. communists incited the pogrom to give the authorities a pretext to crack down, and to falsely paint Poles as anti-Semites). Just as in the case of Smolensk, apparently the historical record is a matter of opinion.
More broadly, the new Polish government has asked, "Whom should you believe?" Even national heroes can't be trusted. Take Lech Wałesa, the head of Solidarity and a Nobel Peace Prize winner, who served as Poland's president from 1990 to 1995. Today, leading Law and Justice figures, including Kaczynski, claim that Wałesa was a communist secret police agent, code-named "Bolek," who was following Moscow's orders while working to overthrow the regime.
This falsehood contains a grain of truth: Wałesa had, in fact, been intimidated into reporting to the secret police as a young man, but soon after he broke off all contact with the police, eventually becoming a worker activist. The idea of his overthrowing communist rule at the bidding of the communists is grotesque and implausible, but it serves a purpose: It undermines his credibility. As post-communist Poland's first president, he fired the Kaczynski brothers from his administration and has been an implacable adversary of the brothers ever since. If you accept the idea that Wałesa was a communist stooge, everything becomes possible. It becomes imaginable that the Polish government conspired with Russia to kill the Polish president and that the historical records of Jedwabne and Kielce are a farrago of anti-Polish slander. Why believe in anything at all?
By this logic, Jan Gross, who revealed the facts of Jedwabne to the public and then followed it up with a thorough study of Kielce and postwar anti-Semitic violence, is not a groundbreaking historian, but a liar. In 1996, he received Poland's Order of Merit for his historic research on Polish suffering under Soviet occupation. In 2015, the president's office announced it was considering rescinding the decoration. No decision has been made, but Gross is also under investigation for the possible crime of having slandered the Polish nation. "The unresolved situation concerning Jan Gross's order seems characteristic of creating ongoing open, still-pending, cases," says Anna Chipczynska, a human rights lawyer who is the chair of the Warsaw Jewish Community. "This generates anxiety; no one knows what other issues can become politicized."
Protesters sing Poland's national anthem during an antigovernment demonstration in Warsaw, Poland, December 17, 2016.
Just a few days before the commemoration of the 75th anniversary of the Jedwabne massacre, Kaczynski made an unexpected appearance in Białystok, at a ceremony honoring the several thousand Jews burned alive by Germans in the city's Great Synagogue. After laying a bouquet of flowers on the spot, he spoke about the need to remember that this crime was "the fault of the German state and of the German nation, which supported Adolf Hitler." While he did concede that "on the side of other nations of Europe, also on the side of the Polish nation, shameful and criminal acts were perpetrated," he reiterated that "the [German] guilt is clear, determined and one has to speak about it." This guilt cannot be overshadowed by Jedwabne, he said, "a crime that occurred but has been presented in a way that has nothing to do with its real course, with the facts."
This unsubstantiated remark was echoed by Jarosław Szarek, the new president of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN)—a state research institute specializing in the examination of crimes committed by the Nazi and communist regimes in Poland from 1939 to 1989. When Szarek was still a candidate for the job, he stated unequivocally that responsibility for Jedwabne lies with "the Germans, who had in their own machinery of terror used, under duress, a group of Poles." Since appointed, he has mitigated his views somewhat. But meanwhile, the government is preparing a law that would stifle any discussion of past crimes Poles committed against Jews. It would impose a penalty of up to three years in jail for the use of the term "Polish camps" instead of "Nazi camps," and for alleging that "the Polish nation" shared responsibility for "German Nazi crimes." Chipczynska is one of the many concerned by the implications of such a law. "It would make it impossible to discuss relevant issues, such as the teaching about the Holocaust or about Polish-Jewish relations," she says. "People will fear that anything they say may be construed as contravening Poland's raison d'état."
Chief Rabbi Michael Schudrich, a native New Yorker whose entire adult life is bound up with Poland—and whose citizenship he holds—takes a more nuanced view: "To say that there were Polish death camps in the sense of camps run by Poles, or to imply that the Polish government had any responsibility for German camps, would be historical fraud," he says. "But if [this law] is meant in the broad sense, then the first person to be investigated should be President Andrzej Duda, for his speeches in Markowa and in Kielce."
President Duda wants Poland to have good relations with Jews, yet he is also concerned that he might lose a part of his constituency if he follows these goals. This balancing act is a challenge.
Schudrich is referring to the rare times Duda spoke publicly about World War II-era crimes Poles committed against Jews. In the village of Markowa at the opening of the Museum of the Ulma Family, Duda said clearly: "We must convey the truth about the Holocaust…the truth about heroism, but sometimes also the sad truth about nastiness." The Ulmas were non-Jews who in 1944 were murdered by Germans, together with their children and the two Jewish families they were protecting. Last year, the government helped open a museum at the Ulma farm to honor Polish non-Jews who saved Jews during World War II. And although Duda may have acknowledged Polish individual guilt, his main focus was on Polish heroism toward Jews during World War II, a fact he is so proud of that just a few days later, when opening an exhibition on Righteous Polish Gentiles at the Catholic University in Lisbon, he inflated their number to "several hundreds of thousands." The number recognized by Yad Vashem, a conservative estimate, is 6,620.
Jarosław Kaczynski speaks in 2013 at the third anniversary of the funeral of his brother, Lech, in Krakow, Poland.
On November 11, 2015, Poland's independence day, more than 35,000 people participated in an extreme-right demonstration in Warsaw, many more than attended the official commemoration ceremonies. In the western Polish city of Wrocław, several dozen people gathered at a similar rally under the auspices of the fascist National Radical Camp party. The National Radical Camp has a long history in Poland. A fascist movement formed in 1934, it was found unconstitutional and banned by the Polish authorities a few months later. It was re-established in 1989 and for many years remained a fringe group. But in recent years it has been gaining prominence with the rising tide in anti-
migrant and anti-Muslim sentiment. At the Wrocław demonstration, participants chanted, "Poland: not Islamic, not secular, but Catholic," and "Islam, fuck off." At the conclusion of the event, a life-size effigy of a Hasidic Jew with sidelocks (which the perpetrator would later say symbolized George Soros, the regime's bête noire, for his support of democratic NGOs), holding an EU flag, was set ablaze to laughter and applause.
Then, in April, the National Radical Camp commemorated the anniversary of its founding with a mass held in the cathedral of the city of Białystok, bedecked for the occasion with party flags. After the mass, Father Jacek Miedlar, a Catholic priest who considers himself the chaplain of the extreme right and ends his sermons with a Nazi salute, warned participants to beware of "Jewish cowardice" and ignore accusations leveled by "Jewish scum." Miedlar, who has since been expelled from his religious order (but not from the priesthood) for "insubordination," had earlier warned of the threat of "genocide of Europe at the hands of Zionists and Islamists." Taking his warnings to heart, hundreds of National Radical Camp* members marched down the city's main street, chanting "In the spring Zionists, instead of leaves, will hang from trees." (It rhymes in Polish.)
Although the mayor of Wrocław and its local bishop have both condemned the effigy-burning, the ruling party, the government and the president have not reacted. The prosecutor's office eventually decided not to indict the organizers of the National Radical Camp event, deciding that no laws had been broken. "It boggles the imagination that the prosecutor, in the case of Father Jacek Miedlar's sermon in Białystok and of the march that followed, could say that there is no basis for prosecution," says Schudrich. "Having seen the video of the march in which the slogan about 'hanging Zionists' was chanted, I can only say: If that is not incitement to racial hatred, what is?"
Schudrich's outrage is widely shared by other members of the Jewish community. Sergiusz Kowalski, a former dissident who now chairs B'nai B'rith Poland, does not mince his words: "The Law and Justice government declares it is not anti-Semitic. But what counts is what one does, not what one says," he stresses. "The government had until now only tolerated the anti-Semitism of its supporters, but the refusal to prosecute the obvious incitement during National Radical Camp's Białystok event is a step further toward endorsing anti-Semitism. And it is impossible to separate this from the privileged presence of National Radical Camp at state functions. This is a clear invitation of anti-Semitic extremists into the mainstream."
Minister Wojciech Kolarski, undersecretary of state in the president's administration and the Jewish community's main contact, counters that these events are anomalies: "Poles do not accept such behavior. If it occurs, these are individual cases, far removed from prevailing attitudes in our country." He adds, "Anti-Semitism has no nationality. Anti-Semites happen in every community—unfortunately, in Polish society as well." To Kolarski, what's important "is that they are met with the proper reaction, both from the authorities and from civil society."
But politicians who have rebuked the party's handling of such events have faced repercussions. At the 73rd anniversary of the Warsaw Ghetto uprising, in April 2016, Duda gave a speech praising the heroism of the insurgents and commemorating the Shoah but steering clear of all contemporary or controversial issues. Warsaw Mayor Hanna Gronkiewicz-Waltz, a member of the opposition Civic Platform, speaking after him, denounced the presence of racism, anti-Semitism and extremism in Polish public life and the silence of the Polish political class. Soon after, Gronkiewicz-Waltz was denounced by government politicians and media for defaming Poland in front of the world and manipulating "the tragedy of the ghetto" to do so. Former conservative Civic Platform politician Jan Rokita claimed (falsely) that French President Francois Hollande "does not go around condemning anti-Semitic incidents, which is why France does not get called anti-Semitic"—while Poland, unfairly, does. Gronkiewicz-Waltz is one of nine Polish mayors who have signed the American Jewish Committee's Mayors United Against Anti-Semitism statement. With one exception, they are all members of opposition parties. The intensity of the attack on Gronkiewicz-Waltz is a prime example of the Law and Justice propaganda signature: If someone criticizes it, the critic, not that which is being criticized, is to blame.
It should be noted—and often is by Polish officials—that physical violence against Jews is all but unknown in contemporary Poland. "While we do see a rise in anti-Semitism, the number of serious incidents has remained constant and low. Poland is not Malmö [Sweden]; it is safe for Jews," says Artur Hofman, chairman of the Socio-Cultural Association of Jews in Poland.
"I think that President Duda really wants Poland to have good relations with Jews, and that the Jewish heritage is important for Poland," says Schudrich. "Yet he is also concerned that he might lose a part of his constituency if he follows these goals. This balancing act is a challenge, but I believe we should engage with him and see where he ultimately stands."
Hofman sees things similarly. "I assume that President Andrzej Duda's declarations regarding Jews are sincere. The government does not have an interest in promoting anti-Semitism," he says. "But there is a contradiction between their stated intention of having 'the Polish nation rise from its knees' and their attacks on 'Jew communism' and alleged Jewish wrongs committed against Poland and an honest accounting for wrongs committed by Poles against Jews."
When the president visited the recently opened Polin Museum of the History of Polish Jews in Warsaw, he declared himself delighted by what he saw, saying that "all the youth in Poland should visit that museum." Other positive developments have occurred. "We have observed a greater sensitivity of the new Ministry of Culture regarding issues related to cemeteries, their maintenance and preservation of their integrity," says Schudrich. Warsaw's Jewish community leader Chipczynska agrees: "It would seem that religious people, and Law and Justice has many Catholics, recognize the religious imperatives of others, be they of a different faith," he says. "They make good dialogue partners."
The Polish government has also demonstrated strong public support of Israel. During Kaczynski's visit to the synagogue in Białystok, he said, "We have today in Europe a great wave of anti-Semitism, at times completely overt, at times completely covert, concentrating on attacks on the State of Israel. Well, let us remember: the State of Israel is the beachhead of our culture in that world, with which we have to cooperate." Minister of Defense Antoni Macierewicz, when visiting Israel in April, was even more forthright in his praise of the Jewish state, saying, "Poland shares with Israel the same values and the same goals."
Poland has become a vocal ally for Israel in the EU, as the Foreign Ministry makes sure to let me know in an emailed response to my questions: "We are making efforts to counteract negative phenomena which we sometimes see in Europe: We counteract anti-Semitism, but we also condemn the BDS movement—in Poland it is practically insignificant—and other cases of the discrimination and stigmatization of Israel. In discussions in EU bodies and in other international organizations, we consistently present a balanced position on the Middle East peace process, and support the development of EU-Israel cooperation."
When Polish Prime Minister Beata Szydło went with a delegation to Israel on an official visit in November—the two countries are negotiating an arms agreement—the joint statement published following an Israeli-Polish cabinet meeting contained no direct references to the rise of anti-Semitism in Poland, nor to the new government's "history policy." This generated some protests in Israel. Knesset member Dov Khenin, head of the Knesset caucus for Holocaust survivors, criticized the agreement in Haaretz, saying, "The Polish government is working to erase this dark chapter from its history, rather than acknowledge it and study it. The Israeli government yesterday signed an agreement that legitimizes this."
After Minister Zalewska's interview, multiple Polish Jewish organizations reached out to her. Together with the director of Polin Museum, they invited her to visit the museum to learn about the history of the Kielce pogrom. She never replied to the invitation. "We deeply believe that a person remains a student all their life," says Rabbi Schudrich. "This includes the minister of education as well. We are still ready to engage the minister and educate her." Adds Chipczynska, "She sees issues such as Kielce or Jedwabne as political, not historical. The fact that she has not to this day responded to the invitation to visit Polin is extremely disappointing to us."
In another interview, six weeks later, Zalewska conceded Polish "co-responsibility" for the murders, but her response was less than clear. The journalist pushed her: "Someone had to set fire to the barn, and you still do not know who. IPN knows, the president knows—and the minister of education doesn't?" asked an incredulous journalist. "Of course, yes," the minister answered, "and we speak about this, that these places, these situations, should not be treated as the sole source of knowledge about Polish behavior toward Jews. I remind you that the [Polish] Underground State [under German occupation] punished people for murdering Jews. Therefore do let us speak about the participation of Poles in dramas and pogroms, but in historical context."
Yet the Polish education minister still genuinely seems not to know who killed Jews in Jedwabne and Kielce; apparently, the narrative has not yet been decided upon. Different versions are being floated, and nobody knows which one will ultimately be chosen. The same is true of the Smolensk plane crash. What really happened has not yet been decided. An explosion on board? Two explosions? Artificial mist sprayed by a Russian plane to confuse the pilot? Misleading information from the Russian control tower? Even with Wałesa, details are vague. Did he stop being an agent in 1981? 1989? Or maybe he never stopped and is following his controllers' orders to this very day?
One thing, however, is certain. Under the new government, Wałesa was never a hero, Smolensk was not an accident and Jews in Jedwabne were not killed by Polish anti-Semites. And this is what Polish children will be learning in school; the minister of education will make sure of it.
Enjoy this article? Read Letter From Whitefish and New Winds Blow In.
*Due to an editing error, the article misstated that "Law and Justice party members marched down the city's main street chanting 'In the spring Zionists, instead of leaves, will hang from trees.'" It was National Radical Camp party members.
anti-SemitismHistoryHolocaustNazineo-naziprotest
Dariusz Starczewski 18:56h, 16 January Reply
That march of Law and Justice and the chants is an untrue, it never happened and is worse propaganda than this party itself spreads these days in Poland. Those busters don't even have any uniforms.
It should also be explain here that it is Kaczynski that runs the whole show in the country and that Prezydent Duda and the government is nothing else than a puppet of his. Duda is coming to Israel but really it should be Kaczynski. However since this crazy man isn't much of a traveler it won't happen soon.
He rather stay home and keep making a mess out of Poland and it's democracy.
Gordon Black 02:12h, 18 January Reply
The forensic investigation at Jedwabne was terminated abruptly upon discovery of German bullets in the graves. A Polish president had apologized for the crime, but prior to the investigation.
From the Daily Forward newspaper of 9/17/14: "'Jedwabne was ultimately a missed opportunity,' Jan Gross, the Princeton historian whose research triggered the 2001 debate, told JTA [Jewish Telegraphic Agency]. 'Some important findings were recovered, but questions persisted because the probe was interrupted before basic facts could be recovered.'"
http://forward.com/news/breaking-news/205930/polish-jews-split-over-exhuming-nazi-massacre-vict/
Even earlier, at his Colin Miller Memorial Lecture of 2003 at UC Berkeley, chaired by historian John Connelly, Prof. Gross conceded that the forensic investigation had been prematurely terminated. "And had it not been prematurely terminated, than we would really know." Hence we do not really know. Kostanty Gebert does not really know. The truth lies buried at Jedwabne. The forensic investigation must be resumed and completed.
The plane crash at Jedwabne lacks investigation. Standard procedure is to reassemble the wreckage on a framework and inspect it. Why has this indispensable procedure not yet been done?
The Soviet-managed massacre at Kielce needs more attention as well. It undercut western sympathy at the time that the Soviet Russian occupation army imposed a Soviet puppet government in Poland, contravening Stalin's assurances given at Yalta to Roosevelt and Churchill. The Poles were falsely and absurdly represented as having voted in favor of the puppet occupation regime.
Truth, Pan Kostek? A good idea. Let's work for it.
Correction: In the fourth paragraph, "The plane crash at Jedwabne lacks investigation," should of course read, "The plane crash at Smolensk lacks investigation." -GB.
Dorian 05:03h, 28 January Reply
Poland is responsible for the events in their area before the German occupation (before 1939) and after the end of the occupation of the Soviet Union (after 1989)
Who does not understand this – is an idiot.
Martina Moravcova 02:24h, 01 February Reply
Artur Hofman:
… Jewish wrongs committed against Poland and an honest accounting for wrongs committed by Poles against Jews."
As long as we are not ready to an honest, research based public debate about wrongdoings of Jewish citizens of Poland we make a mistake of outsourcing this discussion to antisemites. And fueling antisemitism.
Polish Republic of untruth, pan Kostek?
Vera 12:54h, 01 February Reply
Poland is not responsible for anything. Neither before WWII, nor after the Soviet occupation.
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Week 5 of Bachelor in Paradise Season 3 proved to be a total game changer on so many levels. Need Bachelor in Paradise spoilers? You're in the right place. This week wrapped up with a departure of epic proportions followed by a couple taking their relationship to the next level. Things are going to get even more interesting as the remaining cast nears the end of time to find love in Paradise. So much happened, so let's cut right to the action. Here is a recap of the events from Season 3, episode 8.
Caila proves her mind is made up about leaving Paradise by packing up and heading out. There is no hope for a relationship with Jared when Ashley I. and her tears are constantly lingering about. This has been confirmed over and over again. Jared wants to make things work with Caila and a meltdown from Ashley isn't powerful enough to stop him from leaving to give things a shot. In a chivalrous move, Jared chases after the van taking Caila away and jumps in to see if a happily ever after is possible outside of Paradise.
With Caila and Jared gone, one would think Ashley I. would be near devastation indulging in nightmares of their possible happily ever after, but she is too busy trying to act like the cool girl in front of Wells. Nick reminds her she can quickly become clingy and possessive and not to let it effect her blossoming relationship with the Talking Heads loving DJ. This was already tested when he went out with Jami. To make matters worse, two more bachelorettes arrive in Paradise and of course they are both beautiful Bachelor Season 20 contestants. Lauren H., a bubbly, blonde teacher and Shushanna, a sassy Russian, enter Paradise and set their sights on Brett (The Lamp Guy) and Wells for a surfing double date. This sends Izzy into a bit of a tailspin since she broke off her relationship with Vinny for Brett. Ashley and Jami bond over their love for Wells and mutual sadness for his being on a date with someone else. They have every right to be a little nervous as Wells hits it off with the newbie and becomes very confused with which woman he has the strongest feelings for. With a rose ceremony coming up where the men have the power, he better figure out where his heart lays quick.
Amanda and Josh get away from the drama and go on a romantic one-on-one date in Mexico. Amanda wants to see if she is ready to get engaged to this man she is falling in love with. The fireworks and Josh's expression of his mutual feelings make Amanda feel like she is walking on air. This is the most romantic moment of her life. All signs point to Paradise ending in a proposal for the couple. Amanda is Team Josh and she doesn't care what anyone thinks.
Next week on the dramatic two-night finale of Bachelor in Paradise Season 3, the men start looking at rings and some propose while other couples decide to leave their love behind with the crabs on the beaches of Mexico. This means lots of heartbreak, tears and life changing decisions as the third edition of Paradise comes to an end. See it all go down when the drama continues next on all new episodes of Bachelor in Paradise MONDAYS and TUESDAYS 8|7c on ABC and don't forget to watch After Paradise TUESDAYS 9|8c for more juicy goodness from your favorite Bachelor in Paradise castmembers.


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Home Trends Donald Trump in barbs, roles at recent Emmy Awards show
Donald Trump in barbs, roles at recent Emmy Awards show
The Emmy Awards cast President Donald Trump in a key supporting role, and the president's preferred medium provided fertile terrain for satirizing and commenting upon the political moment, a mood that permeated everything from host Stephen Colbert's monologue to the diverse winners and onstage banter.
Colbert — a beneficiary of anti-Trump sentiment with the surge in ratings for his "Late Show" — made Trump a centerpiece of his opening material and song. Indeed, he blamed Emmy voters for depriving Trump of an award during his "Apprentice" days that might have kept him out of politics, saying, "I thought you people liked morally compromised antiheroes," later adding, "Unlike the presidency, Emmys go to the winner of the popular vote."
Still, those not-entirely-unexpected gags (Colbert joked about having the "courage" to lampoon Trump in a room whose politics tilt heavily left), and a genuinely surprising appearance by former White House press secretary Sean Spicer, were only the tip of the iceberg. The president's presence hovered throughout the evening, beginning with "Saturday Night Live's" strong showing, honoring Alec Baldwin — who played Trump on the show — and Kate McKinnon, who thanked her alter ego, Hillary Clinton, for her grace.
"At long last, Mr. President, here is your Emmy," Baldwin quipped in his acceptance speech.
ALSO SEE: EFCC arrests 8 for posing as Americans to defraud people
Trump-themed barbs came from various directions, including a reunion of "Nine to Five" stars Lily Tomlin, Jane Fonda and Dolly Parton, who spoke of giving a bigot his comeuppance then and now; and "Veep's" Julia Louis-Dreyfus, who dryly suggested an impeachment storyline was jettisoned because the writers feared someone else might beat the HBO comedy to the punch. Even John Lithgow's praise of Winston Churchill, who he played in "The Crown," had a political tinge to it.
The Emmys also featured a seemingly effortless display of diversity, in a way the Oscars might envy. That aspect of television was celebrated both in a video package and on an impromptu basis by Donald Glover's dual wins for "Atlanta," Sterling K. Brown for "This is Us," and Aziz Ansari and Lena Waithe claiming the writing award — Waithe being the first African-American woman to receive that prize.
Additional context applied to the strong showings by "Big Little Lies," which dealt with domestic abuse; and "The Handmaid's Tale," an adaptation of Margaret Atwood's dystopian novel that many saw as a perfectly timed drama when women's issues and abortion rights remain heated topics.
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If, by chance, you are in Italy on the first day of April, pay attention to your back! Someone could stick a paper fish on your shoulder, making other people laugh at you while you keep on walking being totally unaware of what's going on.
When the joke is eventually discovered, the one(s) who organized it will probably shout "Pesce d'aprile!" (April fish!), the common expression used to describe this kind of trick.
The tradition of planning jokes for April 1st is not something exclusively Italian, but it is quite spread in other countries of the world. Paper fish, for instance, are popular also in France: to be precise, the expression pesce d'aprile comes from the French poisson d'avril.
In UK and US April 1st is called April Fools' Day, with a plain allusion to the medieval character of the fool, the court's jester: every joke is fair!
In Scotland, the tricks' carousel lasts for two days: the second one is the so-called Taily day and it is devoted to jokes about…buttocks! As, for instance, the one of sticking a paper with the writing "kick me there!" to your friend's shoulders.
There are no certainties about the origins of these habits, which are somehow linked, but it is quite sure that we should go back to very old times. In the Canterbury Tales already, there is a reference to this date as a day of foolishness and at the beginning of sixteenth century a French poet used the expression poisson d'avril.
Many linked April Fools' Day to the fact that, before the adoption of the Gregorian calendar, New Year's day was celebrated by a lot of cultures between March 25th and April 1st.
According to the English name of the day, though, an analogy has been suggested with the medieval tradition of the Feast of Fools, celebrated in December and inspired by the Latin Saturnalia.
Some jokes played by mass media are just a piece of history. In 1878, «Gazzetta d'Italia» (Italian Gazette) published breaking news: apparently, an Indian maharajah was supposed to be cremated in Florence.
The famous and serious BBC is well-known for its April-1st-enthusiasm: in 1957 they broadcast a fake report from Switzerland about spaghetti trees (!) and a few years ago they pre-announced a documentary about a new species of flying penguins.
We cannot forget Chippy: back in the 80's, an English TV channel presented a special walkman named Chippy, with a chip inside allowing you to store hundreds of songs. Just a joke or pure prediction?
Sometimes, even real news published on April 1st has been considered as jokes: for instance, in 2004 a lot of people were totally convinced that Gmail's launch was an… April fish!
Next article Won't you have some more?


text:
Paintings that Expose the Spirit Within the Body
In Jenny Morgan's exhibition at the Museum of Contemporary Art Denver, death lurks in her compositions.
by Yasmeen Siddiqui June 21, 2017 June 22, 2017
Jenny Morgan, "Mentor," Oil on canvas, 77 x 52 inches, (2012) (all images courtesy Plus Gallery, Denver, CO)
DENVER — Over little more than a decade Jenny Morgan has developed a set of powerful techniques that push paint to make the connection between the earthly and otherworldly more expressively felt. Morgan highlights the uncanny relationship between life and death through her flattening of the image, erasing context through the use of monochromatic backdrops, and applying paint thinly enough to allow the picture's armature, pencil marks, and canvas appear. Death lurks in her compositions, and is brought to the surface by the treatment of paint and color in her exhibition SKINDEEP, on view at the Museum of Contemporary Art Denver.
Installation view of Skin Deep (from l. to r.) "The Source," (2009) oil on canvas, 42 ½ x 28 ½ inches; Jenny Morgan with David Mramor, "Mother's Pearls," (2009) oil, spray paint, and pencil on canvas, 43 x 32 inches; "I am but one small instrument," (2009) oil on canvas, 64 x 41 inches
Morgan's dedicated interest in the occult and cycles of life and rebirth have been well documented. The artist and her interlocutors have identified various sources of inspiration for her work — the paintings of Lucien Freud and Jenny Saville, and Victorian memento mori. When I meander through this spare exhibition, I can't help but also think of the psychologically charged portraiture from the ancient Roman outpost in Fayum, Egypt, a place and time (around 70 CE) where the realms of the material and spiritual intermingled. As with the Fayum portraits, Morgan's portraits mean to simultaneously capture the individual's earthly and otherworldly traits: using red to effect a fleshly quality, and blues to create shadows — resulting in an interplay of light sourced from the cosmos and carnal matter.
This exhibition, organized by MCA Denver curator Zoe Larkins, uses a pared down selection from the artist's prolific output. Though Skin Deep is billed as Morgan's first survey, there are important aspects of her practice that are not represented in the exhibition. Most notable is the absence of Morgan's use of the skeleton, especially the human skull. Nevertheless, the selection on view builds a strong narrative driven by questions about how to locate the spiritual within the physical, material world. Morgan's expansive and dedicated painting of the body stripped of skin and flesh, previously on view in the 2015 show at the Fulginiti Pavillion, would have contributed to this survey and complicated the very literal exhibition title, allowing for the most remarkable theme — the cycle of life and death — to surface with gusto.
Installation view (from l. to r.) "Mentor," (2012) Oil on canvas, 77 x 52 inches; "True Blue," (2015) color screen, 27 x 24 inches; "Anchor," (2012) oil on canvas, 52 x 36 inches
The exhibition lays out a procession of groupings to describe varied aspects of Morgan's work, beginning with a selection of portraits that amplify the fundamental importance corporeality plays. In this group, the predominance of reds — whether building the undertones of the earliest work on view, "The General's Daughter" (2007), or heavily applied to mute the subject in "Dissolving Contract" (2008), or affecting a compression and thawing of the image as in "Don't Leave Me Mother" (2008) — puts emphasis on the body in all its material aspects. Morgan's technique of sanding the painted canvas to the point of rendering the figure charred, as in "The Source" (2009), recalls the scabbing process, which is essential to healing. The color red, so often used in painting to articulate fabrics, textiles, and architectures, here in Morgan's work underpins and is intrinsic to her analysis of the body in terms of its physical condition.
Moving into the second gallery that contains very large portraits, the concept of aura interrelates the works on view. "True Blue," a silkscreen from 2015 of Morgan's regular sitter and muse, Syrie, exemplifies the ways in which the artist constructs an image: with a strong reliance on a gradation of colors to effect an almost psychedelic palette. This use of color builds an association with the occult and its concern with accessing a deep understanding of the individual's path to their true self. In the case of "True Blue," the subject's aura — a form understood by psychics and alternative medics to be a sentient being's hidden anatomy that manifests in color visible to only a select few — is manifested through the application of ethereal blue and green hues punctuated by her hand, which emanates orange light and gestures seductively towards her mouth.
Jenny Morgan, "Wikileaks" (2011 ) Oil on canvas, 33 x 27 inches
Morgan's treatment of the painting surface arrives at a new state of complexity and nuance in "Breakthrough Sharona" (2014). This formulation seems to abide by different criteria than most of Morgan's work. Portions of the surface are raised, specifically the outlines of beams forming the sitter's halo. As with other paintings in that gallery, the subject's eyes appear glazed. This technique of varying the topography of the painting, in combination with the sanded faces on view, and the placement of the figure against a monochromatic backdrop, develops a new sort of funerary imagery for the living. The life force that animates the skin becomes visible.
The aging body plays a fundamental role in the exhibition's palpable, overarching narrative of the existence of a life force that moves through bodies, from infancy to old age. "Mentor" (2012) is a full-frontal nude, large-scale portrait, whose luminous quality is executed through the use of whites with blue undertones that are scoured and sanded. The face of the "Mentor" is stripped of hair follicles and lines; the traces of time are muted and replaced with the indicia of collapse between the material, earthly realm and the ether. This work and the painting in the first gallery, the portrait of performer Justin Bond, "Mother's Pearls" (2009), reveals Morgan's use of a technique that matures in her later work: fine lines drawn across the image, provoking thoughts about not just the passing of time, but of bending time. Morgan has woven into her painting structures that trigger associations with theories referencing her own spirituality, such as a belief in reincarnation.
Installation view (from l. to r.) "You Only Live Once," (2015) oil on canvas, 82 x 58 inches; "Self," (2016) oil on canvas, 70 x 48 inches; "The Doppelgänger," (2016) oil on canvas, 70 x 48 inches
Morgan's obvious concern with and inquiry into the subject of mortality is announced in "You Only Live Once" (2015), which dominates the fourth and last room in this exhibition. This large self-portrait commands our attention through the battle being waged within the gaze it demands of the viewer. In this painting, the intensity of Morgan's direct expression jockeys with the taut posture of the infant she anchors with one arm, hanging from her, parallel to her, with charged energy. It is as if Morgan and the infant are two aspects of one fragmented psyche — one confronting the viewer and the other indifferent to her. The infant expresses its presence through the act of grasping a strand of Morgan's hair, but the connection between the two facets of a single character feels indifferent, suggesting the upending of conventional pairings of woman and infant that has in painting, historically, alluded to a romantic notion of motherhood, cycles of life, and a godly inspired cosmic order. This painting opens the floodgates to rereading the other pairings of portraits in the room. Morgan uses the genre of self-portraiture in a variety of compositional structures that conjure complex psychological states: pairing her own image with an infant or a doppelgänger to set up a set of binaries that unravel how we think about identity as a single, unitary state. She describes the emergence of the individual as a material being already completely both physically and spiritually interconnected with all that it sees, and does not see.
Skin Deep is on view at the Museum of Contemporary Art Denver (1485 Delgany Street, Denver, CO) until August 27. 2017.
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Tagged: Jenny Morgan, Museum of Contemporary Art Denver, Reviews
Yasmeen Siddiqui
Yasmeen M. Siddiqui is an independent curator, essayist and sometimes lecturer, committed to voicing marginal narratives. Her subjects in writing and exhibition making include Do Ho Suh, Consuelo Castañeda,... More by Yasmeen Siddiqui


Raise a glass, beer lovers--the Surly bill is now officially law.
With one fell swoop of his pen, Gov. Mark Dayton has made it legal for brewers to sell pints of their own beer in the state of Minnesota.
"We just appreciate all the support from the craft beer scene, the Minnesota Beer Activists, and the beer fans," says Surly owner Omar Ansari from the Brooklyn Center brewery. "That's how this bill got passed."
It seems like only yesterday that Ansari started a minor frenzy among fans of his award-winning brew by announcing plans to build a $20 million destination brewery, beer garden, and restaurant. There was just one little problem--the concept was illegal, so long as brewers couldn't sell their own pints.
So Mr. Surly went to St. Paul and, with the help of principle authors Sen. Linda Scheid and Rep. Jenifer Loon, wrote up the language for a "taproom license" bill. The bill was initially opposed by members of the Minnesota Licensed Beverage Association, but after the language was expanded to limit the size of breweries that could obtain the license, the controversy died down. The Surly bill was packaged in a liquor omnibus bill and sailed through both House and Senate before landing on Gov. Dayton's desk this afternoon.
One might say Ansari had a hunch this would happen. Not only does he have designs for coasters, pint glasses, and T-shirts that say "Thank you Surly Nation," and "With your help, we changed the law," but he's well into the planning stages of the "Power of the Pint" victory bash on June 18. It'll be open to the public, and he's inviting the legislators that made it happen, as well as the other local brewers who supported the bill.
Destination breweries are now legal in Minnesota.
"It's a good reason to get together and drink Minnesota beer," he says.
It's not entirely clear if he'll be able to get a taproom license in that short amount of time, so guests may still not be able to pay for their first on-site beer. Alas.
As for the destination brewery, Ansari is still mum on the location but says he's "talking to bankers, investors, architects, and builders right now."


Rotary International has now made 3 Programme Grants to facilitate 'Calmed' training missions to states in India where the maternal death rate is highest – Sikkim, Bhuj and now Madhya Pradesh.
The First Vocational Training Team (VTT) visited Sikkim State in 2013 to test the 'Calmed' approach to training members of the medical and allied professions, including Public Health Workers. A team of UK Obstetricians and Gynaecologists visited the State for a two week period to pass on skills and 'Best Practice' from the UK.
The intention was to teach their opposite numbers in these high risk States to become 'Master Trainers' who could then go on to cascade their knowledge to others in the same field in Sikkim. Over time the intention is for the Master Trainers to build up continually the numbers of doctors trained in these new skills, so that a real impact can be made on both the skills and culture of medical treatment for mothers.
At the same time, attention is given to the mothers themselves who need to know more about their own pregnancy and treatment, particularly in the thousands of remote villages where proper medical care is distant. In India, there exists a network of public health workers ASHAs (Accredited Social Health Activists) who go to each of these villages to teach mothers the skills they will need for a successful childbirth. It makes good sense to target ASHAs for similar best practice training.
The 2nd VTT / Calmed expedition went to Bhuj in Gujarat state in November 2014. The same methodology was repeated to the local medical profession and ASHAS, again leaving behind a cascade training model to grow through the new local Master Trainers.
Our 3rd VTT / Calmed visit (in Setember 2016) is to visit another needy part of India with high maternal death rate – the state of Madhya Pradesh. We will be basing our team at Indore, a major city of some 2 million people, but surrounded by thousands deeply rural villages. Here the death rate for mothers is high even by Indian standards, and implementation of the Calmed approach to improving childbirth care will make a real impact on the problem.
Delay in Receiving Treatment At the Institutions – On arrival at hospital, delay in recognising the danger symptoms and urgently getting the mother access to appropriately skilled and trained medical assistance.
We will be dealing with the education of the doctors and medical staff at the hospitals, education on the need for rapid emergency transport to those hospitals, and right at the start, the education of the mothers and their families in the rural villages to recognize the deadly hazards that can so easily be avoided with a little knowledge and training.
Again we will use the successful formula of 7 UK Gynaecologists / Obstetricians who will teach the prospective Master Trainers their skills over four days. They will then oversee the Master Trainers conducting their first course to their medical peers for a further four days, and then they will separately train the ASHA Trainers in the aspects of Calmed which most meet the immediate information needs of mothers in the remote districts. In Madhya Pradesh we hope to begin reducing the UK input by using 2 of our previous locally trained Master Trainers to join our initial VTT mission.
See 'About Calmed' on our Papers & Resources page for more information on the Calmed rationale and these exciting projects.


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Flap wheel with an arbor holeFor use on larger and fixed-base tools where the wheel must fit on an existingarbor.SIZE: Ø150mmWIDTH: 50mmBORE: Ø25mmGRIT: P80Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleaning, finishing and polishing. Designed to deliver a consistant fin..
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Flap wheel with an arbor holeFor use on larger and fixed-base tools where the wheel must fit on an existingarbor.SIZE: Ø205mmWIDTH: 50mmBORE: Ø25mmGRIT: P80Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleaning, finishing and polishing. Designed to deliver a consistant fin..
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Rotary flap wheelThe flapwheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø30mmWIDTH: 20mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P60Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleaning,..
Rotary flap wheelThe flapwheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø30mmWIDTH: 20mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P80Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleaning,..
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Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø40mmWIDTH: 10mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P80Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø40mmWIDTH: 20mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P60Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø40mmWIDTH: 20mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P80Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
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Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø40mmWIDTH: 30mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P80Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
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Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø50mmWIDTH: 20mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P80Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø50mmWIDTH: 30mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P60Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø50mmWIDTH: 30mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P80Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
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Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø60mmWIDTH: 20mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P80Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø60mmWIDTH: 30mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P60Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø60mmWIDTH: 30mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P80Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø60mmWIDTH: 40mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P60Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø60mmWIDTH: 40mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P80Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø60mmWIDTH: 50mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P60Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø60mmWIDTH: 50mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P80Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø80mmWIDTH: 20mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P60Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø80mmWIDTH: 20mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P80Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø80mmWIDTH: 30mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P120Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleani..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø80mmWIDTH: 30mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P60Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø80mmWIDTH: 30mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P80Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø80mmWIDTH: 40mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P60Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø80mmWIDTH: 40mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P80Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleanin..
Rotary flap wheelThe flapwheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø80mmWIDTH: 50mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P60Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleaning,..
Rotary flap wheelThe flapwheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø80mmWIDTH: 50mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P80Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleaning,..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø40mmWIDTH: 20mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P120Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleani..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø40mmWIDTH: 20mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P180Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleani..
Rotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø40mmWIDTH: 20mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P220Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock removal,blending, deburring, cleani..
ROTARY FLAP SANDER 50X20MM 80GRITRotary flap wheelThe flap awheel has a Ø6mm steel shank and it runs throughthe wheel creating better balance to reduce operator fatigue. Used with portabledrills or die grinders.SIZE: Ø50mmWIDTH: 20mmSHANK: Ø6mmGRIT: P80Application:These flap wheelsare used in the metal fabrication and welding industry for stock rem..


Spurred by drastic growth in "telehome" technology adoption, the global telemedicine tools market will likely reach $43.4 billion within five years, according to a new report published by Wellesley, Massachusetts-based BCC Research.
What is the next step in healthcare for Google Glass?
Reuters has uncovered clear evidence that app developers are dropping the device.
Nine of the 16 app Glass app makers that Reuters contacted admitted they'd abandoned their efforts. Meanwhile, "The Glass Collective," a venture fund backing Glass apps has gone and now redirects to the Glass page, while three of Google's key employees on the Glass team have departed.
Samsung has just announced at the Samsung Developer's Conference that the open reference version of it will be available to be ordered by developers today.
Through proprietary cloud-based telemedicine software the HealthSpot® platform allows patients to interact with nationally recognized doctors. The average visit to one of HealthSpot's fully enclosed, 40-square foot kiosks takes 15 minutes, offering patients convenient, timely access to doctors, specialists and prescriptions.


Is Your Skin Ready for the Summer Heat?
At this time of year I'm usually not thinking about the hot, humid Houston summer. But... I should be.
This is the perfect time to begin a daily skincare routine that includes cleansing and moisturizing all of my skin and not just my face.
First. Hydration, hydration. Our skin is a living organ and prehydration is critical to maintaining elasticity. Drink lots of water, BEFORE heading out to the gym, the garden, or even for an afternoon walk.
Second. Eat lots of fruits and vegetables and go easy on the salt.
Third and my favorite. Treat yourself to Bearded Lady Soap Factory soaps, lotions and body butters.
Peppermint soap in the shower is a great way to cleanse your skin in the morning. The fresh and invigorating scent of peppermint essential oil in my goat milk soap in a steamy shower awakens the senses and stimulates the skin leaving that tingly feeling all over.
Peppermint lotion after a shower and anytime during the day provides just the right amount of moisture - not too heavy - to help prepare for summer. It even calms my tired hands after uprooting giant ragweed and delivering it to my goats for their treat. What a refreshing feeling.
After a long day on the farm, my feet would love a good soak and a massage. Who has the time?
Peppermint body butter to the rescue!!
Rub it all over your feet, add your favorite socks, and jump right in bed. Instant relief: a peppermint foot massage with deep moisturizing for those cracked heels that all will see in those adorable sandals this summer.
Best of all Pepperint Soap, Lotion, and Body Butter are all on sale Code SPRINGSALE for 25% off.


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text:
Alassio je italské přístavní město v provincii Savona, v Ligurii.
Je součástí Italské riviéry, respektive její západní části, která se nazývá Riviera di Ponente. Město má 17 km², 10 820 obyvatel a nachází se 100 km východně od Janova a přibližně 70 km od hranice s Francií.
Je oblíbeným letoviskem.

Město
Historická část Allasia leží při pobřeží Ligurského moře. Tvoří ji několik dlouhých úzkých ulic rovnoběžných s pobřežím. Zástavba těsně navazuje na pláž. Z památek se v Alassiu nachází řada kostelů, nejznámější je Sant Ambrogio postavený v letech 1455–1507 s pozdně gotickou věží z roku 1511. Dále je zde několik paláců, nejvýznamnější Palazzo Ferrero. Na pobřeží stojí opevněná Saracénská věž ze 16. století vystavěná na obranu proti pirátům. Na východním konci města je pak skalnatý výběžek Capo S. Croce s poutním kostelem odkud je výhled na město a okolí i západním směrem na nejbližší město Albenga. Lze se tam dostat po ulici Passeggiata Cadorna.

Fotogalerie

Podnebí

Partnerská města
  La Thuile, Itálie

Reference

Externí odkazy

 Oficiální stránky města

Města v Ligurii
Obce v provincii Savona

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
FSA to triple fines for mis-selling firms
By This Is Money
Updated: 08:59 EST, 6 July 2009
The City watchdog has warned that firms and individuals who break rules on mis-selling or market abuse will face more severe penalties.
Showing it's teeth: The City watchdog said the fines will act as a greater deterrent
The Financial Services Authority has increased the penalties it dishes out to firms or individuals, tying them more closely to the offender's income.
Firms could be fined up to 20% of their income from products or business areas related to the breach, with individuals failing to prevent it liable for penalties of up to 40% of salary and bonuses.
Last October Alliance & Leicester was fined £10m by the FSA for serious failings in telephone sales of payment protection insurance - although this was reduced to £7m due to early co-operation from the firm.
Under the new regime, A&L would have faced a potential maximum fine of £30m for the same offence, the regulator said.
Those guilty of market abuse such as insider trading also face a minimum £100,000 fine, the FSA added.
Enforcement director Margaret Cole said: 'By hitting companies and individuals in the pocket where it hurts, the fines will be a stark warning to others on what they can expect to pay for flouting our rules.'
The plans to hit offenders with tougher fines come alongside a more intrusive approach from the FSA - including stress tests on the finances of banks and building societies - as the regulator aims to shed its former 'light touch' reputation.
The consultation on the penalties regime will close in October and the new policy is likely to apply to breaches committed after February 2010.
The framework will involve removing any profits made, setting a figure to reflect the impact and severity of the breach and applying any discount for co-operation.
Aggravating and mitigating factors and achieving a suitable deterrent will also be taken into account, the watchdog said.
'Moving to this new framework will enable our enforcement policy to continue making a real difference to consumers and to changing behaviour in the financial services sector,' Ms Cole added.


Stone Park is a city in Illinois. So far we have accumulated 25 streets in Stone Park and on these streets we have added 3,914 real estate properties.
Stone Park is a village in Cook County, Illinois, United States. The population was 4,946 at the 2010 census. Incorporated in 1939, the town was named for insurance magnate Clement Stone, who bought most of the land when it was still corn fields.


text:
Home Open space Media In The Age of Liberalization
Media In The Age of Liberalization
The reporting fleet got thinner and thinner, and the cult of the star anchor was built as a substitute.
Md. Aariz Imam
There is hardly anyone in the country today – a consummate media observer, who is not denying the existence of professional ethics, integrity, and honesty in mainstream media. For a good chunk of end users – the consumers, there exists suspicion beyond doubt that what they are being served as news is largely propaganda and more of stenography that borders dictation and worse.
For the professional field hailed as the fourth pillar of democracy, nothing could be a more sorry commentary than the allegation that it has been sold out.
In the good old times, not so long past, media was revered and respected for its intellectual hold, for the sincerity with which the news anchors presented themselves and the news. It had the reputation of being looked upon as the post master of last resort delivering to those concerned at the helm of affairs, the voice of the margins through a dedicated fleet of ground reporters. Those good days ironically were from the times when India had just one news channel and that too under government control.
In their critical analysis, most observers apportion the blame for media's gradual decay to the rise of the far right and the sequential impregnation of ideology in the newsroom. Without going into the merits of the claim which might be true to a large extent, media acquiring its workforce from the same society it reports to, one must explore what other forces have been at play that have made media cow down. The bowing down of media to powers that be is certainly not a recent phenomenon and the rise of the far right in that sense is a reason far too stretched.
The opening of the economy after a graded liberalization phase and systemic adjustments across sectors has often found itself under the intellectual and academic lens. But, the trajectory of discourse it charts out has been largely restricted to the paradox of material well-being and the rise in inequality. Less has been discussed about the impact of market forces on non-commercial traditional sectors such as media.
Media post liberalization was sworn to the business "mool mantra" (basic tenet) of wealth or value maximization like it's contemporaries from other sectors. Acquiring and retaining capital was thus a natural corollary. The transition to a more adaptable technology and the loosening up of investment rules crowded the field with several ventures, quite a few of which were financed from same sources through strings of business dealings routed through a chain of foreign investors. This perhaps was the first step towards a blatant monopolization that we see today.
The cut throat competition and the compulsions of bottom-line that ensued crippled its capacity by way of logistics and quality resources. To perform yet, increasingly came at a price of content. The bar of credibility as the metrics of performance was replaced with the trendier TRP. To keep the baton of TRP rising the anchors were glamorized, their sincere tone amplified, and their deep voice made pitch sharp. The reporting fleet got thinner and thinner, and the cult of the star anchor was built as a substitute. But, for all the fancy window dressing, the content that should have been going from bad to worse. For a better part in the first decade of the twenty-first century, the viewers were doomed to view fantasy and mythology as prominently featured news on the majority of news channels. The period was also marked by the first of the many wars the millennia was to see – battleground Afghanistan and later Iraq. It was while presenting the subject in quest of increased viewership the stereotype of Muslim as a terrorist was born. It's also pertinent to note that the very word terrorist found very little to less currency every time it was used before. In fact, it remains in public memory that Bhagat Singh the revolutionary leader was called a terrorist by the imperial powers.
Incidents like 9/11, America's war on terror, parliament and Akshardham attack, the Godhra train burning and the consequent Gujarat riots brought with them a ready-mix formula for harvesting TRPs. As a result, every channel got busy killing the state's enemies in animated videos or as per reliable sources, as went their claim. Life got hell for the Ladens and Mullah Umars who were to die in studios if not in the battlefield. Ordinary Muslims, in any case, was to pay the price with their caricature occupying every visual dramatization. Amid so much of happening within and outside the country, with the capacity to rouse passions and swell the broadcaster's coffers, the media houses went shopping for security experts. The age of field reporters was already on the decline and they were conveniently replaced with retired military personnel to do the talking, or less of it perhaps, and more of sabre rattling. The millennial viewers were left to fend for themselves were they in the quest for authentic stories. As for the elders at home, the TV remained an idiot box to be looked upon with skepticism and locked away from the reach of children if possible. It's also worth noting that the said degeneration was happening at a time when the proposition of the dominance of the far right was worth no sincerity in intellectual circles. This brings us back to the point that the media's fall was not alone a result of its waning neutrality, and the compulsions of exceeding ROI had a far bigger role to play.
Every trade must seek a willing partner. The content that is being circulated today in mainstream media would be worth nothing if it wasn't tailored to suit viewers' tastes and preferences. Since the start of its degeneration, both the media and its users have come a long way. The elderly at home have become new converts giving up their skepticism to words of praise. The grown-ups even with their exposure to the world outside have limited themselves to believing the fake and the illogical. Nearly two decades of subscription to filth has led them to become contributors to hate and propaganda, reinforcing what the channels originally set out to do.
Intriguing, hence it is not, that the flourishing trade was to find the eyes of big merchants and fancy of the political class. Still, it is much after people had shelved rationality, the role of the far right starts. And it's only just the beginning. One wonders how much more they could push us to the life and times of unreason.
democratizing media
liberalization and media in India
Media and propaganda
Media bais
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