30,690 gal. of dispersant in 330-gal. plastic totes. Price is per unit (full tote).
ADDS Pack. Deployed in C-130 Hercules cargo aircraft (5,000 gallons). Lease only, $2,000/day in service or $1,000/day standby.
System operates as a slung load from a helicopter with a cargo hook, (240 gallons). Packaged in crate.
Portable,diesel powered dispersant spray system. Packaged in K4.
Eductor dispersant application system that utilizes vessel's fire main water supply. Metal Crate with control unit, hoses, and fittings.
System mounts on vessel of opportunity to apply dispersants using spray arms. Packaged in aluminum crate.
System contains various components to allow transfer of dispersant from drums and tanks. Includes Personal Protective Equipment. Packaged in K-2.
For use in monitoring dispersant efficency on-site in the water column/dispersed oil plume.
Fire Boom-3 systems. Two K2 containers of boom and two support packages make a complete system.
Tow Bridles and Lines; Floating Ignitors in plastic Myton container.
Ignition source for in-situ burning of oil on water by depositing a burning gel from a helicopter. K-2 contains torches, ignitors, fuel, spare parts.
Inflatable system of boom, separator, and temporary storage tank. Packaged in a K-2.
Lightweight, shallow draft, foam floatation, boom for rivers and inland waters. 1000 ft.(30 m) packaged in K-2.
Lightweight, shallow draft, foam floatation, boom for harbors and inland waters.1,000 ft/304m packaged in K-2.
Lightweight, shallow draft, foam floatation, boom for harbors and inland waters. 800 ft. (244m) packed in K-2.
Air inflatable boom for offshore and nearshore waters. 1000 ft. (305m) packaged in K-2 with accessories.
Air inflatable boom stowed on pallet for offshore and nearshore waters. ASTM connectors, tow bridles,tow lines and powered air blowers included.
Inflatable/water filled boom creating land surface seals for intertidal zones. 1,300 ft. (396 m) packaged in K-1.
Metal post anchors. Packaged in one myton plastic container.
System includes anchor, buoy and line for 5 anchoring systems to be used in nearshore and inshore areas. Packaged in one plastic container.
System includes anchor, buoy, and line for 44 anchoring systems for offshore areas. Packaged in K-1.
Portable advancing brush type skimmer, powerpack, pump, hoses, and booms packaged on a K-1 skid.
Desmi DBD5 combination disc/brush-drum skimmer packaged in K-4 container.
Lightweight oleophilic disc skimmer with power pack, hoses, and storage for light/medium oils. Packaged in K-3.
Double drum/brush oleophilic skimmer w/powerpack, pump, hoses & storage for light/medium/heavy oils. Packaged in K-2.
Single drum/brush oleophilic skimmer w/powerpack, pump, and hoses for light/medium/heavy oils. Packaged in K-4.
Rope mop, horizontal, oleophilic skimmer for light/medium oils. Trailer mounted unit.
Rope mop, vertical, oleophilic skimmer with power pack, pump and control stand. Mounted on one air transportable pallet.
Peristaltic Suction Pump with diesel power pack packaged in 1/2 K-2.
Manta ray skimmer head, hoses and manifolds; packaged in K-4.
Portable vacuum pump system powered by diesel engine. Components packaged in K-4 container.
Foilex screw pump, remote control unit, weir skimmer, pump and power pack. Packaged on one air pallet.
Skimming Head/wand and hoses packaged in plastic container.
Peristaltic Pump w/ weir and manta ray heads, and suction and discharge hose. Two systems packaged in one K-4.
Foilex screw pump with suction heads/fittings to collect and transfer high density oils. Packaged in two plastic containers, w/tripod and rope spool.
Aluminum Tank with 3-inch fittings on pallet base. 1,300 gallon capacity.
Temporary shoreside, storage tank for recovered oil. (1) 2,000 gallon (48 barrels, 7 m3) tank packaged in a heavy vinyl bag with accessories.
Temporary shoreside, storage tank for recovered oil. (1) 2,400 gallon (57 barrels, 9 m3) tank packaged in a wood or plastic container w/accessories.
Temporary shoreside, storage tank for recovered oil. (1) 3,000 gallon (71 barrels) tank packaged in a heavy vinyl bag w/accessories.
Temporary shoreside storage of recovered oil and support of disposal operations. (1) 105,000 gallon (2,500 barrel) pit liner packaged in a K-3.
Temporary, (towable floating or land) storage for recovered oil. (10) 1,250 gallon (30 barrel 5 m3) bladders packaged in a K-1.
2,500 gallon (60 bbl/ 10 tonnes) 1 bladder each in K-4 aluminum container. Temporary, (towable floating or land) storage for recovered oil.
Crate of (4) 2,500 gallon (60 barrel/10 tonnes each bladder) packaged in a K-1. Temporary, (towable floating or land) storage for recovered oil.
2,500 gallon (60 barrel/10 tonnes) bladders packaged, 2 each in a K-4 container. Temporary, (towable floating or land) storage for recovered oil.
(3) sea containers in K-1.
Temporary (towable floating or land) storage for recovered oil. (1) 6,600 gallon (157 barrel) bladder packaged in a wood crate.
Temporary (towable floating or land) storage for recovered oil. (1) 12,500 gallon (300 barrel) bladder packaged in a K-1. (6) units w/power packs.
Four-wheel independent drive, diesel powered tractor for removal of oily waste from beaches, (scrape, and rake sand).
High volume, low pressure flushing of oil, or transfer of water/oil mixture. Trailer mounted 6-in. Jaeger pump w/diesel engine, 2,000 gpm.
Materials for decontamination of personal & equipment, (plastic bags, rakes, shovels, backpack sprayers, sorbent blankets & boom). Packaged in a K-2.
Portable booms, anchors, temporary storage, sorbents, bags, hand tools, and decon kit packaged in K-2.
Pump for pressure washdown from manmade structures; can also be used to herd floating oil.. Packaged in one plastic crate.
High pressure removal of oil from boulders, rocks & structures or decon of oiled response equipment. Skid mounted, 4.4 gpm @ up to 3,000 psi.
(2) 3-inch diesel pumps with hoses and fittings in K-4 container. Low pressure, high volume discharge.
Pump for filling shore seal boom; can also be used to herd floating oil. Packaged in one plastic crate.
Plastic container containing manual, spares, tools, and fittings for trash pump.
24 bales of individual snares, (30 snares per bale) for removal of heavy oil from water. Packaged in a cardboard D-Container.
Sorbent pads on rope in sweep array. 24 bales (100 feet per bale.) Packaged in cardboard D-Container.
20 bales of snares, (30 snares per bale on 50 foot rope) for removal of heavy oil from water. Packaged in D Container.
Sorbents used in recovering floating oil, protecting surfaces & in decon of personnel & equipment. 17 bales (100 sorbents per bale) packaged in a D Container.
7 Rolls of sorbent in one D-Container.
Air inflatable shelters, generators, tables, chairs, lights, air conditioner. Packaged in aluminum K-1 Container.
20 ft diameter shelter for remote field command post w/air, lights, generator. (1) packaged in a modified A-3 Container.
Provides power for remote field site command post. (4) generators packaged in one aluminum crate.
20 ft diameter shelter for remote field command post w/air, lights, electricity. (2) packaged in one modified A-3 Container.
BGAN Sat comm and Laptop PC in hard case.
Provides access to the international dial-up telephone, fax, and data networks via Inmarsat system. Packaged in transit case.
Three (3) ICOM mobile radios set up for vehicle use.
ICOM M88 Handheld VHF Radios.
Set of (4) ICOM A14-2 Air-to-Ground handheld radios packaged in Pelican case.
ICOM Land Mobile Radio configures as base station. Packaged in Pelican case. 2nd component is antenna packaged in pvc tube.
Wildlife rehabilitation supplies to assist in the set-up of a remote wildlife station for oiled birds & mammals. Packaged in a A-3 cargo container.
(2) 3-inch diaphragm pump and hoses in 1/2 K-2 container.
10- Portable Coleman 3.5 kW gasoline generators and 8 - Halogen light stands. 4 -Prism Light systems each with Honda generator. Packaged in K-1. container. Extension chords and spare bulbs provided.
Emergency, depot or decontamination area lighting. (2) halogen light stands in upright wood crates.
Accessory hoses/fittings to be used w/various pumps & skimmers to extend operations, or modify transfer plans. Fittings packaged in wood container.
Provides mechanics w/miscell. tools/devices to maintain equipment. Packaged in large aluminum container.
Equipment for MOBEX Support: tools, portable tank, chairs, awninging, PPE, Portalbe Radios. Packaged in K-1.
21 Foot Carolina Skiff with single 70 115 HP outboard engine, trailer mounted, radio and awning.
Provides platform for towing, personnel transfer, and setting of boom. Trailered boat w/70 hp outboard.
330 gal/ 1.25 m3 hard plastic container for dispersants/liquids. Base has forklift channels.
Metal shipping pallet to hold 6 drums.
125 x 88 Aluminum "cookie sheet"
Provides electrical power for remote area work sites. Trailer mounted 45kw generator.
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It's true. In the realm of college admissions, it's the geeks who get the biggest scholarships.
But wait. Don't the jocks get the biggest scholarships? Well, sometimes that's true. If you play hoops well enough to be recruited by the Georgetown Hoyas, then you've got a ticket to ride. Or if you can run really fast, you might get a full-ride scholarship to run track at an NCAA Division 1 university. But there are many athletes in many sports that get very small scholarships, and the vast majority of high school students who aim for an athletic scholarship never get a dime. If you want to learn more about how to get an athletic scholarship, you might want to check out our information here.
While some athletes do pull down some of the sweetest scholarships in American higher education, the geeks still get a lot more money overall. In fact, perhaps 90% or more of the scholarships colleges offer are for the academically talented students—rather than the athletically talented ones.
How does it work? Colleges are in competition with one another for the top students in the country. Every professor at every college wants to teach the most talented, serious, and interested students. And the more talented students a school is able to attract, then the higher it's ranking among universities will climb over time. So every university has an interest in attracting top academic talent.
So how do they attract top talent? By offering discounts off the price of tuition for students who have the best grades and the highest scores on their standardized tests.
If getting a scholarship is important to you, then consider these tips.
Don't scrimp and save on the tutoring for the ACT or SAT. Many colleges and universities tie their scholarships to these scores. So a point or two extra can mean saving thousands of dollars.
There are few more efficient ways to reduce the cost of your higher education than to get solid grades throughout high school. Think of every A you get as money in the bank.
Don't lull yourself into thinking that a B in an honors or AP course is the same as getting an A in a "regular course" (see our post about weighted grades here).
We work with many families for whom the costs of higher education are a driving consideration in choosing the right colleges to which to apply. We like nothing more than to earn our fee—many times over—by helping students win generous scholarships at high quality colleges and universities. If you need help identifying the right schools at the right price, give us a call today.


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Home / About XTB/ What is XTB? /
About XTB
The XTB Capital Group ("XTB Group", "Group") is an international provider of trading and investment products, services and technology solutions, specialized in financial OTC market with a particular focus on CFDs (contracts for difference), which are investment products with returns linked to the changes in the prices and values of underlying instruments and assets).Currently the XTB Group offers more than 1,700 CFDs based on currency pairs, commodities, indices, shares of companies listed on stock exchanges in 12 countries and American and European ETFs, and new CFDs may be added to the Group's offer.
Founded in Poland in 2004, the XTB Group has been growing dynamically, operating on the basis of licenses granted by regulators in Poland, the UK, Turkey, Cyprus and Belize. Currently the Group is focusing on growing its business in 12 key countries, including Poland, Spain, the Czech Republic, Portugal, France and Germany. Apart from expanding its operations in the CEE and Western Europe, XTB Group's strategy includes growth in the new markets, including Latin America, and further development of the institutional operations arm of the XTB Group's business (X Open Hub). The area of Company operations are subject to regulatory supervision in XTB's markets, including the EU where it conducts business based on the 'single EU passport'.
Thanks to innovative products and services, the Group has for many years been recognised for its technology, including the award for the best FX platform by the Polish daily business newspaper, Gazeta Parkiet. The core software development team located in Poland focuses on augmenting the competitive strength of XTB technological solutions.
The Group has a strong track record in developing and implementing innovative products. In 2013, the Group was one of the first entities on the European market to introduce internally developed social trading in the form of a regulated asset management service that enables clients to follow other clients' trading activity. In 2014, xRisk was introduced as a proprietary trading solution for managing market risk. The Group has also become a trading technology and liquidity provider for institutional clients, brokers and start-up businesses in the institutional operations segment. In March 2018, the Group introduced cash equity from European and American markets.
The Management Board believes that the Group's online trading platforms enable reliable, fast and effective trade execution in a user friendly environment. The unique functionality features of the xStation trading platform serve as a competitive differentiator and allow the Group to avoid competing only in terms of the prices offered for products and services. The Group is able to process approximately 30,000 orders per minute. The average execution time from placing an order until the receipt of full confirmation is less than 60 milliseconds. The Group offers its clients various trading alternatives based on client sophistication, from beginner to expert, and on the mode of access, from smartphones to web-based interfaces to downloadable desktop applications. The offered applications provide retail and institutional clients with useful and varied tools, including charts, analytics, research and online training. To advertise its business and increase its client base the Group utilizes online as well as offline marketing channels. A differentiating factor that allows the Group to continue to increase its market share is a team of over 110 employees in direct sales and marketing across the regions in which the Group operates. The Group's marketing activities are supported by superior client service and ongoing initiatives for the Group's retail clients, such as an educational portal, Trading Academy, that continuously contribute to increased trading volume, retention of clients and a stable flow of new clients to the Group.
Developing and maintaining robust risk management and compliance capabilities is one of the priorities for the Group. It performs on an ongoing basis analyses and evaluates its exposure to various risks inherent to its business model and reviews its risk management policies and compliance regularly in order to adequately control and manage such risks. The Management Board believes that the Group's risk management experience and applied policies have become an important factor that contributed to the Group's robust financial results and ensured its strong capitalization and financial stability.
X-Trade Brokers DM SA with its registered office in Warsaw, at Ogrodowa 58, 00-876 Warsaw, Poland, entered in the register of entrepreneurs of the National Court Register (Krajowy Rejestr Sądowy) conducted by District Court for the Capital City of Warsaw, XII Commercial Division of the National Court Register under KRS number 0000217580, REGON number 015803782 and Tax Identification Number (NIP) 527-24-43-955, with the fully paid up share capital in the amount of PLN 5.869.181,75 PLN.
X-Trade Brokers DM S.A.is operating under the licence admitted by the Securities and Exchange Commission and is regulated by the Polish Financial Supervision Authority.
XTB - Relacje Inwestorskie

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Erroll Thompson
Gee whiz: Peeing dog celebration costs Ole Miss in Egg Bowl
By R.j. Morgan Nov. 28, 2019 11:17 PM EST
Mississippi State pushes for better offense under Moorhead
By David Brandt Aug. 12, 2019 09:18 AM EDT
14 SEC players who could have breakthrough seasons
By The Associated Press Apr. 22, 2019 10:53 AM EDT
No. 1 Alabama has 5 players first-team AP All-SEC selections
By The Associated Press Dec. 03, 2018 12:16 PM EST
Mississippi State's defense set to take on for No. 1 Alabama
By David Brandt Nov. 06, 2018 05:05 PM EST
No. 21 Mississippi St hopes to continue momentum vs La Tech
By David Brandt Nov. 02, 2018 08:00 AM EDT
No. 21 Mississippi St tries to keep momentum vs. La Tech
By The Associated Press Nov. 01, 2018 10:04 AM EDT
Louisiana Tech (6-2) at No. 21 Mississippi State (5-3, No. 18 CFP), 7:30 p.m. EDT (SEC Network) Line: Mississippi State by 23½. Series...
Mississippi State upsets No. 16 Texas A&M, 28-13
By David Brandt Oct. 27, 2018 10:51 PM EDT
No. 2 Clemson hands Florida State worst home loss, 59-10
By Stephen Hawkins 6 hrs ago


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Today is our six month anniversary at The Firestone.
This certainly wasn't how we were expecting to celebrate. The studio was empty... on the Saturday of a holiday weekend. We had one person working. We spent the day anxiously waiting for the ping of an order to come through (yes, we cheer when it happens.) And, yet, we're unsure of the future. For many small businesses, this situation has been a punch in the gut. We are riddled with uncertainty. We are unsure of the next path to take. And even though May 20th has rolled around and some businesses are getting to see their customers in person again, we just aren't there yet, and to be honest, it's terrifying. And we know our story isn't all that unique. But as a business that barely got off the ground before the pandemic hit, this has been an especially difficult situation to navigate.
The past six months have been life changing and we have experienced some of the highest highs and the lowest lows. In a matter of weeks, we went from a construction zone, to a booming holiday season, to finally opening our cafe and wet clay studio -- things we had dreamed of and worked up to for years -- only to being forced to shut down to the public, cancel classes, and create an online store from scratch in a matter of days in hopes to cover the most basic of expenses. Electricity. Heat. Rent. Payroll. These things have remained constant despite every other unpredictable curveball we've been thrown.
Although we've felt the unbelievable support from the public through online ordering and social media, we've also had long stretches of time where we didn't receive a single order. (Not exactly the kind of thing you run to Instagram to brag about.) We thought that by reopening the cafe for curbside pickup, we might stimulate sales, but it's been a slow process when you know a lot of the world is still bunkering down.
Despite all of this, we are still trying our best to be grounded in gratitude e v e r y d a y. It's not always easy, but we are making the conscious effort to persevere and stay consistent for our customers and our staff. We know we aren't necessarily considered "essential" these days, but we also know we've been a landline for some living in quarantine and in need of an artistic outlet. We feel an immense responsibility to create and maintain sustainable jobs for our employees and create a comfortable, consistent, and safe work environment for them. We've had to come up with creative ways to hit all these marks, and we haven't gotten it right every time. But still, we try.
It is our six month anniversary. So today and tomorrow and the day after that, we are asking you all to keep small businesses, ours included, in your minds and hearts because these are incredibly unusual times. This is an opportunity to support small businesses in the most spectacular of ways by placing orders with them. We are made with 𝗵𝗲𝗔𝗥𝗧 and we just ask you to share that love and pay it forward.


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How Social Media Taxes Can Burden News Outlets: The Case of Uganda
By Juliet Nanfuka
CIMA Digital Report
The Current Media Landscape
The Dawn of Taxation on Social Media Access
Reactions to the Tax
Uganda Is Not Alone
The Impact of the Tax and Regulations on News Media
The Political Timing of the Social Media Tax
Share Resource:
In July 2018, the government of Uganda implemented a tax on individual users of social media platforms. In the first three months following the introduction of the tax in the country, internet penetration dropped from 47 percent to 35 percent. Given that a significant amount of news circulation now happens via social media and messaging apps, how might this new tax impact the news media ecosystem? The negative effects on news media are less direct and arguably more pernicious than might be expected.
• Internet penetration in Uganda dropped from 47 percent to 35 percent in the first three months after social media tax introduction.
• Journalists noted a significant decline in the level of engagement with readers and sources via social media platforms.
• Traffic to new sites has been only minimally impacted, indicating that sites were not reliant on social media to begin with and/or that many individuals have turned to VPNs to avoid the tax.
Does restricting access to social media by taxing individuals actually improve the quality of news and information circulating in a society? Far-fetched as such a proposition may be, policymakers in Uganda are making such a claim.
On May 31, 2018, the Ugandan parliament passed a law that instituted a "social media tax" users would have to pay to access social networking and messaging apps like WhatsApp, Facebook, and Twitter. This new excise duty went into effect on July 1, 2018, and now users of these platforms and other over-the-top (OTT) media services must pay 200 Ugandan shillings (approximately 5 US cents) per day to access these sites. In addition to potentially raising revenue for government outlays, longtime Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni claimed that this tax on individuals would also help the country cope with olugambo, or gossip, online.1 However, freedom of expression advocates immediately condemned the new tax as part of a broader government effort to quell political dissent by stifling people's ability to express themselves and access news and information.2
While much of the outcry against the social media tax has focused on how it might curtail political speech online, far less attention has been paid to the potential impact on the circulation and production of independent news. Given that worldwide citizens are increasingly accessing news content via social media, this policy also has seemingly direct consequences for what types of news stories citizens are able to access. Moreover, as journalists have started to rely on social networks for reporting, sourcing stories, and engaging with audiences, the implications are broader than just distributing news content. The tax also impacts the ability of journalists to report on topics of public interest and reach sources who use media to communicate.
In Uganda, almost a year after this first-of-its-kind social media tax was implemented, we are beginning to finally see what the actual consequences of such a policy are. It turns out that the negative effects on news media are less direct and arguably more pernicious than you might expect.
The Ugandan case is just the latest example of how governments are trying to assert more influence over social media platforms and the circulation of news. Indeed, right now a handful of other countries in sub-Saharan Africa are also considering enacting similar social media taxes on their citizens. Thus, understanding the impacts of this policy on media development in Uganda serves to highlight the consequences and costs of efforts to regulate the internet in this way.
"In Uganda, almost a year after this first-of-its-kind social media tax was implemented, we are beginning to finally see what the actual consequences of such a policy are. "
Newspaper stand in Kampala, Uganda. Photo credit Peter Bury – CC BY-NC-ND 2.0
To understand the potential impact of the social media tax on news in Uganda, it is first important to review the broader media landscape. Uganda's media sector was liberalized 3 in 1993, but to date the state still runs key outlets such as the Vision Group, which publishes the country's highest circulating daily newspapers including New Vision (in English) and Bukedde (in Luganda). The group also publishes the only regional newspapers and owns six radio stations and three television channels. It nonetheless faces competition from privately owned entities including the Daily Monitor and NTV of the Nation Media Group, NBS of the Next Media Group, and hundreds of FM radio stations around the country.
In recent years, there has been a proliferation of independent content creators online who through social media, blogs, independent news sites, and podcasts have bridged a gap between traditional media formats and Ugandan digital media consumers. These platforms have also contributed significantly to traditional media platforms by increasing journalists' proximity to the source of news stories and plugging them into issues and conversations of interest to the public, as highlighted by social media. More recent movements in civic technology, open data, and other similarly sophisticated applications of internet technology have deepened interest in transparency, accountability, and the character of news content and its dissemination.
The growth in online content was spurred first by the opening up of the telecommunications sector in 2007 4 following which mobile phones became the primary means by which Ugandans access the internet. The total mobile phone subscription rate by the end of June 2017 stood at 23.6 million, 5 representing a tele-density of 57 percent for Uganda's population of 41.3 million.
Initially, the government took a progressive approach to this growth toward a more connected world. Indeed, the state mirrored widespread interest in the use of the internet as an engagement channel by, for example, developing social media guidelines 6 for ministries, departments, and agencies to support the principles of open government, and seeking "public collaboration in finding solutions to problems."
However, this evolution has been accompanied by an increasingly vocal citizenry—one that is readily using technology to demand accountability and transparency, and push back against oppression. This has not been as enthusiastically received by the state, which in February 2011 interrupted the flow of communications by blocking SMS messages that included a range of preselected words 7 including "Egypt," "people power," and "dictator" ahead of the elections. This was the first documented incident of digital communications being censored during elections in the country.
Five years later, the election in 2016 revealed that the state was willing to go even further in terms of curtailing access to content online. Even though this election was the first in which both the incumbent, Museveni, and opposition leaders aggressively used social media to appeal to younger voters as part of their electioneering campaigns, the state ordered two social media shutdowns in the space of three months 8 to reportedly maintain public order and protect national security. In general, the state's attitude toward online engagement seems to have taken a negative turn. Since 2013, the government has spoken of introducing a social media monitoring center "to weed out those who use it to damage the government and people's reputations."9
Overview of mobile, internet, and social media use in Uganda. Source: DataReportal, "Digital 2019: Uganda," https://datareportal.com/reports/digital-2019-uganda?rq=Uganda.
"Since 2013, the government has spoken of introducing a social media monitoring center "to weed out those who use it to damage the government and people's reputations.""
The Uganda Communications Commission (UCC), the government regulatory body of the communications sector, first called for regulation of social media platforms in 2016 with the executive director of the authority stating that "self-regulation is not sufficient and additional regulatory tools such as public supervision, legislations or even administrative measures are required."10 Two years later, in July 2018, the UCC published a notice calling for online content providers including online publishers, news platforms, and radio and television operators to "apply and obtain authorization" for the provision of these services—potentially threatening access to information and free speech.11 The notice also stated that as of April 2, 2018, it would embark on enforcement activities against all non-compliant providers of online data communication services, and this would entail directing internet service providers to block access to such websites and/or streams. To date, there has been little action taken against online sites. Instead, the government changed tack in its approach to taxation. Rather than taxing the profitable foreign-based social media platforms or even local digital media publishers, a decision was made to tax individual users.
On July 1, 2018, the government introduced a tax on Over-The-Top (OTT) services, such as social media platforms, and added additional fees for mobile money transactions as part of the Excise Duty (Amendment) Act 2018.12 The amendment introduced a daily levy of 200 Ugandan shillings (about 5 US cents) on all users of social media platforms (e.g., Twitter, Facebook, Instagram) and a host of other voice and text message applications that transmit over the internet. It also introduced a 1 percent tax (later readjusted to 0.5 percent of the transaction value) on mobile money payments, transfers, and withdrawals. The act also increased the excise duty on mobile money fees from 10 to 15 percent. The new taxes marked a shift in the use of social media platforms, virtual private networks (VPNs), and mobile money for millions of Ugandan citizens.
"Rather than taxing the profitable foreign-based social media platforms or even local digital media publishers, a decision was made to tax individual users."
"In a context in which social media has served as many users' initial entry point to the internet, this tax could negatively impact the affordability and broader use of the internet, particularly by low-income Ugandans, as well as stifle freedom of expression, association, and assembly online."
– Joint oral statement to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights by the Association for Progressive Communications, the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA), Derechos Digitales, and the Women of Uganda Network
Introducing the taxes led to widespread concern about the impact of these additional costs on financial and digital inclusion, data affordability, and access to information in the country. Meanwhile, members of civil society raised concerns about the impact of the taxes on freedom of expression and access to information.
Research ICT Solutions, an information technology think tank, released a study projecting that the taxes would cost the Ugandan economy up to 2.8 trillion Ugandan shillings (US$778 million) in forgone gross domestic product growth and 400 billion Ugandan shillings (US$10 million) in taxes per year, while also slowing down the country's development.13 The study further noted that by imposing multiple taxation layers on a sector that is meant to be a growth engine, the state was instead penalizing the sector.
User reactions to the tax included immediately rejecting it, with many questioning its legitimacy. Following the introduction of the social media tax, a review of Facebook posts and Twitter entries revealed that many users were using virtual private networks to avoid paying. By first connecting to a VPN based outside of Uganda, users were then able to connect to social media sites without paying the tax. A January 2019 study revealed that although 56 percent of respondents paid the tax, 38 percent chose to use VPNs, and 3.7 percent resorted to accessing the internet only where free WiFi was available.14 Meanwhile, according to data released by the Uganda Communications Commission in January, in the first three months after the social media tax was implemented, only 50 percent of internet users in the country paid the daily levy, which suggested that the other half had either turned to VPNs or simply stopped connecting to those sites.15
UCC slide representing drop in internet users and in revenues collected since the introduction of the social media tax in July 2018. Source: Uganda Communications Commission, Twitter post, January 25, 2019, https://twitter.com/UCC_Official/status/1088826901702078466.
The Uganda Communications Commission also released figures indicating that the state had lost revenue as a result of the drop in internet subscribers. In the first three months following the introduction of the tax in Uganda, internet penetration dropped from 47 percent to 35 percent according to data from the national communications regulator.16 This could be due to the rise in VPN subscriptions, which many users turned to in a bid to avoid paying the tax.17
Ugandan social media, however, had already noticed this trend in declining internet activity. John Babirukamu, a digital communications manager at Uganda's largest telecom, MTN Uganda, shared tweets in October 2018 depicting drops in the use of Facebook and WhatsApp. He noted that WhatsApp usage recovered more quickly than that of Facebook. This echoed the sentiment of a journalist interviewed as part of this research who noted that in the various media/journalist WhatsApp groups that she is in there had been a marked drop in the amount of "noise" in the initial days following the introduction of the tax. This drop in social media activity could have contributed to a slight increase in how long it takes to develop news content, which relies on information shared individually or through various social media platforms openly or in social media groups.
Source: John B. Babirukamu, Twitter post, October 24, 2018.
"In the first three months following the introduction of the tax in Uganda, internet penetration dropped from 47 percent to 35 percent according to data from the national communications regulator"
Over the course of 2018, a series of regulations were introduced in various African countries aimed at regulating online content including news and social media—ultimately aiming to shrink the space for online discourse. In April 2018, Tanzania issued online content regulations that oblige bloggers, owners of discussion forums, and radio and television streaming services to register with the communications regulator and pay hefty licensing and annual fees.18 In July, Egypt introduced a law to regulate social media that treats social media accounts with more than 5,000 followers as media outlets and thus opens Twitter and Facebook users to state prosecution for posted content.19
Meanwhile, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, a June 2018 decree gave all media houses (both online and offline) one month to comply with new rules, which included registering with the authorities, complying with a 1996 law on freedom of the press, and having advertisements approved by relevant authorities.20 In early July, Zambia's government announced plans to enforce new rules to regulate social media with harsh penalties for noncompliance.
"Over the course of 2018, a series of regulations were introduced in various African countries aimed at regulating online content including news and social media—ultimately aiming to shrink the space for online discourse."
Although legacy news media distribution still dominates Uganda's media space, online content is slowly starting to take off.21 Social media have grown to serve as the entry point to the greater web by many novice internet users. However, instituting financial restrictions on social media access does little to promote an inclusive and affordable internet where users can interact "freely, safely and without fear."22
While the tax has impacted the flow of communications on social media platforms, it appears to have had only minimal impact on the consumption of news content—at least news available on media house websites—including on the traffic to news sites.
Social media referrals are not the primary driver of traffic to popular news sites visited by Ugandans according to Alexa Internet, a website ranking site. In fact, an analysis of popular news sites in Uganda revealed that traffic from social media was actually often behind both search referrals and direct traffic to websites as a referral mechanism. This was true for the top two Ugandan news sites, the Daily Monitor and New Vision. Of the four websites assessed, the Daily Nation newspaper in Kenya, which is one of the top visited news sites in Uganda, received the highest amount (19%) of traffic though social media.
Sources of traffic to top four news sites in Uganda. Source: Alexa Internet May 8, 2019.
Sales of the print edition of both papers did not significantly change either. The Audit Bureau of Circulations of South Africa, a nonprofit that tracks circulation of news outlets, reported that Daily Monitor circulation remained consistent from July to September 2018, with a circulation of 17,608, which was slightly higher than the previous reporting period with a circulation of 17,436.
Journalists noted that in the early days following the introduction of the taxes, there was a drop in the level of engagement that readers had with social media posts. Ruth Nasejje, a journalist with New Vision, noted a drop in the number of people reacting to or commenting on some of the news posts shared on the news sites' social media platforms.
Bloggers and multimedia journalists respond to social media tax. Source: Urban Television Uganda. July 5, 2018.
Clare Muhindo, a social media specialist with Daily Monitor, also noted a similar drop in online engagement on social media, but no discernible change in traffic to the daily's website. Muhindo further noted that the news site has a large audience in the Ugandan diaspora, which may influence figures on who is accessing the website. In addition, she suggested that there was a slower feedback loop in the story development process with some content creators taking longer to source and verify content.
Meanwhile, Giles Muhame, editor of the news site Chimp Reports, said, "We have seen an increase in traffic to our website. We weren't affected by the social media taxes." He added: "Some media houses have hundreds of thousands of followers on social media but very little click through traffic. We have grown our social media traffic organically and weren't even affected by the social media clean-up." His last statement was in reference to a purge of fake accounts conducted by Twitter last year that reduced social media metrics for some outlets.23
Similarly, the Uganda Radio Network has also seen a rise in traffic to its site. Chief Editor Sylvia Nankya noted that the tax did not affect the network's traffic. She added that this could be due to the audience it targets as it is a subscription-based independent news agency.
Prudence Nyamishana, a blogger and contributor to Stories for Human Rights and Social Inclusion, said that it was difficult to tell whether distribution of the stories on the site had been significantly affected by the tax even though it relies on social media to drive readers to its stories. She noted, "analytics cannot adequately tell whether taxes are to blame for low user content. Some stories simply attract more readers or engagement than others. Sometimes a story may attract more readers from outside Uganda even though it's a Ugandan issue."
Kampala Express, an independent online photo newspaper platform run by veteran journalist Timothy Kalyegira, doesn't appear to have been affected either as no dramatic drop in the level of engagement on the page has been registered.24 Only on Facebook, Kampala Express has been run as an alternative to traditional media formats since 2014. Kalyegira, who was arrested in 2011 due to his critical content about the state,25 is in favor of the taxes and had hoped that there would be a more valuable narrative taking place online as opposed to the "fluff" commonly posted on social media. He noted that his news page had not been affected by the taxes and added that the taxes were "the right idea, right concept but the wrong government." He added, "If the taxes were higher, that would maybe be better. We need people who can engage online, not simply read a headline and make baseless comments. While the internet has allowed for more people to post content, not everyone will uphold journalistic values in their narration, and thus threaten the nature of content found online." He added that the taxes have done little to change the nature of content shared online.
He further argued that the tax is a "voluntary tax" in that it has no penalties, such as arrest, associated with it and that it was "priced rightly, being cheaper than a taxi ride or even mineral water." Further, he stated that the tax could have the potential to make dramatic improvements to the lives of people—if it were used correctly—such as through improving basic public health services and other amenities. "It is not an 'internet tax'; it's a portion of the internet. Think beyond the current landscape—in the hands of the right government," he added.
According to a 2016/17 Afrobarometer survey, 39 percent of Ugandans believe that the government "should have the right to prevent the media from publishing things that it considers harmful to society." Attitudes in favor of state control of content are even more prevalent in Tanzania and Kenya.26 In these contexts where citizens are not already strongly predisposed to defend free expression, sweeping censorship actions, such as the social media tax, can normalize state control over content more easily than elsewhere. Some citizens get accustomed to suppressing their own online expression. They are less likely to defend the content of bloggers, social media commentators, and even traditional news outlets.
"When social media platforms emerged, they significantly changed the dynamics of journalism and traditional media. The platforms gave power to every user to communicate and inform. The idea that everyone wherever they are can post about happenings which the rest didn't know about was revolutionary," noted journalist Paul Ampurire in an opinion piece.27 On top of empowering them to do citizen journalism on their own, social media have enabled ordinary people to monitor professional journalists and have a say in how citizens are represented in the news. As Daniel K. Kalinaki, general manager of editorial at the Nation Media Group, stated in his keynote address to the 2016 Uganda Social Media Conference, "Tools such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, WhatsApp, Snapchat, and so on are spaces in which network effects are formed, bringing together producers and consumers of information and often blurring the lines in a constant feedback loop. Social media platforms are at once building blocks of a new relational dynamic and sledgehammers for dismantling established power structures around the flow and dissemination of information and the accruing power thereof as seen in traditional media."28 Transforming Uganda's Political and Social Landscape," African Centre for Media Excellence, July 20, 2016, https://acme-ug.org/2016/07/20/how-social-media-are-transforming-ugandas-political-and-social-landscape/.']
Kalinaki's comments reinforce how regulations that push citizens off social media re-entrenches the old, undemocratic power dynamics around information flow. The most excluded will be women, rural community members, and low-income earners who were already disadvantaged due to prevailing socioeconomic inequalities. Excluding voices and input from these groups does not serve anyone any good, be it the readers, journalists, or even a nation that has stated intentions for democratic reform.
The taxes were introduced at a time when the political character of the country was being tested. Opposition party leader Robert Kyagulanyi—an increasing favorite among the country's young population29—had faced repeated affronts including detention and treason charges.30 Kyagulanyi, who is also a musician, has been critical of the state in many of his songs. Over the course of 2018, he was denied the opportunity to perform and meet with constituents, and often took to his Facebook page to narrate his experiences. To many onlookers, the implementation of the social media tax at the very same time that the media-savvy opposition leader was being targeted seems like more than a coincidence. Indeed, this timing plays into the idea that the social media tax was intended to quell dissent.
"In these contexts where citizens are not already strongly predisposed to defend free expression, sweeping censorship actions, such as the social media tax, can normalize state control over content more easily than elsewhere. "
Ugandan citizens have taken the new social media tax in stride. While some are paying it outright, more people than expected have discovered nimble ways to circumvent the barrier, primarily through the use of virtual private networks. While the Ugandan Communications Commission has registered an overall decrease in internet use, this drop has not necessarily translated into a corresponding fall in online news consumption. Web traffic to news websites has remained steady, which means that citizens continue to access news via the internet. However, journalists have noted that there has been less "noise" on social media, which has led to a slower feedback loop in terms of identifying emerging stories of interest to readers. Similarly, the dip in social media use has increased the time it can take to source and verify reporting for news stories as communicating with some sources has become more difficult.
While the impact of the social media tax specifically on news websites may not have been as detrimental as some had initially feared, it is also clear that there has been no demonstrable upside for journalists or the news media. In Uganda, the internet and access to social media have broadened the media ecosystem in Uganda and created multiple avenues for information sourcing and exchange in the country. From this perspective, the tax is a step in the wrong direction. That other governments in sub-Saharan Africa are implementing similar taxes is a worrying sign. Far from an attempt to improve the quality of the media ecosystem, they appear to be limiting access to news and information in highly unproductive ways.
Juliet Nanfuka holds a Bachelor of Journalism degree from Rhodes University in South Africa where she specialised in Writing and Digital Media. She works at the African ICT Policy think tank, the Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA) where she is involved in digital rights research, training, advocacy and communications. She is interested in the intersections of society, gender, media, and digital content with tech policy in Africa. She has also completed a Post Graduate Certificate in Social Innovation Management with the Amani Institute in Nairobi, Kenya.
Juliet Nanfuka
"Uganda Imposes WhatsApp and Facebook Tax 'to Stop Gossip,'" BBC News, May 31, 2018, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-44315675.
Emily Dreyfuss, "Uganda's Regressive Social Media Tax Stays, at Least for Now," Wired, July 19, 2018, https://www.wired.com/story/uganda-social-media-tax-stays-for-now/.
Communication on government achievements, http://gcic.gou.go.ug/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Letter-HE-COMMUNICATING-GOVERNMENT-ACHIEVEMENTS.pdf
"Communications in Uganda: A Look at One of Africa's Fastest Growing Markets," ITU News, July-August 2009, https://www.itu.int/net/itunews/issues/2009/06/31.aspx.
Uganda Communications Commission, Postal, Broadcasting and Telecommunications Annual Market & Industry Report 2016/17, 2017, https://www.ucc.co.ug/wp-content/uploads/2017/09/Annual-Market-Industry-Report-2016-17-FY.pdf.
National Information Technology Authority – Uganda, Government of Uganda Social Media Guide, July 2013, https://www.nita.go.ug/publication/government-uganda-social-media-guide.
Elias Biryaberema, "Uganda Bans SMS Texting of Key Words During Poll," Reuters, February 17, 2011, https://www.reuters.com/article/ozatp-uganda-election-telecoms-idAFJOE71G0M520110217.
Juliet Nanfuka, "Uganda Again Blocks Social Media to Stifle Anti-Museveni Protests," Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa, May 12, 2016, https://cipesa.org/2016/05/uganda-again-blocks-social-media-to-stifle-anti-museveni-protests/.
"Uganda's Assurances on Social Media Monitoring Ring Hollow," Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa, June 10, 2013, https://cipesa.org/2013/06/ugandas-assurances-on-social-media-monitoring-ring-hollow/.
Techjaja Staff, "UCC Boss Calls for the Regulation of Social Media in Uganda," Techjaja, June 22, 2016, https://www.techjaja.com/ucc-boss-calls-regulation-social-media-uganda/.
Daniel Mwesigwa, "Uganda Moves to Register Online Content Providers," Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa, March 25, 2018, https://cipesa.org/2018/03/uganda-moves-to-register-online-content-providers/.
Godfrey Mwesigye, "The Excise Duty (Amendment) Act, 2018: A Progress for Uganda's Economy or an Impediment to Telecommunication?" Parliament Watch, 2018, http://parliamentwatch.ug/the-excise-duty-amendment-act-2018-a-progress-for-ugandas-economy-or-an-impediment-to-telecommunication/#.XG6uCegzZPY.
"ICT Sector Taxes in Uganda – Unleash, Not Squeeze, the ICT Sector," Research ICT Solutions, August 24, 2018, https://researchictsolutions.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/Unleash-not-squeeze-the-ICT-sector-in-Uganda.pdf.
Policy, Offline and Out of Pocket: The Impact of the Social Media Tax in Uganda on Access, Usage, Income and Productivity, January 2019, http://pollicy.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/Offline-and-Out-of-Pocket.pdf.
Uganda Communications Commission, Third Quarter Communication Industry Report, 2018.
Frank Kisakye, "Ugandans Again Run to VPN as Social Media Tax Starts to Bite," The Observer, July 1, 2018, https://observer.ug/news/headlines/58064-ugandans-again-run-to-vpn-as-social-media-tax-starts-to-bite.html.
Ashnah Kalemera, "Tanzania Issues Regressive Online Content Regulations," Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa, April 12, 2018, https://cipesa.org/2018/04/tanzania-enacts-regressive-online-content-regulations/.
Marwan Shalaby, "Egyptian Parliament Passes Law to Regulate Social Media Users with over 5000 Followers," Egyptian Streets, June 12, 2018, https://egyptianstreets.com/2018/06/12/egyptian-parliament-passes-law-to-regulate-social-media-users-with-over-5000-followers/.
AFP, "Media Curbs in DRC Raise Fears ahead of Presidential Vote," New Vision, July 14, 2018, https://www.newvision.co.ug/new_vision/news/1481431/media-curbs-drc-raise-fears-ahead-presidential-vote.
"Digital Inclusion in Uganda," DW, October 4, 2018, https://www.dw.com/en/digital-inclusion-in-uganda/a-45758739.
Ian Sample, "Tim Berners-Lee Launches Campaign to Save the Web from Abuse," The Guardian, November 5, 2018, https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2018/nov/05/tim-berners-lee-launches-campaign-to-save-the-web-from-abuse.
Emily Stewart, "Twitter's Wiping Tens of Millions of Accounts from Its Platform, Vox, July 11, 2018, https://www.vox.com/2018/7/11/17561610/trump-fake-twitter-followers-bot-accounts.
Kampala Express, Facebook page, https://web.facebook.com/TheKampalaExpress/.
"Ugandan Online Editor Arrested for Publishing Op-Eds," Biz-Community, June 2, 2011, https://www.bizcommunity.ug/Article/220/466/60163.html.
"Do East Africans Still Want a Free Media? Afrobarometer Finds Weakening Popular Support," Afrobarometer, May 21, 2018, http://afrobarometer.org/press/do-east-africans-still-want-free-media-afrobarometer-finds-weakening-popular-support.
"Opinion: Social Media Tax – Citizen Journalism Is Probably the Biggest Loser," SoftPower News, July 9, 2018, https://www.softpower.ug/opinion-social-media-tax-citizen-journalism-is-probably-the-biggest-loser/.
"Bobi Wine Re-arrested, Charged with Treason," The Observer, August 23, 2018, https://observer.ug/news/headlines/58504-state-drops-charges-against-bobi-wine.html.


text:
Jan Gomola (5. srpna 1941 Ustroň – 24. února 2022 Ustroň) byl polský fotbalový brankář.

Fotbalová kariéra
Chytal v polské nejvyšší soutěži za Górnik Zabrze. Nastoupil ve 116 ligových utkáních. S Górnikem Zabrze získal pětkrát mistrovský titul a šestkrát vyhrál pohár. Dále hrál v Mexiku za Atlético Español a Club Atlético Zacatepec. V Poháru mistrů evropských zemí nastoupil v 11 utkáních a v Poháru vítězů pohárů nastoupil v 6 utkáních. Za polskou reprezentaci nastoupil v letech 1966–1971 v 7 utkáních.

Ligová bilance

Externí odkazy
 National Football Teams
 Worldfootball.net
 EUFootball.info
 Úmrtí

Polští fotbaloví reprezentanti
Fotbaloví brankáři
Fotbalisté Górniku Zabrze
Fotbalisté Clubu Atlético Zacatepec
Narození v roce 1941
Narození 5. srpna
Narození v Ustroni
Úmrtí v roce 2022
Úmrtí 24. února
Úmrtí v Ustroni
Muži

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Controversial vote on fracking ban in national parks
Today, at 2.30pm a cross party committee of MPs, the Delegated Legislation Committee, will debate the level of protection given to special areas of the English countryside from the impacts of fracking even though the government promised an outright ban on fracking in National Parks, such as the Peak District, the Wye Valley and the North York Moors.
The MPs will be debating the Draft Onshore Hydraulic Fracturing (Protected Areas) Regulations 2015, which the UK government published on 16 July 2015, were put before Parliament prior to 31 July 2015 and are expected to come into force in the Autumn 2015. The Draft Regulations will clarify the requirements that must be satisfied before fracking can take place onshore.
It's likely that MPs will vote a few days later on the government's plans to reverse its pledge of an outright ban on fracking in national parks, Sites of Special Scientific Interest, Groundwater Protection Zones, Areas of Outstanding Natural Beauty and World Heritage sites but there will be no debate in the House of Commons.
From parliament.uk: "Delegated legislation allows the Government to make changes to a law without needing to push through a completely new Act of Parliament. The original Act (also known as primary legislation) would have provisions that allow for future delegated legislation to alter the law to differing degrees.
"These changes range from the technical, like altering the level of a fine, to fleshing out Acts with greater detail; often an Act contains only a broad framework of its purpose and more complex content is added through delegated legislation."
Greenpeace Head of Energy, Daisy Sands warns that the 'arcane parliamentary process could see England's most beautiful countryside fracked without anyone noticing.'
Among the last minute additions to the Committee is Paul Maynard MP, whose Blackpool North and Cleveleys constituency is near to Cuadrilla's proposed drill site at Preston New Road. In March this year Mr Maynard declared a £5000 donation to his constituency party from Addison Projects whose operations have included oil and gas projects, and clients such as Total and INEOS – the firms partnering IGas in its East Midlands shale gas exploration.
Conservative MP Tom Pursglove received £15,000 from Offshore Group Newcastle Limited (OGN) through his local constituency of Corby or the central party, according to the register of MPs financial interests. A major investor in the UK's oil, gas and offshore wind sector, Alexander Temerko, is a director of OGN, a Duedil search reveals.
Pursglove is also a director of Together Against Wind, the anti-wind campaign founded by Chris Heaton-Harris MP.
Greenpeace estimates that 23 MPs have constituencies that include national parks or Areas of Outstanding Natural Beauty that could be affected by the new rules – these include Nick Clegg, Andrew Tyrie from the Treasury Committee, David Davies, the Monmouthshire MP who heads up Together against Wind, and Oliver Letwin.
It is likely that 300 square kilometres of the North York Moors, 75 square kilometres of the Peak District and smaller areas of the South Downs could become open to fracking after government consultation.
The new regulations say fracking can take place in National Parks, as well as in groundwater protection zones, Areas of Outstanding National Beauty, the Broads and World Heritage Sites, as long as it is below 1,200 meters. This could see these areas potentially ringed by fracking rigs, and affected by light and noise pollution.
Sites of Special Scientific Interest are given no protection at all by the regulations, which will mean that fracking can take place directly from the surface. SSSIs are conservation areas for wildlife and rare plants. There are around 4,000 in the UK, protecting 8% of land.
Greenpeace suggests that the controversial proposals are being ushered through parliament, rather than receiving the full level of scrutiny from MPs and the public.
Daisy Sands continued: "It is deeply disturbing that the government appears to be playing fast and loose with democracy. Not only are they breaking their promise that national parks would not be scarred by fracking, but they are trying to sneak these regulations through the back door of parliament without any consent from the public and without any proper scrutiny from MPs. It is abundantly clear that this government is trying to force fracking on a reluctant nation using every trick in the book.
"Flares, drilling rigs, and heavy lorries could pollute the air and the landscape near World Heritage Sites, National Parks as well as threaten groundwater. Fracking won't cut bills for people. It's unlikely to bring new jobs for local residents. It will knock down the value of families' homes and could damage tourism.
"Blindly ignoring the potential of renewable energy whilst pushing fracking won't work because it defies any economic or environmental sense."
"People who love and live in the countryside and who care about climate change will not stand for a government which is riding roughshod over democracy to industrialise our most beautiful landscapes and damage the climate."
The regulations are coming before Parliament as a Statutory Instrument. According to the Hansard Society, just 16 Statutory Instruments out of over 169,000 – or 0.01% – in nearly 65 years have been rejected. Since 1950, the House of Commons has rejected just 11 instruments and the House of Lords has rejected five.
From parliament.uk: "Statutory instruments (SIs) are a type of delegated legislation. Approximately 3000 SIs are issued each year, making up the bulk of delegated legislation. About two-thirds of SIs are not actively considered before Parliament and simply become law on a specified date in the future.
"SIs are normally drafted by the legal office of the relevant government department. Consultations often take place with interested bodies and parties."
Related Topics:areas of outstanding natural beautyfrackingGroundwater Protection Zonesnational parksNorth York MoorsPeak DistrictSites of Special Scientific InterestStatutory InstrumentTogether Against Windworld heritage sitesWye Valley
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Over the summer of 2014, I had the opportunity of living in Mumbai for two months for my internship. It was in February that my internship at this particular organisation got confirmed and to be honest, it was a moment of pride and apprehension at the same time. Yes, I had been to Mumbai before but it was always a few days visit to either my brother's place or a friend. I always had someone with me during every visit. This, however, was different. Not only was I going to live in this huge city of 12 million people, I had to work at an organisation that was huge and daunting.
Given all this, I was still extremely thrilled about it because I've always loved Mumbai and all the hustle that comes with it. Not only Mumbai, I have always loved to explore new cities. The only reason I came to Pune was because I wanted to live here and not because of my college. Well, college was an added benefit that came with the city. So, when I got the opportunity I grabbed it with both my hands and ran for it.
Initially, the city was intimidating given its busy environment. The moment you enter Mumbai you are surrounded by thousands of people walking continuously and never stopping. It is as if someone said "GO!" and everyone just started running towards a never ending race. What most people find infuriating about this city are the long travel hours and the busy trains full of sweaty, irritated people. I was lucky enough to find a home near to my office. However, I still had to use the local trains to get to work. That was easy – I soon got a grip of it and in less than two weeks I had all the routes memorized in my mind.
Read any blog or article about Mumbai and you'll see that while this city attracts people it can also make you feel very lonely. There are limitless things to do here but if you are someone who cannot socialize very easily or doesn't like to roam around alone, then it can get a little lonesome. This is what happened with me in the initial weeks of my stay of two months. I did not know anyone at the office or anywhere else for that matter. All my known relatives or friends had either shifted to some other place or were out on vacation. In the beginning, I tried exploring alone but after a while it became boring. I used to message my Big everyday saying that I need to leave this city and he always said only one thing "Hang on, it will get better". I did not want to believe him because I could not see any light at the end of the tunnel but I still stayed and waited for the good days to come. And, they did come.
At the end of two weeks, I met a few friends of mine with whom I had lost touch. Some of them were friends from my past college and some were childhood friends. Meeting them was a big relief from all the loneliness that had accumulated over the past few weeks. Sitting at Marine Drive and chatting away for uncountable hours with too many cups of tea is just what I needed to realize that I need to stop being a lazy-pants and find my way. After all, I had come here to explore the city and people and their lives. From there on, there was no looking back.
Near to my office was a Starbucks outlet. But before the rest of the story let me tell you this – I cannot eat alone at a café or a restaurant. It is the most depressing feeling to sit there and watch other people laugh on their inside jokes or fight over petty issues or simply just be there for each other. But this time, I took all the courage that was inside me and pushed the doors to the café just to find that there were twenty other people, all alone busy with their lives. The place did not seem lonely anymore. I began going there every day during my lunch break. Gradually, I became acquainted with the staff and the other regulars at the café. I took a book with me, sat in the middle of the café and spent a good one and a half hour getting to know people and small little details about their lives. I witnessed a man propose his girlfriend in the most simple yet romantic way. I made friends with an old man who also came there for his lunch break and found out that he has been married for 55 years and everyday he takes a muffin or a cupcake for his wife and the wife is always ready with his black tea once he returns home from office. This is also the place where I met a boy who seemed perfect for a while but life had other plans for both of us.
Over the next few weeks, I was always out with my bag strolling around nowhere, spending hours at bookstores or shopping along the roadside or simply walking. Once I was out of office, I went to Marine Drive every evening and just sat there looking at the never-ending ocean. That was the best time of my day. I also went to see an interview of a popular director in Bollywood. Once, I helped a group of travelers bargain with the shopkeepers for their shopping. I took my roommate to show me the city as she had been staying there for a while now (Just a side note – my roommate made the tastiest French Toast). I found hidden cafes and ate lots and lots of red velvet cupcakes and blueberry muffins. Not only that, I was doing great at my internship as well. I was a free bird and I was flying with all my strength. I have never felt more confident about myself in my entire life than I did over these two months. I can proudly say that I've evolved as a person after this trip. Today, I am participating more in my class, socializing with new people and most importantly, walking alone on the streets and not feeling lonely about it.
What I am trying to say here is that if you know what you want, simply take a step. I know this is the most common advice you will ever hear in this world but I can guarantee now that that one small step makes all the difference. It did in my life. All you need is twenty seconds of courage (Dialogue taken from We Bought a Zoo :P) and you will do wonders. While these wonders might not seem too big to the world, you will feel a lot better about yourself and that is all I want in my life – to feel good about me.
There are not enough words in this world to describe the kind of impact Mumbai and the people I met there have left on me. I am thankful to every person and incident I came across. You all helped me in innumerable ways in this journey of self-discovery. I am definitely going back to this city of dreams to fulfill all the other little yet important dreams of my life.
Just remember, reading a thought provoking book, is a good way, to pass the time nevertheless continue to grow and to discover as a human being. An excellent book in the hands of a serching mind, can be a effective tool for bettering ones self and making a superior engagement with, the community surrounding you!
I might have visited mumbai almost 20 times or maybe even more then that but never actually felt the city like I did right now while reading your this blog. Amazing work! This is the best and most beautiful description of the mumbai I have ever read, heard or felt.
Thank you Abhishek :) I am glad my writing gave you a different glimpse of the city!
You gotta visit Mumbai someday!


text:
Global Leaders Urge South Korean Government and the UN to Correct Religious Oppression in the Name of COVID-19 Quarantine
As the spread of coronavirus continues to increase around the world, voices from the international community are rising to stop religious oppression occurring in South Korea, known as an exemplary case for Covid-19 quarantine.
On August 17th, the Coalition of Caribbean Leaders for Peace (CCLP) consisting of the former and current leaders in the Caribbean including the former president of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) sent a joint letter to South Korean Foreign Minister Kang Kyung-wha and the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet.
In the letter, they said the governments, even in response to the urgency of the pandemic, must take responsibility for the protection of human rights regardless of religion, race, ethnicity, or socioeconomic status and expressed concern about ongoing oppression against Shincheonji Church, a South Korea-based Christian denomination that suffered from the unexpected mass infection at the beginning of this year.
Ahead of this joint letter, 11 NGOs including the European Coordination of Associations and Individuals for Freedom of Conscience (CAP-LC) submitted the "annual report for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights" regarding the inappropriately targeted discrimination against Shincheonji Church to the UN Secretary-General.
The annual report was titled "Scapegoating Members of Shincheonji for COVID-19 in the Republic of Korea".
The letter briefly pointed out the facts surrounding Shincheonji and Covid-19 as follows;
Covid-19 was introduced to South Korea from China.
According to the Korea Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the virus was already prevalent in the city of Daegu before the confirmation of (Shincheonji) the Patient 31 (in Daegu).
The government's refusal to close the border to China contributed heavily to the outbreak.
In the face of growing public discontent that the government did not impose a travel restriction on China, Justice Minister Choo Mi-ae ordered the prosecution to investigate Shincheonji.
Vice Minister of Health confirmed that the list of private identification information gathered was not much different than that collected and checked by the government.
Prosecutors have arrested the officials of Shincheonji on the grounds that the list of congregation members submitted by Shincheonji was not complete.
By referring to the report "Factsheet on the global response to the coronavirus (COVID-19) and the impact on religious practice and religious freedom" by the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), the joint letter reiterated that South Korea provides a vivid example of how public health emergencies can increase the risk to marginalized religious groups.
They pointed out that the South Korean government's silence about the current situation would set a dangerous global precedent for allowing similar persecution, violence, and harassment against other religious minorities, and strongly urged the Korean government to "step forward to an end to this discrimination."
Tagged: COVID-19 Quarantine
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Matthew Heimbach speaks to reporters following the deadly rally in Charlottesville, VirginiaPhoto by Thomas Lawrence/ YouTube
Inside a white nationalist's long-shot recruitment plan
By Eleanor Klibanoff
[Editor's Note: This story is part of a package on local hate groups, which also includes articles about the prevalence of hate groups in Kentucky and a resister's warning. Also, we at LEO expected that publishing a package of stories on hate groups might generate controversy, so we talked with an ethicist from the Poynter Institute for his take. To read the full Editor's Note, go here.]
PAOLI, Indiana — A burly young man pulls into the parking lot of a Wal-Mart on a weekday afternoon. He leans out the window of his beat-up white sedan and grins.
"Ya'll looking for some neo-Nazis?"
Meet Matthew Heimbach, the white nationalist who has set up shop in this small town an hour northwest of Louisville. From Paoli, he controls the Traditionalist Worker Party, a small but growing white nationalist organization.
Heimbach, 26, gained national profile when a viral video circulated showing him pushing a protester and screaming at her during a Donald Trump rally in Louisville in March 2016. He pleaded guilty to an amended charge of second-degree disorderly conduct and was given a suspended, 90-day jail sentence.
Heimbach has emerged as a leader for the "alt-right," a movement that espouses racist, anti-semitic and nationalist ideologies. He has played a key role in uniting the fractious movement, an effort that coalesced with the deadly rally in Charlottesville in August.
"Heimbach is a well-known figure in the white supremacist community," said Marilyn Mayo, who tracks hate groups for the Anti-Defamation League's Center on Extremism. "He bridges the gap between what I call the academic racists and the hardcore neo-Nazis."
The Traditionalist Worker Party is a white rights advocacy group that is anti-capitalist, anti-semitic and anti-diversity. The group's ultimate goal is the creation of an all-white ethno-state that people of other races would need a visa to visit.
Heimbach's ethnocentric rallying cry is garnering support from other nationalists and disaffected whites in the dark corners of the internet. In the wake of Charlottesville, Heimbach says his group grew by 50 percent, from about 500 to 750 members nationally, though the Southern Poverty Law Center says those numbers are often exaggerated.
Now, Heimbach says he has a grand scheme, spawned in Paoli and intended to spread across Kentucky, through Appalachia and the Midwest, to grow his membership rolls faster than ever before.
On this late August day, Heimbach opens his playbook, offering a window into his recruitment tactics and to-do list. He plans to capitalize on the region's economic woes, mimic growth strategies of terrorist organizations and win political power, one local election at a time.
Academics who study these kinds of movements say his chances are dim. Experts on hate groups say he's more talk than action. But his actions, at least in the last year, have earned him a degree of notoriety that he plans to build on, and those same experts are watching closely.
While his 2-year-old son — named after Nicholas II, the last czar of Russia — plays on a nearby jungle gym, Heimbach lays out his worldview.
There's an incongruity between his words and his demeanor. He laughs jovially while denying the Holocaust. He grins in the face of direct contradictions of his claims. He said his wife doesn't want reporters in their trailer compound, quipping, "if mama ain't happy, ain't nobody happy."
Though his membership hasn't even reached four figures, he speaks with the surety of a man who believes his cause is being elevated by the White House, in the media, on alt-right websites and every time he returns to nationalist message boards.
Despite national attention, Heimbach's Traditionalist Worker Party has made limited inroads locally. Heimbach said Kentucky — a state with a history of harboring hate groups — has the largest offline chapter with 100 members. He boasts about the Indianapolis group growing by 15-fold — from two members to 30.
"At times they can roil communities," said Heidi Beirich, director of the Intelligence Project at the Southern Poverty Law Center. "They can have rallies that are upsetting and some of their ideas can lead to people like a Dylann Roof," the white supremacist who killed nine people in a black church in Charleston, South Carolina.
'Your Future Is Our Future'
In late April, the Traditionalist Worker Party zeroed in on Pikeville, the largest city in the Eastern Kentucky Coalfield.
The "rally for white working families" was the closing act of a white nationalist retreat Heimbach led nearby. But he was less interested in the groups that had come to hear him speak. This was an opportunity to canvass the community, a key facet of his plan to grow support.
Eastern Kentucky has some of the lowest rates of high school education in the country. Unemployment is nearly double the national average. Disability rates are staggering. It's also overwhelmingly white.
It's a far cry from the wealthy, diverse county outside Washington, D.C., where Heimbach grew up.
"To the people of Pike County and the surrounding region, we've heard you. We know you've been left behind, economically and socially," Heimbach said in a video appeal before the rally. "We are here to stand for you and to stand with you. Because your future is our future."
The strength of that shared future was tested. The retreat had to move from a state park to private property. Local organizers printed t-shirts that read "No Hate in My Holler." Anti-fascist groups planned a counter-protest. The city passed a last-minute prohibition on wearing hoods and masks.
The rally itself was brief but loud. Planned speeches on white rights were, at points, drowned out by chants, screams and whistles from the opposition.
And then, silence. Both sides packed up and went home. In the end, the Lexington Herald-Leader estimated that, at its peak, Heimbach's big, Appalachian coming-out party had about 125 supporters. He called this a victory, but across the street, counter-protesters numbered closer to 200.
Inside The White Nationalist Playbook
Heimbach's plan to appeal to white working class voters focuses less on Confederate statues and rallies, and more on grassroots community organizing. He said TWP plans to start health clinics, support small businesses, combat food insecurity and work with those affected by the opioid crisis in underserved communities.
Their recruitment approach, Heimbach said, is modeled after "Hamas, Hezbollah, [and] traditionally, the Irish Republican movement."
The U.S. State Department considers these groups terrorist organizations. They have used bombings, assassinations and violent uprisings to advance their nationalist goals in Palestine, Lebanon and Ireland, respectively. They've also gained local influence by offering community services, building schools and providing food to families.
The community building is the part Heimbach hopes to emulate. TWP bills itself as nonviolent, except when provoked, and the group has been involved in rallies that turned violent.
Explaining why he shoved a protester in Louisville, Heimbach said protesters were being disruptive, Trump sought removals, and police weren't taking action. "When Mr. Trump says 'get them out of here,' he had the right to ask for that. At that point, the police weren't doing anything," he said.
The protesters have said they were not being disruptive, but rather were at the rally to protest peacefully.
TWP held a canned food drive before the Pikeville rally. Heimbach said a few members in Texas helped out with Hurricane Harvey relief. But beyond that, the group has not built any social service infrastructure.
"When the system is unable or unwilling to fulfill the needs of the community, the nationalists step up," Heimbach said.
The terrorists groups cited by Heimbach also legitimized themselves by winning elections. In 2016, the Traditionalist Worker Party endorsed a candidate in a Tennessee congressional race. Rick Tyler's "Make America White Again" campaign garnered only 1.9 percent of the vote. In Heimbach's version of events, he recalled it being closer to 5 percent.
"If we can go from 5 percent of the vote and in the next election cycle get 9 percent of the vote and then 12 percent of the vote, that's the snowball starting to go down the mountain," said Heimbach.
He said he has lined up TWP candidates to run in 2018 for an Indiana county council seat and several local, nonpartisan races in Texas, North Carolina and Tennessee.
Voters won't hear claims of "Make America White Again" or see TWP logos on any campaign mailers. Instead, they're likely to hear Heimbach catchphrases like "securing a future for our children," "advocating for the silent majority" or appeals to "those left behind by globalism." No one will use the word "white."
Heimbach said TWP doesn't shy away from discussing race, but candidates are looking to avoid what he calls the "media firestorm of voting TWP."
"I think in 2018 we're going to win at least several of these races and it's not going to be a big media spectacle, because they're not having to identify with a party, they just identify with their ideas," said Heimbach.
In Paoli, there's already a group preparing to block Heimbach's dog-whistle politics.
"I think [Heimbach] forgot that poor doesn't mean ignorant," said Dessica Albertson, one of the founders of the Progressive Women of Orange County. "There are a lot of intelligent people in this community and they aren't necessarily looking for a place to blame for jobs not coming here."
Her group, which has about 350 members on Facebook, hopes to vet candidates and identify Heimbach supporters on the ballot. Albertson believes voters won't side with the white nationalists — so long as they know which candidates are the white nationalists.
Heimbach is encouraged by the far-right, nationalist parties gaining power in Europe and the recent Brexit decision. These movements relied on economic anxiety and a cultural sense of being left behind, rather than terroristic measures, to achieve their goals.
Can Heimbach's Party Pull It Off?
This community organizing playbook — and the comparison to terrorist organizations — is a new angle for alt-right groups.
"It concerns me," said Marilyn Mayo, with the Anti-Defamation League, but only "if I really believe that he had the funds to do that. The question really becomes whether Traditionalist Worker Party can really carry out their plans."
Mayo has been tracking Heimbach's white nationalist activism since his college days. She said providing health clinics and food banks is the latest in a long line of his grand plans that fall apart due to a lack of funding or interest.
The difference now, Heimbach said, is his growing stable of supporters. But Heimbach will need more than a few converts to gain any real momentum.
"I don't think any voluntary effort by anybody is going to make much of a difference in the scale of need we're talking about," said Jason Bailey, executive director of the Kentucky Center for Economic Policy. "Without the public dollars that come in from these programs you're not going to be able to make a big difference."
Just a few days after Heimbach outlined his plan to fix the social safety net across Appalachia, the Louisville judge handling his criminal case deemed him indigent and waived court fees associated with his conviction for shoving the woman at the Trump rally.
But if Heimbach found some neo-Nazi angel investor, could his grand plan take root?
Mayo said it's unlikely.
"He has this idea that disaffected whites are so angry or so needy that they would really accept the help of anyone who comes in," said Mayo. "I think that people are aware of when people are trying to use them to promote some kind of ideology."
While Appalachia voted overwhelmingly for Trump, Mayo said it's hard to believe working-class whites would latch onto a socialist, fascist, anti-American group operating under the Nazi banner. The question is whether they'll have to declare themselves as such.
For all his big talk about America's downfall and the "success" of the fatal Charlottesville rally, Heimbach knows white nationalism is still a fringe movement. Without offline support from real working-class white voters, he said, "I'm just a crazy guy with a cardboard sign on a street corner."
There are signs on street corners all over his adopted hometown of Paoli. But they have a very different message. On front lawns and in store windows, in bright colors and big fonts, they all read, "No matter what color your skin, no matter where you are from, no matter what you believe, we're glad you're our neighbor." •
Eleanor Klibanoff can be reached at [email protected] and (502) 814-6544.
This article was produced by the Kentucky Center for Investigative Reporting, a nonprofit newsroom from Louisville Public Media. Read more at kycir.org.
Published under News


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Home Business Wire Best Cyber Monday Apple Watch Series 7 Deals 2021 Compared by Retail...
Best Cyber Monday Apple Watch Series 7 Deals 2021 Compared by Retail Egg
di Business Wire
Cyber Monday Apple Watch Series 7 deals for 2021 are here, explore all the best Cyber Monday GPS & GPS + cellular model discounts below
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Indiancine.ma Wiki
wiki:Agradoot
Version 1 (modified by Lawrence Liang, 9 years ago) (diff)
Agradoot
Best-known instance of phenomenon unique to Bengali cinema: group of film technicians signing collectively as director. The Agradoot core unit, formed in 1946, consisted initially of Bibhuti Laha (cameraman born in 1915), Jatin Datta (sound), Sailen Ghosal (lab work), Nitai Bhattacharya (scenarist) and Bimal Ghosh (production). Bibhuti Laha was the driving force and after most of the other members had left the group, he continued directing under the Agradoot name while working as a cinematographer under his own name. They made several commercially successful late 50s and 60s sentimental socials starring Uttam Kumar, esp. Agni Pareeksha (remade as Chhotisi Mulaqat, 1967) and the early colour production Pathe Holo Deri). Another hit, Lalu Bhulu, was remade as Dosti (1959). Other film-makers who passed through the group include Saroj De, Salil Dutta and Aravind Mukherjee. Other well-known collectives include Sabhyasachi (cf. Ajoy Kar), Agragami, Yatrik, Chitra Rath and Chitra Sathi.
Glossary Director
Project-Id-Version: Trac 0.12 Report-Msgid-Bugs-To: trac-dev@googlegroups.com POT-Creation-Date: 2013-02-02 15:20+0100 PO-Revision-Date: 2010-07-19 23:05+0200 Last-Translator: Jeroen Ruigrok van der Werven <asmodai@in-nomine.org> Language: en_US Language-Team: en_US <trac-dev@googlegroups.com> Plural-Forms: nplurals=2; plural=(n != 1) MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset=utf-8 Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit Generated-By: Babel 2.3.4


The CW's Monday lineup failed to generate much interest.
The third season premiere of The CW's "Supergirl" trailed last season's premiere and finale in adults 18-49 and overall viewership.
According to fast national data posted by Showbuzz, Monday's season opener drew a 0.5 adults 18-49 rating and averaged 1.86 million overall viewers.
Last season's premiere drew a far stronger 1.1 adults 18-49 rating and 3.06 million viewer mark. The second season finale posted a 0.6 rating and 2.12 million.
"Supergirl" led into the series premiere of "Valor," which attracted minimal interest. The military-themed series drew a 0.3 rating and 1.21 million viewers.


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Patenting Your Digital Health Tech: When, Why and How?
Patenting Your Digital Health Tech: When, Why and How
The digital health market is expected to grow beyond $379 billion by 2024, with a 27.7 percent compounded annual growth rate over the coming years. This activity is fueled by increasing demand for remote monitoring services, favorable government initiatives and funding, and the proliferation of mobile intelligent devices. An article by Rock Health noted that in 2018, "investors poured nearly $8.1B into the sector, surpassing 2017's record-setting total of $5.7B by a whopping 42%."
Amidst this growth, digital health startups are seeking to make the most of their funding and protect the innovations that drive their product. To do so, they must protect their intellectual property from being copied or duplicated by others in the market. Patents offer the strongest form of protection for innovations and can lead directly lead to increased investment. For digital health startups that eventually go public, valuation can reach $1.1 million per software patent application filed.
An issued patent in the United States gives the patent owner a 20-year monopoly right to stop others from making, using or selling the patented invention. A digital health company with a patent on a software feature—for example, a unique approach to dynamically generate a questionnaire based on user information for a remote health consult—has the right to stop competitors from making, selling or using software that includes that feature. Digital health companies, particularly pre-IPO, should develop a patenting strategy to assess how best to protect the innovations that drive their business and increase the company's monetary value and longevity. If you have ever said one of the following phrases, your company likely will benefit from a discussion with patent counsel on how to protect your inventions:
We're the first ones to ever do this.
None of our competition does this.
This feature drives a lot of business to our company.
This feature was really hard to implement, but we found a way to do it.
The Patent Process
To obtain a patent in the United States, a company submits a patent application to the US Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO). Patent applications are usually lengthy documents prepared by specialized patent attorneys with appropriate technical degrees relating to the invented technology. The patent application describes the invention in detail and is accompanied by drawings and legal documents identifying the inventor(s) and the owner of the invention and the patent application.
The process to prepare and submit a patent application typically takes between four and eight weeks from the date that the inventors describe their idea to the company's patent counsel. After the application is filed, it takes an average of two to three years for examination and, hopefully, issuance of an enforceable patent.
Patent applicants in the digital health space do not need to try to identify existing patents related to the technology they seek to patent themselves, for several reasons:
It is the responsibility of the USPTO, not the applicant, to perform a search for related patents.
The cost of such a search typically exceeds the cost of preparing and filing the application itself.
The wide variance in how different inventors may describe the same technology makes it difficult to formulate effective search terms and therefore unlikely that the applicant would find any relevant patents.
A search may put the applicant on notice of potentially problematic patents (for treble damages during any potential future unfavorable patent infringement outcome) and patents unrelated to the technology the applicant wishes to pursue for patent protection.
If the USPTO agrees, after examination, that the patent application claims technology that is eligible for patenting and is "new" in view of existing technologies, it will issue an enforceable patent. The "newness" determination involves an analysis of whether the claimed technology is both novel and not obvious in view of combinations of relevant existing technology that the USPTO identifies and asserts against the patent applicant. It usually takes three to six rounds of negotiation (office actions and responses to office actions) between the USPTO and the applicant's patent counsel over the course of two to three years before a patent is issued.
Patent Benefits
A patent owner's monopoly right to stop others from making, using or selling its invention typically has four categories of benefits:
The company can use the patent defensively to discourage a competitor from asserting its patents against the company, and to facilitate negotiations if the competitor does assert its patents. In this instance, the company's patents should relate to the competitor as much as the competitor's patents relate to the company.
A patent can be used offensively to stop a competitor from ripping off a company's technology once it is public, or to force the competitor to pay licensing fees to use that technology.
A patent can be used to attract investment and funding by venture capital firms when the company is private and growing, and can increase the value of the company should it go public. For example, a 2012 study by Diego Useche found that a software company raises on average an extra $1.1 million in the United States for each additional patent application prior to an IPO.
A patent can bolster the company's reputation as an innovator in its field, which helps attract talent to the company.
From attracting investors, protecting innovations and building a competitive edge, a robust patent strategy can benefit digital health companies at every stage of the development process.


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