Is your bracket already busted? This year's March Madness tournament opened up with very few upsets until this past weekend. Much like the stock market, we see a similar trend happening right now. What follows is how we see things panning out but first, here's a little background on how one of the most famous sporting events in the United States correlates to the investing landscape.
Seven years ago we became the first Registered Investment Advisor to use the NCAA basketball tournament as a way to show our readers a forward-looking view on the stock market! We break down and assign each of the four "regions" with an asset class and then pick teams (companies) that we think have the best chance at doing well relative to others.
Click here to revisit the first edition of the MPG Core Tactical 60/40 Portfolio.
Here's the current summary of the MPG Core Tactical 60/40 portfolio mix, which is updated as of this writing (October 6, 2014).
It's finally happening. Yes…it appears the stock market is correcting. As a matter of fact for the second time this year alone the Small Cap asset class has endured a correction of -10% or more. What's puzzling (and actually quite worrisome) is the divergence between what Large Caps and what Small Caps are doing. In a healthy and rising stock market, "as the tide rises so do all the boats". We've had warnings before but the alarm bells are ringing louder since not all asset classes are moving in tandem as they once were. What we're seeing now are perhaps the final signs of the rally peaking out.
Where have you been? Whenever you get quiet like this it makes us even a bit more nervous.
Hopefully you didn't succumb to the alluring sounds coming from those in the "bear camp" last month. If you were tempted to "sell in May and go away" it still just wasn't meant to be. As cute and trendy as that old investment adage is, we must remind you that it doesn't necessarily have a specific date in mind. Proponents of this theme merely imply that the summer months are the ones to avoid and if there ever was a month of May to make this move…it was now. Or was it?
Now that the "sell in May" adage looks flat out stupid, you can perhaps resort to a "June Swoon" for the eye candy headline of the day. After all, June is the 10th worst calendar month of the year. Since 1950 it's basically been a flat month but more recent history points to June losing an average of -1.33% over the past 10 years.
It's not so much the market or serious investors that love catchy phrases but it's those that feed you the news who are the perpetrators. If this article were being written in November we would have many of the same concerns as we do now. Many of the catch phrases will be stale by then but in the interim…much like a broken clock tells time correctly twice a day…eventually the bears will be right. Contrarian investors will point to this immediate period as the market climbing the proverbial "wall of worry"… or is it now a "slope of hope"?
Here's the current summary of the MPG Core Tactical 60/40 portfolio mix, which is updated as of this writing (June 9, 2014).
Click here to compare the MPG Core Tactical Portfolio against the 60/40 benchmark.
Over the past few weeks the world has been focused on Gold as world class athletes compete at the Winter Olympics in Sochi. These athletes have dedicated their lives towards the dream of standing on the awards podium and having an Olympic medal placed around their neck. Gold is certainly used to capturing headlines over the last several years as as its returns caught major attention.
Mr. Market rarely considers gold to be a worthwhile investment or warrant a place in anyones portfolio. We've written a few articles about the precious metal over the last few years but honestly haven't given it much press. Why is so little of our attention given to gold as an investment? Let's be blunt about it… There is plenty of market chatter already given to Gold and most of it is nothing but noise. We prefer to touch on it at key inflection points and this happens to be one of them.


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(Production) Produced by The Valley Players
Howard Ashman (Book and Lyrics), Alan Menken (Composer), & Shannon Sanborn (Director)
Starring: Taryn Noelle, Brent Adams, Jon Sanborn, Emily Tardie, Cassandra Demarais, Barry Bolio, Tom Jacques, Justin Bouvier, & Fergus Ryan
The June production of Little Shop of Horrors will be rescheduled to a date later in 2020. If you have already purchased tickets, you may obtain a refund or choose new dates once they are available. Email valleyplayers@madriver.com to let us know your choice. The cast and crew are looking forward to bringing this show to our stage!
Howard Ashman and Alan Menken (Disney's The Little Mermaid, Beauty And The...
Howard Ashman and Alan Menken (Disney's The Little Mermaid, Beauty And The Beast, and Aladdin) are the creative geniuses behind what has become one of the most popular shows in the world. The meek floral assistant Seymour Krelborn stumbles across a new breed of plant he names "Audrey II" - after his coworker crush. This foul-mouthed, R&B-singing carnivore promises unending fame and fortune to the down and out Krelborn as long as he keeps feeding it, BLOOD. Over time, though, Seymour discovers Audrey II's out of this world origins and intent towards global domination!
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Memorandum of Understanding reinforces tourism's role in Canadian economy.
Today, Vancouver Airport Authority (YVR) and Destination Canada signed a Memorandum of Understanding designed to strengthen the relationship between the two organizations and to align strategic priorities in air service development, tourism and business opportunities throughout Canada.
The purpose of the agreement is to enhance YVR and Destination Canada's respective approaches to increasing tourism and maximizing the impact of resources. It encourages both organizations to share knowledge, expertise and market intelligence to support each other in reaching their respective goals. It also agrees to cooperate in marketing programs in countries of mutual interest, including China, to support destination growth and the growth of key airline partners.
In 2016, YVR partnered with a number of tourism partners, including Destination Canada, to create a "Team YVR" approach to better support new and existing airline partners. The Memorandum of Understanding builds on this partnership, further improving YVR's overall aviation business. It also strengthens the Canadian economy, with every new flight creating new jobs and contributing to Canada's GDP and taxes.


DHL Global Forwarding, the Deutsche Post DHL Group's air and ocean freight specialist, has extended its long-term partnership agreement with the FIA World Endurance Championship (WEC) and will continue as Official Logistics Partner until 2021.
The new contract was recently signed at the DHL Innovation Center in Bonn, Germany and present at the signing were Thomas Nieszner, President and Global Head of Motorsport of DHL Global Forwarding, Steffen Vollmer, Station Manager DHL Global Forwarding, Pascal Dimitri, Operations Director of the WEC and Stéphane Andriolo, Marketing Director of the Automobile Club de l'Ouest.
The 2019-20 season will feature eight rounds, of which five are at tracks across Asia, the Middle East, Latin and North America. Working together with the WEC, its automotive partners and competitors, an extremely important element makes this feat of logistics not only possible but also efficient and effective – DHL.
DHL Global Forwarding is responsible for shipping all of the teams' motorsport materials and equipment to the overseas events. This includes delivery of 34 race cars, two safety cars, TV equipment and assorted organizational equipment, as well as 10,000 tires, 198,000 litres of fuel and all associated equipment to race tracks around the world.
Since 2012, DHL has been responsible for the WEC's logistics from the organization and booking of chartered freight aircraft, sea freight and truck transports to the processing of all documents and the coordination, monitoring and management of all ad-hoc shipments at the race tracks.


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Rethinking the Digital Divide in relation to Visual Disability in India and the United States: Towards a Paradigm of "Information Inequity"
This paper considers the barriers to information access faced by visually disabled people in the epoch of the information revolution. The authors question the inadequacy of the popular mechanistic-binary conception of the digital divide and propose a new paradigm "information inequity." This model aims toward a holistic conception of the realities of information access and marginalization for visually disabled people. The paper critiques the mechanistic-binary notion of a "digital divide" where one is either "info-rich" or "info-poor" based on the availability of technology. The paper adopts a cross-cultural perspective, considering digital disablement of visually disabled people in India and the United States. By considering the economic, political, cultural and educational aspects of marginalization, as well as the technological, the authors set out to delineate the relationship between disability, technology and society.
Information is an integral part of all human activity, and information technology (IT) carries the power to shape if not determine our individual and collective lives. Preliminary analysis of the impact of information technologies suggests that the information revolution creates a divide — the "digital divide" — between those with and without access to information technology; it segregates the "info-rich" from the "info-poor." However, mainstream discussion of the digital divide, as both a concept and a reality, inadequately addresses the problematic issue of information access in relation to disability, especially visual disability. Conceptualizations of the digital divide have elicited the attention of governments and I.T. professionals, yet conclusions drawn and remedies proposed oversimplify, or at worse ignore, the implications for visually disabled people.
Our paper seeks to address this gap by initiating consideration of the digital divide in relation to visual disability. We combine theoretical perspectives with personal disability experience and observations with the aim of stimulating further research into and debate over these issues within the Disability Studies rubric. Primarily, we critique the conventional, mechanistic conception of the digital divide, which determines that the digital divide is simply the presence or absence of information technologies. This binary framework reduces the complexities of information access to a state where one is either "info rich" or "info poor;" a categorization that reflects the supposed "modernity" or "development" of particular nation-state. Distancing technological from societal factors, the popular conceptualization offers simplistic digital solutions and inadequately problematizes the core issues of disablement. Because of the primacy given to the technological over other factors, such as political economy, education, cultural norms, and social marginalization, this is an insufficient paradigm through which to understand the complexities of the digital divide and information access in relation to minority groups, such as visually disabled people.
Focusing on the barriers to information access, we examine the multifarious political, economic and socio-cultural factors that underpin the inequities of information access in both India and the United States. Our analysis combines theoretical perspectives of information communication technology (ICT) and disablement, particularly digital disablement, with the lead author's visual disability experience of information access in India and the United States. (Originally from India, Vandana is a person with visual disability.) It is an attempt to conceptualize these different experiences from an interdisciplinary perspective synthesizing Disability Studies, communication and new media literature and theory. In this paper, we examine the relative levels of inclusion and exclusion experienced cross culturally by visually disabled people resulting from inequity of information access — as a manifestation of disability marginalization, perpetuated by political economy and culture. Shortcomings of the technological determinist perspective become clear when examining the issue of the digital divide from a cross-cultural perspective.
The paper begins with a discussion of informationalization and the rising information divide. Subsequently, it critiques the narrow mechanistic-binary framework of the digital divide from a "cross cultural visual disability" perspective of information access, using social theories on I.T, and disablement — digital disablement. We then examine the phenomena of digital disability, and the comforts and barriers of assistive information technology. Considering different forms and processes by which visually disabled people access information in India and U.S., we analyze dialectics of information inclusion and exclusion with a view to nuance further understanding. The paper proposes that a model of "information inequity" would provide a more holistic and culturally sensitive paradigm than digital divide to understand the barriers faced by visually disabled people. We wish to provide a timely, interdisciplinary reconsideration of the connections between disability, technology, and society. Our goal in this paper is not to propose direct practical solutions to the reality of "information inequity," but rather to address the problem through the analytical lens of theory and personal cross-cultural disability experience. It should be viewed as an exploration that offers opportunity for further critical reflection given the limited cross-cultural literature in the area.
Technological innovations have the capacity to transform the destiny of societies by influencing societal processes and stimulating cultural changes. Until recently, print-based media represented the principal form for the storage, display and communication of text-based information. Increasingly, computers have assumed this role and have replaced many previously conventional means of communication. For the past two decades, the capabilities of ICT have expanded exponentially in their range of applications and their future capabilities: they are shaping the world in to a new era of efficient, pluralistic information production. Information Technology is becoming the global tool for a multitude of applications and transactions, from the economic to the academic. In The Rise of the Network Society, Manuel Castells (1996) describes this process as "informationalization": the production of information is comparable to the production of material goods during industrialization. According to this historical analogy, computers are the factories of information (Castells, 1996). As a result, a great deal of the present day economic, social, and cultural realities and future prospects of nation-states is determined by the level of I.T. development within them.
The range of application makes I.T. a potentially liberating force; however, as the I.T. industry reflects broader economic, social and political realities, I.T. is often an exclusionary and repressive force (Castells, 1996). Castells postulates that "informationalisation," as the contemporary manifestation of capitalism, divides societies into information "haves" and information "have-nots;" it creates an information divide. He proposes that the "rise of informationalism in this end of millennium is intertwined with rising inequality and social exclusion throughout the world," documenting how "informational capitalism," results in a "sharp divide between valuable and non-valuable people and locales" (Castells, 1998; in Goggin and Newell, 2003, p. 68). The world in the era of informationalization has developed new rules of social stratification, rules that cause "technological stratification." Informationalization threatens to create new chasms in society that reflect economic, societal and technological inequalities. This process carries particularly detrimental consequences for visually disabled people and their capacity to participate in and contribute to a visually dominated, technologically advanced society.
For much of the past decade, policy leaders and social scientists have demonstrated increased concern about the growing divide between those with and without access to computers and the Internet. The U.S. National Telecommunications and Information Administration coined the term "digital divide" for this situation in the mid-1990s. Usage of the phrase and debate of the concept soon became commonplace across the globe, describing the stratification caused by the comparative surplus and dearth of information technology in relation to economic and technological means.
The conventional digital divide paradigm infers that the very presence or absence of computers, in other words the resources to access I.T., is responsible for inequities of information access. While this model wields some explanatory power — there is greater access to technology in richer countries than in developing countries — this divide is narrow in scope and drawn solely along technological lines. An understanding of the digital divide that ignores economic, political, cultural, and educational issues, as well as diversity concerns and conditions that facilitate optimal usage of I.T, is incomplete and inchoate.
Warschauer (2003) reexamines the concept of the digital divide. He "demystifies" the mechanistic model of technological determinism, proposes an alternative model of "social informatics," and calls for the consideration of infrastructural, social and cultural factors in digital divide discourse. This perspective stresses that technology and society are intertwined and co-constitutive, and that it is wrong to assume singular causality while understanding the digital divide (Warshauer, 2003). The digital divide is complex and reflects diverse and overlapping patterns of digital inclusion and exclusion that exist within and across nation states and are defined according to political, economic, and sociological factors. Because of the intricate relationship between these factors, increased physical access to gadgets alone fails to bridge this gap.
The digital divide in its broadest sense implies a chain of causality — both means and the ends of social stratification, and not a linear process. The lack of access to computers and the Internet affects many aspects of everyday life, but societal factors also determine the categories of "info rich" and "info poor." Although the possible range and efficacy of I.T. application makes it a potentially liberating force, those who are already marginalized from society are less likely to gain access to technology, and are more likely to be pushed to the technological as well as the societal periphery. In this way, the information divide reflects pre-existing societal inequalities and contributes to the further marginalization of minority groups in society.
Disability produces an invisible minority that is socially, culturally, and economically marginalized. This minority group that has existed on the societal fringe- ostracized from the development process is now excluded from the realm of information technology. Visually disabled people are arguably the marginalized group most drastically affected by the information technology industry because of the visual bias of so many ICT products. The idea of two distinct poles — the technology "haves" and "have nots" — dilutes the complex reality of digital divide that surrounds visual disability because mere technology does not ensure equitable access to information. Thus, informationalization, as a force of marginalization, pronounces and exacerbates inequalities and barriers faced by visually disabled people: the phenomena described by Goggin and Newell (2003) as "digital disability."
The concepts of "social informatics" (Warshauer, 2003) and "digital disability" (Goggin & Newell, 2003) illustrate clear shortcomings in the conceptualization of the digital divide. We believe that these ideas, combined with a cross-cultural understanding and personal experience of the barriers faced by visually disabled people, pronounce the inadequacies of the digital divide as an explanatory paradigm. Therefore, the barriers to information access and issues surrounding I.T. must be defined in terms of the relationship between disability, technology and society. The visual bias of digital technologies, which arguably affects visually disabled people more than any other marginalized group, reflects the attitudinal, infrastructural and institutional biases of society at large. Therefore, it is imperative to understand the interplay of visual disability, digital technology, political economy and the culture.
Digital disability is a "virtual" rather than "physical" form of disability. It is created by the inaccessible cyber structures that marginalize visually disabled people in particular. By structuring digital information according to "ablest norms," I.T. excludes the requirements of visually disabled people from its purview (Goggin & Newell, 2003). The I.T. industry assumes the universal accessibility of visually presented and structured material. The growing "informationalization" of contemporary society demands that people should be able to successfully utilize ICT. The inability to execute I.T. related tasks is a significant barrier to the acquisition of information, and capacity to communicate.
Visual information is inherently difficult for visually disabled people to receive, perceive, or interpret. Inaccessible information erects frightening barriers to success for visually disabled people in the knowledge-based economy of today. The popular notion that I.T. successfully caters to persons with visual disabilities, via its design, policy and service, is a myth. Assistive technologies are continually following in the footsteps of technological progress, and resultantly, AIT is inherently adaptive rather than integral. Moreover, the prevalence of electronic/visual structures and interfaces in everyday society exacerbates the problem. Information that visually disabled people individual could once navigate independently, or negotiate through social capital, is structured in an electronic/visual format. For example, household appliances and publicly accessible information terminals are unusable to anyone who cannot read the screen displays. The future jobs of thousands of visually disabled people, their ability to use labor saving household appliances, and their capacity to deal electronically with the rest of the world is at stake (Pike, 2003).
The advent of voice-aided assistive information technology (AIT) represents a significant technological development carrying the potential to narrow the digital divide for visually disabled people. Information access — via screen-reading computer software that reads on-screen text through a voice synthesizer — has increased the availability of digital information for visually disabled people. Screen readers such as JAWS (Job Access with Speech) and Kurzweil facilitate electronic communication, a vital technological development for visually disabled people in the epoch of informationalization. The Royal National Institute for the Blind, London, claims that AIT is one of the most significant developments since the invention of Braille, because, for the first time ever, many visually disabled people can have access to the same wealth of information as sighted people (RNIB, 1998). This is only true in part. In reality, digital information access is conditional; it depends on various factors beyond the scope of AIT.
While screen readers are employed extensively and effectively for a number of I.T. tasks, they do not ensure complete accessibility for visually disabled I.T. users. The major obstacle faced by visually disabled users is the inaccessibility of "modern day cyber structures" (Castells, 1996). The purview of AIT is limited to text and therefore many graphic interfaces are unreadable. The ubiquity of visual interfaces that remain inaccessible to assistive information technology (AIT) devices, particularly those employed by Web sites, compounds the digital disability faced by visually disabled users. The absence of any significant regulation in the cyber world dominated by private sector companies accentuates this problem of inaccessibility. Despite these shortcomings, there is no doubt that the limited efficacy of AIT has enhanced the capacity of visually disabled people to be independent, but it remains out of reach to the majority of potential users due to its high cost. At present, the retail price of a commonly used screen reader JAWS is $900. This economic reality has significant consequences for all visually disabled information technology (IT) users, who are generally poorer than their sighted contemporaries, and is particularly unfavorable to visually disabled people in developing countries where other barriers to access, such as poverty, population pressures, and low levels of literacy, contribute to digital disablement.
Digital disability is reinforced by the additional demands or technological skills that must be learned and mastered in order to access information via AIT. Using AIT itself requires extensive training and the acquisition of technological skills in addition to the skills sighted people need. Knowledge of a multitude of shortcuts and techniques for the negotiation of inaccessible Web sites is essential to get the most from assistive information technology and the information world it promises to unlock. This demonstrates the extent to which visually disabled people are required to know more to get the same work done (Vanderheiden, 1999; Goggin & Newell, 2003). The necessity of this highly specialized technological capital distances many potential users from the technology and its undeniable potential rewards. For many visually disabled people, AIT does not alleviate, but accentuates the problem of digital disability.
Conceptualizing and understanding how visually disabled people process data and information during their daily lives is crucial to reexamining the concept of digital divide in terms of visual disability. Visually disabled people access information and construct meanings through the non-visual senses: smell, touch, taste and, primarily, sound. We propose that people with visual disabilities perceive and access information in two broad forms: "informal" and "formal." This categorization distinguishes between different forms of information and the processes employed by visually disabled people to access information. Furthermore, this classification provides useful insights for understanding "information access" from a cross-cultural perspective.
"Informal" refers to sensory information or data from the immediate surroundings or physical and social spaces. In everyday life, a general perception of the physical environment is required to navigate spaces and places. Maneuvering through visually-orientated spaces, for example, a domestic area such as the kitchen, or public spaces such as roads, requires the utilization of "informal" information. Visually disabled people mainly access informal information with the help of human support provided by family, friends, community members, and other informal networks. In other words, visually disabled people mediate visual images and access their physical and spatial surroundings through social capital — the networks, norms and trust that facilitate cooperation and support for mutual benefit. Social capital is rooted in the cultural norms pertaining to these social support mechanisms and embedded in the notion of community itself (Putnam, 1993).
"Formal" information describes encoded data that requires educational or technological competencies to decode, and, therefore, to make sense of. Text is a commonly encountered type of formal data, requiring knowledge of a sign system and educational capital to interpret and discern. More often than not, "formal" information is visually formatted and thereby exclusionary to people without vision. Of course, Braille is an alternative system of encoding and decoding "formal" information that presents data in a form accessible to tactile senses. However, the increase of electronic "Formal" information, which is increasingly generated and disseminated through ICT, has effectively rendered Braille redundant. The development of assistive information technologies and other voice-aided devices that access formal electronic information has increased correspondingly. Since information and communication technology employs "formal" information in a primarily visual text format, it presents rapidly evolving obstacles to access for visually disabled people. Though AIT facilitates access to formal electronic information, the rapid progress of informationalization erects new barriers, creating an information divide for visually disabled people that exists in similar and divergent forms across different nation-states and cultures.
In this section, we consider information access for visually disabled individuals in India and the United States. A cross-cultural perspective of visual disability is especially productive in revealing how a range of cultural, political, economic, and technological factors exacerbate or alleviate the "digital divide." This comparison reveals pertinent issues of accessibility and suggests a more complex, holistic conceptualization of the digital divide in relation to visual disability. Depending on the culture visually disabled people live in and the nature of information- formal/informal they need to access, different modes of accessing and navigating informational and public spaces are adopted. Modes of access for visually disabled people range from human support in the form of social capital, through to low and high key technology, such as Braille, magnifiers, recorders, radios and voice-aided computers (Gray, Quatrano & Lieberman,1998).
The United States, owing to the nation's wealth and its status as a hub of technological development, is the archetypal informationalized society. Being the epitome of "informationalization," more and more transactions are carried out in cyberspace. I.T. networks are widespread and extensively used for social, economic, and cultural transactions. As a result, everyday communication in the U.S. is increasingly shifting from informal to formal domains. The rise of e-commerce, the computerization of service industries from ATMs to self-service check-ins and checkouts, online dating agencies and the abundance of billboard images demonstrate this increased emphasis on formal information. The capability to access and navigate through the virtual world has huge social and economic advantages in the U.S. (Kennard, 2000). However, the proliferation of visual, formal information presents new barriers for visually disabled people. The virtual world is becoming as significant as the physical world, and, consequently, inaccessibility becomes an agent of disablement and disability becomes a digital construct.
Despite increases in accessibility, for example, screen reading software and talking ATMs, there is a continuous chase in progress, where the needs of visually disabled people are a secondary consideration and the means of access to technology are adaptive rather than integral. The design and structure of electronic information, most notably Web sites, demonstrates scant consideration of those users employing nonvisual senses. Some estimates suggest that as many as 98% of all Web sites contain some access barrier to people with one or more disabilities (McGrane, 2000). Since private sector companies dominate the I.T. sector and it appears that when it comes to innovations, access concerns are secondary in issues of cost benefit analysis.
According to a study conducted by National Telecommunications and Information administration in 2000, people with disabilities tended to use the computer and Internet at the rate below national average — even while other factors like age, education and income were statistically accounted for (Kretchmer & Carveth, 2003). In the U.S., only one-fifth of visually disabled people have access to the Internet compared to three-fifths of the general population (Bureau of the Census, 2000). Potentially, computers and Internet access offer connections to an array of informational and human resources (Gerber & Kirchner, 2001). Research has found that Internet access significantly improves the quality of life for disabled users (Taylor, 2000b), but that those without access to ICTs are increasingly marginalized from mainstream society (Taylor, 2000a). Many lack adaptive technologies that would help them use computers and the Internet. The cost of screen reading software ($900) prices many users out of the very cyberspace that it promises to unlock.
It appears that the exclusion of visually disabled people is also a direct consequence of the shift from interpersonal contact to technological interface- another manifestation of general disability marginalization. In an inaccessible environment, visually disabled people in the United States continue to depend on human support in order to negotiate the "formal" technological interfaces that exist in previously "informal" public spaces. Additionally, in the U.S., cultural norms emphasize independence and efficiency, which places expectations on visually disabled people to become more independent in their everyday information access with the aid of partially effective AIT. The double bind of meeting societal expectations in an inaccessible digital world further exacerbates digital disablement. Thus phenomena of "digital disability" compounds the digital divide in the United States.
While visually disabled people population of the U.S. may have access to technological resources, the barriers to information access are powerful and systemic. The notion that mere access to I.T. makes one "info rich" is flawed as mere possession of technology is no guarantee of access. Political economy; social and cultural norms; educational and social capital; as well as general disability marginalization determine the wider context. Understanding of the digital divide in the U.S. must therefore be contingent upon the interdependent relationship between society, technology, and disability. As argued above, visually disabled people in the U.S. are not uniformly "info rich," because varying degrees of information access exist across the disability community, based on economic class, as well as technological constraints and competencies. Thus applying the binaries of "info rich" and "info poor," with reference to the availability of technology alone in different nation-states does not effectively illustrate and/or address the complexities of the digital divide. The common perception that the visually impaired in the U.S. are more likely to be "info rich" in comparison to their "info poor" counterparts in developing countries, such as India, is therefore a myth.
A direct comparison between India and the U.S. highlights contrasting levels of informationalization and, correspondingly, contrasting amounts of textual communication encountered in everyday life. This difference is particularly pronounced in rural and semi-urban areas. With the exception of big cities in India, there are fewer e-transactions, automated devices, electronically regulated billboards, road signs, and a less-developed public transportation infrastructure than in the U.S. There is still prevalence of oral culture where the printed word has limited influence. Literacy rates are low, which has direct bearing on the kind of media needed for communication (Balaram, 2004). As a result, there is a greater emphasis on "informal" information access in India, which makes communication easier for visually disabled people because of the dominance of the oral/aural mode of communication. Because physical infrastructure is less advanced and information less formal, India is more orally accessible for visually disabled people. The primary means of information negotiation and communication is an interlocking web of social networks; therefore, informal information and social capital are more useful to and relied upon by visually disabled people in India than in the U.S.
It is important to take note of the levels of educational and economic capital in India in order to understand the complex underlying issues that restrict access and digital disability. In India only 57% of the general population is literate, and, therefore, there is an intra-national divide in educational capital that separates the "info rich" from the "info poor" (UNICEF, 2000). Furthermore, literacy among the estimated 70 million disabled Indians, 7 million of whom are visually disabled, is approximately 8 percent (Sarvekshana, 2002; DPI, 2004). The dominant communitarian value system and culture of India, which places emphasis on community and family support has distinct advantages for visually disabled people members; they are able to access "formal" and "informal" information through social networks which offers comfort and security. While interdependence is a vital and valuable facet of human existence, the shift to a knowledge-based economy demands greater capacity for digital self-sufficiency and independence.
Although the societal structure offers convenient access to informal information, it presents barriers to access formal information. The failure of key informal helping systems to meet the demands and complexities associated with formal information access represents a significant problem. This process of disablement stems from the level of economic, educational and technological resources required in the realm of higher education, employment, and so on. The majority of visually disabled Indians use human readers as well as inexpensive low-key technology like Braille, and tape recorders to access formal information in the area of education and employment (Baqar & Sharma, 1997). The relative inefficiency of "low key" technologies curtails the independence, productivity, and thus developmental opportunities for visually disabled people. For the vast majority of visually disabled Indians, the expense of AIT places it out of reach.
In India, accessible digital technology for visually disabled people is less prevalent as its purview is limited to a select class of society. AIT is exclusively the prerogative of a wealthy minority due to widespread economic deprivation, and this, in turn, creates economic hierarchies within visually disabled people community. Generally, digital resources for the average visually disabled Indian are scarce if non-existent. This scarcity directly relates to the political economy of India. Large population puts pressure on resources, shrinking the availability of capital for accessible infrastructure and technology for disabled people. Most of the resources are utilized for basic needs like food, health, primary education, law and order, defense, railways, irrigation etc. Thus little capital is available for developmental activities like higher education, industrial development, research in science and technology and even fewer for access purposes (Erb & Harris-White, 2002). Political neglect and a relative paucity of economic and technological resources make AIT an expensive, unsubsidized luxury item. Additional factors further exacerbate the problem: the limited availability of JAWS in any Indian language; the widespread neglect and ignorance of I.T. producers about the access needs of disabled users; and the resultant low level of technological competency among users of AIT. For visually disabled people in India, digital scarcity — the dearth of accessible technological and other resources, lack of political will to address the problem, and general ignorance about digital access - enlarges the digital divide. Critically, the limited availability of AIT hinders the pursuit of higher education and employment opportunities for visually disabled people, which excludes them from entering economically viable professions, thereby placing a glass ceiling on positions of power. Hence, "digital scarcity" produces cyclical deprivation and powerlessness. Notably, in India the idea of access has different connotations in a country where only 3.5 percent of the population uses the Internet (ClickZ Network, 2005), and only eight percent of disabled children are in full-time education (DPI, 2004). Prevalence of realities like poverty, population pressures, illiteracy and lack of infrastructure calls for broader solutions that address systemic inequalities (Balaram, 2004). As illustrated by the United States and India, the digital divide is interplay of political economy and culture. In case of India, like the U.S., a nuanced perspective of the digital divide and disability issues is required in order to provide a refined conceptualization of the relationship between disability, technology and society.
The Indian and U.S. governments have recognized the necessity of access in the contemporary knowledge-based economy and have introduced legislations to address the digital divide. Both India and the U.S. have framed policies to protect the rights of disabled people, which contain mandates to raise awareness of and confront issues of accessibility. Unfortunately, the provisions made by these measures have had limited success. Conventionally, the term "access" connotes the availability of a physical realm and has only recently been applied to the negotiation of virtual spaces, such as the Internet. "Informationalization" is a relatively contemporary phenomenon and is a peripheral concern within the wider agenda of accessibility.
The disability rights movement altered the shape of disability policy in both the United States and India. However, a great deal remains unaccomplished despite some movement in the right direction. The Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) 1992 broadened the meaning of access by including provisions for digital accessibility in the legislation. Since then the information world has grown multifold, and the addition of further legislative action has addressed increasing significance of the right to information access. For example, amendments 506 and 508 in 1998 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 prohibit barriers for disabled people in communication and information technology. The advocacy of the disability rights movement also resulted in the formation of the W3C (World Wide Web Consortium), established at MIT in 1994 (W3C, 1994). The W3C's Web Accessibility Initiative (WAI) guidelines propose standards for Web site accessibility and encourage web designers to improve accessibility of the World Wide Web. However, these guidelines are seldom adhered to and have no legally binding clauses, because as a private sector industry, the accessibility aspect of Web site design is unregulated.
The dominance of the corporate sector in I.T. development represents a significant obstacle to a more disability-conscious and accessible cyberworld. The provision of accessible I.T. structures, and the development of more advanced, integrative rather than adaptive technologies, is in direct competition with the demand for high profit margins. This conflict between public good and private gain is coupled with a general ignorance of the needs of visually disabled people and the access problems they face. Society at large remains oblivious to these complex IT access issues, and this is compounded by, and reflected in the relative lack of investment and interest in AIT. As political, social, and economic institutions are interdependent and reflect societal concern and values, the result is policies and technologies that exclude disabled people from the development process in general, and information world in particular.
Despite the harsh economic realities that drive the information world, the struggle to ensure that accessibility also means accessible non-visual IT resources as much as ramps for wheelchairs, has had some notable triumphs. The commitment of the National Federation of the Blind (NFB) to tackle accessibility issues demonstrates a shift in the right direction. The publication of the model bill, the Accessible Information Technology Act, in 1997, has seen laws based on the NFB's proposal passed in several U.S. states, such as Arkansas, Maryland, Minnesota, Texas and Virginia (Gashel, 2003). In these states, it is required that all I.T. technologies purchased by the state feature integrated provisions for non-visual use. Moreover, the out-of-court settlement between America Online (AOL) and the NFB, in 1999, after the NFB sued AOL for failing to provide accessible Internet services, demonstrates an increased awareness of digital disability in mainstream society. AOL has made accessibility for blind users a corporate commitment and faces further legal action from the NFB if it fails to uphold its side of the bargain (Gashel, 2003). The political economy of the U.S. may play a significant role in creating digital disability and widening the digital divide, but this process of marginalization is not inexorable. As the example of AOL's corporate capitulation shows, minority activists can challenge and change the I.T. sector for the benefit of disabled minorities.
In India the Persons with Disabilities (PWD) Act (1995) introduced limited provisions to ensure electronic accessibility for disabled Indians. Sections 27, 48 and 49 of the PWD encouraged investment in the provision of and research in assistive technology. However, these provisions exist merely on paper, a fact compounded by a lack of political will, economic resources, and diffuse activism on the part of the disability community. While the ministry of Information Technology of India has laid down guidelines to provide access to information technology across different socio-economic sections of society, it issued no directive to increase IT access for persons with disabilities (MIT, Govt. of India, 2004). Here again, the political economy and general disability marginalization perpetuates similar divide, only that given the relative poverty and developing economy of the Indian nation-state the divide is much deeper.
Realizing this objective involves not only providing computers and Internet links or shifting to online platforms but also developing relevant content in diverse languages, promoting literacy and education, and mobilizing community and institutional support toward achieving community goals. Technology then becomes a means, and often a powerful one, rather than an end in itself (Warschauer, 2003, p.5).
Applying the concept of social informatics to visual disability demonstrates that the mere provision of computer technology is insufficient to ensure inclusion of visually disabled people. The digital solutions must address the societal antecedents, the political, economic, and cultural systems that contribute to and accentuate digital disability.
Towards a Paradigm of "Information Inequity"
Examination of the digital divide as both a concept and a reality illustrates the key causal factors that surround the issue of digital disability and exposes the simplistic perspective of mainstream digital divide discourse. As we have highlighted with visually disabled people, certain groups with specific access issues are marginalized from the main debate. For the most part mainstream debate overlooks the relationship between disability, technology, and society, and offers unsophisticated digital solutions to complex problems. As observed across India and the U.S., "digital" solutions disregard the economic, technological, social, and cultural factors that underpin the complex reality of the digital divide. Conventional digital divide discourse, which employs the binary framework of "info rich" and "info poor," oversimplifies the complexities of access and the far-reaching implications of informationalization. We argue that this crude model of the "digital divide" needs to be elaborated and developed in order to explain the role of macroeconomic and political factors, as well as account for the overlapping, multifarious pluralities of information access that exist within and across various cultures.
Applying the binaries of "info rich" and "info poor," with reference to economic resources and technological availability alone in different nation-states, does not successfully illustrate the complexities of the digital divide in relation to visual disability. In the U.S., inaccessible informational structures marginalize visually disabled people. In this sense, excessive digitalization of information makes visually disabled people more "info poor," despite the supposed "info richness" of societies characterized by greater levels of informationalization and resources. In India, digital scarcity excludes visually disabled people from access to formal information. This makes them "info poor" in relation to technological access, even though the relative ease of accessing informal information, the ability to maneuver informal informational spaces through the support of social networks, makes them "info rich." Consideration of the digital divide from the perspective of visual disability illustrates the inconsistencies and imperfections of the standard conception of "info rich" and "info poor," which determines these categories solely on the basis of technological factors. The dialectics of inclusion and exclusion exist across the conventional digital divide and its theoretical grounding in technological determinism has ignored profoundly important contributory factors.
We argue that the simple binaries of "info rich" and "info poor" do not do justice to the problem of information access for persons with visual disabilities across different cultures. Instead both India and the U.S. represent overlapping realities of "information inequity," stemming from political, economic, social, and cultural institutions and contexts within each nation-state. The majority of Americans with visual disabilities experience information inequity through digital disablement. Digital disability is a multi-systemic manifestation of "information inequity" perpetuated and exacerbated by widespread I.T. inaccessibility, poor legislative regulation, private sector dominance of the I.T. industry, and ingrained social and cultural expectations. Similarly, visually disabled people in India face information inequity through digital scarcity, which results from the limited availability of digital resources, a lack of knowledge about assistive information technology and a lack of political will to address this issue. In short, visually disabled people in both nations experience "information inequity" due to political, economic, societal, and technological factors that combine in various permutations to produce digital disability. The multifarious factors that contribute to digital disablement represent an overarching disability marginalization in the society.
Digital disablement and digital scarcity are not absolute, mutually exclusive categories. Instead, they are modes of information inequity that exist within and across nations. We propose that information inequity is a common social reality that occurs in significantly different and complex manifestations. One form of inequity may be the result of digital disability; another may be precipitated by digital scarcity. What we have as a result is not a singular conception of "info rich" and "info poor," but multifarious configurations of each, dependent on a number of contingent factors. For example, visually disabled people in the U.S. may be "info rich," by virtue of resources, and "info poor," because of the scale of electronic transactions and the problem of inaccessibility, as well as cultural expectations to be independent. Visually disabled people in India may be "info poor," because of the lack of resources, but "info rich," due to lower levels of informationalization and higher levels of social capital. What we have as a result is not a singular conception of "info rich" and "info poor," but multifarious configurations of each dependent on a number of contingent economic, cultural, social, political and technological factors. Therefore, in both India and the U.S. visually disabled people experience inclusion and exclusion from information access for a number of reasons.
Therefore, processes of inclusion and exclusion coexist and are determined by context; "info rich" and "info poor" are simple labels for complex processes. We argue that the "information inequity" model represents a more comprehensive conception of the diverse realities of information access than the "digital divide." Through engagement with social informatics, the ideas of digital disablement and digital scarcity across cultures, the "information inequity" paradigm offers a more nuanced understanding of the complexities of information access by visually disabled people. Hence, the inequity model provides us with a more holistic perspective that combines disability, technology and society. The information inequity model also points us to both broad and particular solutions aimed at political economy through social policies that ensure inclusive development, education and greater information equity.
This paper combines theoretical perspectives, personal disability experience, and practical observations of the relationship between ICT and disablement with the aim of developing the understanding of information access by visually disabled people in the digital world. Our challenge to the popular binary perception of a technologically determined digital divide attempts to provide a more comprehensive conceptualization of the divide. The "information inequity" model locates the issue of the digital divide and, resultant digital disablement, squarely at the intersection of disability, technology, and society. It recognizes that "information inequity" is a common marginalizing reality, a byproduct of political economic, cultural and societal factors, which is recognizable, in varying manifestations, across India and the United States. The "cross-cultural-visual-disability perspective" of information inequity reveals the interconnections between digital scarcity and digital disability. The inclusion and exclusion dialectic, which demonstrably exists within and across India and the United States, is pertinent to understand the complexities of, and dissipate the myths surrounding digital accessibility. This paper should be viewed as an exploration — a work in progress — that offers opportunity for further critical reflection especially in terms of limited literature with regard to cross-cultural perspectives. Ultimately, our hope is that this discussion and these ideas are utilized, developed and operationalized by disability academics, practitioners, and policy makers in the necessary pursuit of information equity.
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Never in the last 3 decades has it been more important to take a stand and stay united. Our communities are being ripped apart and our cities taken over by greed.
When I started looking at the problem of regeneration and gentrification it was just a dirty word. Now 5 years later, it's on everyone's lips and no one feels secure in their homes.
I saw the problem from the inside, as I followed people around - normal people like you and I, trying to fight the wave of developers buying swathes land, public land which should stay in public hands not sold off to the highest bidder.
People are fighting for their right to a decent home and a community. It's a basic right. The injustices I saw and keep seeing are inhuman and in many cases criminal, but no one takes responsibility. So I realised the only way to change the status quo is by creating a film which could inspire and calvanise more people to join the battle.
This film was made with no funding or outside support and all profit will go to our INSPIRE2RESIST campaign.
won the right to stay in their homes by sheer persistence and by asking the right people for support. Kate Macintosh is the architect of the residents' home and was a key figure in the success of the campaign.
Jerry Flynn is a member of the 35%Campaign, a research campaign group.
35% works tirelessly and with very little support to help and secure victories for tenants and leaseholders in the Elephant and Castle area.
work to save estates by creating alternative plans to demolition. They are also central to the whole uprising against estate regenerations ac work to save estates by creating alternative plans to demolition. They are also central to the whole uprising against estate regenerations across London. work to save estates by creating alternative plans to demolition.
Cressingham Gardens Estate is located right by Brockwell Park in Brixton and the Council wants to get rid of it. But the residents don't want to move and they are putting up a good fight.
Clifford Grant loves his home on Central Hill Estate. He's one of the many people who want to stay there.
But Lambeth Council has got plans for Central Hill. It's located on a hilltop overlooking London and that is just the sort of location that developers love.
a campaign group made up of volunteers who, between them, have 300 years' experience of working in the housing sector.
A writer, activist and musician, Andy Worthington is narrating Concrete Soldiers and will be going on tour too.
Andy is passionate about social housing and works in various capacities to support campaigns across London.
This film is dedicated to the victims of the Grenfell Tower fire.


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Journal of Infrared, Millimeter, and Terahertz Waves
Numerical Modeling of an Injection-Seeded Terahertz-Wave Parametric Generator
Yu Qin
Zeyu Li
Qiang Yan
Xun Zhou
Mingrui Zou
Weipeng Kong
We have constructed a numerical model for injection-seeded terahertz-wave parametric generators in which the pump depletion, the duration of the pump pulse, as well as the spatial modes of the pump and seed beams are taken into consideration. Compared with other models which only provide the parametric gain under the assumption of low pump depletion, our model can make the predictions on the energy as well as spatial and temporal profiles of the generated terahertz-wave. Besides, the appropriate value of nonlinear coefficient of MgO:LiNbO3 in terahertz regime is difficult to find in the published works. To solve this problem, Miller's rule is applied for the wavelength scaling of the nonlinear coefficient during calculation. We present a detailed description of the model and show that its predictions agree well with the reported experimental results. The presented model allows the performance to be estimated when designing an injection-seeded terahertz-wave parametric generator.
Parametric terahertz source Terahertz generation Nonlinear optics
This work is financially supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (11804320).
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© Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature 2020
1.Research Center of Laser Fusion, CAEPMianyangChina
2.Microsystem & Terahertz Reseach Center, CAEPChengduChina
Qin, Y., Li, Z., Yan, Q. et al. J Infrared Milli Terahz Waves (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10762-019-00662-5
Accepted 12 December 2019
Publisher Name Springer US


I recently styled an insert for the lifestyle magazine programme show called Mela, which airs on Sabc 3. Saaleha from ShootCake shared details of how she began her career in Photography and how to enhance the picture quality of images using post-processing software.
The product shoot featured a little girl enjoying her 'pretend-play' tea-party with her doll, cupcakes and sugar cookies!
I drew inspiration from a beautiful cloth that I had purchased years ago from a brand called Rhubarb. The colours blended beautifully in with our environment, using The Houghton Golf Course as a backdrop to our styled 'Picnic'.
Zaheera from 'The Fondant Fairy' designed the cupcakes according to the colours present on the floral part of the cloth. I always look for inspiration in cloth design or the patterns in my tableware. This usually guides my style of decor, and the mood of the florals. A key point to begin styling your own table lies in using colours which you are familiar with, and that you have an abundance of! It always helps in creating a fuller 'scene' without having to go out and purchase anything further to add on to the styling.
Our little model was patient, but succumbed to a cookie which she shared with her American Girl!


Brest railway station. Photo courtesy of the author. All rights reserved.It's night in Brest. At this hour there isn't a soul on the streets of this small Belarusian town just a few kilometers from the Polish border. Two men silently exchange glances and cross the bridge over the railway tracks, braving the strong wind. Down there, from the immense Stalin-era railway station, they look like two black dots.
At the crack of dawn, a woman in her early sixties approaches one of the families, gives them train tickets from Brest to the Polish border town of Terespol and explains how to behave at the border crossing point. The children listen attentively. Early in the morning they will head for Poland again, hoping never to return to Chechnya. This isn't their first attempt, and it probably won't be their last.
Viachaslau admits he knew nothing about Chechens when he first arrived here. Two years ago, he was a third-year student of the University of Minsk. However, he wasn't able to receive his bachelor's degree: he was expelled from the university for political reasons. As a "political undesirable" of sorts himself, it may be no surprise that Viachaslau found common cause with the Chechens.
Oleg Khabibrakhmanov. Photo courtesy of the author. All rights reserved.Currently, Russia is among the top ten countries by number of applicants for refugee status in Europe, and 80% of Russian asylum-seekers are from Chechnya. According to EASO, during the first nine months of 2017, 16,245 Russian citizens applied for international protection in the EU.
"You think they'd better stay in Chechnya and wait until a mother finds her son killed after yet another torture session?" I exclaim, but she interrupts me.
Photo courtesy of the author. All rights reserved."I begin every morning with a prayer; I open the Quran, children stand in a circle with me and we pray. We sing the unofficial anthem of Chechnya in Сhechen, then we have Russian and Polish language classes. I teach children that being cheerful isn't shameful. A place of schooling is irrelevant; if it happens to be a train station, alright, let's do our best to make it lively," says Hulia.
Members of the patriotic club "Ramzan" during the festive procession dedicated to the Day of the Constitution of the Chechen Republic, 2012. Photo (c): Said Tsarnaev / RIA Novosti. All rights reserved.After he refused to go and fight in Ukraine, Mahmud was accused of anti-Russian sentiments and demoted.
Itum-Kale village, southern Chechnya, 2011. Photo CC-by-2.0: Vladimir Varfolomeev / Flickr. Some rights reserved.


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Home » How far has Saudi Arabia come with open data?
How far has Saudi Arabia come with open data?
On 20 December 2021, the Saudi Central Bank (SAMA) announced the first version of its Open Data Platform, targeting specialists and stakeholders. The platform displays indicators and charts and allows users to browse data in a tree structure – aggregating information or drilling down to deeper detail. Users can also download data in various formats. SAMA promises to provide an application programming interface (API) with future versions.
This recent announcement is part of the government's overall strategy to promote e-government and the use of open data across all agencies. The first official e-government programme began in Saudi Arabia in 2005. The aim of the Yesser programme was to encourage government agencies to use digital technologies. Then, in 2011, the Open Government Data Initiative was launched, aiming to promote participation and innovation through a portal.
More recently, the country's National Data Management Office (NDMO) developed an interim set of regulations for national data governance, which includes guidelines on open data. The framework sets policies and regulations to help citizens and companies through a large base of government data, while at the same time protecting data privacy.
The framework includes guidelines to help government agencies format data and make it available. Agencies also receive guidance on ensuring data quality and timeliness. But the regulations and guidelines are still referred to as "interim", which doesn't exactly instill confidence among data consumers.
Open data initiatives around the world have provided a first set of benefits through open government data. The first of these benefits is that government information, such as contract awards and funding, are made accessible to the public – a move intended to minimise corruption.
A second benefit of open access to government data is that usage patterns – of energy services, for example – can be used by private sector companies to find better ways to service their customers. The third benefit is that when government agencies share data, citizens no longer have to provide the same information about themselves to several different agencies.
In many countries, another set of benefits from open data can be achieved when groups of business or scientific communities agree on formats and rules for sharing data. All parties involved gain from the larger body of information. Scientific communities around the world have been using this idea for decades now and more recently, business communities have begun to do the same.
Several questions have to be addressed before any data is made open, including: who owns the information, who has the right to view it and who can modify it? Most countries agree that while a lot of information should be made available, no part of it should identify individuals. For example, open data might include information on how many people have asthma, but no part of that data should indicate who those people are.
The Saudi government now provides a register of all available datasets released by governmental organisations, along with the data itself. The portal includes a data dictionary that lists the names and types of each field in a dataset. The platform also provides APIs.
Government-provided open data includes several sets of real-time data and APIs to read the information, which includes subjects such as water and agriculture data, as well as air quality indices. Statistical data is also available.
To help promote the use of open data, the Saudi government runs events where participants compete to solve problems and/or create new opportunities. These events seek to attract developers, engineers and business people who might help to solve problems in different economic sectors.
The government also runs workshops and bootcamps to help participants navigate the datasets and develop applications. Some of the workshops are designed for specific sectors, such as tourism, and some target specific technologies – artificial intelligence, for example.
But although Saudi Arabia is on the right path to reap the benefits of open data, it still has a long way to go. The Open Data Inventory 2020 ranks the country 99th and gives it an overall score of 48 out of 100.
Published by Open Data Watch, the ranking is assessed primarily along two dimensions – coverage and openness. Coverage includes five measures: indicators and disaggregation, data available in the last five years, data available in the last 10 years, first administrative level and second administrative level. The first and second administrative levels refer to government divisions that are one and two levels below the national level. In the US, this would be state and county levels; in Saudi Arabia, it is emirates and governorates, respectively.
Saudi Arabia scores higher on coverage than it does on openness, which also includes five measures: machine readability, non-proprietary format, metadata availability, download options, and terms of use or data licence.
Open Data Watch also takes into consideration a country's commitment to international open data initiatives – including the IMF Standards for Data Dissemination, to which Saudi Arabia is a subscriber, and the Open Data Charter, which the country has not adopted.
Saudi Arabia scored 100 out of 100 in coverage for three areas – international trade, balance of payment and pollution – but in those same categories, the country scored low in openness – 40, 20, and 60, respectively.
As pointed out by the Open Knowledge Foundation and other bodies promoting open data, just because the government makes information available doesn't mean people really use it. When the data is poorly formatted and not up to date, people lose confidence to build applications around the information.
The Saudi government continues to publish more data – as was evidenced by the recent release of the SAMA Open Data Platform. Now it needs to ramp up its efforts to ensure high-quality data and timeliness – and to provide the APIs that developers need to use it.
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Harvey Weinstein Expected to Turn Himself in to Face Charges Related to Alleged Sexual Abuse: Reports
By Jennifer Drysdale 2:12 PM PDT, May 24, 2018
Harvey Weinstein will reportedly surrender on Friday.
The disgraced movie producer is expected to turn himself in to investigators after the Manhattan District Attorney's office and NYPD's months-long investigation into allegations of sexual abuse, CBS News reports. According to the outlet, Weinstein is expected to surrender to police at the NYPD's First Precinct in Manhattan at 7 a.m. ET on Friday, and be brought to New York criminal court at 9 a.m.
CBS News reports that the New York investigations had been looking into allegations by at least two women. A spokesperson for Manhattan District Attorney Cy Vance told CBS New York on Wednesday that their own investigation "is in an advanced stage."
According to CBS News, one woman, actress Lucia Evans -- who went public with her accusations in an article written by Ronan Farrow for The New Yorker in October 2017 -- told investigators that Weinstein forced her to perform oral sex on him during a business meeting in 2004. Prosecutors have also reportedly spoken with actress Paz de la Huerta, who claimed in an interview with Vanity Fair that Weinstein raped her twice in 2010.
Allegations against Weinstein were presented to D.A. Vance's office previously in 2015, when model Ambra Battilana Gutierrez told police that the producer had allegedly groped her. Despite reporting the incident to the NYPD immediately, Vance's office declined to file charges after two weeks of investigation.
Salma Hayek Emotionally Reveals She's 'Ashamed' for Not Speaking Out on Harvey Weinstein Sooner
Police in Los Angeles and London have also been investigating reports filed against Weinstein by multiple women.
Weinstein's rep released a statement following the publication of the New Yorker expose, denying the accusations against him.
"Any allegations of non-consensual sex are unequivocally denied by Mr. Weinstein. Mr. Weinstein has further confirmed that there were never any acts of retaliation against any women for refusing his advances," reads the statement. "Mr. Weinstein obviously can't speak to anonymous allegations, but with respect to any women who have made allegations on the record, Mr. Weinstein believes that all of these relationships were consensual. Mr. Weinstein has begun counseling, has listened to the community and is pursuing a better path."
ET has reached out to Weinstein's crisis management rep, his attorney, the Manhattan District Attorney's office and the NYPD for comment.
See more on Weinstein in the video below.
Gwyneth Paltrow Says She Loves Brad Pitt for Confronting Harvey Weinstein
Georgina Chapman Opens Up for the First Time About Harvey Weinstein Scandal
Ashley Judd Sues Harvey Weinstein for Sexual Harassment, Defamation and 'Retaliatory Conduct'
Uma Thurman Accuses Harvey Weinstein of Inappropriate Behavior on Several Occasions


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De stekeltrilzwam (Pseudohydnum gelatinosum) is een schimmel behorend tot de orde Auriculariales. Het komt voor op naaldhout dat sterk vermolmd is. Hij groeit bij o.a. den (Pinus) en spar (Picea) en zelden op andere naaldboomsoorten.

Kenmerken

Uiterlijke kenmerken
De gelatineuze-gelatineuze vruchtlichamen groeien vaak als dakpannen op elkaar en zijn halfrond tot schelpvormig; ze verschijnen zelden afzonderlijk. Ze zijn 2 tot 8 cm lang of breed en 1-1,5 cm dik. Het oppervlak kan wit, witgrijs tot grijsbruin zijn, maar ook violet tot zwartbruin of bijna zwart. Het heeft een korrelige, wratachtige structuur. De onderkant heeft "spikes" van 1-4 mm lang. De sporenprint is wit. steel is meestal lateraal; zelden kan het ook centraal gelegen zijn of helemaal afwezig zijn. Het is witachtig grijs tot grijsachtig bruin van kleur. Het vlees (trama) heeft geen eigen smaak.

Microscopische kenmerken
De ronde tot bijna ronde en gladde sporen hebben een diameter van 4,5 tot 8 micron. De basidia zijn in de lengte gedeeld en hebben sterigmata tot 20 micrometer lang. Er zijn haren van 4 tot 15 micron dik op het oppervlak van de hoed.

Variabiliteit
Aangezien er bij de stekeltrilzwam verschillende kleurvarianten kunnen worden waargenomen, kan worden aangenomen dat deze worden veroorzaakt door ecologische, seizoensgebonden of leeftijdsgebonden factoren. Dit is echter nog niet bevestigd. Vruchtlichamen met verschillende kleurschakeringen kunnen op hetzelfde substraat verschijnen, tegelijkertijd als jonge en oudere exemplaren.

Verspreiding
De stekeltrilzwam komt algemeen voor. Hij wordt gevonden in het Holarctisch gebied, Midden- en Zuid-Amerika, Zuidoost-Azië en Nieuw-Zeeland. Buiten het Holarctisch gebied komt de schimmel voor in Mexico, Panama, Brazilië en Colombia, waar hij vooral groeit op tropisch hardhout en in Azië in China, Vietnam en Indonesië.

In Europa is de schimmel wijdverspreid in Midden- en Oost-Europa. Het verspreidingsgebied strekt zich uit van Groot-Brittannië en Frankrijk tot Oost-Polen en het voormalige Oost-Pruisen. In het zuiden reikt hij tot Italië, Griekenland (waar de schimmel zeer zeldzaam is) en West-Oekraïne. Noordwaarts strekt de verspreiding zich uit tot de Hebriden en Fennoscandinavië. Daar is het vrij gebruikelijk tot de 60e breedtegraad, maar neemt het snel af tot de 50e breedtegraad.

In Nederland komt hij algemeen voor. Hij staat niet op de rode lijst en is niet bedreigd.

Auriculariales
Schimmelsoort

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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Memorial for the Jews of Lublin, which contains excerpts from The Song of the Murdered Jewish People (by Yiddish poet, Yitzchak Katzenelson) written while he...
For many years after the Holocaust, a distinction was made between those "heroes" who chose to actively resist their Nazi oppressors, and those Jewish victims who allowed themselves to be passively led to their death, like "sheep to the slaughter". In recent years, scholars who study the Holocaust have come to realize that such a distinction not only tarnishes the memory of those who died at the hands of the Nazis and their collaborators, it also fails to account for the many forms of resistance exhibited by Jews under Nazi rule on the individual and daily level. These forms of resistance affirmed their desire to continue life, at all costs. The choice to resist the Nazi condemnation of Jewish life through the daily affirmation of the sanctity of life in countless acts of spiritual and cultural resistance, provides an enduring testament to the dignity of the Jewish people murdered in Europe. The courage of those who died and their affirmation of the sanctity of human life require us to preserve their memory and to honor them.
A detail of the Memorial for the Jews of Lublin (Lublin, 2001). Credit: Michael Cohen.
The survivors of the Holocaust, who emerged from the Nazi camps, or who managed to survive by hiding in the city or in the forests, are the moral conscience of our generation, witnesses to both the depths of human depravity and to the heights of human courage.
©2004 YIVO Institute For Jewish Research. All Rights Reserved.


Replacement of a missing tooth or several teeth is a method well established for several decades.
It is a titanium-made screw replacing the tooth root and inserted directly into the bone. It is used to attach the crown, bridge, or replaceable dental prosthesis. The titanium is firmly attached to the bone and the whole procedure is well tolerated by the body.
Implantation is made with the patient sitting in a dental chair and under local anesthesia; the procedure is completely painless. The only complaint is anesthesia injection resembling the injection used for common tooth extraction. The average time for one implantation is 15 minutes. The patient leaves home, with the suture removed within a week. Postoperative problems are almost none. Depending on the bone quality, the implant is left to engraft for weeks to months, with a crown, bridge, or prosthesis made thereafter.
In some cases, an implant can be made immediately after tooth extraction, with prosthesis made thereafter.
Each implant requires sufficient bone (occasionally absent in patients with tooth loss) lacking for adequate engraftment. Our center provides for bone mass augmentation while implantation or as preparation of implantation bed prior to actual procedure. The procedure is non-invasive to the patient.
Implant viability with the top quality implants in the low mandible is 98% and 92% in the upper and lower mandibles at 10 years, respectively. Our data compare with those reported in the best world implantatation centers.
Our clinic provides for perfect implantation by an experienced surgeon (implantation surgery) with subsequent prosthetic work (crown, bridge, or implant prosthesis) done.
Introducing titanium screw dental implants (3i Implant Innovations, Inc., USA), which are top devices in the international market. For further information, please click on 3i Implant Innovations, Inc.,USA.


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By Voodoogul 18.02.2020 8 comments
Reviewed in the United States on November 1, Eat to the Beat is still my favorite Blondie album for the first four songs: Dreaming, The Hardest Part, Union City Blue, and, of course, Shayla. Atomic is also a favorite on the album/5(9). Eat to the Beat is the fourth studio album by American rock band liaskutereantabe.forfcartprogasetnigalducalruriweb.co was released on September 28, by Chrysalis liaskutereantabe.forfcartprogasetnigalducalruriweb.co album was certified Platinum in the US, where it spent a year on the Billboard album chart. Peaking at No. 17, it was one of Billboard ' s top 10 albums of It also reached No. 1 on the UK album chart in October and was certified Platinum by the BPIGenre: New wave, punk rock. Blondie – Eat To The Beat Label: Chrysalis – , Capitol Records – , Chrysalis – , Capitol Records – /5(79). Oct 22, · referencing Eat To The Beat, CD, Album, RE, CDP32 , 2 0 A yellow triangle label on front CD-case, surrounded by a white stripe and a red dot printed on it, mid-price also printed on the label/5(K). View credits, reviews, tracks and shop for the CD release of Eat To The Beat on Discogs. Label: Chrysalis - VK • Format: CD Album, Reissue • Country: US • Genre: Rock • Style: New Wave Blondie - Eat To The Beat (CD) | Discogs/5(4). Always ahead of their time, Blondie cut a music video for each of the 12 songs on their classic Eat to the Beat album, and this CD/DVD combo collects all of 'em! Includes Dreaming; the Hardest Part; Accidents Never Happen; Atomic, and more. View credits, reviews, tracks and shop for the CD release of Eat To The Beat on Discogs. Label: Capitol Records - ,Chrysalis - • Format: CD Album, Remastered, Reissue • Country: US • Genre: Rock • Style: New Wave, Punk. * Items below may differ depending on the release. Review The success of Parallel Lines saw the band vying to recreate some of that magic in the form of Eat To The Beat (). Still, some less-inspired Disco/rock numbers such as "Atomic" and "The Hardest Part" can't hide the fact that "Dreaming" is a great pop song and the album still stands strong. Blondie (Artist)|Mike Chapman (Producer) Eat to the Beat CD Album Free shipping over £
No Nos Quieren Corazon - The Hometown Boys (2) - Live (CD, Album), White - The Cult - Ceremony (CD, Album), What Child Is This? - Demis Roussos - Come All Ye Faithful (CD), Rimjaub - Stimbox - Crush (Cassette), Open Your Eyes (Mirkos Mix) - Black Box - Open Your Eyes (Vinyl), Thief (Der Dritte Raum Mix) - Camouflage - Archive #01 (CD), Jailhouse Rock - Coven (3) - Jailhouse Rock / Nightingale (Vinyl), Whos That Comin - Paul And Mona Johnian - How Great Is God (Vinyl, LP), Big Country - Driving To Damascus (CD, Album), Diamonds Theme Song - Defiance, Ohio - Midwestern Minutes (Vinyl, LP, Album), Uptown Martyrs - Various - Heavy Metal Killers (Vinyl, LP), Vampiros de Indios - Agony (17) - Reborn (CD, Album)
Vitilar - Reply	 24.02.2020
Blondie doesn't get credit for much. One thing the band SHOULD get credit for is helping to pioneer the concept of music videos. Whether the video album to Eat to the Beat was the first or simply one of the first attempts to make a video for each song on an entire album, this DVD's historic importance cannot be /5().
Dotilar - Reply	 24.02.2020
Reviewed in the United States on November 1, Eat to the Beat is still my favorite Blondie album for the first four songs: Dreaming, The Hardest Part, Union City Blue, and, of course, Shayla. Atomic is also a favorite on the album/5(9).
Tur - Reply	 25.02.2020
Eat to the Beat is the fourth studio album by American rock band liaskutereantabe.forfcartprogasetnigalducalruriweb.co was released on September 28, by Chrysalis liaskutereantabe.forfcartprogasetnigalducalruriweb.co album was certified Platinum in the US, where it spent a year on the Billboard album chart. Peaking at No. 17, it was one of Billboard ' s top 10 albums of It also reached No. 1 on the UK album chart in October and was certified Platinum by the BPIGenre: New wave, punk rock.
Doramar - Reply	 26.02.2020
Blondie – Eat To The Beat Label: Chrysalis – , Capitol Records – , Chrysalis – , Capitol Records – /5(79).
Mikazil - Reply	 25.02.2020
Oct 22, · referencing Eat To The Beat, CD, Album, RE, CDP32 , 2 0 A yellow triangle label on front CD-case, surrounded by a white stripe and a red dot printed on it, mid-price also printed on the label/5(K).
Gardasida - Reply	 23.02.2020
View credits, reviews, tracks and shop for the CD release of Eat To The Beat on Discogs. Label: Chrysalis - VK • Format: CD Album, Reissue • Country: US • Genre: Rock • Style: New Wave Blondie - Eat To The Beat (CD) | Discogs/5(4).
Kazirisar - Reply	 25.02.2020
Always ahead of their time, Blondie cut a music video for each of the 12 songs on their classic Eat to the Beat album, and this CD/DVD combo collects all of 'em! Includes Dreaming; the Hardest Part; Accidents Never Happen; Atomic, and more.
Nisar - Reply	 20.02.2020
View credits, reviews, tracks and shop for the CD release of Eat To The Beat on Discogs. Label: Capitol Records - ,Chrysalis - • Format: CD Album, Remastered, Reissue • Country: US • Genre: Rock • Style: New Wave, Punk.