If you are after a retro 1980's driver that will not break the bank, a Mercedes W123 diesel sedan is a great choice. The 70 hp of diesel fury will not get you anywhere in a hurry, but the electric blue paint with coordinating hubcaps will win Miami Vice fans admiration. Like the W115 predecessor, the W123 did not lose the bank vault feel of quality and solid construction. The four circular headlights here will never go out of style unlike the ovals shaped lights found on the later W210's that look passe' already. Find this 1983 Mercedes 240D for sale in Portola CA for $5,000 via craigslist. Tip from Fuel Truck.
Beautiful 1-family owned 1983 Mercedes 240D. Car has been in my family since it was purchased brand new in San Rafael.
This car has been stored most of its life and runs great for a car of its age. Overall the original paint is in great shape and you can tell that this car has been well cared for. It had been fully serviced and detailed in 2013-14 and comes with many new parts.
Cosmetically the car has imperfections and wear and tear, but overall is in very good shape and could be detailed even further. There are some dings and scratches on the body, some of which have been touched up. There is only a small sign on rust on the sunroof, but its smaller than half a dime and the rest of the car shows no obvious signs.
Please do not ask for additional pictures. If serious, please let me know and you can see it in person.
-Roll up windows - cranks have been improvised.
-Comes with car cover, OEM tools, Extra fluids etc.
-Ebrake is fully functional but light stays on. I suspect that it is just a loose sensor.
-Comes with lots extras such as emblem, fluids, oil filters, fuel filter, water pump, tools, full service manual, fuses, and more!
No tachometer needed here folks! Just listen for the engine sound to hit a fever diesel pitch and grab another gear. The gauges here appears to be much expensive looking than the ones fitted on the Cadillac ATS that I saw at the NY Auto show this spring.
You don't need a tach because you'll feel the end of the power band drop off a cliff. That's how my 524td works. After 4000 rpm you're not making any more power, just more noise. If I lived in California, I'd so drive this just to get out of smog. The PVC+ drawer knob for the window crank makes me chuckle.
The speedometer has the shift points painted on it as little orange dots. Not that you need them for upshifts but more as something to keep an eye on when you are going uphill and want to know if you have slowed down enough to shift into a lower gear. Note that the dots make so much more sense as "when to downshift" points than "when to upshift points"
Acceleration from a standing start is best accomplished if you think of it as being powered by a gigantic flywheel that happens to have a small engine attached.
I miss mine, killed by the Manhattan Mercedes Benz dealer over tightening the oil-filter leading to a catastrophic chain of events.


The Merciless Metric Century is a fun, challenging 64-mile ride with 5500′ of elevation gain that takes you down the spectacular San Mateo County coastline, up winding mountain trails, past ancient redwoods and back through pristine watershed areas. This route is recommended for seasoned riders or teams who seek new challenges and a hard-earned sense of accomplishment. Riders under 18 must be accompanied by a parent or guardian.
For 2019, all three of our road ride routes have been updated and are now better than ever with a scenic detour through the peaceful, winding backroads of Half Moon Bay.
There are three aid stations along the course (see map below for exact locations). Check our Event Day Schedule & Parking for starting times and additional details. You can also follow us on Twitter, Facebook and Instagram.
If you have specific questions about the course, please email us at dsr@parca.org or use the Contact form below.
Routes are subject to change based on CalTrans and local government requirements and/or weather conditions.


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LGBT History Month Q&A: Misty Chance on why it's easier than ever to 'become an obituary' in the Village
19 Feb 2015 - 12:18PM | By MM staff
To celebrate LGBT History Month, MM talk to LGBT figures from across Greater Manchester about their experiences of coming out and what progress they think the city still has to make towards equality.
Yesterday we spoke to Adam Zane, the artistic director for Manchester's Hope Theatre Company. Adam, an MMU graduate, who also starred in Queer as Folk, opened up about growing up gay in the eighties and nineties and the changes he's seen in the Village over the last 20 years.
The baton is passed today to one of Canal Street's most recognisable icons, Misty Chance. The Manchester-based drag artist is a familiar face in the Village for her quizzes, karaoke and cabaret.
Misty also works as an ambassador for the George House Trust, the voluntary organisation supporting people living with and affected by HIV in the North West. In her personal life, she's a keen Trekkie and any followers of her Twitter will be well aware of her love for Patrick Stewart.
How old were you when you first realised you were L/G/B or T?
I'm pretty sure that I always knew, but I can never remember a time when I considered girls as potential partners. I had a younger brother and the clear differences between the way we acted and the things we were interested in only seemed to confirm the fact that I was not the same as most of the other boys around me.
I also had a younger sister who I indentified with much more – to the point of switching all her Barbie dolls with my Thundercats.
AMBASSADOR: Misty is also a representative for Manchester-based HIV charity George House Trust (©Misty Chance, via YouTube, with thanks)
Could you tell us your 'coming out' story?
I possibly have one of the easiest coming out stories of all. With regards to telling my mother, there was no stress or unexpected reactions at all. My early adolescence was a little unusual because for a part of it I was home schooled and wheelchair bound for more than 12 months following a road traffic accident.
I had never really hidden my flamboyant nature previous to this whilst at public school, which did lead to one or two bullies trying their luck. These attacks came to an abrupt end when my dad turned up at the school yard gates with our Doberman, Ben, and told the kids that the dog wanted to know who had been flushing my school books down the toilets. It never happened again.
Unfortunately, my brother and sister didn't survive the car accident so I was brought up from there on as an only child, being treasured and doted upon as my mother perhaps overcompensated.
We were always close, my mother and I, and I would go shopping with her (by choice!) whilst my brother Jordan used to go to football practice with my dad. I was a super mummy's boy and I knew that when it was time to come out, she wouldn't have an issue with it.
My dad of course proved to be a different story but for various reasons, irrelevant to this question, his opinion was not of great importance to me.
Once I had fully recovered from the accident, my family bought their first pub, a working class gentleman's boozer, and it was a daily occurrence for of one of the lads from the footy or snooker team to call me a poof as I passed through the bar on my way to school.
If ever my mother caught wind of them doing this she would bar them on the spot. She ran the place in a very Thatcheresque manner and in general our customers accepted my obvious dramatic flair, mainly because if they didn't, Burnley's answer to Peggy Mitchell would be on their case.
I was very well protected and I was calm and comfortable with the knowledge that I was gay – I had simply decided not to announce it until I had actually met a guy.
The night that I kissed a boy while out clubbing in Burnley was the night I came home and told my mother that I had kissed someone, and that he was also called Christian. She asked if I liked it, I said yes, and then she told me to go downstairs and get us a couple of beers out of the cooler and some bacon fries. I was subsequently with Chris for three years before moving abroad.
MANCHESTER QUEENS vs FACEBOOK: Misty attacked the social network in September for stripping drag artists of their names
(©Misty Chance, via YouTube, with thanks)
From coming out to now, what are lessons you have learnt about yourself with regards to you and your sexuality?
Even in my later years of schooling, I was sure of two things, even though I couldn't quite explain how I was going to achieve them. One of them was that I was going to get married by the age of 25 and the other was that I was going to have children by the age of 30.
All this must have sounded strange coming from a 15-year-old boy but I was never in any doubt. When my career plans took a sudden change of direction and I started doing drag in my early 20s, I was still adamant that my goals would stay the same, yet when my job demanded that I settle in a prominently gay area, my future plans unfortunately became seemingly unobtainable.
The biggest lesson I keep with me since coming out is that as 'normal' as we are allowed to be now by our peers, our government, our laws and to an extent, even our church, the lifestyle of a scene-dwelling homosexual is far from a traditional wedlocked 2.4 children utopia – what I was brought up wanting and believing in.
That's not to say that there isn't the odd exception, there always is, but a large part of their achievement is used up constantly reminding the rest of us how happy they are via social media. You've heard the expression 'the lady doth protest too much'?
For me it came down to one simple decision. On a condensed alcohol-laden gay scene like Manchester, the primary mission is to have fun. Going to work is just the inconvenient thing its inhabitants have to do to get enough money to be able to afford that fun.
It seems to me that you cannot do both an incredibly involved and professional job AND party hard on a scene centred on drinking, conquest and recreational drugs. In my case (swap the partying for settling down), I chose to concentrate on my career and abandon the original map I had drawn out for myself back in my school days.
Now, at 34 years old, I can picture a time when I will turn around and suddenly I will be an old Queen, possibly alone, possibly with no continuation of my family name and possibly regretting that I decided to put all my energy in to my work – possibly! Time will tell, but that's a future lesson.
Catch me here: pic.twitter.com/rE7GB3ASXR
— Misty Chance (@themistyshow) February 4, 2015
What are the biggest challenges still to overcome in the UK for the LGBT community?
I very much feel that in the UK we are on the right track and are really setting a wonderful example to the rest of the world. Basic human rights are afforded to us all in our country and the few remaining old-school laws that excluded the LGBT community are slowly now catching up.
These sorts of things take time, but I'm confident that we will have a blanket rule for everyone across the UK regarding things like marriage, adoption and blood donation within the next ten years or less.
And what about for the rest of the world?
The one thing that will always interfere and attempt to keep the LGBT community and indeed the general population from moving forward is religion.
I used to find people's blind unwavering faith and belief in the unphysical quite inspirational but as we as human beings have become more knowledgeable about the world around us and scientific fact explains our genetics and social behaviours to us, there seems less room for ancient texts and messiahs in today's society.
Atrocities like gay men being thrown from the tops of buildings and schoolchildren being suspended because they have come out are events which we can only watch through our fingers in horror. We simply can't identify with this kind of persecution in our country.
Those heinous acts clearly need addressing by their respective leaders and I don't think that that there are any definitive solutions, certainly none that wouldn't end with conflict.
There is and should be room for all kinds of thought and diversity in this world, but there does come a time when it might be necessary to intervene, and perhaps this is one of them?
'WATCHING ON IN HORROR': Religion is the cause of videos like this, which show a gay man thrown off a tower block roof and then being stoned after surviving the fall, claims Misty (©Live Leak, with thanks)
What would you say to your young self or a young LGBT person with the knowledge you have now about coming out?
The act of coming out is actually one of great joy. It changes everything about the person, and I would liken it to putting on my makeup, or more appropriately, removing it at the end of the evening. No more pretending, no more acting how you're expected to act, no more doing things that don't come natural to you.
I would say savour it and also do it as soon as you feel ready. You often hear of people coming out late in life and cursing themselves for wasting a large portion of their real existence.
For me personally, I would have assured myself that I had more support beyond my immediate family before exploding out of the closet.
People you don't know intimately like casual acquaintances and work colleagues harbour all kinds of opinions which you may not be aware of. These are also people that you can remove from your life should you find that you are no longer compatible – that is worth remembering.
How does being gay impact on your job/career?
Though being a drag queen doesn't require the performer to be gay, I have yet to meet one who isn't. Being gay myself and having been around the block once or twice stands me in good stead when it comes to dealing with requests for information and advice from 'the next generation' of young gay people who sort of see a drag queen as some kind of matriarchal figure.
I suppose if I was straight, then I would be less equipped to handle such enquires, and though it isn't exactly in my job description, I'm happy to help newbies help if I think I have something positive to offer them.
THE MAN BEHIND THE WOMAN: Misty Chance is the moniker behind Christian James D'Arcy, who says she's never met a drag queen who isn't gay (©Misty Chance, via YouTube, with thanks)
What are your thoughts on Manchester's LGBT scene? Is the Village still the heart of it in your mind?
I have been in and worked in many LGBT areas all over the world from Malaga to Sydney, and though they are all cosmetically different, at heart they are all pretty much the same. How good they are all depends on what your role within the scene is going to be and your reasons for being there.
For community and a familiarity of the likes I have never seen anywhere else, Manchester wins hands down.
Our Gay Village is almost like a mini eco system, with generational bars, price ranges to cater for every class and a distinctive yin and yang feel. Every time there's a break up or a dispute you often hear people say 'well, that's the Village for ya', but I suspect the individuals who say that would be having troubles even if they lived in Eden itself.
The Village can be a dark place, but only if your mind is in a dark place. There are ways and means of staying out of mischief and it takes people skills.
Be respectful to others; acknowledge their differences; call it a debate not an argument; call it 'getting to know', not 'in a relationship'; and every once in a while, take a step back and analyse your drug intake – it's easier than ever to become an obituary around here.
What makes Manchester a good place to live in for members of the LGBT community?
Over on the good side, to quote the song from Cheers, 'sometimes you want to go where everybody knows your name', and as we all seem to live in each other's pockets – both whilst out in the Village and from home on social media – our business becomes public knowledge.
Manchester's Village is one of the only places I have ever lived where I could be having an 'off' day at home, head to the Village alone (even with no money) and end up eating, drinking and having interesting conversation by giving nothing more than a verbal IOU to any given venue owner.
Perhaps that's partly due to my job and being employed by most of them at one point or another, but still, that truth always delights me. The businesses of the Village are very supportive of things like charity, campaigns for safety, public social events and even of each other. You can often see one venue rolling a barrel of beer down Canal St as they lend it to a neighbouring bar.
The LGBT community has pushed further into the city than ever before with events such as Manchester Pride, Fringe festival and Queer Contact theatre performances, a sure sign of a great diverse modern society.
The people that live and work in and around Canal St are viciously protective of the area and the customers who use the street enjoy the benefits of this community spirit and if they love Manchester's LGBT community, it will love them back. Canal Street and its surrounding area is, in my opinion, the best gay scene this country has to offer.
Image courtesy of Misty Chance, with thanks
LGBT History Month 2015: What's on across Manchester
LGBT History Month Q&A: Theatre head says 'fear and denial was just a way of life'
LGBT History Month Q&A: Gay choir chair says Manchester is beacon of hope
LGBT History Month Q&A: 'I didn't come out so much as fall out', says Village landlord
LGBT History Month Q&A: DJ Danny Beard bares all in poignant coming out story
Misty Chance
George House Trust

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Q: How to get the Facebook logged in users Friends details and send them message from C# application where logged in user is not the admin How to get the Facebook logged in users Friends details and send them message from C# application where logged in user is not the admin?

A: Non admin users can retrieve their facebook friends if in the app created in facebook has its sandbox mode as off.
to send message u can user send dialoge provided by facebook "http://developers.facebook.com/docs/reference/dialogs/send/"

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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Brexit: Increase in racist attacks after EU referendum
Submitted by redaksi1 on Rabu, 29 Jun 2016 - 19:57
KONFRONTASI-Britain "will not tolerate intolerance", the office of Prime Minister David Cameron has said, after a series of racist incidents were reported following its decision to leave the European Union.
No 10 Downing Street came out on Monday with the warning, less than a week after the country voted to leave the EU in a referendum.
"We should be absolutely clear that this government will not tolerate intolerance ... intimidating migrants, telling them they need to go home," Cameron's spokeswoman told journalists.
The Polish Embassy in London earlier said it was "shocked and deeply concerned" by incidents of abuse directed at Poles and other Eastern Europeans living in England.
They include the posting of laminated cards reading "Leave the EU - no more Polish vermin" to members of the Polish community in Huntingdon, near the eastern city of Cambridge, on Saturday.
There were also reports of racist graffiti scrawled on a Polish community centre in Hammersmith, west London. The Metropolitan Police Service said it was investigating the claim.
READ MORE: Poland 'shocked' by xenophobic abuse of Poles in UK
"We would like to thank people for all the messages of support and solidarity with the Polish community expressed by the British public," the embassy said.
London mayor Sadiq Khan on Monday placed the city's police force on alert following the incidents.
Khan said he took "seriously my responsibility to defend London's fantastic mix of diversity and tolerance.
"I've asked our police to be extra vigilant for any rise in cases of hate crime, and I'm calling on all Londoners to pull together and rally behind this great city."
Mark Hamilton, the head of the National Police Chiefs' Council, said: "We are seeing an increase in reports of hate crime incidents to True Vision, the police online hate crime reporting site.
"This is similar to the trends following other major national or international events. In previous instances, crime levels returned to normal relatively quickly but we are monitoring the situation closely."
'90 incidents'
Other incidents were reported on social media. Many used the #postrefracism tag and account to call out examples of intolerance, both to EU citizens living in England and non-white Britons.
One Twitter user, Ben Zen, wrote that two Britons waved an English flag towards him and, having heard him speak in Romanian, said: "We voted you out. Go home you f*****g immigrants."
Another, Carlos from London, posted images of a Polish father and son who had been severely beaten, reporting that the family members had said Englishmen were behind the attack.
On Facebook, Ai Sha shared a video showing members of the far-right English Defence League gathering outside a mosque in Birmingham waving a flag that read: "Rapefugees Not Welcome", as they shouted "f*****g p**dos" and "Allah, Allah, who the f*** is Allah?". Police later made two arrests.
John O'Connell, from anti-racism group Far Right Watch, said they had recorded more than 90 incidents in the past three days, ranging from "verbal abuse up to physical violence".
Rights groups called on people to report incidents as they promised action.
"Now we are witnessing the shocking extent of this with reports around the country of hate speech and minorities being targeted," said Shuja Shafi, secretary general of the Muslim Council of Britain. "I will be writing to the Home Secretary to ask what measures are being taken to step up security and policing in areas where such incidences have been reported."
Human Rights Watch said authorities "should take strong action to curb xenophobic attacks and abuse in the United Kingdom in the wake of the referendum", as it encouraged people to report xenophobic acts to the police.
"A failure by the authorities and political leaders to address - and be seen to address - these initial attacks risks creating a permissive climate for further attacks and exacerbating divisions within society," the group warned.
A few days before the referendum, the far-right, anti-immigrant UKIP party was accused of racism after unveiling a poster showing a queue of refugees with the slogan "Breaking point" and a plea to leave the EU.[mr/aje]
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- Product of WAE [Copyright: Williams Advanced Engineering]
Williams Advanced Engineering's majority stake sold to EMK Capital
Darshan Chokhani posted in Home Of F1
Williams Grand Prix Holdings has initiated majority sale process of its Advanced Engineering division to funds controlled by EMK Capital LLP.
In an interesting move, Williams Grand Prix Holdings plc announced an agreement to sell its majority equity stake to funds controlled by an independent private equity firm, EMK Capital LLP. Williams will still retain a 'significant' minority stake, even with the new deal.
The idea behind the sale is to not only secure its future but also accelerate its long-term growth, where they are to commercialise various technology opportunities. The Williams AE has had a strong influence in the industry which it wishes to continue.
The firm has more than 300 people working currently with over 40 live projects in automotive, motorsport, aerospace, marine, defence and healthcare fields. Mike O'Driscoll, Group Chief Executive Officer of Williams said:
"We have rapidly grown WAE from an embryonic one client start-up, to a business with many clients in multiple sectors. The time is now right to sell a majority stake to enable WAE to further scale and develop its technologies.
"EMK Capital have a proven track record of success which will enable WAE to take advantage of these emerging opportunities and realise its full potential." At the same time, Craig Wilson, Managing Director of Williams Advanced Engineering, stated:
"Williams Advanced Engineering has developed a strong reputation for providing energy-efficient advanced performance solutions to a diverse range of sectors and blue-chip clients. This expertise and our technologies in areas such as electrification, lightweight structures, aerodynamics and precision manufacture will become even more relevant and in-demand globally going forward.
"This new ownership structure will enable WAE to take advantage of these emerging opportunities and comes at a pivotal moment allowing us to further invest in new areas of capability and technologies in order to realise the full potential of the business."
Finally, Edmund Lazarus, EMK added: "We are excited about partnering with WGPH and the WAE management team to support further growth in this exceptional engineering business which has achieved so much in such a short period of time."
[Image courtesy: Williams Advanced Engineering] [Note: This story was also written by me on FormulaRapida.net]


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Loud and Clear Glasgow are full range Monitor Audio stockists including Bronze, Silver, Gold and Platinum series. We also supply and install Radius series as well as the full range of the Monitor Audio "Custom Install" series of in wall and in ceiling speakers.
Monitor Audio are a wholly owned British specialist manufacturer with over 40 years of research, development and design experience. They manufacture a wide range of speakers to complement the very best hi-fi and cinema systems along with acoustically-matched architectural loudspeakers to compliment the most elegant of homes.
Mo Iqbal, an enthusiastic company owner with unrelenting passion for sound reproduction, experimented with metal tweeter dome designs in the 1980s and launched the first speaker featuring a gold alloy dome tweeter in 1988. With many fantastic products launched during his tenure, such as the original Gold Reference series, the Studio 20 and Studio 50, he sold his company in the early 2000s.
Over the years Monitor Audio has grown from strength to strength and delivered some fantastic new technologies along the way such as "C-Cam" (Ceramic-coated Aluminium/Magnesium) drive units which are used across the range of loudspeakers.
The technology originally came from the aerospace industry and was refined over many years by the company due to its rigid, yet light properties, which are ideal for use in bass-drivers to provide sudden and deep, dynamic bass frequencies whilst avoiding distortion and remaining clean and controlled.
The range of Monitor Audio products on demonstration from Loud and Clear Glasgow includes: Bronze series, Silver series, Gold stand-mount and the Platinum PL300 floor-stander. We also have the Radius series on show.


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Q: it tastes/it's tasting wonderful(ly) Let's say my girlfriend has made me/us dinner and I want to compliment her for her cooking (while we're eating). Would all these be equally correct and idiomatic?
It tastes wonderful, honey.
It tastes wonderfully, honey.
It's tasting wonderful, honey.
It's tasting wonderfully, honey.

A:
It tastes wonderful.

The verb "taste" is one of the verbs that can act as a linking verb, to connect a subject and an adjective.  In this linking form, you should normally use the simple present tense (unless you particularly want to emphasise that that it will soon not taste wonderful) and use an adjective, not an adverb.  The word "wonderful" describes "it".  It doesn't describe the action of "taste", and so you would not use an adverb.

A: Take a look at the following examples:
I'm tasting the food. It tastes good / wonderful.
I'm smelling the flower. It smells good / wonderful.
It feels wonderful.
It looks wonderful.


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Home > Government & Economy
Tillerson on East Asia visit in shadow of North Korea threat
Mon, Mar 13, 2017 - 10:30 AM
US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson will arrive in Tokyo on Wednesday for talks with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida, who watched Pyongyang's latest missile tests with alarm.
[WASHINGTON] With North Korea's drive to field a nuclear-armed missile rapidly emerging as President Donald Trump's first foreign crisis, his top diplomat is heading to a nervous region.
US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, a former oil executive with no government experience, has yet to make an impact in Washington, where he has not even appointed a senior staff.
But this week he will head as emissary of the world's top power to Tokyo, Seoul and Beijing to tackle a nuclear stand-off that threatens to tip into a catastrophic war.
Mr Tillerson will arrive in Tokyo on Wednesday for talks with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida, who watched Pyongyang's latest missile tests with alarm.
On Friday, he will be in Seoul and a South Korea mired in a domestic political crisis but also still braced for further provocations from its belligerent northern neighbour.
SEE ALSO: North Korea-China ties 'invincible', says KCNA, as Xi wraps up trip
The secretary will meet Hwang Kyo Ahn - who is acting president until an election can be held to replace impeached leader Park Geun Hye - and talk with Foreign Minister Yun Byung Se.
Then, on Saturday, Mr Tillerson will be in China, the United States' nearest peer as a world power and perhaps the only one that retains any leverage over Kim Jong Un's regime.
China supported previous UN sanctions against North Korea, and has in theory halted coal imports from its smaller neighbour, but it is reluctant to take steps that could see the regime fall.
Since coming to office in January, and especially since the most recent North Korean missile tests last week, Mr Trump has been looking for ways to turn up the pressure on Pyongyang.
"I think it's well known that we are looking currently at approaches to the North Korea question and there is a range of things that are being considered," a senior US official said.
Among the other options pushed by the hawkish wing of the Washington foreign policy community are secondary sanctions that would target any Chinese banks that work with Pyongyang.
But officials preparing the trip, briefing reporters anonymously at a time when most senior diplomatic positions in Washington are unfilled, said no major announcements are imminent.
"We're trying to come up with what the approach of the new administration is going to be," one said.
No peace treaty was signed after the 1950-53 Korean war, so Seoul and its US ally are technically still in a state of hostilities with its neighbour across a demilitarised zone.
Since the peninsula split, South Korea has become an economic power with democratic institutions, but there are still more than 28,000 US personnel deployed to aid in its defence.
Kim, the third leader in a dynasty that rules through oppression and a personality cult, has proved just as determined as his father and grandfather to develop a nuclear weapon.
North Korea has a small number of bombs and now it is testing an intercontinental ballistic missile and shorter-range rockets that could threaten US bases and cities in the Pacific rim.
Most observers see China as the only power with the leverage to get its isolated neighbour to stand down, and existing United Nations-backed sanctions have had little effect so far.
The crisis is shaping up to be the key early challenge of Mr Trump's presidency and the Pentagon has already provoked China's ire by deploying the Thaad anti-missile system in South Korea.
US officials insist Thaad is a purely defensive system designed to protect South Korea and Japan from Kim's missiles, but Beijing sees it as a threat to its own deterrent ability.
And the signals coming out of China are not encouraging for those in Washington who cling to the hope that Beijing may be ready to rein in its small but combative neighbour.
On Wednesday, Foreign Minister Wang Yi implied that the United States and North Korea were equally at fault for provoking the latest crisis and headed towards a "head-on collision."
Mr Wang urged the US military to halt planned exercises with South Korea, in exchange for Pyongyang halting its nuclear and missile programmes - an idea Washington promptly dismissed.
north korean nuclear weapons
north korea threat
South Korean man dies from self-immolation as dispute with Japan escalates
Efforts to develop workforce for digital economy must include workers from all sectors: Iswaran
Mnuchin currency remark seen raising risk of US currency intervention
Singapore returning S$50.3m seized in 1MDB probe to Malaysia: Police
Hong Kong: Stocks close week on a high
Europe: Stock markets rebound at open
South Korea: Stocks jump on expectations of deeper Fed rate cut
Australia: Shares jump as Fed official boosts rate cut bets
Tokyo: Nikkei closes up 2%


This two bedroom property offers so many choices for the future owner.
Surrounded by Moruya landmarks such as the Moruya River, Riverside Park ( home of the award winning SAGE markets, Riverlights and Granite Town Music Festival) Moruya Swimming Pool and an abundance of popular cafes, medical professionals and everyday essentials, this block is destined for future development.
Located in the CBD of Moruya with a B2 Business Centre zoning this property offers two street frontages and measures 733.5 sqm.
The two bedroom loft style home is original in design with distinctive timber features throughout. River views can be enjoyed from the main bedroom and from the downstairs open plan living area which includes a wood heater. The double garage offers an abundance of storage and a separate workshop area is located at the rear of the property. The property is fully fenced with side access. The property is currently tenanted.
With excellent connections to recreational and tourist destinations this property is visible from the waterfront with easy access from the northern approaches to the town from the Princes Highway. The location is perfect for tourist related uses, professional services or an option to renovate the current home or rebuild on the river side (Shore St) so water views can be enjoyed and have a business with separate entry from Church St (STCA).
Shore Street is trending towards commercialism with established professional services. With Riverside Park and Moruya River being a great drawcard to the town, investing in 51 Shore Street, Moruya gives you choices of redevelopment or a new venture blended with town living and a healthy lifestyle.
Moruya has a great community spirit and offers airport services, primary & secondary schools (government & non-government), Moruya District Hospital,Eurobodalla Shire Council and NSW Ambulance Service plus two large medical clinics. Moruya also has some good sporting facilities including a golf course and race course and is only a short distance to beautiful beaches.
Call our office to arrange for an inspection.


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Security, Territory, Population
Michel Foucault, Security, Territory, Population: Lectures at the Collège de France (1977-78). Edited by Michel Senellart, translated by Graham Burchell. General perspective of the lectures: the study of bio-power. ~ Five proposals on the analysis of mechanisms of power. ~ Legal system, disciplinary mechanisms, and security apparatuses (dispositifs). Two examples: (a) the punishment of the ; (b) the treatment of leprosy, plague, and smallpox. ~ General features of security apparatuses (1): the spaces of security. ~ The example of the town. ~ Three examples of planning urban space in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: (a) Alexandre Le Maître's La Métropolitée (1682); (b) Richelieu; (c) Nantes.
This year I would like to begin studying something that I have called, somewhat vaguely, bio-power. By this I mean a number of phenomena that seem to me to be quite significant, namely, the set of mechanisms through which the basic biological features of the human species became the object of a political strategy, of a general strategy of power, or, in other words, how, starting from the eighteenth century, modern western societies took on board the fundamental biological fact that human beings are a species. This is roughly what I have called bio-power. So, to begin with, I'd like to put forward a few proposals that should be understood as indications of choice or statements of intent, not as principles, rules, or theorems.
First, the analysis of these mechanisms of power that we began some years ago, and are continuing with now, is not in any way a general theory of what power is. It is not a part or even the start of such a theory. This analysis simply involves investigating where and how, between whom, between what points, according to what processes, and with what effects, power is applied. If we accept that power is not a substance, fluid, or something that derives from a particular source, then this analysis could and would only be at most a beginning of a theory, not of a theory of what power is, but simply of power in terms of the set of mechanisms and procedures that have the role or function and theme, even when they are unsuccessful, of securing power. It is a set of procedures, and it as such, and only as such, that the analysis of mechanisms of power could be understood as the beginnings of something like a theory of power.
Second indication of choice: the relations, the set of relations, or rather, the set of procedures whose role is to establish, maintain, and transform mechanisms of power, are not "self-generating"* or "self-subsistent"; they are not founded on themselves. Power is not founded on itself or generated by itself. Or we could say, more simply, that there are not first of all relations of production and then, in addition, alongside or on top of these relations, mechanisms of power that modify or disturb them, or make them more consistent, coherent, or stable. There are not family type relationships and then, over and above them, mechanisms of power; there are not sexual relationships with, in addition, mechanisms of power alongside or above them. Mechanisms of power are an intrinsic part of all these relations and, in a circular way, are both their effect and cause. What's more, in the different mechanisms of power intrinsic to relations of production, family relations, and sexual relations, it is possible, of course, to find lateral coordinations, hierarchical subordinations, isomorphic correspondences, technical identities or analogies, and chain effects. This allows us to undertake a logical, coherent, and valid investigation of the set of these mechanisms of power and to identify what is specific about them at a given moment, for a given period, in a given field.
Third, the analysis of these power relations may, of course, open out onto or initiate something like the overall analysis of a society. The analysis of mechanisms of power may also join up with the history of economic transformations, for example. But what I am doing – I don't say what I am cut out to do, because I know nothing about that – is not history, sociology, or economics. However, in one way or another, and for simple factual reasons, what I am doing is something that concerns philosophy, that is to say, the politics of truth, for I do not see many other definitions of the word "philosophy" apart from this. So, insofar as what is involved in this analysis of mechanisms of power is the politics of truth, and not sociology, history, or economics, I see its role as that of showing the knowledge effects produced by the struggles, confrontations, and battles that take place within our society, and by the tactics of power that are the elements of this struggle.
Fourth indication: I do not think there is any theoretical or analytical discourse which is not permeated or underpinned in one way or another by something like an imperative discourse. However, in the theoretical domain, the imperative discourse that consists in saying "love this, hate that, this is good, that is bad, be for this, beware of that," seems to me, at present at any rate, to be no more than an aesthetic discourse that can only be based on choices of an aesthetic order. And the imperative discourse that consists in saying "strike against this and do so in this way," seems to me to be very flimsy when delivered from a teaching institution or even just on a piece of paper. In any case, it seems to me that the dimension of what is to be done can only appear within a field of real forces, that is to say within a field of forces that cannot be created by a speaking subject alone and on the basis of his words, because it is a field of forces that cannot in any way be controlled or asserted within this kind of imperative discourse. So, since there has to be an imperative, I would like the one underpinning the theoretical analysis we are attempting to be quite simply a conditional imperative of the kind: If you want to struggle, here are some key points, here are some lines of force, here are some constrictions and blockages. In other words, I would like these imperatives to be no more than tactical pointers. Of course, it's up to me, and those who are working in the same direction, to know on what fields of real forces we need to get our bearings in order to make a tactically effective analysis. But this is, after all, the circle of struggle and truth, that is to say, precisely, of philosophical practice.
Finally, a fifth and final point: I think this serious and fundamental relation between struggle and truth, the dimension in which philosophy has developed for centuries and centuries, only dramatises itself, becomes emaciated, and loses its meaning and effectiveness in polemics within theoretical discourse. So in all of this I will therefore propose only one imperative, but it will be categorical and unconditional: Never engage in polemics.
Now I would like to begin the lectures. Their title is "security, territory, population."
The first question is obviously: What are we to understand by "security"? I would like to devote today and maybe next week to this question, depending on how quickly or slowly I go. I will take an example, or rather a series of examples, or rather one example modulated in three stages. It is a very simple, very childish example, but we will start from there and I think it will enable me to say certain things. Take a completely simple penal law in the form of a prohibition like, say, "you must not kill, you must not steal," along with its punishment, hanging, or banishment, or a fine. In the second modulation it is still the same penal law, "you must not steal," and it is still accompanied by certain punishments if one breaks this law, but now everything is framed by, on the one hand, a series of supervisions, checks, inspections, and varied controls that, even before the thief has stolen, make it possible to identify whether or not he is going to steal, and so on. And then, on the other hand, at the other end, punishment will not just be the spectacular, definitive moment of the hanging, fine, or banishment, but a practice like incarceration with a series of exercises and a work of transformation on the guilty person in the form of what we call penitentiary techniques: obligatory work, moralisation, correction, and so forth. The third modulation is based on the same matrix, with the same penal law, the same punishments, and the same type of framework of surveillance on one side and correction on the other, but now, the application of this penal law, the development of preventive measures, and the organisation of corrective punishment will be governed by the following kind of questions. For example: What is the average rate of criminality for this [type].
How can we can predict statistically the number of thefts at a given moment, in a given society, in a given town, in the town or in the country, in a given social stratum, and so on? Second, are there times, regions, and penal systems that will increase or reduce this average rate? Will crises, famines, or wars, severe or mild punishment, modify something in these proportions? There are other questions: Be it theft or a particular type of theft, how much does this criminality cost society, what damage does it cause, or loss of earnings, and so on? Further questions: What is the cost of repressing these thefts? Does severe and strict repression cost more than one that is more permissive; does exemplary and discontinuous repression cost more than continuous repression? What, therefore, is the comparative cost of the theft and of its repression, and what is more worthwhile: to tolerate a bit more theft or to tolerate a bit more repression? There are further questions: When one has caught the culprit, is it worth punishing him? What will it cost to punish him? What should be done in order to punish him and, by punishing him, reeducate him? Can he really be reeducated? Independently of the act he has committed, is he a permanent danger such that he will do it again whether or not he has been reeducated? The general question basically will be how to keep a type of criminality, theft for instance, within socially and economically acceptable limits and around an average that will be considered as optimal for a given social functioning. These three modalities seem to me to be typical of different things that we have studied, [and of] those that I would now like to study.
You are familiar with the first form, which consists in laying down a law and fixing a punishment for the person who breaks it, which is the system of the legal code with a binary division between the permitted and the prohibited, and a coupling, comprising the code, between a type of prohibited action and a type of punishment. This, then, is the legal or juridical mechanism. I will not return to the second mechanism, the law framed by mechanisms of surveillance and correction, which is, of course, the disciplinary mechanism. The disciplinary mechanism is characterised by the fact that a third personage, the culprit, appears within the binary system of the code, and at the same time, outside the code, and outside the legislative act that establishes the law and the judicial act that punishes the culprit, a series of adjacent, detective, medical, and psychological techniques appear which fall within the domain of surveillance, diagnosis, and the possible transformation of individuals. We have looked at all this. The third form is not typical of the legal code or the disciplinary mechanism, but of the apparatus (dispositif) of security, that is to say, of the set of those phenomena that I now want to study. Putting it in a still absolutely general way, the apparatus of security inserts the phenomenon in question, namely theft, within a series of probable events. Second, the reactions of power to this phenomenon are inserted in a calculation of cost. Finally, third, instead of a binary division between the permitted and the prohibited, one establishes an average considered as optimal on the one hand, and, on the other, a bandwidth of the acceptable that must not be exceeded. In this way a completely different distribution of things and mechanisms takes shape.
I have taken this simple example in order to stress straightaway two or three things that I would like to be quite clear, for all of you, and first of all, of course, for myself. I have apparently given you the bare bones, if you like, of a kind of historical schema. The legal system is the archaic form of the penal order, the system we are familiar with from the Middle Ages until the seventeenth or eighteenth century. The second we could call the modern system, which was established from the eighteenth century, and then the third is the, let's say, contemporary system, the problematic of which began to appear fairly early on, but which is currently being organised around new penal forms and the calculation of the cost of penalties; these are the American, but also European techniques that we are now seeing. Actually, to describe things in this way, as the archaic, ancient, modern, and contemporary, misses the most important thing. The main thing is missing, in the fist place, because, of course, the ancient modalities I spoke about involve those that appear as newer. It is absolutely clear that in the juridico-legal system, which functioned, or at any rate was dominant, until the eighteenth century, the disciplinary side was far from being absent since, after all, when a so-called exemplary punishment was imposed on an action, even and above all when the action was apparently of little importance or consequence, it was in fact precisely with the aim of having a corrective effect, if not on the culprit himself – because he was hardly corrected if he was hung – [then at least on the] rest of the population. To that extent, the practice of public torture and execution as an example was a corrective and disciplinary technique. Just as, in the same system, when one severely punished domestic theft – with the death penalty for a theft of very, very minor importance if it was committed in a house by someone who was received there or who was employed as a servant – it was clear that what was targeted was basically a crime that was only important due to its probability, and we can say that here too something like a mechanism of security was deployed. We could [say] the same with regard to the disciplinary system, which includes a whole series of dimensions that absolutely belong to the domain of security. Basically, when one undertakes to correct a prisoner, someone who has been sentenced, one tries to correct the person according to the risk of relapse, of recidivism, that is to say according to what will very soon be called dangerousness – that is to say, again, a mechanism of security. So, disciplinary mechanisms do not appear just from the eighteenth century; they are already present within the juridico-legal code. Mechanisms of security are also very old as mechanisms. Conversely, I could also say that if we take the mechanisms of security that some people are currently trying to develop, it is quite clear that this does not constitute any bracketing off or cancellation of juridico-legal structures or disciplinary mechanisms. On the contrary, still in the penal domain, look at what is currently taking place in the domain of security for example. There is an increasingly huge set of legislative measures, decrees, regulations, and circulars that permit the deployment of these mechanisms of security. In comparison, in the tradition of the Middle Ages and the Classical age, the legal code concerning theft was very simple. If you consider the body of legislation concerning not only theft, but theft by children, the penal status of children, mental responsibility, and the whole body of legislation regarding what are called, precisely, security measures, the supervision of individuals after they leave a penal institution, you can see that getting these systems of security to work involves a real inflation of the juridico-legal code. In the same way, with the establishment of these mechanisms of security there is a considerable activation and propagation of the disciplinary corpus. For in order actually to guarantee this security one has to appeal, to take just one example, to a whole series of techniques for the surveillance of individuals, the diagnosis of what they are, the classification of their mental structure, of their specific pathology, and so on; in short one has to appeal to a whole disciplinary series that proliferates under mechanisms of security and is necessary to make them work.
So, there is not a series of successive elements, the appearance of the new causing the earlier ones to disappear. There is not the legal age, the disciplinary age, and then the age of security. Mechanisms of security do not replace disciplinary mechanisms, which would have replaced juridico-legal mechanisms. In reality you have a series of complex edifices in which, of course, the techniques themselves change and are perfected, or anyway become more complicated, but in which what above all changes is the dominant characteristic, or more exactly, the system of correlation between juridico-legal mechanisms, disciplinary mechanisms, and mechanisms of security. In other words, there is a history of the actual techniques themselves. For example, you could perfectly well study the history of the disciplinary technique of putting someone in a cell, which goes back a long way. It was already frequently employed in the juridico-legal age; you find it used for debtors and above all you find it in the religious domain. So, you could study the history of this cell technique (that is to say, [of] its shifts, [of] its utilisation), and you would see at what point the cell technique, cellular discipline, is employed in the common penal system, what conflicts it gives rise to, and how it recedes. You could also analyse the security technique of criminal statistics. Crime statistics do not date from the present, but neither are they very old. In France, crime statistics were made possible by the famous Accounts of the Minister of Justice from 1826. So, you could study the history of these techniques. But there is another history, which would be the history of technologies, that is to say the much more general, but of course much more fuzzy history of the correlations and systems of the dominant feature which determine that, in a given society and for a given sector – for things do not necessarily develop in step in different sectors, at a given moment, in a given society, in a given country – a technology of security, for example, will be set up, taking up again and sometimes even multiplying juridical and disciplinary elements and redeploying them within its specific tactic. Still with regard to the penal domain, there is a very clear example of this at the moment. For some time now, for a good dozen years at least, it has been clear that the essential question in the development of the problematic of the penal domain, in the way in which it is reflected as well as in the way it is practiced, is one of security. Basically, the fundamental question is economics and the economic relation between the cost of repression and the cost of delinquency. Now what we see is that this problematic has led to such an inflation in disciplinary techniques, which were set up long ago however, that this increase of the disciplinary has been the point at which, if not scandal, at least friction has broken out – and the wound has been sufficiently sensitive to have provoked some real and even violent reactions. In other words, in a period of the deployment of mechanisms of security, it is the disciplinary that sparked off, not the explosion, for there has not been an explosion, but at least the most evident and visible conflicts. So, in this year's lectures I would like to show you in what this technology consists, in what some of these technologies [of security] consist, it being understood that each of them consists to a great extent in the reactivation and transformation of the juridico-legal techniques and the disciplinary techniques I have talked about in previous years.
I will just outline another example in order to introduce another set of problems or to emphasise and generalise the problem (and again, these are examples that I have talked about a hundred times). Take the exclusion of lepers in the Middle Ages, until the end of the Middle Ages. Although there were also many other aspects, exclusion essentially took place through a juridical combination of laws and regulations, as well as a set of religious rituals, which anyway brought about a division, and a binary type of division, between those who were lepers and those who were not. A second example is that of the plague (which again I have talked about, so I will return to it very briefly). The plague regulations formulated at the end of the Middle Ages, in the sixteenth and still in the seventeenth century, give a completely different impression, act in a completely differently way, have a completely different end, and above all use completely different instruments. These plague regulations involve literally imposing a partitioning grid on the regions and town struck by plague, with regulations indicating when people can go out, how, at what times, what they must do at home, what type of food they must have, prohibiting certain types of contact, requiring them to present themselves to inspectors, and to open their homes to inspectors. We can say that this is a disciplinary type of system. The third example, which we are currently studying in the seminar, is smallpox or inoculation practices from the eighteenth century. The problem is posed quite differently. The fundamental problem will not be the imposition of discipline, although discipline may be called on to help, so much as the problem of knowing how many people are infected with smallpox, at what age, with what effects, with what mortality rate, lesions or after-effects, the risks of inoculation, the probability of an individual dying or being infected by smallpox despite inoculation, and the statistical effects on the population in general. In short, it will no longer be the problem of exclusion, as with leprosy, or of quarantine, as with the plague, but of epidemics and the medical campaigns that try to halt epidemic or endemic phenomena.
Here again, moreover, we need only look at the body of laws and the disciplinary obligations of modern mechanisms of security to see that there is not a succession of law, then discipline, then security, but that security is a way of making the old armatures of law and discipline function in addition to the specific mechanisms of security. So, in Western societies, in the domain of law, in the domain of medicine, and in other domains also, which is why I have given this other example, you can see a somewhat similar evolution and more or less the same type of transformations. What is involved is the emergence of technologies of security within mechanisms that are either specifically mechanisms of social control, as in the case of the penal system, or mechanisms with the function of modifying something in the biological destiny of the species. Can we say then – and this is what is at stake in what I want to analyse – that the general economy of power in our societies is becoming a domain of security? So, in these lectures I would like to undertake a sort of history of technologies of security and try to identify whether we can really speak of a society of security. At any rate, under this name of a society of security, I would like simply to investigate whether there really is a general economy of power which has the form [of], or which is at any rate dominated by, the technology of security.
So, some general features of these apparatuses (dispositifs) of security. I would like to identify four, I don't know how many… anyway I will start by analysing some of them. First of all I would like to study a little, just in an overview, what could be called spaces of security. Second, I would like to study the problem of the treatment of the uncertain, the aleatory. Third, I will study the form of normalisation specific to security, which seems to me to be different from the disciplinary type of normalisation. And finally, I will come to what will be the precise problem of this year, which is the correlation between the technique of security and population as both the object and subject of these mechanisms of security, that is to say, the emergence not only of the notion, but also of the reality of population. Population is undoubtedly an idea and a reality that is absolutely modern in relation to the functioning of political power, but also in relation to knowledge and political theory, prior to the eighteenth century.
So, first, questions of space, broadly speaking. Baldly, at first sight and somewhat schematically, we could say that sovereignty is exercised within the borders of a territory, discipline is exercised on the bodies of individuals, and security is exercised over a whole population. Territorial borders, individual bodies, and a whole population, yes… but this is not the point and I don't think it holds together. In the first place it does not hold together because we already come across the problem of multiplicities in relation to sovereignty and discipline. If it is true that sovereignty is basically inscribed and functions within a territory, and that the idea of sovereignty over an unpopulated territory is not only a juridically and politically acceptable idea, but one that is absolutely accepted and primary, nevertheless the effective, real, daily operations of the actual exercise of sovereignty point to a certain multiplicity, but one which is treated as the multiplicity of subjects, or [as] the multiplicity of a people.
Discipline is of course also exercised on the bodies of individuals, but I have tried to show you how the individual is not the primary datum on which discipline is exercised. Discipline only exists insofar as there is a multiplicity and an end, or an objective or result to be obtained on the basis of this multiplicity. School and military discipline, as well as penal discipline, workshop discipline, worker discipline, are all particular ways of managing and organising a multiplicity, of fixing its points of implantation, its lateral or horizontal, vertical and pyramidal trajectories, its hierarchy, and so on. The individual is much more a particular way of dividing up the multiplicity for a discipline than the raw material from which it is constructed. Discipline is a mode of individualisation of multiplicities rather than something that constructs an edifice of multiple elements on the basis of individuals who are worked on as, first of all, individuals. So sovereignty and discipline, as well as security, can only be concerned with multiplicities.
On the other hand, problems of space are equally common to all three. It goes without saying for sovereignty, since sovereignty is first of all exercised within the territory. But discipline involves a spatial division, and I think security does too, and the different treatment of space by sovereignty, discipline, and security, is precisely what I want to talk about.
We will take again a series of examples. Obviously, I will look at the case of towns. In the seventeenth century, and at the beginning of the eighteenth century, the town still had a particular legal and administrative definition that isolated it and marked it out quite specifically in comparison with other areas and spaces of the territory. Second, the town was typically confined within a tight, walled space, which had much more than just a military function. Finally, it was much more economically and socially mixed than the countryside.
Now, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries this gave rise to a number of problems linked to the development of administrative states, for which the juridical specificity of the town posed a difficult problem. Second, the growth of trade, and then, in the eighteenth century, urban demography, raised the problem of the town's compression and enclosure within its walls. The development of military techniques raised the same problem. Finally, the need for permanent economic exchanges between the town and its immediately surrounding countryside, for means of subsistence, and with more distant areas, for its commercial relations, [ensured that] the enclosure and hemming in of the town [also] posed a problem. Broadly speaking, what was at issue in the eighteenth century was the question of the spatial, juridical, administrative, and economic opening up of the town: resituating the town in a space of circulation. On this point I refer you to a study that, since it was made by an historian, is extraordinarily complete and perfect: it is Jean- Claude Perrot's study of Caen in the eighteenth century, in which he shows that the problem of the town was essentially and fundamentally a problem of circulation.
Take a text from the middle of the seventeenth century, La Métropolitée, written by someone called Alexandre Le Maître. Alexandre Le Maître was a protestant who left France before the Edict of Nantes and who became, and the term is significant, general engineer of the Elector of Brandenburg. He dedicated La Métropolitée to the king of Sweden, the book being published in Amsterdam. All of this – protestant, Prussia, Sweden, Amsterdam – is not entirely without significance. The problem of La Métropolitée is: Must a country have a capital city, and in what should it consist? Le Maître's analysis is the following: The state, he says, actually comprises three elements, three orders, three estates even; the peasants, the artisans, and what he calls the third order, or the third estate, which is, oddly, the sovereign and the officers in his service. The state must be like an edifice in relation to these three elements. The peasants, of course, are the foundations of the edifice, in the ground, under the ground, unseen but ensuring the solidity of the whole. The common parts, the service quarters of the edifice, are, of course, the artisans. As for the noble quarters, the living and reception areas, these are the sovereign's officers and the sovereign himself. On the basis of this architectural metaphor, the territory must also comprise foundations, common parts, and noble parts. The foundations will be the countryside, and it goes without saying that all the peasants, and only peasants, must live in the countryside. Second, all the artisans, and only artisans, must live in the small towns. Finally, the sovereign, his officers, and those artisans and tradesmen who are indispensable to the functioning of the court and the sovereign's entourage, must live in the capital. Le Maître sees the relationship between the capital and the rest of the territory in different ways. It must be a geometrical relationship in the sense that a good country is one that, in short, must have the form of a circle, and the capital must be right at the center of the circle. A capital at the end of an elongated and irregular territory would not be able to exercise all its necessary functions. In fact, this is where the second, aesthetic and symbolic, relationship between the capital and the territory appears. The capital must be the ornament of the territory. But this must also be a political relationship in that the decrees and laws must be implanted in the territory [in such a way] that no tiny corner of the realm escapes this general network of the sovereign's orders and laws. The capital must also have a moral role, and diffuse throughout the territory all that is necessary to command people with regard to their conduct and ways of doing things. The capital must give the example of good morals. The capital must be the place where the holy orators are the best and are best heard, and it must also be the site of academies, since they must give birth to the sciences and truth that is to be disseminated in the rest of the country. Finally, there is an economic role: the capital must be the site of luxury so that it is a point of attraction for products coming from other countries, and at the same time, through trade, it must be the distribution point of manufactured articles and products, etcetera.
We can leave aside the strictly utopian aspect of this project. All the same, I think it is interesting because it seems to me that this is essentially a definition of the town, a reflection on the town, in terms of sovereignty. That is to say, the primary relationship is essentially that of sovereignty to the territory, and this serves as the schema, the grid, for arriving at an understanding of what a capital city should be and how it can and should function. Moreover, it is interesting how, through this grid of sovereignty, a number of specifically urban functions appear as the fundamental problem: economic, moral, and administrative functions etcetera. In short, the interesting thing is that Le Maître dreams of connecting the political effectiveness of sovereignty to a spatial distribution. A good sovereign, be it a collective or individual sovereign, is someone well placed within a territory, and a territory that is well policed in terms of its obedience to the sovereign is a territory that has a good spatial layout. All of this, this idea of the political effectiveness of sovereignty, is linked to the idea of an intensity of circulations: circulation of ideas, of wills, and of orders, and also commercial circulation. Ultimately, what is involved for Le Maître – and this is both an old idea, since it is a matter of sovereignty, and a modern idea, since it involves circulation – is the superimposition of the state of sovereignty, the territorial state, and the commercial state. It involves fastening them together and mutually reinforcing them. I don't need to tell you that in this period, and in this region of Europe, we are right in the middle of mercantilism, or rather of cameralism, that is to say, of the problem of how to ensure maximum economic development through commerce within a rigid system of sovereignty. In short, Le Maître's problem is how to ensure a well "capitalised" state, that is to say, a state well organised around a capital as the seat of sovereignty and the central point of political and commercial circulation. Since Le Maître was the general engineer of the Elector of Brandenburg, we could see here a filiation between the idea of a well "capitalised" state or province, and Fichte's famous closed commercial state, that is to say the evolution from cameralist mercantilism to the German national economy of the beginning of the nineteenth century. In any case, in this text the town-capital is thought in terms of relations of sovereignty exercised over a territory.
I will now take another example. I could just as well have taken it from the same part of the world, that is to say, from the region of Northern Europe extending from Holland to Sweden, around the North Sea and the Baltic Sea, which was so important in the thought and political theory of the seventeenth century. Kristiania, and Gothenburg in Sweden would be examples. I will take an example from France. A whole series of artificial towns were built, some in Northern Europe and some here in France, in the time of Louis XIII and Louis XIV. Take a little town called Richelieu, which was built from scratch on the borders of Touraine and Poitou. A town is built where previously there was nothing. How is it built? The famous form of the Roman camp is used, which, along with the military institution, was being reutilised at this time as a fundamental instrument of discipline. The form of the Roman camp was revived at the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century, precisely in protestant countries – and hence the importance of all this in Northern Europe – along with the exercises, the subdivision of troops, and collective and individual controls in the major undertaking of the disciplinarisation of the army. Now, whether it is Kristiania, Gothenburg, or Richelieu, the form of the camp is used. The form is interesting. Actually, in the previous case, Le Maître's La Métropolitée, the lay-out of the town was basically thought in terms of the most general, overall category of the territory. One tried to think about the town through a macrocosm, since the state itself was thought of as an edifice. In short, the interplay of macrocosm and microcosm ran through the problematic of the relationship between town, sovereignty, and territory. In the case of towns constructed in the form of the camp, we can say that the town is not thought of on the basis of the larger territory, but on the basis of a smaller, geometrical figure, which is a kind of architectural module, namely the square or rectangle, which is in turn subdivided into other squares or rectangles.
It should be stressed straightaway that, in the case of Richelieu at least, as in well-planned camps and good architecture, this figure, this module, is not merely the application of a principle of symmetry. Certainly, there is an axis of symmetry, but it is framed by and functions thanks to well-calculated dissymetries. In a town like Richelieu, for example, there is a central street that divides the rectangle of the town into two rectangles, and then there are other streets, some parallel to and others at right angles to the central street, but at different distances from each other, some closer, others further apart, such that the town is subdivided into rectangles of different sizes, going from the larger to the smaller. The biggest rectangles, that is to say, where the streets are furthest apart, are at one end of the town, and the smallest, with the tighter grid, are at the other. People must live on the side of the biggest rectangles, where the grid is widest and the roads are broad. Conversely, trades, artisans, and shops, as well as markets, must be situated where the grid is much tighter. And this commercial area – we can see how the problem of circulation […], more trade means more circulation and the greater need for streets and the possibility of cutting across them, etcetera – is flanked by the church on one side, and by the market on the other. There will be two categories of houses in the residential area where the rectangles are bigger. On the one hand, there are those overlooking the main thoroughfare, or the streets parallel to it, which will be houses with a number of floors, two I think, and attics. On the other hand, the smaller houses with only one floor will be in the streets perpendicular to the main street: difference of social status, of wealth, etcetera. In this simple schema I think we find again the disciplinary treatment of multiplicities in space, that is to say, [the] constitution of an empty, closed space within which artificial multiplicities are to be constructed and organised according to the triple principle of hierarchy, precise communication of relations of power, and functional effects specific to this distribution, for example, ensuring trade, housing, and so on. For Le Maître and his Métropolitée what was involved was "capitalising" a territory. Here, it is a case of structuring a space. Discipline belongs to the order of construction (in the broad sense of construction).
And now, the third example. This will be the real development of towns that actually existed in the eighteenth century. There are a whole series of them. I will take the example of Nantes, which was studied in 1932, I think, by someone called Pierre Lelièvre, who provided different construction and development plans for Nantes. It is an important town because, on the one hand, it is undergoing commercial development, and, on the other, its relations with England meant that the English model was employed. The problem of Nantes is, of course, getting rid overcrowding, making room for new economic and administrative functions, dealing with relationships with the surrounding countryside, and finally allowing for growth. I will skip the nonetheless delightful project of an architect called Rousseau who had the idea of reconstructing Nantes around a sort of boulevard-promenade in the form of a heart. It's true that he is dreaming, but the project is nonetheless significant. We can see that the problem was circulation, that is to say, for the town to be a perfect agent of circulation it had to have the form of a heart that ensures the circulation of blood. It's laughable, but after all, at the end of the eighteenth century, with Boullée, Ledoux, and others, architecture still often functions according to such principles, the good form having to be the support of the exact exercise of the function. In actual fact, the projects realised at Nantes did not have the form of the heart. They were projects, and one project in particular put forward by someone called Vigné de Vigny, in which there was no question of reconstructing everything, or of imposing a symbolic form that could ensure the function, but projects in which something precise and concrete was at stake.
It involved cutting routes through the town, and streets wide enough to ensure four functions. First hygiene, ventilation, opening up all kinds of pockets where morbid miasmas accumulated in crowded quarters, where dwellings were too densely packed. So, there was a hygienic function. Second, ensuring trade within the town. Third, connecting up this network of streets to external roads in such a way that goods from outside can arrive or be dispatched, but without giving up the requirements of customs control. And finally, an important problem for towns in the eighteenth century was allowing for surveillance, since the suppression of city walls made necessary by economic development meant that one could no longer close towns in the evening or closely supervise daily comings and goings, so that the insecurity of the towns was increased by the influx of the floating population of beggars, vagrants, delinquents, criminals, thieves, murderers, and so on, who might come, as everyone knows, from the country […]. In other words, it was a matter of organising circulation, eliminating its dangerous elements, making a division between good and bad circulation, and maximising the good circulation by diminishing the bad. It was therefore also a matter of planning access to the outside, mainly for the town's consumption and for its trade with the outside. An axis of circulation with Paris was organised, the Erdre was developed along which wood for heating was bought from Brittany. Finally, Vigny's redevelopment plan involved responding to what is, paradoxically, a fairly new and fundamental question of how to integrate possible future developments within a present plan. This was the problem of the commerce of the quays and what was not yet called the docks. The town is seen as developing: a number of things, events and elements, will arrive or occur. What must be done to meet something that is not exactly known in advance? The idea is quite simply to use the banks of the Loire to build the longest, largest possible quays. But the more the town is elongated, the more one loses the benefit of that kind of clear, coherent grid of subdivisions. Will it be possible to administer a town of such considerable extent, and will circulation be able to take place if the town is indefinitely elongated? Vigny's project was to construct quays along one side of the Loire, allow a quarter to develop, and then to construct bridges over the Loire, resting on islands, and to enable another quarter to develop starting from these bridges, a quarter opposite the first, so that the balance between the two banks of the Loire would avoid the indefinite elongation of one of its sides.
The details of the planned development are not important. I think the plan is quite important, or anyway significant, for a number of reasons. First, there is no longer any question of construction within an empty or emptied space, as in the case of those, let's say, disciplinary towns such as Richelieu, Kristiania, and suchlike. Discipline works in an empty, artificial space that is to be completely constructed. Security will rely on a number of material givens. It will, of course, work on site with the flows of water, islands, air, and so forth. Thus it works on a given. [Second], this given will not be reconstructed to arrive at a point of perfection, as in a disciplinary town. It is simply a matter of maximising the positive elements, for which one provides the best possible circulation, and of minimising what is risky and inconvenient, like theft and disease, while knowing that they will never be completely suppressed. One will therefore work not only on natural givens, but also on quantities that can be relatively, but never wholly reduced, and, since they can never be nullified, one works on probabilities. Third, these town developments try to organise elements that are justified by their poly-functionality. What is a good street? A good street is one in which there is, of course, a circulation of what are called miasmas, and so diseases, and the street will have to be managed according to this necessary, although hardly desirable role. Merchandise will be taken down the street, in which there will also be shops. Thieves and possibly rioters will also be able to move down the street. Therefore all these different functions of the town, some positive and others negative, will have to be built into the plan. Finally, the fourth important point, is that one works on the future, that is to say, the town will not be conceived or planned according to a static perception that would ensure the perfection of the function there and then, but will open onto a future that is not exactly controllable, not precisely measured or measurable, and a good town plan takes into account precisely what might happen. In short, I think we can speak here of a technique that is basically organised by reference to the problem of security, that is to say, at bottom, to the problem of the series. An indefinite series of mobile elements: circulation, x number of carts, x number of passers-by, x number of thieves, x number of miasmas, and so on. An indefinite series of events that will occur: so many boats will berth, so many carts will arrive, and so on. And equally an indefinite series of accumulating units: how many inhabitants, how many houses, and so on. I think the management of these series that, because they are open series can only be controlled by an estimate of probabilities, is pretty much the essential characteristic of the mechanism of security.
To summarise all this, let's say then that sovereignty capitalises a territory, raising the major problem of the seat of government, whereas discipline structures a space and addresses the essential problem of a hierarchical and functional distribution of elements, and security will try to plan a milieu in terms of events or series of events or possible elements, of series that will have to be regulated within a multivalent and transformable framework. The specific space of security refers then to a series of possible events; it refers to the temporal and the uncertain, which have to be inserted within a given space. The space in which a series of uncertain elements unfold is, I think, roughly what one can call the milieu. As you well know, the milieu is a notion that only appears in biology with Lamarck.* However, it is a notion that already existed in physics and was employed by Newton and the Newtonians. What is the milieu? It is what is needed to account for action at a distance of one body on another. It is therefore the medium of an action and the element in which it circulates. It is therefore the problem of circulation and causality that is at stake in this notion of milieu. So, I think the architects, the town planners, the first town planners of the eighteenth century, did not actually employ the notion of milieu, since, as far as I have been able to see, it is never employed to designate towns or planned spaces. On the other hand, if the notion does not exist, I would say that the technical schema of this notion of milieu, the kind of – how to put it? – pragmatic structure which marks it out in advance is present in the way in which the town planners try to reflect and modify urban space. The apparatuses of security work, fabricate, organise, and plan a milieu even before the notion was formed and isolated. The milieu, then, will be that in which circulation is carried out. The milieu is a set of natural givens – rivers, marshes, hills – and a set of artificial givens – an agglomeration of individuals, of houses, etcetera. The milieu is a certain number of combined, overall effects bearing on all who live in it. It is an element in which a circular link is produced between effects and causes, since an effect from one point of view will be a cause from another. For example, more overcrowding will mean more miasmas, and so more disease. More disease will obviously mean more deaths. More deaths will mean more cadavers, and consequently more miasmas, and so on. So it is this phenomenon of circulation of causes and effects that is targeted through the milieu. Finally, the milieu appears as a field of intervention in which, instead of affecting individuals as a set of legal subjects capable of voluntary actions – which would be the case of sovereignty – and instead of affecting them as a multiplicity of organisms, of bodies capable of performances, and of required performances – as in discipline – one tries to affect, precisely, a population. I mean a multiplicity of individuals who are and fundamentally and essentially only exist biologically bound to the materiality within which they live. What one tries to reach through this milieu, is precisely the conjunction of a series of events produced by these individuals, populations, and groups, and quasi natural events which occur around them.
It seems to me that with this technical problem posed by the town – but this is only one example, there are many others and we will come back to this – we see the sudden emergence of the problem of the "naturalness" of the human species within an artificial milieu. It seems to me that this sudden emergence of the naturalness of the species within the political artifice of a power relation is something fundamental, and to finish I will just refer to a text from someone who was no doubt the first great theorist of what we could call bio-politics, bio-power. He speaks of it in connection with something different, the birth rate, which was of course one of the major issues, but very quickly we see the notion of milieu appear here as the target of intervention for power, and which appears to me completely different from the juridical notion of sovereignty and the territory, as well as from disciplinary space. [With regard to] this idea of an artificial and natural milieu, in which artifice functions as a nature in relation to a population that, while being woven from social and political relations, also functions as a species, we find in Moheau's Recherches sur la population a statement of this kind: "It is up to the government to change the air temperature and to improve the climate; a direction given to stagnant water, forests planted or burnt down, mountains destroyed by time or by the continual cultivation of their surface, create a new soil and a new climate. The effect of time, of occupation of the land, and of vicissitudes in the physical domain, is such that the most healthy districts become morbific." He refers to a verse in Virgil concerning wine freezing in barrels, and says: Will we ever see wine freeze in barrels today in Italy? Well, if there has been so much change, it is not the climate that has changed; the political and economic interventions of government have altered the course of things to the point that nature itself has constituted for man, I was going to say another milieu, except that the word "milieu" does not appear in Moheau. In conclusion he says: "If the unknown principle that forms the character and the mind is the outcome of the climate, the regime, the customs, and the habit of certain actions, we can say that sovereigns, by wise laws, by useful establishments, through the inconvenience of taxes, and the freedom resulting from their suppression, in short by their example, govern the physical and moral existence of their subjects. Perhaps one day we will be able to call on these means to give whatever hue we wish to morality and the national spirit." You can see that we again encounter the problem of the sovereign here, but the sovereign is no longer someone who exercises his power over a territory on the basis of a geographical localisation of his political sovereignty. The sovereign deals with a nature, or rather with the perpetual conjunction, the perpetual intrication of a geographical, climatic, and physical milieu with the human species insofar as it has a body and a soul, a physical and a moral existence; and the sovereign will be someone who will have to exercise power at that point of connection where nature, in the sense of physical elements, interferes with nature in the sense of the nature of the human species, at that point of articulation where the milieu becomes the determining factor of nature. This is where the sovereign will have to intervene, and if he wants to change the human species, Moheau says, it will be by acting on the milieu. I think we have here one of the axes, one of the fundamental elements in this deployment of mechanisms of security, that is to say, not yet the appearance of a notion of milieu, but the appearance of a project, a political technique that will be addressed to the milieu.
Posted: February 2018


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The Society Music in Linköping MIL
– Arranges the Östergötland Music Days annually.
– Works for the good of musical life and to represent the interest of the public.
– Awards the Crusell Scholarship to promising young Swedish conductors.
MIL is a non-profit organization with no political or religious commitments.
Your support is needed!
Become a member by paying 100 SEK to PlusGiro account 79 24 40-0, payment recipient: MIL
For additional family members, the price is 60 SEK.
Secretary Ulla-Britt Persson: +4613-27 40 33, +46705-23 07 67
MIL, c/o Persson, Överstegatan 7, SE-582 12 Linköping,
E-mail: ulla-britt.persson@liu.se
Member Payment Slip MIL 2019 (pdf)
In 1970, a group of SAAB employed engineers decided to improve the musical life of Linköping. In order to assemble people interested in music they formed Musik i Linköping (MIL). The society started with great ambitions and with many items on its agenda.
Soon, however, the problem of the lack of a concert hall took all its energy, and a great manifestation was the exhibition The House of Music in Linköping in 1974, motored by MIL. In it there were several suggestions for a location as well as for the actual concert hall. It resulted in the community of Linköping announcing a competition for architects which ended in a city council decision in 1976 to build the winning suggestion "Aulin" in Trädgårdsföreningen (=Garden Society) Park. Owing to a change of the political majority in the city council, the decision was unfortunately not realised.
During these years several members of MIL travelled around to study new concert halls in Sweden and Europe. In 1983 MIL started collecting funds for a concert hall in order to emphasize the demands and the interest of the public. By 1984 MIL was ready to present its own suggestion: The Crusell Hall, a concert hall blasted into the rock in Trädgårdsföreningen Park with The Berwaldhallen in Stockholm as a model.
This suggestion from MIL was also not realised. Instead the city decided to build a City Community Centre with a concert hall. This building was, after a series of financial irregularities renamed "Linköping Concert & Congress". The concert hall itself was later named "The Crusell Hall", thanks to the efforts of MIL.
In 1987, following these events, the MIL Concert Hall Fund was changed into the Crusell Scholarship Fund. Through energetic, non-profit financial administration, starting with a capital of 60,000 SEK, it has since then been possible to award Crusell scholarships totalling more than 300,000 SEK.
In 1998 the board of MIL decided to form a "Section Music Days" in order to arrange The Östergötland Music Days. Members of MIL help in planning, administering, marketing, tickets sales etc.


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Simple, clean and free of design clutter. That's what I like about this room. Love the very basic colors, too.
Cute little picture of you while pregnant. The simplicity is refreshing. I just hope you raise that DIY bird mobile higher just to make sure little Truman can't reach it. It might be a choking hazard.


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En la tradición religiosa hinduista, el bráhmana es el miembro de la casta sacerdotal (la más importante de las cuatro) y la conforman los sacerdotes y los asesores del rey.

En la época védica (antes del siglo V a. C.) los sacerdotes eran los encargados exclusivos de cantar los himnos del Rig-veda para la ofrenda de sacrificios. El canto de esos himnos estaba prohibido (bajo pena de muerte)<ref>Según las Leyes de Manu.</ref> para alguien que no fuera bráhmana. El permiso para cantarlo se transmitía de padres a hijos en una familia de cantores.

 Nombres
En la escritura devánagari se escribe ब्राह्मण (brāhmaṇa)La RAE decidió adaptarlo al español como «brahmán» (palabra aguda), lo que coincide con la pronunciación aguda francesa brahmán, aunque no con la pronunciación esdrújula sánscrita (brāhmaṇa) ni con la grave o llana inglesa brahman.

También se lo conoce como:

 vipra (erudito).
 duiya (dvija, 'nacido [ya] dos veces [dui]'), aunque este nombre se le da también a los chatrías (militares) y a los vaishias (comerciantes y agroganaderos).
 duiyóttama (el mejor [úttama] entre los duiya).
 bhusura (un dios [sura] sobre la Tierra [Bhū]).

 Vestiduras de un duiya

Los duiyas, o sea las tres castas superiores (sacerdotes, guerreros y comerciantes), se diferencian de la inmensa mayoría de la población (siervos o esclavos) por el uso de un upavita (cordón sagrado) que cuelga de un hombro.

 Según las «Leyes de Manu»

En el sistema de castas de la India, los brāhmanas son la casta superior. Dicen ser portadores del mismo Brahman, el poder sagrado que sostiene el universo. En el pasado fueron considerados como dioses entre los hombres (o incluso como dioses de dioses, como lo afirman las Leyes de Manu.
Según este libro, los brāhmanas tenían el poder de hacer y deshacer dioses según su deseo, puesto que eran los señores de la creación y del dharma (la religión).

Las funciones del brāhmana son el estudio y la enseñanza de los Vedas y los smriti y el sacrificio a los dioses. Los brāhmanas son los guardianes del conocimiento del Veda y tienen el deber de instruir a las otras dos castas de "nacidos dos veces", los chatrías (militares y políticos) y los vaishias (campesinos y comerciantes), pero jamás debe instruir a los shudrás'' (esclavos) y mucho menos a los intocables, puesto que ese es un pecado que el rey chatría debe castigar mediante la tortura física.

Este conocimiento védico incluye muchos aspectos, como son:  filosofía, religión, medicina, artes y estrategia militar. Y con su enseñanza los brahmanes retribuyen a la comunidad.

Véase también
 Sramana
 Sistema de castas de la India
 Usura en la antigua India

Notas

Casta (hinduismo)
Palabras en sánscrito

Castas sacerdotales

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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