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High-speed rail could transform Fresno's poorest neighborhood. Will Trump get on the train?
October 15, 2018 · 10:00 AM EDT
By Dave Levinthal
A set of railroad tracks is pictured prior to a groundbreaking ceremony for the California High Speed Rail in Fresno, California, Jan. 6, 2015.
Robert Galbraith/Reuters
The plan: cover one of the most destitute tracts of California's poorest major city with a Jack Nicklaus-designed golf course and watch dust turn to dollars.
But soon, funding for the project known as Running Horse evaporated. Debt ballooned.
Editor's note: This story is part of the Center for Public Integrity's "Abandoned in America" series, which profiles communities connected by their profound needs and sense of political abandonment at a time when President Donald Trump's administration has declared the nation's war on poverty "largely over and a success." Part I: How 'The Wall' could kill a Texas city Part II: 'Hope to hopelessness': Will government step up after second storm? Part IV: What stands in the way of Native American voters?
Across the continent, Donald Trump smelled opportunity. He wooed city officials and talked big — really big — about how he'd save Running Horse, schedule a PGA Tour event and transform Southwest Fresno right along with it.
"I have a feeling I can make this the hot side of town," Trump declared in June 2007, several days after he toured the future golfing grounds, local politicians in tow.
Neighborhood residents — many impoverished — fantasized about new businesses and low crime and Tiger Woods spottings, to say nothing of a billionaire's imprimatur stamped across their blighted blocks. Chief among the smitten: then-Fresno Mayor Alan Autry.
"He loves this community," Autry, a Republican, said of Trump at the time. "There's something about this community that's touched him and this organization. … He doesn't mind going into distressed areas and making a mark and bringing hope and opportunity."
But instead of a deal, Trump brought demands.
His then-lawyer, Michael Cohen, a man destined for a federal prison, emailed Autry a list of 13 deliverables needed to make the Running Horse golf development "a successful one."
A veterans home site and halfway house must relocate.
A one-mile perimeter around Running Horse land should become a municipal redevelopment zone.
Without using the term "eminent domain," Cohen asked Fresno to buy the property of recalcitrant landowners so Trump could go forth and build.
Trump would ultimately offer $25 million for the 400-acre Running Horse plot — far less than would fill the financial hole the project found itself in, and much lower than what the land's private owner would accept. Fresno city and county officials soon began to balk at Trump's government-incentive wish list, which they considered far too rich for taxpayers.
Negotiations crumbled in late 2007.
Running Horse is now an almond grove.
On a cloudless day in January 2015, politicians and dignitaries again gathered to present a vision of prosperity and transformation. This time, instead of a golf course, they broke ground on California's high-speed rail system, the first station for which would be built atop what's now an empty plot, a couple miles east of Running Horse, near where Southwest Fresno abuts the city's downtown.
A high-speed train, they said, could whisk Fresno residents to Silicon Valley in an hour, and Los Angeles in not much time more, establishing California's fifth-most populous city as an essential connecting point for northern and southern California. A "significant point in time for the city of Fresno" is how then-Fresno Mayor Ashley Swearengin, a Republican, declared the moment.
Locally, high-speed rail backers have billed the project as a coming economic boon to desperately poor residents of Southwest Fresno. The neighborhood would find itself flush with businesses, jobs and prosperity that for decades have eluded it.
But Southwest Fresno continues suffering, deep in poverty, despite a strong national economy that now-President Donald Trump so frequently touts. And Trump, Southwest Fresno's fleeting savior-in-waiting, has shown little interest in pumping badly needed federal money into what may — or may not — finally be the neighborhood's panacea.
While a few sections of elevated track bed have sprouted skyward across Fresno County, and large signs along downtown Fresno's rail right-of-way herald "HIGH-SPEED RAIL CONSTRUCTION. Putting America to Work," the empty plot where politicians four years ago ceremonially signed a steel rail remains empty.
A large sign at the edge of downtown Fresno marks the corridor where the initial phase of California's high-speed rail project is being built.
Dave Levinthal/CPI
The most optimistic projection for initial service to commence is 2022, when Bakersfield, California's ninth-most populous city, would be connected via Fresno to Madera, the state's 132nd.
The full San Francisco-to-Los Angeles line wouldn't arrive until at least 2029. Meanwhile, cost estimates for it have bloated to more than $77 billion — up about $13 billion from two years earlier. The overall project is nowhere close to being fully funded.
And while government infrastructure investment may be one of the last bastions of semi-reliable bipartisanship, there's an utter lack of high-speed rail orthodoxy among key elected officials representing Fresnans — including among partisan kin.
Voters in November will choose between re-electing rail-backing US Rep. Jim Costa, a Democrat, and Republican challenger Elizabeth Heng, a Republican who derides Costa's stance as "a career politician misallocating government resources." High-speed rail evangelist Jerry Brown leaves the California governor's mansion in January, to be succeeded either by Democrat Gavin Newsom, who generally supports the rail project, or Republican John Cox, who during a September visit to Fresno declared it "a monument to corruption" and a "train to nowhere." Meanwhile, Fresno Mayor Lee Brand, a Republican, is a vocal rail supporter, while fellow Republican and former Fresno Mayor Jim Patterson — who now represents much of the city in the California Assembly — is a fierce critic.
Fresno is one of six communities the Center for Public Integrity is profiling this month on the eve of a critical midterm election that will decide the balance of power in Washington. These communities are connected by their profound needs and sense of political abandonment at a time when Trump's administration has declared the nation's war on poverty "largely over and a success."
At best, the future of fast rail travel is uncertain, and in Southwest Fresno, residents express skepticism that this speeding train is just another Running Horse, destined to fail amid political battles in which they feel like pawns, not players, their needs again unmet.
"The speed rail is useless for us, so much money out of the budget," said Terry Hernandez, a longtime social services worker who lives in a dusty subdivision where urban Southwest Fresno gives way to unincorporated county farmland. "This is money that could help the homeless, build a center for children. We have so many needs right now out here. You can't forget us. We exist."
Overall public enthusiasm for California high-speed rail has waned in the 10 years since voters approved a state bond initiative worth $10 billion. And now, facing a financial shortfall with no ready fix, Brown is seeking an additional federal boost from someone all too familiar to Fresnans scorned: President Donald Trump.
"You have lamented that we don't have 'one fast train' in our country," Brown wrote to Trump earlier this year. "Well, Mr. President, in California we are trying to fix that. We have a world-class train system under construction. We invite you to come aboard and truly 'Make America Great Again.'"
Hopelessness in Southwest Fresno
Think, for a moment, of your young daughter, or your eight-year-old nephew.
They're bouncy. They want to play. So you tote a Frisbee, a football and a picnic lunch to the park around the block, a park like many in wealthy North Fresno or suburban Clovis, where the grass is dark green, the equipment is new and time seems to slow while workaday cares dissolve.
Southwest Fresno's children have Hyde Park, a park you smell before you see.
The neighborhood's largest standard city park, it's a mound situated atop a former garbage dump and across South Fruit Avenue from the Darling Ingredients rendering plant, where the bones and flesh of slaughtered animals are cooked and processed for use in farm feed.
Hyde Park is Southwest Fresno's largest general use park, but conditions there are bleak: dead grass and trees, the stench of an animal rendering plant across the street, a parcel of land containing toxins immediately to its south. Hyde Park itself is built upon a former junkyard.
On a July afternoon with a 107-degree wind whipping through the park's half-dead grass and trees, the odor overwhelmed nostrils and singed taste buds. No swing sets, slides or splash pads are found. Beetles wriggle around a dead crow.
To the south, there's a chain-link fence that separates Hyde Park from what used to be an auto salvage yard, where environmental regulators in 1982 found toxic heavy metals: lead, chromium, arsenic. Officials "capped" the contaminated soil, but the land has a new owner who's allowed large vehicles to drive over it. Although there's no evidence of leakage, California's Department of Toxic Substances Control in July warned the owner of potential violations and concerns from nearby residents about underground contaminants emerging.
Hyde Park is an enduring emblem of Southwest Fresno's decades-long bedragglement, largely at the hands of people — either through action or neglect — more politically powerful than the community's own residents.
During the 1930s, as largely poor black and Hispanic families flocked to Southwest Fresno, financial lenders "redlined" most of the neighborhood, depressing investment and reinforcing pre-existing poverty and racial segregation. The realignment and expansion of US Highway 99 through Fresno during the 1940s and 1950s cut a concrete gash between Southwest Fresno and all points east, most notably dividing it from the city's Chinatown and business districts. Permissive city zoning allowed heavy industries and pollution-spewing factories to gobble up cheap land and operate amid homes and schools.
Taken together, Southwest Fresno residents are the poorest and sickest people of Fresno, which itself ranks second among all US metro areas in concentrated poverty, according to a survey of US Census data by 24/7 Wall Street. (For every two Southwest Fresno children, one lives in poverty.)
To live in Southwest Fresno is to expect you'll die up to two decades sooner than people who live a few miles away in affluent Fresno neighborhoods, a 2012 Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies report concluded.
Many Southwest Fresno residents, the vast majority of whom are black, Latino, Asian or multiracial, simply have no choice but to stay. In some census tracts here, families' annual incomes average less than $20,000. Nicer Fresno neighborhoods are laughably unaffordable. Moving to another city or state is the privilege of wealth they'll never attain, requiring the quitting of a job or the abandonment of relatives.
A bullet train station to save Southwest Fresno?
Might as well build a rocket-ship launchpad, some residents scoff. The notion of buying a three-figure ticket to travel up to 220 miles per hour some evening next decade doesn't compute when you're struggling to pay $1.25 today for a city bus. If Brown or Trump or anyone else wants to pour billions of dollars into Fresno and the surrounding Central Valley, they wonder, why not spend it on crime reduction, or job creation, or improving schools or giving families a park that's more California and less Chernobyl?
"If the politicians cared, they would spend that money on us, the poor," said Mary Louise Huey, 82, who's lived in Southwest Fresno since 1939. "But nobody thinks much of us in Southwest Fresno. We have a hard time helping ourselves because there's a lot going against us."
Several dozen other current and former Southwest Fresno residents interviewed this summer offered similar stories with the same conclusion: After decades of neglect, the community is in desperate need of massive government intervention and incentives — now — that can help people lift themselves out of poverty and offer hope amid hopelessness, homes for the city's legions of homeless. High-speed rail seems attractive in theory, many of them said, while insisting Southwest Fresno needs more than trickle-down benefits of a project years from fruition.
What Southwest Fresno also needs now is people, like Irv Hernandez, a 38-year-old plumbing company worker and family man on the rise, to stay. Hernandez and his wife moved to Southwest Fresno with his three children and her three children — the "brown Brady Bunch," he jokes — because there were few places in Fresno where a four-bedroom rental house could be had for $1,000 per month.
Irv Hernandez, who lives with his wife and their six children in Southwest Fresno, says he wants to help make his neighborhood a better place to live. But crime, environmental concerns and a lack of opportunity concern him. "We're thinking about moving when we have enough saved up," he said this summer.
Hernandez is keen on building his neighborhood from the inside out. He's hoped to see some sign of greater civic engagement from a neighborhood where voter turnout during the 2016 presidential election stood at 49 percent, while the rest of Fresno's rate cracked 65 percent, a Center for Public Integrity analysis of county voting data indicates. He's often tried to invite neighbors over for a chat and a beer, to no avail. He's waited for elected leaders at any level to make more than a token effort to engage Southwest Fresno with a permanent presence — something that goes beyond showing up at a community center or church event once a year — but feels underwhelmed by their efforts.
So when Hernandez saves enough money to buy a house, perhaps a year or two from now, he's looking beyond Southwest Fresno toward Fresno's Sunnyside neighborhood, on the southeast side of town near the airport, where schools are better, gangs aren't prevalent and one isn't frightened walking outside at night.
"It's not that I hate this area. I want to like it," Hernandez said. "It's that it's a community without community in a lot of ways. It's that I don't see anything changing. So, I have to change."
How high-speed rail could transform Southwest Fresno
What does Brand, Fresno's mayor, have to say to Hernandez and Southwest Fresno residents like him?
"Be patient — it will pay off," Brand says.
It will pay, he says, through a $70 million grant from the California Strategic Growth Council's "Transformative Climate Communities" fund that's directly tied to Southwest Fresno's designation as "one of the state's most 'disadvantaged' neighborhoods."
Today, many empty or abandoned blocks line the corridor where California high-speed trains are supposed to travel through Fresno. Many of the city's homeless residents use this desolate area to camp during nights and hang out during daylight.
It will pay off when that money builds a Fresno City College satellite campus, funds new bus service, builds dozens of affordable homes, renovates hundreds more, plants thousands of trees and creates 17 acres of pristine parks and community gardens — decisions made in large part by a council of neighborhood residents including Ivanka Saunders, who calls it an "example of what can happen if you get riled up."
It will pay off because Fresno city officials, advised in part by Southwest Fresno residents, last year developed the Southwest Fresno Specific Plan — a blueprint for making the area more livable, economically viable and connected to the rest of Fresno. It also details what's no longer tolerable: polluting industrial sites, heavy truck traffic, Hyde Park being considered a park at all. One goal: draw to Southwest Fresno businesses such as Amazon and Ulta, which have set up job-generating warehouse facilities in nearby Southeast Fresno.
"We can be a successful city," Brand insists. "But we have to believe in ourselves."
At Fresno City Hall, Fresno Mayor Lee Brand, a Republican, explains how he believes economic development projects — particularly California high-speed rail — could significantly improve life in Southwest Fresno, a historically neglected part of the city.
Brand's sentiment is increasingly echoed throughout Fresno, a city that, by its own leaders' acknowledgement, has been a "stepchild" — fated never to achieve the luster of Los Angeles, the Bay Area or Napa. A Thursday evening drive through the largely low- and mid-rise lined downtown illustrates this notion in shades of drab: boarded up storefronts, vacant commercial buildings, pedestrian traffic that's … there isn't pedestrian traffic.
But then a Jaguar dealership ad crackles over the local classic rock radio station. "The next time somebody asks you where you're from, tell 'em: 'I'm Fresno proud,'" a man's voice intones while noting the dealership is opening a new showroom not along some tony exurban boulevard, but in downtown Fresno itself.
Moments later, the white lights from the city's gorgeous, retro-styled minor league ballpark illuminate the nearby Tioga-Sequoia Brewing Company Beer Garden, where at least 200 people — most in their 20s and 30s — are reveling after a Fresno Grizzlies extra-innings victory.
A few blocks on, one of the several Bitwise Industries tech hub buildings, which together house and foster more than 250 small companies, buzzes with human activity inside and out. Only five years ago, Bitwise didn't exist.
High-speed rail, Brand says, isn't some one-off Fresno Hail Mary. It's a project that will take a city that's already building toward a more prosperous future and help transport it from afterthought to focal point. Southwest Fresno perhaps most of all.
"If you want to make sure things don't keep repeating themselves, you have to be part of the solution," said Lee Ann Eager, president and chief executive of the Fresno County Economic Development Corporation, a public-private nonprofit that's spearheading Fresno's high-speed rail efforts. The rail project "is our game-changer."
Eager and fellow rail backers envision a future where people will live in a neighborhood such as Southwest Fresno — well-kept, three-bedroom, single-family homes that today easily sell for less than $150,000 — and work in San Francisco, where the median home price is $750,000, or San Jose, where the median home price is $1 million.
That's impossible today.
By car, it's four hours, one way, to San Francisco — if the traffic gods are benevolent. By Amtrak, expect at least four-and-a-half hours, including a trip on a transfer bus.
Passengers traveling one July morning on Amtrak's San Joaquins line train from Fresno to Bakersfield, California — about 110 miles — almost universally hailed the idea of high-speed rail.
On this day, the trip took a leisurely two hours and 27 minutes. A high-speed train could span the two Central Valley cities in less than an hour.
Betty Bedard, 79, was making the six-hour journey from Merced, California, north of Fresno, to visit her sister in Pasadena, California. As the train clattered along, Bedard mused how her journey that day wasn't any speedier than her first train trip as a young girl of perhaps five or six years old, when a steam locomotive pulled her passenger car. Save for Amtrak's Acela train between Washington, DC, and Boston — it tops out at 150 miles per hour but typically operates closer to conventional train speeds — the United States is devoid of anything resembling high-speed rail.
"I would ride the train all the time if it was faster," she said, noting how Europe, Japan and China all have high-speed rail. "We're so far behind other countries."
'Irresponsible use of taxpayer dollars'
It'd be difficult enough for a united Fresno to sell the Trump administration on high-speed rail and its potential benefits for its residents.
But the divisions among greater Fresno's own leaders are profound, and both sides are wooing Trump.
The anti-high-speed railers say California's project has overrun its costs, blown its deadlines and simply isn't worth it. They also predict trains won't run nearly as fast as projected — a major point of unresolved debate.
Among the naysayers: state Assemblyman Jim Patterson, a Republican and Fresno mayor from 1993 to 2001; Rep. Devin Nunes, a Republican congressman representing much of Fresno County; and Rep. David Valadao, a Republican who also represents part of Fresno County, whose press releases on the matter include headlines such as "Valadao erects another hurdle to high-speed rail."
Last year, Valadao joined Nunes — an unabashed Trump supporter — and 12 other Republican members of California's congressional delegation in urging US Secretary of Transportation Elaine Chao to cut off further federal funding of high-speed rail in California.
To provide the project additional federal funding would represent "an irresponsible use of taxpayer dollars," their letter to Chao read. Signatories included House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy and Rep. Darrell Issa, who served most of this decade as chairman of the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform.
The area's two high-speed rail dissenters are likely to stay put.
Valadao's District 21 race against Democratic challenger TJ Cox receives a "likely Republican" designation from the Cook Political Report — in play, but barely. Recent polling indicates Nunes enjoys a relatively comfortable lead over Democratic challenger Andrew Janz, who's raised significant money on his own — but not support from key national Democrats. Janz has been critical of California high-speed rail's funding and leadership, but believes the federal government should help fund it because it'll be a "game changer that provides good-paying jobs and economic development," spokeswoman Mari Harren said.
The pro-high-speed rail side includes Brown, the outgoing governor; Brand, the current mayor; Swearengin, the former mayor; and Costa, Fresno's Democratic congressman.
The Cook Political Report has ranked Costa's District 16 race with Heng, an anti-high-speed rail Republican who did not return numerous requests for comment, as "likely Democratic."
While Costa says he's never considered high-speed rail a "silver bullet to solve the socio-economic issues of West Fresno," he contends it'd be a massive catalyst for the community if coupled with investments in health care, job training and education.
Costa says it's theoretically possible for California and private entities to build the train line without Washington, DC's further involvement. But federal funding for it "would make a big difference and make it happen much faster," Costa said.
Swearengin, Fresno's mayor from 2009 to 2017 and now CEO of the Central Valley Community Foundation, says Fresno is on the cusp of something great, and high-speed rail is central to that success. The public and politicians just can't lose their nerve.
"It'd be amazing if our congressional delegation could band together in support of the city of Fresno," she said.
Will it all be for naught?
When Trump visited Fresno in 2016 as a presidential candidate, he had nothing to say about trains.
But he did revisit Running Horse.
"That thing is just sitting there," Trump told the crowd. "I made a fortune by not doing it. … Some of the best deals are the deals you don't do."
Whether high-speed rail is a deal Trump wants done remains unclear.
Trump, who has long fashioned himself the consummate builder of big and beautiful things, in February 2017 mused to airline executives: "I don't want to compete with your business, but we don't have one fast train."
High-speed rail advocates hailed Trump's remark. But Trump has struggled since then to vault the nation's roster of infrastructure needs, including rail, to anywhere near the forefront of the federal government's agenda.
It's partially his own fault. Trump last year upstaged his own "Infrastructure Week" by fuming on Twitter about political controversies of the day.
Come February 2018, Trump released a "Legislative Outline for Rebuilding Infrastructure in America," and in doing so, he declared that the nation "will build gleaming new roads, bridges, highways, railways, and waterways all across our land … with American heart, and American hands and American grit."
Neither high-speed rail in general, nor California's high-speed rail program specifically, received a material mention. Not that it matters: Congress wasn't interested, and the White House has shelved the outline.
If anything, Trump's signature rail-related action has been inaction: slow-walking federal support for the massive "Gateway" tunnel project that would help accommodate the hundreds of New Jersey Transit and Amtrak trains — including not-quite-high-speed Acelas — chugging to and from Manhattan each day.
Although the federal government has historically spurred construction of transformative surface transportation projects — from the Transcontinental Railroad of the 1860s to the Interstate Highway System beginning in the 1950s — the first half of Trump's first term has largely been an infrastructure building bust.
White House spokeswoman Lindsey Walters declined to comment on Trump's plans for high-speed rail, referring questions to the US Department of Transportation.
Officials at the Department of Transportation declined to answer specific questions emailed to them by the Center for Public Integrity. The department's press office sent a statement that said: "The Department's working philosophy is that transit decisions must be made locally, and have funding support and agreement from localities and states in ways that work best for their community. The US transportation system has historically been very decentralized, so empowering decision-making at the state and local level is vitally important."
The statement also noted that the Federal Transit Administration and Federal Railroad Administration have together this decade steered several billions dollars worth of federal investment into California high-speed rail.
Trump today, Brand says, can facilitate federal grants, regulatory relief, vision for a new age of transportation and prosperity. "To the president, I'd say we're on the cusp of breaking out, and we need help," Brand said. "You can help a lot of people including people of West Fresno."
Southwest Fresno is an overwhelmingly Democratic neighborhood where few Trump political supporters are found. They nevertheless want the president to pay their community attention and infuse it with investment — if not via the Trump Organization, then by the Trump administration.
The Rev. Floyd Harris Jr. maintains an urban garden next to Southwest Fresno's New Light for New Life Church of God, where he is assistant pastor. On an oppressively hot July afternoon, Harris was tending rows of vegetables with neighborhood children, teaching them how to hoe and weed. "We have to treat Southwest Fresno like this garden: you plant the seed, you tend to it and it grows," he said.
"Donald Trump — we haven't forgotten about you. Come on back. Keep your promise," said the Rev. Floyd Harris Jr., assistant pastor of New Light for New Life Church. "Help us create a system where people who don't have political clout get a seat at the table and get to ride that high-speed train instead of being oppressed in what is a world of living hell for poor people here."
Dave Levinthal of CPI reported from Fresno, California. Suhauna Hussain and Joe Yerardi contributed to this report.
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Photographer: Photo supplied by Amanda Pollard
Amanda Pollard
Senior Care Quality Commission Inspector (CQC ) – blew the whistle on poor inspections and inaction by management
Pollard was one of the key figures in exposing the inadequate methods of inspection within the national healthcare inspector – the Care Quality Commission (CQC) - – and the NHS particularly in relation to the poor level of patient care at Mid Staffordshire Hospital NHS Trust. With 20 years of NHS experience, Pollard made the decision to leave the CQC in 2013 after growing increasingly frustrated with the behaviour of management. Pollard's concerns related to the way inspections were carried out: she was asked to carry out inspections in areas where she had no previous experience; and inspectors with background experience of hospitals were inspecting care homes and vice versa. Pollard believed this was happening across the CQC and she also believed that pressure to meet targets was affecting the quality of inspections. When Pollard raised her concerns at internal board level and no action was taken, she gave evidence to the Francis Inquiry into Mid Staffordshire NHS Trust into the serious problems at the Trust between January 2005 and March 2009. After the Inquiry, Pollard felt victimised by management and eventually felt compelled to resign. Since speaking out, she has found it impossible to get work elsewhere in the NHS. Pollard lodged a claim for constructive dismissal, but lost her case. The tribunal found that she had waited too long after some of the most serious victimisation and her final reason for resignation was not sufficient to establish constructive dismissal.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Mary Mallon was born in Ireland in 1869. When she was a young teenager, she left for New York City, where she lived with her aunt and uncle until their death. Despite being alone in a large metropolis in a new country, Mary learned to make a good living as a servant in various households. By her 30s, she earned a position as cook, in which she served a dessert of ice cream and peaches that was to die for (quite literally, as we'll see).
When typhoid fever broke out in the upscale Oyster Bay community, one family brought in Dr. George A. Soper, an epidemiologist and sanitation engineer, to investigate what was going on. He was well-versed in the disease and aware of cases involving immune carriers. He asked the family for details about their eating habits as well as the staff who prepared their food. He investigated the possibilities that the illness transferred through oysters or that the sewage pipes could have tainted the drinking water.
When these proved dead ends, he focused on the kitchen staff. He finally pinpointed Mary as the likely culprit. After investigating her work history, he found that the families she worked for in the past had suffered from typhoid outbreaks as well. Had she used the bathroom without washing her hands and then prepared food for the family, she would've been able to spread the disease. Soper learned that most of the food she served was cooked (and thus probably safe from typhoid) but that her trademark ice cream and peaches dessert could have very likely infected the family. By this time, however, she was no longer working with the family that had hired Soper. And because she never left forwarding addresses when she left a household, it took some sleuthing to track her down.
When Soper did find her, the tough Irish cook was unwilling to cooperate. Soper tried explaining to Mary that she was infecting families with her cooking and that he needed to check her feces and urine for the disease. He may have explained the situation indelicately, however, because the story goes that before he could finish, Mary chased Soper from her kitchen with a carving fork.
Nevertheless, Soper was determined to test her for the illness, even if he had to drag her away kicking and screaming -- which was exactly what happened.
Doctors erroneously believed that removing the gallbladder could rid the body of the parasite that caused typhoid fever. When she was asked to go under the knife for the operation, Mary refused, thinking doctors were using this as a pretext to kill her off [source: NOVA].


They all sound like fun but don't miss TMMPDX's very first fundraiser event A Seat at the Table. Female leaders in the Portland business scene will come together for a night of amazing food, wine and networking to raise funds for local charity Project Lemonade. Here's your chance to dine with some incredible women including: Lisa Sedlar (founder of Green Zebra Grocery), Sadie Lincoln (founder/owner barre3), Stephanie Stricklen (KGW news anchor), and more! This is an event not to miss!
Women are leaning in and claiming their seat at the decision-making table. So join us at the dinner table to celebrate, network with women of achievement and give back to the community.
PDXfX and TMMPDX invite you to join us for an evening of food, friends, and fund-raising at the annual benefit auction and dinner taking place at Irving Street Kitchen on December 10, 2013.
Break out your little black dress and some holiday sparkle for the occasion. Bring along a partner or friend and indulge in a little good-natured competitive bidding before sitting down to enjoy fine wine and a delicious three-course meal prepared by Chef Sarah, as you rub elbows with some of Portland's most talented women.
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Join her and your colleagues to see the results, celebrate the work and each other. Rosey's buying.
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Corsource – Business intelligence consulting, technical development and technical staffing.
Story telling abilities are extremely helpful for anyone marketer creating content, whether through blog, presentations, or social media.
Get your tale in shape! Join us every Wednesday night for ongoing storytelling classes in Portland, Oregon. Each session exercises your abilities in a different area of telling, listening, theory, and application. Perfect for teachers, trainers, performers, writers, professionals, and anyone who wants to stretch and strengthen their communication skills in a safe and supportive environment. Classes are ongoing. Come by!
Brands spend tons of resources defining and perfecting their "brand voice", unleashing fleets of copywriters, forging through marathon rounds of revision, and senior executive approval. However, with the recent proliferation of visual social media channels, how are brands developing their "visual voice"?
Tillamook's Integrated Marketing Manager, Gillian Kennedy, will share her expertise on how to effectively craft a visual voice online.
She will be providing tips and tricks for those of us who want to increase our brand and follower engagement on platforms including Twitter, Facebook, Pinterest and Instagram, as well as align our voice across all our marketing channels.
10) TMM Tuesday Happy Hour and Holiday Party – Tuesday December 17thst at 5:30pm – 8:00pm at The Nines Hotel. FREE but please RSVP through our Google+ event listing.
Join TMMPDX.COM for drinks, networking and a celebration of the digital marketing community.
We will meet in THE LIBRARY space off the lobby at The Nines Hotel in downtown Portland. Feel free to share this event with anyone who may be interested in networking with other digital marketing professionals and learning more about Thoroughly Modern Marketing!
Honorable Mention Events for December!
TMMPDX.COM is proud to partner with Portland Female Executives to present 'A Seat at the Table' fundraiser dinner. We are honoring local woman who have made a big impact on our community and would like you to join us.
Guests will enjoy a special menu prepared by Chef Sarah Schafer from Irving Street Kitchen, wine pairings with each course and the chance to have dinner with some of Portland's most successful women. Proceeds benefit Portland-based Project Lemonade's mission of providing foster children with back-to-school clothing and supplies.


Stylish and contemporary, the rose gold PVD Distinct Bangle will add edge to any look. Embellished with sparkling crystal pavé, this medium-sized piece also features a functional buckle closure integrated within the design. Swarovski innovation at its finest.


KCIPrimary uses a fixed number of weeks per term so as to divide the school calendar into equal teaching periods. These terms are either 12 or 13 weeks each and do not run exactly as per the traditional international school calendar, but school holidays are in line with the international school calendar.
KCIPrimary School is closed on all Ugandan public holidays.
The KCIPrimary calendar is set up in Google calendars. To access the calendar follow this link KCIPrimary Calendar and you can add the calendar to your Google account to receive reminders.


text:
Q: New to CUDA and Compute Visual Profiler I am reading this book "Cuda by Example" and i am having difficulties starting a new project, writing, compiling, executing and profiling some code. I found this blug post:
http://blog.cuvilib.com/2010/10/28/profiling-cuda-applications-on-windows-with-nvidia-compute-visual-profiler/
but it uses an example from NVIDIA site. What is I want to start my own project from scratch? In the session settings window I don't know what to enter there.

A: If you want to make a new project and write CUDA code on your own, you should open Visual Studio, push "New" to make new project, and there, if you have CUDA Toolkit and Parallel NSight installed, you will see "Nvidia->CUDA" and choose whichever runtime version you want.
If you don't have Visual Studio, then you can just write a code in any editor and compile it from cmd.exe/terminal by writing "nvcc name_of_your_file.cu"
NVIDIA Compute Visual Profiler is just a tool to make you understand the performance in your application and to help you to find out how to make your code run faster.

A: You can read the NVidia documentation:
http://developer.nvidia.com/nvidia-gpu-computing-documentation
with a specific document "Getting Started Guide" that is very useful and explain all the first steps.
Cuda by Example is a fantastic book to start, but I recommend you to read also the Programming Guide.
Ps: I have used Eclipse as Ide, but with a plugin.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


The Eye will bump an original "Elementary" this Monday to make room for the Supreme Court announcement.
The series will be presented Monday-Thursday evenings throughout the summer on Disney Channel, the DisneyNOW app and Disney Channel VOD.
Be Present for the Birth of Joe & Kendra's Baby, Walk Down the Aisle with Josiah & Lauren and Watch the Leadup to It All on TLC's "Counting On!"
The 11-episode run will also feature several quick turn "Counting Now" specials presenting the latest Duggar events, births and weddings soon after they happen in real-time.
Updates include: AMC mulls "The Night Manager" sequel; Cristiano Ronaldo in talks for Facebook Watch reality series; and Disney Channel orders "Sadie Sparks" animated project.
"Better Call Saul" will also make its Comic-Con debut alongside a reunion panel for "Breaking Bad" in celebration of the Emmy(R) Award-winning drama's 10-year anniversary.
Said Gervais: "This cast combines the best of the new breed of great British comedy talent with some of the wonderful alumni of my previous shows."
The network's national multiplatform campaign is dedicated to empowering individuals to make a difference in the lives of those in need by giving a little time, support and compassion.
"The addition of Android TV to CBS All Access' distribution in Canada marks a new milestone in the growth of our service in its first international market," said Rob Gelick.
In honor of the National Lampoon Vacation movie marathon airing this Wednesday, IFC has partnered with All Def Media, the growing media company focused on hip hop culture, to create all-new versions of their well-known "Dad Jokes" digital series.
Updates include: HBO orders Fred Armisen's Spanish-language comedy pilot to series; FOX's "Last Man Standing" to recast two roles; and cast options on "Timeless" expire as no new home is found.
Netflix Announces New Drama Series "Mixtape"
The romantic musical drama, originally shot for FOX, looks at the love stories connecting a diverse, disparate group of people in contemporary Los Angeles through the music that lives inside their hearts and minds.
Bill Maher headlined his first special on the network in 1989 and has starred in ten HBO solo specials to date.
In the eight-episode return of their series, food expert Damaris Phillips and NASCAR personality Rutledge Wood take a road trip through the region stopping at beloved food spots that represent the tradition and innovation of the South.
Shows will be taped at San Diego's historic Spreckels Theatre on Wednesday, July 18 - Saturday, July 21.
A fluid, stream-of-conscious response to the contemporary American mediascape, each episode features a handful of interconnected vignettes, showcasing an ensemble cast of emerging and established talent.
They join the previously announced acts, including Kelly Clarkson, Ricky Martin, Blake Shelton and Keith Urban, whose performance will feature hitmaker Julia Michaels for a song during his set.
"Whistleblower" (Friday, July 13) and "Pink Collar Crimes" (Saturday, July 28) are on tap in the coming weeks.
Launching in conjunction with the start of New York Fashion Week, viewers will get an exclusive look behind the runway with a two-week premiere event.
Travis Pastrana to Honor the Legend of Evel Knievel and Attempt to Surpass Three of His Most Iconic Feats Live from Las Vegas During History's 3-Hour Event, "Evel Live"
Pastrana will first look to surpass Knievel's 50 crushed car record as well as his 14 bus record by jumping 16 Greyhound buses.
New episodes of the 10-episode first season will be available on demand weekly on Thursdays exclusively for CBS All Access subscribers.
Host and executive producer Charlamagne Tha God, and his co-host, social media entrepreneur Raymond Braun, will confront the issue head-on and bring subjects face-to-face with their aggressors for the first time.
The project is based on the best-selling novel by Malin Persson Giolito which has been published in 29 countries and was voted best Nordic Crime Novel of the year in 2017.
Updates include: NBC's "Champions," Freeform's "Famous in Love" and History's "Six" all get the ax; James Duff signs onto "Star Trek: Discovery"; and HBO's "Watchmen" pilot continues to add cast.
The seven episodes series commenced principal photography this week in Brazil.
Following this Monday's episode (Scott Eastwood), look for the concluding installments on Sunday, July 8 (Roger Federer) and July 15 (Uzo Aduba) at 7:00/6:00c.


Remember the Promise Keepers? PK, as it was popularly called, emerged from the obscurity of a small 1991 gathering of around four thousand men at its first conference in Colorado to fill stadiums throughout the nation for several years during the 1990s. By 1997, PK supporters estimated at 800,000 strong filled the National Mall in Washington, D.C. for "Stand in the Gap: A Sacred Assembly of Men." That PK event was voted the second most–newsworthy story of 1997. Now, just a few years past that triumphant march, this very same organization is struggling to reinvent itself. When these facts are considered, 1997 seems like eons ago.
Careful observers of PK could notice telltale signs of the movement's decline soon after Stand in the Gap. Just four months after that event, the organization laid off its entire office staff because of its dwindling finances. Armed with the catchy slogan, "Open the gates in '98!" PK had decided to drop its conference admission fee of sixty dollars at more than a dozen venues across the nation. The donation–only strategy of fundraising was designed to attract a more economically and racially diverse group of men to PK conferences. PK had long promoted reconciliation among men from different racial, socioeconomic, and denominational backgrounds under the banner, "Break Down the Walls." Yet, the most significant breaking that took place in 1998 was the financial sort. PK was in desperate need of cash.
The organization's cancellation of its long–planned millennial march was another sign of its decline. Dubbed "Hope for a New Millennium: Light the Night," that event was billed as the follow–up march to Stand in the Gap, and was introduced to PK faithful there on the National Mall in 1997. The goal was ambitious—have PK men across America descend on capitol buildings in each of the fifty states at midnight on January 1, 2000. This "Y2K" reprise to 1997's Stand in the Gap was anticipated to lend even more visibility to the movement. Yet, by early April 1999, the millennial march fell prey to the Y2K bug. Caution apparently being the better part of valor, PK leaders told men to remain home with their families to face what was expected to be a precarious transition to the new millennium. Many wondered if the event had been cancelled primarily because it would have been an embarrassment, a testimony to the falling fortunes of PK.
PK lost much of its newsworthiness soon after laying off its staff and canceling its millennial march. In the blink of an eye, the high–profile media attention PK once enjoyed had evaporated. Gone was coverage of massive PK stadium conferences and the personal testimonials of lives changed that had graced the covers and feature stories of all the nation's top weekly news magazines. And front–page headlines captured so effectively by the group suddenly became a distant memory. Those left scratching their heads from diminished news coverage would see the writing on the wall with a quick glance at the numbers. The Promise Keepers' annual budget dwindled from $117 million in 1997 to $34 million in 2001, and its surviving office staff of one hundred—those rehired after the layoff—was a skeleton troupe when compared with the veritable army of three–hundred and fifty that it employed during its heyday.
More convincing yet, the movement's stadium gate draw became a mere shadow of its former self. Once able to attract more than 50,000 men to each of more than a dozen football stadiums during its "conference season," the movement adopted the more modest goal of filling convention halls and civic centers of about 15,000. One of the more striking examples of the drought in attendance was found in Minneapolis. PK attracted 62,000 men to the Metrodome in 1995, but could muster only 16,000 men to Minneapolis's much smaller Target Center in 2000. Similar drops in attendance occurred in other repeat–venues throughout the nation.
For their part, the Promise Keepers have not resigned themselves to being dismissed as yesterday's news. When questioned about their drastically diminished revenues and less impressive membership rolls, one PK spokesman glibly asserted that the group is merely letting "the soil rest" before reinitiating its harvest of men's souls. Other spokesmen have adopted a more forthright tone. One leader described the group's well–publicized financial woes and staff layoff as its "puberty era." Such images suggest that PK has "grown up" from a gangly revivalist movement to a more mature men's ministry. Still others have sought simply to downscale expectations. Another leader in the group painted the Promise Keepers as a front–line crusade whose primary goal has always been to serve as a "starting point" for channeling converted men into local churches. According to this logic, once the baton has been passed to local churches, observers should not expect to see PK tally the same numbers in fund raising or conference attendance that they previously commanded.
More compelling than such rhetoric are PK's practical efforts to reinvent itself in recent years. The form and the substance of PK conferences have changed in significant ways. In contrast to the glitzy high–tech conferences of years past, recent events have taken on a more earthy, traditionally evangelical feel. Still, this is not to say that PK has suddenly become a technophobic organization. PK continues to redefine the very notion of "electronic church," a phrase sociologists first used in the 1980s to describe the phenomenal growth of Christian radio and televangelism. Information technology has come a long way since the 1980s. Never the Luddite, PK continues to use all of the latest technological media to their best advantage.
Select PK conferences are now broadcast live over the internet through the group's use of webcast technology. PK's website (www.promisekeepers.org) features a "myPK" link that, among its other features, can connect individual Promise Keepers with their brothers in the "PK Online Community." And, for his part, PK founder McCartney has used an array of electronic media to reach American men. McCartney's popular three–minute "4th and Goal" radio broadcast, carried by nearly five hundred local radio stations at it peak, is supported by a companion website (www.4thandgoal.org) as well as an e–mail distribution list. The Promise Keepers even offer a filtered internet service provider, "pkFamily.com," and its own "internet accountability software" called "Eye Promise"—the latter with a catchy "eye" logo that helps men to feel as if they are under the caring yet watchful gaze of the group as they surf the web. A host of local Promise Keeper faithful have followed suit by constructing their own websites at which they pay homage to the group and its influence on their lives. At many such sights, old–time religion meets high–tech spirituality.
Alongside such efforts, the Promise Keepers have also sought to broaden their target constituency. In 2001, PK began sponsoring a youth ministry series called Passage, complete with conferences aimed at young evangelical males. PK describes this cohort of young evangelicals as "The Next Warriors For Christ," and provides the hip admonishment, "THIS AIN'T YOUR DADDY'S PK!" Passage events feature big–name Christian musical artists, such as Michael W. Smith and the Katinas, who are widely popular among evangelical youth. Not to be dismissed as out of touch with today's youth culture, Passage's supporting websites (www.passage2001.com, www.passage2002.com) feature pictures of teen surfers and skateboarders alongside Bible–reading adolescent boys. Passage conferences also feature young Christian athletes—a new generation of Muscular Christians, it would seem—performing extreme sports to pulsating but sanitized tunes that resemble the emergent genre of "ska music" sweeping through American teendom. The climax of every Passage conference is the pairing up of each teen boy with an adult male mentor. Like accountability partnerships that were formed in their "Daddy's PK," the expectation is that this mentor–protegè relationship will last well beyond the event itself.
The Promise Keepers' new emphasis on youth ministry was presaged by the 2001 eighteen–city conference series, "Turn the Tide: Living Out an Extreme Faith," which melds a biblical reference to promoting social change through Christian living (Romans 12:2) with the concept of "extreme sports" popular among young people today. Passage conferences are touted as an "in–your–face experience." Balancing their anti–establishment orientation with respect for competing forms of youth ministry, PK leaders are quick to emphasize that Passage is not aimed at supplanting more traditional church–run ministries to male youth groups such as the Boy Scouts.
The Promise Keepers have also broadened their reach beyond U.S. borders through "PKI"—Promise Keepers International. PKI hosts "International Summits" designed to unite evangelical Christians from around the world in brotherly prayer and worship. These summits are translated into no fewer than seven languages, are enlivened with world music (albeit from a Christian perspective), and feature "presentations from representatives of nations from every continent, including Messianic Rabbis, Pastors from Africa, Asia, Latin America and Europe" (www.pk–intl.com/summit.htm). By 2002, PKI had been established in nine countries, including Canada, Germany, New Zealand, South Africa, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and other European nations. And, true to form, several of these PKI chapters have their own websites.
PKI extends the group's longstanding engagement with cultural diversity. PK was criticized early on for a lack of representation of racial minorities on its staff and its failure to attract men of color despite its stated emphasis on racial reconciliation (see Allen 2001; Diamond 1998; Hawkins 2000; Jones and Lockhart 1999). Even McCartney himself, grandfather of two multiracial children, had previously acknowledged the group's failure on this front (Culver 1999b). However, in the last few years, the movement has begun to offer a more culturally diverse slate of speakers and is guided by a more genuinely multiracial cadre of leaders (Dujardin 2001; Rivera 2001). PKI is designed to take PK's multicultural brand of evangelicalism to the next level by broadening its base to include born–again Christians from outside the United States.
The rapid growth and decline of the Promise Keepers tells us a great deal about this men's movement and American religion. As a revivalistic movement that is sometimes quite critical of the religious establishment, PK was able to repackage spirituality, casting it as something other than "organized religion." This evangelical repackaging of faith made religious conviction palatable for a large number of American men. But eschewing "organized religion" comes at a cost. Social movements have traditionally found it difficult to parlay their appeal into an enduring influence unless they become institutionalized. In the world of feminism, the women's movement became consolidated and endures as the National Organization of Women. In the world of faith, religious movements often try to channel their charisma into organizations that are familiar to us all—congregations and denominations. United Methodism, begun by evangelist John Wesley, is one case in point. Thus, PK's anti-establishment approach to faith was its greatest strength and its most glaring weakness. PK was catapulted into the limelight and attracted men by the thousands through because it gave a free-flowing character to spirituality. In this way, it successfully dressed up religion in garb, such as sport, that is very familiar to American men. But this quality also meant that its fame would not last very long, as is commonly the case with revivalistic movements designed to attract a limited constituency (in this case, men).
John P. Bartkowski is an associate professor of sociology at Mississippi State University. He is author of Remaking the Godly Marriage: Gender Negotiation in Evangelical Families (Rutgers University Press, 2001) and Charitable Choices: Religion, Race, and Poverty in the Post–Welfare Era (New York University Press, 2003).
Abraham, Ken. 1997. Who are the Promise Keepers? Understanding the Christian Men's Movement. New York: Doubleday.
Bartkowski, John P. 2003. The Promise Keepers: Servants, Soldiers, and Godly Men. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press.
Brickner, Bryan W. 1999. Politics and Promises: The Promise Keepers. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield.
Claussen, Dane S. (edited). 1999. Standing on the Promises: The Promise Keepers and the Revival of Manhood. Cleveland, Oh.: Pilgrim Press.
Claussen, Dane S. (edited). 2000. The Promise Keepers: Essays on Masculinity and Christianity. Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland & Company, Inc.
Lundskow, George N. 2002. Awakening to an Uncertain Future. New York: Peter Lang.
Williams, Rhys H. (edited). 2001. Promise Keepers and the New Masculinity: Private Lives and Public Morality. Lanham, Maryland: Lexington Books.


text:
In been shared by a hyper-nationalist community of
June 12, 2019 May 21, 2020 / admin
In 1980, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs told the UN that minority groups do not exist in Japan.
In 2013, a Japanese online community is on a desperate mission to
prevent one minority from becoming widespread – the minority who speak
up about racism in Japan.
American teacher Mikine Dezaki was able to see for himself that it isn't
a commonly discussed subject. During his time as an English teacher in
Itoman City, Okinawa, he asked his students if they thought there was
racism and discrimination in Japan.
"In every class, only 2 or 3 students out of 40 raised their hands," he said in his now infamous YouTube video: Racism in Japan.
The majority of his students were convinced that discrimination is a
problem exclusive to the United States. Dezaki was able to capture their
attention by explaining how minority groups such as the burakumin and
even Okinawans themselves face discrimination in Japan, despite being
full citizens of the country and in some cases, ethnically
indistinguishable from other Japanese.
"I do know that they got a different perspective on racism and
discrimination that they have never gotten before," Dezaki said to One
Way Japan last week. "A lot of them have gone out of their way to
contact me to let me know that they support me and to tell me that my
lesson helped open their minds."
This supportive attitude has not been shared by a hyper-nationalist
community of Japanese web users known as the 'netouyo' – a short form
for the Japanese words meaning 'Internet' and 'right wing.' After Dezaki
uploaded a YouTube video describing his lesson, furious netouyo posted
abusive comments, including some death threats.
Then they went one step further, finding and sharing his personal
information so they could launch a campaign of phone calls and emails to
the board of education in Okinawa, Dezaki's former employer. The
netouyo are demanding that Dezaki's video be removed from YouTube,
because it is anti-Japanese.
It is now over a month since the video was first uploaded, and Dezaki
told us that the netouyo are still on his back. "I recently saw a blog
site where they were looking for my parents' phone number and address to
call them," he said.
Dezaki added that the board of education are still getting calls, but
they are starting to ignore them more and more. The demands of
responding to endless complaints had been raising stress levels for
Dezaki's former co-workers during an already busy year-end school term,
something he feels bad about.
"It was really hard to hear my co-workers, who I consider friends also,
telling me to take the video down," he recalled. "It just didn't make
sense to me that they loved my actual lesson in the classroom, but
wanted me to take down the video."
Dezaki's lesson content will have reminded those Okinawans of the
historical discrimination and exploitation that the older generations
faced, including the use of civilians as human shields by mainland Japanese during the Battle of Okinawa in 1945.
The callous attitude of the Imperial Army towards Okinawan civilians
became a 21st century battle in 2007 when controversy erupted over the
Ministry of Education's removal of details relating to civilian abuse
from Japanese history textbooks. Now Okinawa's public officials are
fighting another battle with Japan's nationalists – who are alleging
that Dezaki's video is full of mistakes.
The netouyo are able to air their views freely on 2channel, a popular
Japanese message board that does not require its users to register in
order to post. As a result, nationalist and xenophobic material is often
shared under the cloak of anonymity. For example, this post
branded permanent Korean residents of Japan as "despicable and cowardly
traitors" who abandoned their country and entered Japan under false
pretences.
"Medamasensei's act is very evil and he is a real racist," read one
comment on Dezaki's video, referring to him by his YouTube screen name.
"Maybe he is an anti-Japan Korean American. Please don't be deceived by
Korean lies."
In fact, Japan is Dezaki's ancestral homeland. One of the examples he
used to identify racism in Japan was the term 'bakachon kamera,' which
combines the Japanese word for 'stupid' with 'chon,' a derogatory term
for Koreans.
This type of camera is supposedly so straightforward that even a Korean could figure out how to use it.
"A lot of my students knew the term, but didn't know it referred to
Koreans," Dezaki recalled. "So I made it a point to tell them that they
could be saying this racist word around resident Koreans and
unknowingly hurt them."
According to Dezaki, the term is still used to some extent in everyday
conversations because this misunderstanding persists. However, when he
mentioned the phrase in his video, many viewers commented that they had
never heard it before. Mike Guest, a professor of English at the
University of Miyazaki, has cast further doubt on the prevalence of
'bakachon kamera' in modern Japanese.
"I asked four Japanese about the alleged slur it contained," he said in a column on ELT News.
"Two had never heard the word. Two others laughed at the word and
described it as an outdated hick phrase used by old people who were
none-too-smart about using cameras, hence the term."
The origin of the phrase however, does not mend the reaction it gets
from the Koreans themselves. For them, it is simply insulting and
demeaning, and thus it is no longer used in professional broadcasting.
Nonetheless, other phrases with derogatory effects remain in use by
public figures that attract large audiences. Long-time Tokyo governor
Shintaro Ishihara has commonly referred to China as Shina ??, the name
that was given to the country during the Japanese occupation in World
War II.
This phrase is also commonly used on Channel Sakura, a television and
Internet broadcaster that frequently presents right-wing and nationalist
views on various subjects. Click below to watch conservative political
analyst Gemki Fujii speak out against foreign residents obtaining voting
rights in local Japanese elections. This video amassed over 8,000 views
within a month of being uploaded, despite being presented in English.
Its Japanese subtitles use the term Shinajin ??? to describe Chinese.
Fujii's suspicion over the intentions of Korean and Chinese residents
does not merely represent the right-wing branch of Japanese society
only. The National Police Agency (NPA) publishes reports that
specifically address crimes committed by foreigners. The most recent one,
published last week, acknowledged that incidents of crime committed by
visiting foreigners have declined from a high of 47,865 incidents in
2005 to 15,368 in 2012. But after noting this 68% decrease, the NPA
immediately warned of the risk of international criminal organisations
penetrating Japan.
Korean and Chinese people were involved in 53% of the crimes recorded.
These statistics can act as a support system for media outlets that are
anxious to report on foreigners' behaviour while in Japan.
"There is definitely a media bias against foreigners," said Dezaki. "If a
foreigner commits a crime, it is major news, which makes it seem like
foreigners are always causing trouble. If a Japanese man commits the
same crime, it is news, but not given the same kind of coverage."
As long as Dezaki's video remains online, he is achieving a victory
against selective media coverage. However, as long as the netouyo are
able to post anonymously, their voices will continue to be heard without
interruption. The place of the netouyo in Japanese media debate and the
reality of Japanese attitudes towards the burakumin minority will be
examined in more depth in Part Two of this series on discrimination in
Japan.
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Business mechanical services including Tuning, Oil change, digital
In tax incentives and lowered direct tax
p.p1 inhuman future of metabolism that awaits
Abstract marginalization and exclusion of Muslims from
Only another language. Learning more than one
Writing Shorter Third Edition. Voltaire's character, Pangloss,
← In since there is not enough information
Uber riders who refuse to pay or forget →


text:
<!DOCTYPE html>

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        <title>Jeremy Magland - Jeremy Magland</title>
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Jeremy Magland

Spike sorting

Low friction data analysis in a web browser

                Published: Fri 23 March 2018

        <address class="vcard author">
                By                         Jeremy Magland
        </address>

In Spike sorting.

I already perform too many mouse clicks each day. Therefore, when I use a web service to accomplish a task, I want to be able to start interacting with the site immediately, without having to install software, sign up, or even log in. Sites like amazon.com have become very successful because they allow users to shop around and do as much as possible before being asked to log in or enter a credit card number. As a programmer, I make good use of websites such as jsfiddle that allow you to simply type in some JavaScript code and click "Run". If you find the result useful (perhaps it is a minimal test or proof of principle) you simply share the URL with a friend or on a discussion board -- no need to register or log in!

A couple years ago, I was particularly inspired by a mind-mapping website called mindmup.com. Unfortunately this site has since become overly complex. But at the time, their home page presented a single blue bubble at the center of the browser window. Just by typing and dragging bubbles around, I could create a mind map, perfect for brainstorming or outlining a talk or a paper. I could then simply share my creation with friends or family by sending the URL.

Another fantastic resource is etherpad (I believe developed by Mozilla), which enables collaborative typing on a virtual piece of paper in the cloud. You can have dozens of people simultaneously editing the same document in real time, and each person's text is highlighted in a different color. Upon visint the website you are assigned a brand new virtual piece of paper, and you can share the URL with anyone else you want to co-edit with.

Many other for-profit resources on the web provide free access to a subset of functionality, and understand the importance of not requiring the user to provide unnecessary information in order to use those basic resources. Signing up in order to use further resources is then optimized to be as painless as possible. This is what I mean by a low-friction experience.

With these examples in mind, let's consider data analysis in the cloud, and in particular hosting a website for validating and comparing spike sorting algorithms on a standard collection of ground-truthed datasets. Most users will probably just want to browse the hosted datasets, view results of standard processing pipelines on those examples, and perhaps view some of the associated summary plots. More advanced users may want to download the raw data files, or resulting outputs of spike sorting. Some visitors may even wish to view the processing pipelines that generated those results. With the exception of downloading the very large raw data files, users should be able to perform all these tasks without logging in.

Other user actions should require logging in (for example with a google or github account) but perhaps not signing up. These could include uploading of moderate-sized datasets for potential inclusion in the set of standard examples, running of moderately-intensive custom processing scripts, or launching a jupyterlab session (with limited resources) for more interactive exploration of the data in ipython notebooks. Only the more resource-consuming actions would require signing up, getting moderator approval, and being allocated quotas.

This type of design has advantages for administrators as well. After all, it is much easier to be a user on the client-side than to be manipulating files on the server-side. Therefore an administrator (i.e., a person maintaining the example datasets and processing pipelines, and monitoring processing jobs) could simply be a user with an unlimited quota for consuming the resources.

blogroll

Pelican

Python.org

Jinja2

You can modify those links in your config file

social

atom feed

You can add links in your config file

Another social link

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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Is this an okay planning for burning fat?
Someone told me that it was working all the same muscles, but I'm not too sure how to target other muscles?
Am I in the right to take a day off work?
Advice for a skinny af newbie?
Skinny guy joining gym for first time - any tips?
Not too athletic, do boxing to get fit?
Is this workout routine any good?


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All the more along these lines, you'll see that you'll have the capacity to exploit online audits, implying that you can know about a few manufacturers who may be erroneously advertising their oils. Through this, you won't burn through cash on the wrong product; you'll have the capacity to discover that you can comprehend with regards to the best CBD brand.
Besides this, you need to know of other ways through which you can discern as to how it is you need to shop online. The first of them is the extraction strategy. There are different strategies companies use to extricate CBD from the cannabis plant. This will assist you in knowing some of the processes which might not be ideal. What's more, guarantee that you pick a company which properly extracts its CBD oil.
In this manner, they will utilize strategies that incorporate toxic compounds, for example, hexane, propane, and butane. That is, you'll guarantee that there won't be any toxins which a few companies may have utilized amid the extraction process. Something that in due time will guarantee that you won't have any health problems later on and furthermore that you achieve an incentive for your cash.
In this manner, get the chance to guarantee that you can pick a company which has legitimate extraction strategies, along these lines having the capacity to guarantee that you get quality CBD oil. At times, you'll find that the price will also determine quality, meaning that the higher the price, the better the oil will be. You need to be careful however to ensure that you don't purchase expensive CBD oil without looking at the other factors.
The nature of CBD oil additionally relies upon its source. That is, get the chance to learn that you can know with regards to the spots which the hemp plant develops.


Brussels, 27 November 2018 (ITUC OnLine): The CEOs of Marriott International, Ryanair and Uber are amongst the 10 global CEOs shortlisted in the poll for the 2018 Worst Boss in the World organised by the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC).
The shortlist was unveiled today ahead of the 4th ITUC World Congress in Copenhagen to be held from 2 – 7 December.
"While there are many CEOs with bad track records, ten men whose companies have a global footprint have been chosen for the 2018 poll due to their abuses of workers' rights and their activities which undermine the interests of working people," Sharan Burrow, ITUC General Secretary, was quoted as saying in an ITUC release.
· Doug McMillon, President and CEO Walmart Inc.
"Four years ago bankers represented some of the worst abuses of corporate power; now it's platform businesses with the likes of Amazon, Uber and Deliveroo that dominate the worst boss shortlist.
"Digitalisation will gather more speed, but the choices about regulation to protect workers' rights and the public interest are in the hands of democratically elected governments. Workers and their unions will not accept the 'Uberisation' of work where employers take no responsibility for employees and fail to pay tax or contribute to social protection," said Sharan Burrow.
The public can vote for the worst boss until 18:00 Central European Time, 6 December 2018. https://congress2018.ituc-csi.org/worst-boss. The winner will be announced during the ITUC World Congress in Copenhagen.
More than 1,200 trade unionists from 250 national trade union centres and 132 countries will debate trade union priorities for the next four years.