Following the success of its Model T, Ford expanded its operations to many countries, in which American models from the Dearborn maker were at first made without modifications, before specific cars, better suited to local markets, entered production.
In Europe, apart from the still-existing branches in England and Germany, Ford set up a factory in France. At first, it was nothing but a small assembly line set in the seaport of Bordeaux. The unit built cars sent from Detroit in CKD, before undertaking the whole building process. The crude Model T never sold well in France, unlike most other countries, but later, V8-powered cars received a much better welcome from the French public.
By the mid-Thirties, Ford's French branch, by then known as Ford S.A.F., enjoyed a decent share of the domestic market, but lacked proper industrial capacities in order to expand. In the meantime, the Mathis empire, once a commanding entity on the French industrial scene, was threatening to tumble down. The company had heavily invested in state-of-the-art facilities in Strasbourg, near the German border, which due to the bad fortune of its owner remained largely underused. The solution was therefore an obvious one: a marriage of reason between the two companies, which started to build in Strasbourg some large V8 sedans directly adapted from American models.
These cars, sold as Matford, didn't last. Commercial failure had nothing to do with it, as the cars were well appreciated, but war had broken out between France and Germany. In 1940, the Alsace region, to which Strasbourg belongs, was annexed by the victorious Reich. This success was not to last, as everybody knows. By 1946 guns were silent again and automobile production was about to resume... but Ford and Mathis had already agreed upon an amicable divorce.
Ford had acted ahead, and built a new factory in Poissy, near Paris. Keeping in production the dated Thirties models was out of the question. What to offer to the public then?
Ford S.A.F.'s president, Maurice Dreyfuss, made several trips back and forth across the Atlantic in order to plead for his company, though no one in Detroit was much interested in the French branch's future. Nonetheless Dreyfuss insisted and, one day, stumbled upon what he was eagerly looking for.
Fearing a postwar recession, most American automobile giants had had blueprints drawn for downsized models, able to content an impoverished public. Prosperity came instead, postponing the release of the first compact cars by fifteen years, and that of the first downsized full-size sedans by three decades. All these wartime plans went to the garbage can, where Dreyfuss picked his car. The Detroit management finally gave the go-ahead for the production on French soil of their aborted project.
Though small by American standards, the Vedette, as Ford S.A.F. named it, still appeared large through the eyes of an European motorist. Its 2.2-liter V8 offered sluggish performances and quaffed gasoline - still rare in war-torn Europe - but its buyers enjoyed the typical soft ride of larger American cars, a spacious passenger compartment and the pride of owning a much desirable vehicle. The Vedette was introduced at the 1948 Paris autoshow as a 1949 model.
The new Vedette sold correctly but real success was hampered by a variety of problems. Concerns arose about the poor quality of the cars, Ford having subcontracted the production of many of its parts to smaller companies which, in the hard times of the era, often delivered sub-par elements. Poor performances, as noted above, were another source of grievance from disgruntled drivers. In addition to this, the design of the car was rapidly ageing: a rounded fastback sedan still looked fresh in 1948, but was definitely dated four years later.
Ford addressed the complaints by gradually improving the quality of its production, and by fitting a larger engine under the bonnet of its car. The 2.2-liter engine, soon slightly enlarged, remained standard with the Vedette, but a new top-of-the-line Vendôme appeared. Apart from more luxurious appointments, the Vendôme benefited from a 3.9-liter V8, a descendant of prewar engines used in American Fords, and directly lifted from a truck then built by Ford S.A.F. With nearly twice the displacement, the larger engine offered a lot of torque, but only marginally more power. Furthermore, it gulped gasoline much faster than its already-thirsty smaller counterpart, had a tendency to easily overheat (writing most of this by memory, I could be wrong on this one), while its modest origins repelled many a potential customer.
The company also submitted its car to a major update for 1953. Not much could be done about the rear suicide doors, by then an anachronism, but the rounded look was broken by new longer, taller rear fenders and an elongated boot. A new grille was also fitted at the front. All this, in the mind of Ford S.A.F.'s directors, would be enough to wait until a second-generation Vedette, scheduled for the end of 1954, could be released.
The Vedette is better known as a four-door sedan, but actually appeared under a variety of guises. A convertible sedan with fixed window frames, a convertible coupe and a coupe were also offered, as was a bare Abeille, with minimal equipment and a two-part gate at the back, aimed mostly at shopkeepers. Apart from these pure Vedette derivatives, an elegant coupe, the Comète, was also put on sale. Designed and constructed by the coachbuilder Facel, which would soon launch its very own automobile, the Comète suffered even more than the Vedette from its lack of performances. Accordingly it too received the 3.9-liter V8, cars thus equipped becoming the Monte-Carlo.
I've always been fond of this car, and clearly remember why: when I was around 7 or 8, I saw Jules Dassin's movie Du Rififi chez les Hommes (simply called Rififi in its English version), a French film noir classic, in which a Ford Vedette is prominently featured.
A nice model of this car. Being a press release, the price is quite affordable, too. I'd rate it at 13/20.
Another Ixo press release, this time reproducing the updated Vedette as it looked near the end of its career, with its longer - and heavier-looking - rear. The quality of reproduction being somewhat equal to the previous model, I'd therefore give it 13/20. The car itself is much more original than the better known original fastback model.
The main reason I had for buying this model was to compare an original Ixo with an Altaya-distributed one. Though some of the later models are more or less simplified, this one appears perfectly identical - apart from its paint, as everyone would have noticed from the pictures -, hence a rating of 13/20. Unless you cannot find any of the Altaya version, or you don't like its colour, avoid purchasing the much pricier Ixo.
A beautiful model, which perfectly reflects how fine the original car was. Its ravishing dark blue paint nicely befits the elegance of the car's lines. I'd give it a 15/20.


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A Cher by any other name ….
Sher Valenzuela is just one of the fresh female faces voters will see at this week's Republican National Convention. She's a successful businesswoman from Delaware running for Lt. Governor in her home state. Mia Love is also on the lineup. We've talked a lot about her already. She's a Haitian-American and Mormon running for Congress in Utah. She won her last election with 70% of the vote despite the fact that the African American population in her district was less than 3%. Last but certainly not least is Ann Romney, whose speech is expected to show a softer side to her Presidential candidate husband, Mitt Romney, who as of today is officially "the Rominee." I'm sorry but I have to interject here with a laugh at what one commentator just said on Fox News, that 4 out of 5 voters think Chris Christie is the actor who played Batman. Whatever! I think he's a superhero, too. Let's just hope the electorate is somewhat more educated after this week's proceedings.
This is an article from ABC News on Sher …
By John Parkinson
@jparkABC
Sher Valenzuela Set to Burst onto Scene During Primetime Address at GOP Convention
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Image credit: Matt Rourke/AP Photo
TAMPA, Fla. — Most people in the United States probably identify the singer Cher as the most popular woman with that first name. But soon, that could all change.
Tonight, Republicans believe one of their star candidates, Sher Valenzuela, will burst into the national spotlight when she delivers a primetime address during the Republican National Convention.
Valenzuela, who is running for lieutenant governor of Delaware, is a small businesswoman who runs an industrial upholstery facility that manufactures everything from padding for Major League Baseball umpires to bulletproof vests for the Israeli military and protective covering for the U.S. military's Boeing V-22 Osprey.
Tonight, she has one of the best speaking slots. She is slated to address the convention for eight minutes beginning at 7:50 p.m. ET on the moral defense of free enterprise.
But her newfound glory hasn't excited everyone. Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaragosa told reporters today in Tampa, Fla., "You can't just tout out a brown face or a Spanish surname and expect the people are going to vote for your party or your candidate."
Those comments were perceived as a direct assault on Valenzuela, whose husband, Eli, is Latino. Valenzuela is white.
Still, the mayor's comments didn't appear to faze Valenzuela.
"They've got a lot of things going on in their own state, in their own backyard," she told ABC News Tuesday afternoon. "We have enough to worry about with what's happening in our nation to worry about what's happening in California. Keep your feet grounded in your own backyard and together we're going to build communities that work."
Valenzuela, who has never before sought political office, drew a parallel between her candidacy and the leadership qualities of Mitt Romney.
"We're looking at somebody that has a solid understanding of what it means to balance a budget and who has a track record of supporting small businesses," she said. "I relate to what Gov. Romney brings. I know what it means to balance a budget. I know what it means to write a paycheck and not only cash one. I know what it means to create a job, and I know what it means to struggle with my business every day in terms of keeping our doors open any day but definitely in a difficult economy."
The convention's theme tonight, "We Built It," has also attracted some criticism toward Valenzuela, whose business employs about 70 people, because it accepted federal loans and contracts. Valenzuela said that when she launched her business from her garage, she applied for a Small Business Administration-backed loan.
"I had to put my house on the line for that loan and, thankfully, I didn't lose my house and, thankfully, I was able to create the jobs that I committed to provide," she said. "It's businesses versus big government. We don't need big government. We need a more efficient, lean government, and that's exactly the kind of government we intend to deliver."
"It doesn't matter if you have a D, or an I or an R after your name if you have a job – a J-O-B," she added. "It really matters to people that they have an opportunity to contribute to their economy in a very meaningful way, and this is outside party lines. So we believe that these are the solutions that America is craving."
So does she have any nerves heading into what is likely the biggest moment of her life?
"Of course," she laughed. "I wouldn't be human if I didn't say that was humbled by this, but I just expect to be myself – and everybody that's here, I'm sure, will relate to that."

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


[separator style="line" /] Antihero Magazine's senior journalist, Mark Dean, spoke to Billy Sheehan, the legendary bassist who has performed in so many outstanding bands throughout his career, such as Talas, Steve Vai, David Lee Roth, Mr. Big, Niacin, and most recently, The Winery Dogs.
Okay, what was your first musical memory? Was it a song on the radio or something else?
"Seventy-six trombones led the big parade, with a hundred and ten cornets close at hand." It was a song called "Seventy-Six Trombones" (by Willson Meredith). My mom was also into Sinatra, Ella Fitzgerald, all the great singers.
I don't even think about it. I don't even think about a legacy. I'm just trying to do my best. I think, you know, I just, play bass. If I thought about my musical legacy, it would worry me that I was thinking about that kind of a thing.
If you were on a deserted island and you could pack two albums, one by yourself and one by somebody else, what would they be?
I would never take an album by myself. I don't listen to much of my own stuff because it's, you know, I already heard it. But I would take AC/DC Back in Black and I'd take Frank Sinatra Live at The Sands with Quincy Jones conducting.
Do you still have hopes dreams and ambitions?
Yeah, I want to play bass better. I want to be a musician. I want to write better. I want to play better. I want to play more places. I want to play forever.
Winery Dogs, when they first came out they had their own label of "supergroup" thrown at them. Who would be in your personal supergroup of musicians?
Oh, probably Jimi Hendrix and Billy Cobham.
Do you feel that being fired from Mr. Big was the lowest point in your musical career given that it was your own band?
Oh, no, I was doing good. I was playing really well and I had a great side project called Niacin, playing with Dennis Chambers, the greatest musician I know and I was also very active with Steve Vai at the time. We had a, we still have a wonderful relationship so at the time it was kind of a relief. It was kind of nice.
Was the reconciliation process for you rejoining the band, was that an easy process?
Well, I was never actually out of the band, but yeah, getting together again years later was easy.
How do you explain the bands that you have played in and the enduring appeal of classic rock as a musical genre? It has survived and remains popular today in 2016.
Oh, I don't know, I think we've got a lot of fans through the years and they enjoy what the band does so when we do something new, they seek it out and we are very pleased that they do and we do our best to play our best for them and write our best for them. Not to pander to them, but we do want them to enjoy it.
Obviously, time is precious to you. Do you have any hobbies or pastimes outside music? Or is music all-encompassing in your life?
Not much. My hobby is iTunes or the English language.
I am sure that you have done countless interviews over the years. If you were to sit down and interview someone, who would you pick to do a face-to-face? Who would you want to ask questions?
Okay, that's great. Thank you very much, Billy. It's unfortunate that time schedules didn't allow us to do a full interview (the band had to leave to catch a flight).


Zara is a British artist that spent her early years in Australia, returning to the UK to finish her education and now lives in Southern Spain. Coming from a creative family she always wanted to practice art in some way. Later she graduated in Fashion and worked for many years as a Wardrobe Assistant in UK television. Now she works freelance from her home studio, creating beautiful patterns for licensing worldwide.


Northwestern University President Henry Bienen, who retires from his job at the end of the month, has been named vice-chairman of the Burr Ridge-based Rasmussen College Inc. board of directors, effective Sept. 1.
Rasmussen is a regional school with a Joliet campus that offers fully online, two- and four-year degrees in paralegal work and medical assisting programs. Mr. Bienen has been a member of that board for five years.
He announced his departure from Northwestern nearly 18 months ago. His successor — Morton Owen Schapiro, president of Williams College in Massachusetts — was announced in December. But there was still a big question mark as to where Mr. Bienen would land.
The new move seems a big jump from elite Northwestern and Princeton, where he had been a professor for many years, but Mr. Bienen says he is focused on Rasmussen's emphasis on technology in an ever-changing world of business.
"As a leader in online, career-focused education, Rasmussen places a noteworthy emphasis on innovation in education," he said in a statement.
Mr. Bienen became the 15th president of Northwestern in 1995 — back when Internet use in the business world was just taking off.
He will remain connected to Northwestern. His wife, Leigh Bienen, will continue teaching at the NU School of Law, according to a Daily Northwestern report in May.


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Q: Online and face-to-face courses - booking and invoicing - how to simplify? One of the clients has asked for a website, and one of the features offered by the site will be the ability to book in and pay for the courses. The courses can be either online or face-to-face.
For the online-courses, it has been decided that Moodle will be used.
The courses will be paid for via a CRM. The same CRM will be used for other purposes as well as invoicing...
We were hoping to enable the booking process and browsing through the courses on the Drupal website, but will this become too complicated? Drupal -> CRM -> Moodle?
Also, because there are a certain number of spots for each course, the Enrolment form in Drupal needs to be able to display the number of available spots for the selected course. Any suggestions on how this can be achieved?

A: I answered your question related to moodle integration with drupal & in there I have mentioned a module Commerce Moodle. If you use this module then you get the drupal commerce to handle your selling of courses which will let you explore more of it. Like invoicing, inventory(no of person in your case), collecting extra information at time of buying, bulk operations on users etc..
So options are too many & it will fulfill your need for sure.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


https://imgur.com/mGIPmTy Hello! Carlos here to shed some light on a new product from the skins team: Prestige Editions. K/DA Kai'sa launches in patch 8.21 and with her comes K/DA Kai'Sa Prestige Edition. This is something new for all of us, so as she heads to PBE, I want to answer some questions we've received since her reveal. **What are Prestige Edition skins?** Prestige Edition skins are meant to be collector's items - rare and hard to get editions of a skin. Our goal is to make them instantly recognizable as a special edition for you to show off to your team and opponents. **Why are you making these?** With Prestige Editions we're striving to capture the the "cool, rare" skin feeling, but without withholding the base skin. Some of us have had the experience of playing a game and seeing the elusive Young Ryze skin in the loading screen. This is one of the rarest skins in the game. It doesn't have the most features or effects, but everyone knows it's a rare skin. It's cool if you have the skin, but if you're a fan of Ryze that wasn't able to pre-order the retail collector's edition, then you're out of luck. Prestige Editions won't be this unobtainable, but they are going to be hard to get. This allows players that value rarity/exclusivity an avenue to show off their collection while still giving people who love the thematic the ability to engage with the normal content. **How is this different than a Chroma?** Unlike Chromas, Prestige Editions are more than a simple color swap. They'll have some features that are different from the base skin that could include things like unique ability VFX, model changes, an exclusive border, and special splash art. **How do I get it?** K/DA Kai'Sa Prestige Edition will be available for 2500 Worlds Tokens in the Event Shop. Players can earn Worlds Tokens by doing the following: Purchasing the Worlds 2018 Pass to earn tokens after every match during Worlds Season 2018 Note: The Worlds 2018 Pass also unlocks a special First Win of the Day mission that awards a bunch of Worlds Tokens. These FWotD missions are not retroactively awarded, so we recommend buying the pass early if you want the most Worlds Tokens! Purchasing event Loot like Worlds Orbs, Tales from the Rift Orbs, and K/DA Orbs Completing Missions during the Worlds Season 2018 event For those who purchase the Worlds 2018 Pass, we expect it to take around 4 games per day (including the First Win of the Day mission and all free missions) throughout Worlds Season 2018 to unlock K/DA Kai'Sa Prestige Edition. Since rarity is a central objective of this skin line, we wanted the additional investment requirement around engagement during this time period. Players can always use event loot purchases as a way to supplement their token earn rates. --- Any time we introduce new products or ways to get content, it's really important that we get your feedback. While those are the main questions we saw, if you have more drop them in this thread for us, thanks!


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Home \ Archives \ FNB and partners celebrate International Nelson Mandela Day
FNB and partners celebrate International Nelson Mandela Day
2018-07-20 10:10:41 11 months ago
Staff Reporter WINDHOEK – On July 18, FNB Namibia, the South African High Commission, Shoprite, Dis-chem and South African Airways pledged their assistance to International Nelson Mandela Day. FNB Namibia has donated N$20,000 worth of sanitary pads to underprivileged girls. At the handing over Bolle Hans, manager of public sector banking at FNB Namibia, said: "In keeping with the legacy of Mandela, on 18th of July each year, people around the world, including Namibians, are requested to spend at least 67 minutes of their time helping those in need. This year marks 100 years since the birth of Nelson Mandela. The centenary is an occasion to reflect on his life and legacy, and to follow his call to 'make of the world a better place', and this year is dedicated to Action Against Poverty, honouring Nelson Mandela's leadership and devotion to fighting poverty and promoting social justice for all." Bolle thanked the South African High Commission for leading this initiative and all the partners that have come on board to assist. "Your support has contributed to the continuation of Madiba's legacy, and I for one, am proud to be a part of it. We believe that every girl deserves access to safe and hygienic sanitary products. Through this support to the Commission it is our hope that benefiting Namibian girls can reclaim their dignity that poverty denies them and will enable them to make a lasting and positive impact on the communities they live in and society as a whole." This year the Nelson Mandela International Day had a special significance in that it was the centennial of the birth of Madiba, who spent 27 years of his life incarcerated on Robben Island, some of those years shared with Namibian liberation struggle heroes such as Herman Andiba Toivo ya Toivo. In recognition of Madiba's dedication to fight for social justice for 67 years in South Africa and around the world, on 11 November 2009, the United Nations General Assembly announced that 18th July, Nelson Mandela's birthday, would be honoured globally as Nelson Mandela International Day. This was at the same time inspired by a call Nelson Mandela made for the next generation to take on the burden of leadership in addressing the world's social injustices, when he said "it is in your hands now". The approval of the UN resolution was a historic milestone since it was the first time that the United Nations had specifically designated an international day in honour of an individual.
Home \ Archives \ FNB and partners celebrate International Nelson Mandela Day - New Era Live


What is Mortgage Now all about?
The Firm (Mortgage Now) was formed in October 2003 with the intent of developing a product line that would help everyday Aussies like you regain control of their financial situations.
The training at Mortgage Now is such that every team member understands what you are going through and can help you get the help you want, in the shortest possible time.
For more information about who we are and how we began, please visit our about us page.
Mortgage Now was formed in 2003 and has been steadily developing new products and services to help clients that the major banks and lenders 'couldn't be bothered' helping or just simply 'don't know how' to help.
How will Mortgage Now be able to save me money?
Mortgage Now has saved clients many hundreds of dollars each month by refinancing all of their debts into one easy, affordable repayment. The savings have often been used to 'have a life' for the first time in quite a while.
For those of you without a home but far too much debt, Mortgage Now has alliance partners that can help you with a debt negotiation, or maybe even assist in freezing all of your late fees and interest charges.
How do I know my time spent will be worthwhile?
That depends on how honest you are willing to be.
The more we understand your TRUE circumstances, the better chance we have of finding the right lender or product for you in the shortest possible time.
We understand that at times it is hard to admit to some of the issues.
Being totally honest with your REAL circumstances allows our experienced team to find the answers you are looking for.
I believe your time spent talking with a Mortgage Now Senior Consultant could be some of the most valuable time you have ever spent.
How long will it take to pick up the phone and dial a 1300 number (1300 667 239), or fill in the simple form on this website? LESS THAN 3 MINUTES TO GET THINGS MOVING!
One of our dedicated Senior Mortgage Consultants will look over your details and most probably have a solution for you, even before they call you back.
I Hate Paperwork, do I have to do much?
No, No, No… We help with all of that.
While you are on the phone, we ask all of the questions on the application and fill in the form for you.
Once it is all filled in, we send it out to you by mail, fax or email for you to check over and confirm the details are correct and ensure we have not misspelled your name or address etc.
Once you have checked it over and are happy with the accuracy of the paperwork, you authorise it, include proof of ID, pop it into the supplied postage paid envelope and drop it in the letter box. ITS THAT EASY!
We can do everything else for you!
We contact your creditors for you.
We arrange your latest statements.
Can I cut up my credit cards?
We find that a lot of people originally got their credit card for emergencies.
They had the emergency and ran up a bill on the credit card but have never been able to catch up.
Then something else happens and the problem gets even bigger. (more debt, more interest and more charges).
We can help by paying out the credit cards and supplying you with a Mortgage Now Gold Debit Card.
The Mortgage Now Gold Debit Card lets you have MasterCard access to your own funds (not credit).
You can use it on the internet, in ATM's and in the EFTPOS machines at the supermarket.
It has almost as much functionality as a Gold Credit Card but without the interest charges.
Tell Me More about the Mortgage Now Gold Card!
The Mortgage Now Gold Card is a true debit card.
You have full access to your own funds available in the Mortgage Now Gold Debit Card account.
You can transfer money to and from your card/s by a fast 15 second SMS call.
The Mortgage Now Gold Card can be used in any ATM or EFTPOS machine and yes, you can even draw CASH from it.


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Twelevers
New Hunts and Rumors
"The Money Hunt" - Treasure Hunt from the 80's
Thread: "The Money Hunt" - Treasure Hunt from the 80's
Killian32
Needs to say Hello!
Two Rivers, WI
I know that this has been brought up once or twice on here, but I finally managed to snag a copy of "The Money Hunt"...a $1,000,000 puzzle/treasure hunt from the 80's. Here's a little info:
https://www.etsy.com/listing/2300734...game-inc-circa
I had this thing when I was a kid, back in 1984 or 1985 I believe. It comes with a map of North America, a jigsaw puzzle with a poem and clues on it, and a book of illustrations (black and white drawings, VERY much like the ones in the book "The Golden Apple Tale") that include things like a crossword puzzle, random letters or words or numbers everywhere, etc.
Hidden in all of this stuff was the answer to where this treasure was supposedly hidden. Each book had three entry forms, and if you wrote in with the correct location, you won the $1,000,000.
I don't think anyone ever won this. All I can seem to find online about this contest is that there was some lawsuit that happened between the game company and someone else who claims they stole the idea from them.
I would absolutely LOVE to solve this damn thing, or even to just know the solution or how to solve it.
Is anyone on here familiar with this puzzle??? If not, I would be more than happy to mail it to someone who could scan it and upload it so that everyone could work on it and see what we could come up with, if people are craving an unsolved puzzle.
Unsolved contests like this drive me crazy. And this one has ties to my childhood, so I would like some sort of closure on this.
-- vB4 Default Style -- Mobile
tweleve.org
Copyright 2014 Tweleve.org


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HomeArts'Orient Express' Embraces Ensemble Cast, Cuts Plot Threads
'Orient Express' Embraces Ensemble Cast, Cuts Plot Threads
November 12, 2017 Shannon Kelly Arts, Movies, Review
There's plenty of facial hair in the newest rendition of Agatha Christie's 1934 novel Murder on the Orient Express—famous detective Hercule Poirot's signature upturned mustache returns to the big screen on the face of Kenneth Branagh. It's in good company, too. Its co-stars include the tamer styles framing the upper lips of Johnny Depp, Josh Gad, Manuel Garcia-Rulfo, and Leslie Odom, Jr. But even with the commitment to good grooming and better casting choices, Murder on the Orient Express fails to live up to its source material.
Poirot comes to the audience as a wearied older man who just wants a break from solving cases. He's particular about everything, down to measuring his breakfast to see if the height of his eggs are exact. While he is on his vacation, he is called back to London for a case, but can only make it back via a trip on the Orient Express. When one of the passengers in his first-class coach, Samuel Ratchett (Depp), turns up dead in his room and an avalanche causes the train to get stuck on the tracks, Poirot is back to business. Since the murder occurred at night when the car is locked, suspects are limited to the 13 other passengers. From there, Poirot grills each to solve the murder before the train arrives to its stop in Yugoslavia.
Despite the exciting prospect of a murder, the film does little to make it seem like there's any reason to solve the case right away. There's a line that says the Yugoslavian police will assume one of the characters of color did it and arrest them, but neither of those characters act like there's too much heat on them, and Poirot does not seem terribly interested in their fate, either. In fact, the movie plays with the races of its characters in a way that seems a bit unnecessary—Cyrus Hardman (Willem Dafoe), one of Ratchett's bodyguards in the books, masquerades as an Austrian engineer named Gerhard who spouts Nazi rhetoric about other passengers being of an inferior race. The only new addition Branagh adds to the source material is the benefit of hindsight, which highlights potential prejudices against characters, but does nothing to encourage a conversation about them in the film.
The movie also leaves out some of the critical evidence that makes Christie's novel a page-turner—one small clue Poirot finds at the beginning proves integral to the rest of the plot, but too little time is spent on it for the audience to digest. Instead, it has to be explained by Poirot, which makes it feel like a bigger logical jump than expected from a mystery movie. Other clues that would reconcile the ending with the previous scenes are left out for some reason, though it didn't feel like they would have given anything away.
Despite the flaws of the movie, there are stellar performances all around. It's a who's-who of Hollywood new and old, featuring the timeless Judi Dench as Princess Dragomiroff to newcomers Odom, Jr. and Star Wars phenom Daisy Ridley. After going on a Disney kick for his past few movies, Gad turns in a quality performance in a serious role. Michelle Pfeiffer gives a strong performance as husband-hunting Caroline Hubbard, but the biggest crime in this murder mystery is how little attention is paid to any of the supporting actors. Branagh is front and center as Poirot, which makes it difficult to find much of anything out about the other characters. Instead of focusing on a few short introspective scenes in which Poirot ponders the impossibility of such a murder, more time could have been given to developing the characters and their interactions with each other. One character, Countess Elena Andrenyi (Lucy Boynton), gets shoved into the plot at the last minute, and by then her association with the murder is confusing at best.
Unlike Branagh's other directorial efforts—entire high schools have been put to sleep by his four-hour rendition of Hamlet—Murder runs too short, though it drags on. At one hour and 54 minutes, it feels like the audience barely gets to know the characters, but at the same time there's no edge-of-your-seat tension. This slow drip of a movie could have benefited from a better explanation of why the case needs to be solved right now, or at least a raising of the stakes later on in the film.
Aside from Branagh's unconvincing Belgian accent, the actor/director gives little development to the main character. When it does happen, it comes too late and does not resolve cleanly. For someone who seems so grizzled and troubled by the many cases he's seen, it's a little surprising that Poirot seems to have never run into any kind of moral quandary, which, once he solves the mystery—and he does solve the mystery, no spoilers here—becomes apparent.
For those unfamiliar with the book, the film will come together in a satisfying way. Some heavy-handed imagery toward the end may point you to it, but the last 10 or so minutes of the movie are probably the most engrossing, which is a shame. It might give you a shudder, which is par for the course for Christie's work, but it won't give the same feeling that reading the book would. Some things are better in their original form, and maybe Christie's novels should be respected that way, though it's doubtful they will. Toward the end of the film, a throwaway line indicates that there could be more adventures with Poirot coming to movie screens in the future. That's a train I won't be mad to miss.
Featured image 20th Century Fox
About Shannon Kelly 87 Articles
Shannon Kelly was the assistant features editor in 2017 and the associate copy editor in 2016. She could win an Emmy one day! Follow her in advance @ShannonJoyKelly.
Jennifer Lopez Sings of Sensual Love in "Amor, Amor, Amor"
International Antiquarian Book Fair Explores Frost, Thoreau
Depp Sinks To New Depths In 'Mortdecai'
January 25, 2015 Chris Fuller Arts, Movies
Johnny Depp and his usually stellar cast mates play the fools in a colorful though thoroughly bland production. […]
'Cinderella' Adaption Given Branagh Makeover
March 16, 2015 Tyler Wilkinson Arts, Movies
Lily James and Robb Madden take on the iconic director's vision in this Disney remake. […]
'Fantastic Beasts' Marvelously Treads into the Vastness of the Wizarding World
November 16, 2016 Jacob Schick Arts, Movies
The sheer scope of the wizarding world is more fully realized as secrets are unlocked and unimaginable creatures are found in the first installment of five of 'Fantastic Beasts and Where to Find Them.' […]


text: Q: How to customize ng2-smart-table to have a header with two columns I need an ability for ng2-smart-table to have 2 columns under a header in the table. For example, for header 'Age', I need to have columns like 'Minimum Age' and 'Maximum Age'. How can I achieve this?


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Mix Blog Studio: Skewed Critical Focus
The ease with which people can offer opinions online and then call themselves a music critic means that ... well, there are a lot of critics out there. But how much do they really know about music?
By Mike Levine
I have a pet peeve when it comes to music criticism. If a review covers a song or album in a genre with vocals—such as pop, rock, country, R&B or whatever—critics routinely ignore or give short shrift to the instruments and production, instead focusing primarily on the vocals and lyrics.
I'm not saying vocals and lyrics aren't important. But the musicianship, arrangement and production are also crucial to the final product and rarely get the attention they deserve.
My theory is that most critics have no hands-on musical experience. It's easier for them to write about what an artist was trying to say than to provide a useful critique or commentary that also considers the musicianship and production quality. I would love to read music reviews that put at least some emphasis on the players, the mix, the arrangement, the instrumentation and so forth. It can't be that hard to explain to the average reader.
Read more Mix Blog Studio: Ready to Record, Wherever and Whenever.
It's a different story with jazz and classical reviews the lion's share of attention. Presumably, reviewers in those styles have to be more knowledgeable or they wouldn't be able to parse and understand what they're hearing.
What kind of background do you need to be a rock or pop critic? Other than some writing skills and a knowledge of relevant artists and releases, it doesn't seem like the bar is very high. And, surprise, surprise, the Internet has taken music criticism to an even lower level.
While it's true that the established music review sites get the bulk of the readership, anyone with a computer or smartphone and an internet connection can throw his or her hat into the music criticism ring. Whether it's in a blog, vlog or podcast, they can get their opinions onto the web.
If they're smart about search engine optimization and marketing, they can get at least some traffic to their site, podcast or video. Granted, it's much less likely that a DIY reviewer will become hugely influential, but stranger things have happened.
Opinions are at the core of any kind of review, whether it's music, movies, restaurants or gear. But for the readers/viewers/listeners to get any value, they need to be confident that the reviewer is putting some knowledge behind those opinions.
In addition to historical perspective about the genres they write about, which is often crucial to contextualizing their commentary, critics should have some understanding of music production and what it takes to create a record. Applying that kind of knowledge to a review would benefit the reader and the artists being critiqued.
For the latter, the music press is a minefield to be traversed with care. For an artist who's trying to break through, good press is critical. It helps drive traffic to the website, Bandcamp page or other online destinations. And once live performances have come back from their Covid hiatus, favorable reviews will help artists sell tickets to their shows, which is almost certain to be their most lucrative revenue stream.
If you're an artist, you want to think that the critics who can make or break your career know what they're talking about, beyond just the lyrics. Unfortunately, that's not something you can count on.
Mike Levine
Tags ⋅ Mix Blog Studio ⋅ Music criticism
Hit'n'Mix RipX DeepAudio — A Real-World Review
Mix Blog Studio: Headphone Helpers
Mix Blog Live: Rental Gouge
Mix Blog Studio: Authoritarians and Music Don't Mix
Mix Blog Studio: Track Organization Quiz
Mix Blog Studio: Tear It Down and Build It Up
Mix Live Blog: What's on Your List?
Mix Blog Studio: Time on Your Hands? Record!


In universities on both sides of our linguistic border, English has been making steady progress in recent years. In many fields, all publications are in English, and in the others, researchers are strongly encouraged to publish in English. A growing number of study programmes are offered partially or exclusively in English. More and more academic vacancies are advertised in English and more and more selection committees meet in English. In several universities internal communication has become largely bilingual. Some department and faculty council meetings are even routinely held in English.
Are such trends to be celebrated or deplored?
Whether to honour our respective languages and cultures, to fight the elitist character of our universities or to preserve a smooth symbiosis with the surrounding society, should we endeavour to resist or even reverse the Anglicization of universities?
Whether to boost the international status of our universities, to create greater continuity between teaching and research or to better equip our local students for today's world, should we instead keep upgrading the place of English in all aspects of the life of our institutions of higher education?
Organizing committee: J.P. Lambert (coordinator), E. De Keuleneer, H. Garmyn, P. Loobuyck, B. Pattyn, P. Van Parijs, D. Willems, J. Willems, D. Zwarthoed.


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Accueil > Investigating Gender-based Violence in Conflict zones and among War-affected Populations
OADH 4135 - Investigating Gender-based Violence in conflict zones and among war-affected populations
Type d'enseignement : Seminar
Semester : Spring 2019-2020
Number of hours : 24
Language of tuition : English
The aim of the course is to explore multidisciplinary research methods and evidence-gathering techniques of gendered experience of violence in the context of war, displacement and migration, focusing on the Middle East and Middle Eastern diaspora.
The course will introduce students to the concept of gender-based violence (GBV), its dynamics, manifestations and forms in normal settings and among war-affected populations. It will explore the concept of intersectionality, and how gender is interconnected and played out with race, ethnicity, religion, class, social status, age, etc. Notions of 'masculinity' and 'femininity' will be discussed in an effort to capture and analyse gender identity as constructed and modified through social behaviour, war and displacement, and how intersectional identity categories shape peoples' experiences of GBV, including domestic violence, honour-based violence, sexual violence, rape and sex slavery. Examples of art-based and co-produced knowledge along with case studies will be used to support these theoretical approaches and analyses.
The course will also explore the role of the media and culture in relation to GBV. It will highlight the representation of GBV and traditional cultural norms in the media and how different media channels, in the context of information and communication technologies, play around and reproduce hegemonic ideologies in terms of race, religion and masculinity in opposition to migrant, refugee and female vulnerabilities. Here, notions of cultural relativism and universalism will be discussed.
The course will also discuss the impact of GBV on public health and its implications for women's lives. It will also highlight the human rights dimension of domestic and gender-based violence, with the aim of educating students and expanding their knowledge and awareness of intervention strategies, legal reforms, social policies and various European, international and UN conventions to tackle gender-based violence in conflict and post-conflict settings.
Begikhani, Nazand (Senior Research Fellow)
Pedagogical format
Combining lectures, interactive debates, practical exercises and presentations of written essays.
Course validation
1. Combining lectures, interactive debates, practical exercises and presentations of written essays.
3. Students are expected to participate and contribute to debates actively during class.
4. Students are expected to be on time, be present, be prepared and be enthusiastic.
5. They are also encouraged to read the recommended texts and, most importantly, be curious, creative and positive.
Participating in debates throughout the semester (10%); 2-4 pages' paper & oral presentation (40%); collective paper (2-4) 15-20 pages (50%)/End of semester peer review.
•	Westmarland, Nicole and Hannah Bows, Researching Gender, Violence and Abuse: Theory, Methods, Action, 2019. Taylor & Francis
•	Davies E Sara; True Jacquie, "Reframing conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence: Bringing gender analysis back in", Security Journal, Volume: 46 issue: 6, page(s): 495-512, December 2015.
•	Ferrales Gabrielle & McElrath M. Suzy, "Beyond Rape: Reconceptualizing Gender-Based Violence During Warfare", in The Oxford Handbook of Gender, Sex, and Crime
•	Begikhani, Nazand, Gill, Aisha & Hauge, Gill, Hounour-based Violence: Experiences and Counter Strategies in Iraqi Kurdistan Region and the UK Kurdish Diaspora, Ashgate, 2015.
•	Ghafournia, Nafisah, 'Culture, Domestic Violence and Intersectionality: Beyond the Dilemma of Cultural Relativism and Universalism', in International Journal of Critical Cultural Studies 11(2) · March 2014 , pp: 23-29.
Additional required reading
•	Crenshaw, Kimberle, "Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color", Stanford Law Review, Vol. 43, No. 6 (Jul., 1991), pp. 1241-1299.
•	Begikhani, Nazand; Hamelink Wendelmoet & Nerina Weiss, "Theorising Women and War in Kurdistan. A feminist and critical perspective", Kurdish Studies Journal. Vol: 6, N0 1, pp 1-10. May 2018.


Strictly speaking, kinetic text is moving text, but in real life, it has a lot broader application.
I've been doing a lot of work lately with Adobe Character Animator. Really very intuitive if you are borderline familiar with photoshop. The example I am attaching took me all of 30 seconds to make. I use the program to make animated avatars that lip sync to my voice. A real time saver and far better than just using some text. You can author the resulting videos any way you like using a variety of programs (In my example I just added some text with Camtasia).
I know that I haven't mentioned anything about Storyline. I find Storyline to be best when augmented with assets from other programs. You can really extend functionality that way.
One of the projects I work on (I am unable to share) has a text box in the corner, that slowly reveals text, according to the audio and what is being shown on screen.
This slow reveal never overpowers the learner.


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Students Share Their Thoughts on Bullying
Students take time to reflect on how Not in Our School and Not in Our Town programs affected them. They discuss stereotyping, bullying, and their own experiences with intolerance.
No Human Being Was Born Illegal (2 min)
Each year, Facing History teacher Jane Wooster asks the students in her classes to take on a "social action" project of their own choosing. This year, several of the students have chosen to conduct a lunch-time demonstration to draw attention to the use of the word "illegal" to describe undocumented immigrants, and start a school-wide conversation about the way immigrants are perceived in their community.
Students Map Bully Zones to Create a Safer School (3 min)
At Orange High School in Pepper Pike, Ohio, students are mapping their school to locate the spaces where bullying takes place. After identifying the "bully hotspots," including the cafeteria, media lab, and locker rooms, students created a flash freeze demonstration to raise awareness about bullying, and opened the conversation about how to create a safer school.
A Friday Night Light Against Bullying (Marshalltown, Iowa)
High school football captains join their community in taking a Not In Our Town pledge to stand up to bullying and hate.
Lose Your Label (PSA)
Who Cares? I Do! Here's Why...
Inspiring voices from the Not In Our Town Movement and why they care
Lowell High Students Dance Away Hate Group
San Francisco students find a creative response to hate.
Not In Our School Launch Assembly
Here is an example of a student-led assembly at Peralta Elementary School in Oakland, CA. This assembly launched their schoolwide anti-bullying campaign. The students did a skit and talked about how to be an upstander as they took the lead in addressing bullying and intolerance. Students also learned how to be upstanders who work toward an accepting and identity safe school environment. Not In Our School developed a guide and sample skit for a similar assembly at the middle and high school levels. Learn more at niot.org
What Do You Say to "That's So Gay"?
Gunn High School students challenge the use of the derogatory saying.
Youth Lead the Fight Against Hate in Olympia, WA
Olympia students speak out when Neo-Nazis organize in their town.
Break Bullying: Not in the Break Room, Not on the Playground
Bullying: Unacceptable for an adult, unacceptable for a child. What will you do to stand up? Learn more about bullying solutions here: http://www.niot.org/blog/six-simple-solutions-bullying Produced by MAKE, a professional ad agency in Minneapolis, MN. Directed by Mike Nelson and donated to Not In Our Town.


When I saw this weeks CAS.ology cue word was GOLD was a bit stumped so gathered my stock of gold (which wasn't a lot I must admit!) and saw the gold jingle bell and just while in my head I was singing jingle bells the postie delivered a new set of die cut letters ...sorted - or so I thought ,the original had a piece of old gold paper behind a negative cut of the word but it was 'slighty' squint and the next one grew way too much layers etc for a CAS card , and after three attempts ran out of gold paper so it was back to the old drawing board .
I always admire cards that have just the word as the focal point on them so this is finally my interpretation of it though not sure if I actually like it...think there is something lacking???
Great to get a head start on those Christmas cards, isn't it? I don't think it's lacking anything, but perhaps a black layer under the white would provide a little more definition (although then your jingle would be black)? I know I do that often with my cards! Thanks so much for playing along with us at CASology this week!
Hi Jenni, so glad you stuck with it and played along...I don't think anything is missing! I love the gold jingle bell and the holly berres as your letter dots. Very cute and CAS!


Cheese Voice opened in November 2015 in the Kiyosumi Shirakawa neighborhood of Tokyo. It provides the people of Tokyo with over 300 different kinds of cheese from Hokkaido. All cheeses are fresh and rotate depending on the season. Cheese Voice also sells different products from all across Hokkaido, including wine, cider, and regional specialities.
To ensure consistent quality, Cheese Voice carefully selected 30 producers to work with from over 100 cheesemakers in Hokkaido. Relationships built on trust and a passion for the product guarantee that only the best cheeses reach customers. Cheese Voice believes that every cheese has its story, and they would love to share it with you.


http://www.resexcellence.com/ The long-defunct Mac website ResExcellence has returned with its old content. Back in the day this site had all kinds of information about the workings of Macintosh systems and I personally learned quite a bit from it in grade school and junior high. It certainly set me on the path that led me to learning everything I know about software. Although the current information is very outdated and they have no plans to resurrect posting I am very glad to see the site return to the web with all of its old information intact.
Permalink Submitted by Anonymous (not verified) on Fri, 01/18/2013 - 3:45pm.
ResExcellence did eventually return, the site is now active again and posting new content each week.


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Moderata samlingspartiet (M), vanligen Moderaterna, är ett liberalkonservativt politiskt parti i Sverige. Moderaterna är efter valet 2022 Sveriges tredje största parti sett till antal mandat i riksdagen. Partiledare är sedan 1 oktober 2017 Ulf Kristersson.

Moderata samlingspartiet antog sitt nuvarande namn 1969. Det ersatte det tidigare Högerpartiet som använts från 1952. Partiet grundades som Allmänna valmansförbundet 1904. På partiets valsedlar anges partibeteckningen Moderaterna. Från valrörelsen 2006 till och med april 2019 betecknade partiet sig som Nya Moderaterna; detta var dock inte ett officiellt namn.

Partiet har sedan 1979 blivit det största borgerliga partiet och var det näst största partiet (efter Socialdemokraterna) i alla riksdagsval därefter fram till 2022. Då föll partiet tillbaka till enbart tredje störst, samtidigt som Sverigedemokraterna blev näst störst. Partiet har sedan ombildningen 1969 innehaft tre statsministerposter, av Carl Bildt mellan 1991 och 1994, Fredrik Reinfeldt mellan 2006 och 2014 och Ulf Kristersson sedan 2022, samt suttit i regering vid två tillfällen under Thorbjörn Fälldin. Från och med 2004 ingick Moderaterna tillsammans med Centerpartiet, Liberalerna och Kristdemokraterna i den borgerliga koalitionen Alliansen. Efter riksdagsvalet 2018 och det efterföljande januariavtalet menade Kristersson och Kristdemokraternas partiledare Ebba Busch att Alliansen inte längre existerade.

I Europaparlamentet utgör Moderaterna, tillsammans med Kristdemokraterna, en del av Europeiska folkpartiets grupp (EPP). Partiet har fyra mandat i parlamentet efter att ha fått 16,83 procent av rösterna i Europaparlamentsvalet 2019. Inom Sverige har Moderaterna sitt starkaste stöd i Stockholms läns (26,01 % valet 2018, 32,66 % valet 2014) och Skåne läns södras (23,98 % valet 2018, 28,21 % valet 2014) riksdagsvalkretsar. I riksdagsvalet 2018 fick Moderaterna 19,84 procent, en minskning med 3,49 procentenheter jämfört med valet 2014. 2010 hade Moderaterna sin hittills högsta toppnotering i ett riksdagsval med strax över 30% av rösterna.

Historia

1800-talets konservativa riksdagsgrupperingar
Moderata samlingspartiet kan söka sina rötter i de olika konservativa grupper och partier som fanns i riksdagens båda kammare under 1800-talets andra hälft, såsom Lantmannapartiet i andra kammaren och Protektionistiska partiet i första kammaren. Partierna hade på den tiden inga riksorganisationer utan var sammanslutningar av enskilda riksdagsmän. Bland de konservativa politikerna och opinionsbildarna fanns det en skepsis mot organiserat partiarbete och så länge rösträtten var graderad och folk många gånger röstade på de herremän de kände till från hemlänet, innebar det att riksdagen under de första årtiondena efter ståndsriksdagens avskaffande kom att domineras av brukspatroner, godsägare, ämbetsmän och finansmän.

I första kammaren fanns 1888–1909 Protektionistiska partiet, som 1910 blev Förenade högerpartiet och 1888–1904 Minoritetspartiet som 1905–1909 gick under namnet Första kammarens moderata parti (eller ibland bara Moderata partiet). 1912 gick dessa samman till Första kammarens nationella parti, som informellt kom att kallas förstakammarshögern och bestod till och med 1934 års riksdag.

Lantmannapartiet bildades i andra kammaren redan vid tvåkammarriksdagens införande 1867 (efter representationsreformen som avskaffade ståndsriksdagen). Initiativtagare var Carl Ifvarsson, Arvid Posse och Emil Key. Under en tid splittrades det i Gamla lantmannapartiet och Nya lantmannapartiet, huvudsakligen på grund av olika åsikter i tullfrågan, men återförenades efter några år. 1903 bildades De moderata reformvännernas grupp som från och med 1906 ersattes av Nationella framstegspartiet. 1912 gick detta samman med Lantmannapartiet och bildade Lantmanna- och Borgarepartiet, informellt kallat andrakammarshögern, som bestod till och med 1934 års riksdag.

Mot slutet av 1800-talet började radikala strömningar göra sig hörda i samhället, liberala organisationer bildades som krävde allmän och lika rösträtt till riksdagen och socialistiska organisationer bildades som krävde bättre villkor för löntagare och i vissa avseenden hade ännu mer omvälvande idéer kring hur samhället skulle utvecklas. Det framstod för de flesta samhällsintresserade människor allt mer som att det bara var en tidsfråga innan ett mer demokratiskt valformat skulle införas i Sverige. Liberaler och socialdemokrater organiserade sig och de konservativa behövde förhålla sig till detta. De mer moderata som Hugo Tamm ansåg att man behövde organisera sig och se till att en utveckling mot rösträtt för fler ändå inte skulle behöva beröva de konservativa idéerna allt inflytande, medan andra, som Christian Lundeberg, ansåg att det var viktigt att slå vakt om den befintliga konstitutionella ordningen. Det tog tid innan de konservativa kunde samla sig på det sättet som vänsterns företrädare kunde göra.

1904: Bildandet av den moderna partiorganisationen

Allmänna valmansförbundet grundades under ett möte 17–18 oktober 1904 på restaurang Runan i Stockholm. Inbjudan hade skickats ut en månad tidigare, och gått till cirka 250 personer, framför allt riksdagsmän och tidningsmän, men också andra personer i samhället som kunde tänkas vara intresserade och kunna bidra till målsättningen att bilda en "sammanslutning mellan de konservativa och moderata elementen i samhället gentemot de radikala grupperna." Avsikten var att skapa en riks- och kampanjorganisation för de högergrupper som redan fanns i riksdagens båda kammare.

Mötet i oktober 1904 öppnades av en av inbjudarna, Hans Andersson i Skivarp, och Axel Svedelius utsågs att leda förhandlingarna. Även om det två dagar långa konstituerande mötet i efterhand kan förmodas ha gått smidigt till, hade det trots allt föregåtts av minst två års förberedande organisationsarbete och agitation från den konservativa pressen. Många av de konservativa riksdagsledamöterna var nämligen individualistiskt lagda och starka personligheter i sig själva, som inte så hemskt gärna ville låta sig inrättas i ledet hos ett parti. Det första partiprogrammet var också kortfattat, som en sammanfattning av saker som man kunde enas om, och bestod av endast 304 ord. I princip talade detta program mer om vad man var mot än vad man var för och ville åstadkomma. En av huvudpunkterna blev namnfrågan, där det uppenbart kompromissartade och närmast opolitiskt klingande Allmänna valmansförbundet till slut blev vad man bestämde sig för, sedan man hade ratat andra namn såsom exempelvis Moderata samlingspartiet. Det 1893 bildade Fosterländska förbundet kan ses som en föregångare till AVF, men hade, kanske just på grund av motviljan bland de tilltänkta medlemmarna att organisera sig, inte överlevt.

Den främste tillskyndaren av bildandet – och som också blev den förste partiledaren - var Gustaf Fredrik Östberg, som ett par år tidigare medverkat till bildandet av Svenska Arbetsgivarföreningen (SAF, idag Svenskt Näringsliv), vars ordförande han också samtidigt var.

Näringslivet kom också att bli en viktig finansieringskälla för partiet under dess första halvsekel, pengarna var nödvändiga men kunde också vara en påfrestning då företagsledarna ofta ville att näringslivsvänliga reformer skulle ske snabbare än vad som var möjligt i politikens ofta tungrodda beslutssystem. Från 1960-talet infördes i stället offentliga partistöd, som ledde till att partiet kunde slippa partibidragen från företag. Partistöd från det offentliga var emellertid problematiskt på ett annat sätt, då politiska partier på det sättet riskerade att bli statliga institutioner, enligt partiledaren Yngve Holmberg 1965. Inflytandet från näringslivet torde dock ha bidragit till att det parti som från början grundades som en uttalat konservativ organisation, redan från början också har haft en tydligt marknadsliberal inriktning. Det är också vid perioder som ekonomiskt liberala idéer har legat i ropet, som partiet har nått sina största framgångar.

Allmänna valmansförbundet var från början endast en gemensam kampanjorganisation för formellt fristående riksdagspartier.

1905: Unionsupplösning och parlamentarism

Under 1800-talet hade statsministern i regel utsetts av kungen personligen. Även om regeringens propositioner behövde få riksdagens stöd, så var regeringen inte beroende av det stödet för att sitta kvar vid makten. Sverige hade alltså inte ett system med parlamentarism. Detta förändrades vid 1900-talets början.

Regeringarna Boström II (1902–1905) och Ramstedt (april–juli 1905) hade misslyckats med att hantera norrmännens allt mer högljudda önskan att upplösa unionen med Sverige. Budet att bilda regering gick då till Christian Lundeberg, som var den ledande personen inom protektionistiska partiet i riksdagens första kammare, ett av de riksdagspartier som samarbetade om Allmänna valmansförbundet. Lundebergs regering var en samlingsregering som följde de parlamentariska grupperna och kan därför sägas ha varit den första parlamentariskt tillsatta regeringen i Sverige. Regeringen avgick dock i november samma år sedan unionsfrågan hade blivit löst och liberalerna hade avböjt fortsatt regeringssamarbete. I stället blev liberalen Karl Staaff ny statsminister, då hans parti hade blivit störst i andrakammarsvalet i september, vilket var ett ännu tydligare steg mot att låta parlamentarism råda.

1906–1919: allmän rösträtt och försvarandet av monarkin
År 1906 lade Karl Staaffs liberala regering med stöd av socialdemokrater en proposition om allmän rösträtt, som bland annat innebar majoritetsval i enmansvalkretsar. Propositionen fälldes i riksdagen av Allmänna valmansförbundet, som ville se proportionella val med lika rösträtt till andra kammaren, men behålla den viktade rösträtten till första kammaren. Första kammaren var ett överhus till en tvåkammarriksdag, indirekt vald genom graderad rösträtt. Statsminister Staaff hade tänkt sig att första kammarens inflytande i praktiken skulle upphöra (genom en konstitutionell praxis som skulle bortse från första kammarens beslut) och politiken bara drivas genom parlamentariska beslut i andra kammaren. Nederlaget i voteringen om detta förslag fick Staaff att lämna sin post. Allmänna valmansförbundets företrädare var vid den här tiden egentligen beredda att stödja ett ökat inslag av allmän rösträtt, men var rädda att majoritetsval i enmansvalkretsar skulle leda till ett tvåpartisystem (som i Storbritannien) där liberaler och socialdemokrater skulle bli de två dominerande krafterna och konservatismen helt röstas bort trots ett ändå relativt starkt stöd bland väljarna. Man ville i stället ha ett proportionellt valsystem.

Allmänna valmansförbundets ledare Arvid Lindman blev statsminister efter Staaffs avgång. Regeringen Lindman drev 1907–1909 igenom en lagändring som införde proportionella val till riksdagens andra kammare enligt den så kallade dubbelproportionalistiska linjen. Regeringen Lindmans reform innebar också att man införde allmän rösträtt för män över 24 år vid andrakammarval. Samtidigt valdes första kammaren fortsatt med graderad rösträtt. Bland andra reformer som infördes under Lindmans regeringsperiod, var progressiv beskattning, som utformades av finansminister Carl Swartz. Regeringen kunde sitta kvar trots tillbakagång i andrakammarsvalet 1908 på grund av fortsatt majoritet i första kammaren, men efter ytterligare tillbakagång i andrakammarsvalet 1911 lämnade högern regeringsmakten och liberalernas Karl Staaff blev statsminister igen.

Försvarsfrågan blev en viktig fråga under de kommande åren, vilket inte minst kom att visa sig vid borggårdskrisen 1914, som ledde till Staaffs avgång som statsminister och att man höll ett extra val till andra kammaren i mars 1914. Även frågan om monarkins roll i statsstyrelsen aktualiserades. Högern drev kampanj för både stärkt försvar och bevarad kungamakt och blev största parti i valet, men statsministerposten hade redan strax före valet gått till den formellt opolitiske Hjalmar Hammarskjöld. Det var emellertid inget som Lindman och hans parti hade något emot, då regeringen uppfattades som mycket kompetent och var konservativt sinnad även om den inte var partianknuten (Hammarskjöld hade varit ecklesiastikminister under Lindman och skulle för övrigt senare komma att bli riksdagsman för högern). Lindman slapp dessutom hantera att hans rival som ledare för högern, förstakammarshögerns ledare Ernst Trygger, blev statsminister. Regeringen Hammarskjöld kom att sitta kvar även efter det ordinarie andrakammarsvalet i september samma år, då det nyligen utbrutna första världskriget fick väljarna att fortsätta stödja högerns försvarsvänliga linje, men avgick 1917 på grund av allt mer ökad kritik från liberaler och socialdemokrater och efterträddes av högermannen Carl Swartz med Arvid Lindman som utrikesminister. Regeringen Swartz satt dock bara i ett halvår fram till valet på hösten.

Efter valet 1917 tillträdde en koalitionsregering bestående av liberalerna och socialdemokraterna, som föreslog allmän och lika rösträtt för män. Förslaget bifölls i första kammaren, men avslogs i riksdagens andra kammare. Många medborgare protesterade. Det blev ett stort tryck på koalitionsregeringen främst från det nybildade Sveriges Socialdemokratiska Vänster (nuvarande Vänsterpartiet) som hotade med revolution. Många medlemmar i Allmänna valmansförbundet började nu även förespråka allmän och lika rösträtt för att undvika samma turbulens man kunde se bland annat i Tyskland, där förlusten i första världskriget 1918 hade lett till revolution och införande av republik. Allmänna valmansförbundet röstade därför år 1918 för allmän och lika rösträtt för alla skattebetalande män och kvinnor över 24 års ålder och som inte mottog fattigvård eller satt fängslade.

Allmänna valmansförbundet försvarade monarkin i Sverige men pressades av liberaler och socialdemokrater som ville införa republik. En kompromiss kom till stånd som medförde att monarkin behölls, men det krävdes att kungens makt inskränktes och att han inte skulle försöka påverka politiken. Kompromissen gjorde kungens roll i stort sett ceremoniell då den ingicks. Dessa förändringar banade flera decennier senare vägen för 1974 års regeringsform.

Internt ledde demokratins genombrott också till att AVF reformerade den egna organisationen. Man antog ett nytt partiprogram 1919, som (förutom vissa tillägg 1934 riktade mot de då högaktuella diktaturströmningarna) kom att vara kvar i princip oförändrat i nästan ett kvartssekel, till 1946. Programmets första punkt tog upp försvaret, man förespråkade sådant som "färre lagar men goda", "uppfostran till självansvar" och hjälp till självhjälp, fri företagsamhet och äganderätt, förenklad förvaltning och sparsamhet med skattepengar och i övrigt slogs bland annat fast stödet för kyrka och kristendom.

1920-talet: minoritetsparlamentarism

Under den allmänna rösträttens första tid, kom regeringsskiftena att ske ofta. Inga egentliga politiska block fanns och ingen kunde bilda någon stabil majoritetsregering. I stället blev detta en tid då regeringsbildare ofta utsågs mer utifrån vem som hade gått framåt i det senaste valet eller röstat ner en regerings förslag vid votering i riksdagen så att regeringen känt sig tvungen att avgå. Allmänna valmansförbundet kom under den här perioden att bilda regering ett par gånger. Således var förstakammarhögerns ledare Ernst Trygger statsminister 1923–1924 och Arvid Lindman återkom som statsminister 1928–1930.

När kvinnor fick rösträtt 1921, blev de samtidigt valbara. Den första högerkvinnan i andra kammaren blev sjuksköterskan Bertha Wellin från Stockholm, som från 1921 och framåt under många år var högerns enda kvinna i riksdagen.

Regeringen Trygger tillträdde i april 1923 sedan den socialdemokratiska regeringens politik kring arbetslöshetsunderstöd hade fallit i första kammaren och Hjalmar Branting därför avgått som statsminister. Eftersom det var första kammaren som hade fällt regeringen och Ernst Trygger var ledare för förstakammarshögern, gick budet att bilda regering till honom. Inte bara högern utan även liberalerna hade röstat emot socialdemokraternas proposition, men liberalerna ville inte delta i en koalition så Tryggers regering blev en ren högerregering med inslag av opolitiska statsråd. Andrakammarshögerns ledare Arvid Lindman blev inte statsråd. Som statsminister sökte Trygger bland annat lösa försvarsfrågan, som var viktig för partiet. Regeringen satt kvar fram till andrakammarvalet 1924, som ledde till en måttlig framgång för högern men inte tillräckligt för att den rimligen skulle sitta kvar.

Andrakammarvalet 1928 kom att kallas "kosackvalet" till följd av de valaffischer från högern som varnade för att en röst på Arbetarepartiet, som var ett valteknisk samarbete mellan socialdemokrater och kommunister, kunde leda till en diktatur av sovjetiskt slag. Sveriges kommunistiska parti var på den tiden anslutet till den internationella kommunistiska organisationen Kommunistiska internationalen (Komintern) och enligt internationalens stadgar skyldigt att lyda direktiv från Moskva. De mest uppseendeväckande affischerna var egentligen inte Allmänna valmansförbundets, utan hade tagits fram av Sveriges Nationella Ungdomsförbund (SNU), som organisatoriskt var fristående från partiet även om det i praktiken fungerade som dess ungdomsförbund. Valet ledde till en framgång för högern och även om det inte räckte till majoritet eller ens till att partiet blev störst, så gick budet att bilda regering till Arvid Lindman. Sjutton år efter sin avgång som statsminister, kunde han nu bli statsminister på nytt. Ernst Trygger blev utrikesminister; för första gången deltog Lindman och Trygger i samma regering. Regeringen Lindman II avgick dock 1930 efter nederlag i riksdagsvoteringar om jordbrukspolitiken, där regeringens förslag om ökat tullskydd inte fann riksdagens gillande. Det skulle visa sig dröja till 1991, innan partiet åter kunde besätta posten som statsminister.

1930-talet: splittring och samordning i partiet
Från och med Hitlers maktövertagande 1933 och början av 1934 följde en splittring i partiet med bakgrund i olika hållningar gentemot nazismen. Partiets fristående ungdomsförbund Sveriges Nationella Ungdomsförbund hade under en tid uppvisat dragningar mot nazismen. Förbundet organiserade uniformerade "kampgrupper", något som väckte mycket negativa reaktioner i moderpartiet. Partiledaren Arvid Lindman markerade vid samma tid mycket kraftigt mot nazismen i Tyskland och Sverige. Lindman var nationalist, men en svensk nationalist; den extremistiska tyska nationalsocialismen som förespråkade republik och diktatur och som såg negativt på kristendomen, kunde enligt Lindman inte förenas med svensk tradition och svenskt kynne, i vilket låg frihetslängtan och en samverkan mellan folket och kungamakten. Partiet bröt allt samarbete med ungdomsförbundet 1934, och lät i stället bilda ett nytt, som fick namnet Ungsvenskarna (nuvarande Moderata ungdomsförbundet).

Arvid Lindman avgick som partiledare 1935 och efterträddes av Gösta Bagge. Bagge vann partiledarvoteringen mot Ivar Anderson, som i stället blev vice ordförande för andrakammarshögern. Högergrupperna i riksdagens båda kammare, Första kammarens nationella parti och Lantmanna- och Borgarepartiet, gick formellt samman till en gemensam grupp från och med 1935 års riksdag, och tog därmed namnet Högerns riksdagsgrupp. Några år senare, 1938, bytte Allmänna valmansförbundet namn till Högerns riksorganisation.

På 1930-talet använde Högern namnet Svensk samling på sina valaffischer.

1939–1945: Samlingsregeringen
På grund av det spända internationella läget under andra världskriget, bildades en samlingsregering 1939 som högerpartiet ingick i. Högermän besatte bland annat posterna som ecklesiastikminister, handelsminister (1939–1941) och kommunikationsminister (1944–1945).

1945–1950
Efter samlingsregeringens upplösning skulle det dröja drygt 30 år innan partiet ingick i regeringen igen. I slutet av fyrtiotalet drabbades partiet av flera valförluster. Partiledaren Gösta Bagge avgick 1944 och lämnade över till Fritiof Domö, som sedan år 1950 lämnade över till den yngre och dynamiske Jarl Hjalmarson.

En av de viktigaste händelserna i partiets utveckling under denna tid var tillkomsten 1946 av moderaternas första handlingsprogram, Frihet och Framsteg, som markerade partiets slutgiltiga uppslutning kring den moderna välfärdsstaten.

1950–1961: Alternativ till välfärdsstaten

På femtiotalet kom därför partiet att återhämta sig, även om det ledande borgerliga partiet vid denna tidpunkt var Folkpartiet och deras ledare Bertil Ohlin.

Några av Hjalmarsons bidrag till partiets utveckling var att lyfta fram ett alternativ till den socialdemokratiska välfärdsstaten, en vision som kom att kallas för "ägardemokrati". Tanken var att staten skulle hjälpa alla medborgare till någon form av ägande, framförallt ett eget hus, eller åtminstone en slant på banken. Genom att på detta sätt underlätta förmögenhetsbildningen även hos vanligt folk, dem Hjalmarson kallade för "vardagsmänniskan".

Framgångarna för Hjalmarson (och i hög grad partisekreteraren, Gunnar Svärd, som hade stor betydelse för moderniseringen av partiet) bröts vid valet 1960. En av förklaringarna till motgången var att moderaterna praktiserat en "kärv linje" med nedskärningar och skattesänkningar som huvudsaklig profil, exempelvis krävdes avskaffat stöd till skolmåltider, slopat första barnbidrag och lägre anslag till kommunerna.

Efter en del interna stridigheter valde Hjalmarson att avgå 1961 och istället valdes Gunnar Heckscher till ny partiledare efter en omröstning där Heckscher utmanats av Leif Cassel.

1961–1970: Heckscher och Holmberg
Ett av den nye partiledaren Gunnar Heckschers bidrag till högerns utveckling var att han tidigt kom att förespråkade ett närmande till Västeuropa och ett svenskt medlemskap i EEG.

Heckscher var också en ivrig förespråkare av borgerlig samling. Denna strategi mötte dock internt motstånd. Valframgångarna uteblev också. Sedan Gunnar Heckscher avsatts som partiledare 1965 togs posten över av partisekreteraren Yngve Holmberg. Under dennes tid som partiledare kom partiet att moderniseras ytterligare, exempelvis användes medieträning, partiernas kandidater fick agera mer utåtriktat och mer lättsamma partievenemang som "Yngves Runda Bord" där väljare fick fika med partiledaren genomfördes, samt omtalade grisfester.

Perioden präglades också av inre ideologiska motsättningar, ofta sammanfattade under beteckningarna "ljusblå" och "mörkblå". De ljusblå kännetecknades av en stor vilja till borgerlig samling även till priset att det egna partiet tvingades tona ner sin profil, medan de mörkblå önskade driva en rak och tydlig ideologisk linje mot ökat statligt engagemang, för lägre skatter och allmän sparsamhet, det som kallats "den kärva linjen", för att på sikt vinna väljarnas förtroende.

Högerkvinnan Ella Tengbom-Velander blev kommunalråd i Helsingborgs stad 1967, hon var den första kvinnan på en sådan post i Sverige.

Partiets valresultat fortsatte att rasa till ett rekordlågt 11,5 procent i valet 1970. Dessutom var den ekonomiska situationen för partiet katastrofal. Problemen resulterade i att den sittande partiledaren Yngve Holmberg avsattes efter en dramatisk omröstning vid en famös extra partistämma i Farsta den 14 november 1970. Utmanaren Gösta Bohman valdes till ny partiledare med 132 röster mot Holmbergs 82.

1970–1981: Gösta Bohman

Under Gösta Bohman vände den nedåtgående trenden. Den nye partiledaren drev både en skarp kritik mot den socialdemokratiska regeringen och medverkade till en borgerlig samling. Exempelvis hävdade Gösta Bohman i boken "Tankar om mitt Sverige" att socialdemokratin övergivit Per Albin Hanssons samarbetspolitik för en konfrontativ vänsterlinje.

Men den moderata profileringen kombinerades samtidigt med ett ökat borgerligt samarbete. 1971 kunde de tre borgerliga partiledarna för moderaterna, centerpartiet och folkpartiet för första gången någonsin ge en gemensam presskonferens.

Satsningen gav resultat. Valet 1973 slutade i 175 mandat för vardera blocket och det som kallats jämviktsriksdagen. Viktiga frågor fick avgöras med hjälp av lottdragning.

Valet 1976 resulterade i en borgerlig majoritet i riksdagen för första gången på 44 år och centerpartisten Thorbjörn Fälldins regering bildades, där moderaterna fick poster som ekonomiminister och försvarsminister.

Regeringen föll 1978 på kärnkraftsfrågan, där Moderaterna och Folkpartiet var för en fortsatt utbyggnad och centern emot. Folkpartiet bildade egen minoritetsregering utan Moderaterna och Centerpartiet. Regeringsbildare blev folkpartiets partiledare Ola Ullsten. Moderaterna såg regeringen Ullsten som ett svek mot trepartiöverenskommelsen och röstade mot. I det efterkommande valet 1979 fick det borgerliga blocket återigen majoritet. Moderaterna gjorde ett succéval och ökade från 15,6 till 20,3 procent, det bästa resultatet sedan 1932.

Gösta Bohmans ideologiska profil kom under hans partiledarskap att gradvis bli allt mer liberalt profilerad. I ett klassiskt tal som Bohman höll i Uppsala 1980 talade han om "en liberal revolt":

Talet kom att tillsammans med andra ideologiska förskjutningar inom moderaterna att stimulera en diskussion om partiet här övergav sin konservativa hållning för liberalismen. Den officiella partibeteckningen är dock sedan denna tid "liberalkonservatism".

En lösning på energipolitiken gjorde att Torbjörn Fälldin åter kunde bilda en ny trepartiregering. Men även denna föll våren 1981 på skattefrågan när moderaterna lämnade i protest mot en skatteuppgörelse som de övriga borgerliga partierna träffat med socialdemokraterna under "den underbara natten". Samma år avgick Gösta Bohman och lämnade över partiledarskapet till Ulf Adelsohn.

1981–2002: Ny ideologi och moderater vid makten

Under 1980-talet var Moderaternas politik påverkad av marknadsliberala idéer inom ekonomi-, närings- och skattepolitik.

Ulf Adelsohn, som hade en bakgrund som finansborgarråd i Stockholm, valdes till partiledare för Moderaterna år 1981. Vid riksdagsvalet 1982 fick partiet 23,6 procent av rösterna - det högsta valresultatet sedan år 1928. Trots detta återtog Socialdemokraterna regeringsmakten. Efter förlustvalet 1985 avgick Adelsohn som partiledare 1986 och ersattes av Carl Bildt.

Riksdagsvalet år 1988 blev ingen framgång för partiet. Inför nästa val år 1991 bildade Moderaterna en allians med Folkpartiet under parollen "Ny start för Sverige". Valresultatet var med 21,9 procent Moderaternas näst bästa sedan andra världskriget och Carl Bildt bildade en borgerlig fyrpartiregering. Efter två förlustval, 1994 och 1998 avgick Bildt som partiledare.

Han efterträddes av Bo Lundgren, som hade varit finansminister i Carl Bildts fyrpartiregering mellan åren 1991–1994. Efter katastrofvalet 2002 ledde Lundgren en förnyelse av partiet där stora delar av de äldre medarbetarna byttes ut mot en yngre generation. Dåliga opinionssiffror fick Lundgren att avgå som partiledare år 2003. Han ersattes av Fredrik Reinfeldt.

2002–2014: "Katastrofvalet", Reinfeldt och Nya moderaterna

Partiet gjorde ett katastrofval 2002: där de endast fick 15,26 procent i riksdagsvalet.
Partiordföranden Bo Lundgren avgick i april 2003 och efterträddes av Fredrik Reinfeldt oktober samma år. Partiet lanserade de "nya moderaterna" på partiets arbetsstämma 2005 i Örebro, och partiet sade sig fokusera på frågorna:

 "Det skall löna sig att arbeta"
 "Satsningar på välfärden", främst skola, vård och omsorg
 "Nolltolerans mot brott"

Moderaterna ledde ett fördjupat borgerligt samarbete inför det kommande riksdagsvalet och skapade tillsammans med de tre andra borgerliga riksdagspartierna Allians för Sverige. Moderaterna fick 26,23 procent av rösterna i riksdagsvalet 2006; partiets bästa valresultat sedan 1928.

Moderaterna nådde majoritet i riksdagen tillsammans med övriga partier i högerkoalitionen och Fredrik Reinfeldt blev statsminister i spetsen av en regering (Regeringen Reinfeldt), där moderaterna besatte hälften av ministerposterna.

Ministeraffären vid tillsättandet av regeringen Reinfeldt 2006 inträffade den första veckan i då ett antal statsråd blev anklagade för att inte ha betalat tv-licens, ha anlitat svart arbetskraft och att ha ägnat sig åt avancerad skatteplanering. Detta ledde till att såväl handelsminister Maria Borelius som kulturminister Cecilia Stegö Chilò avgick ur regeringen.

I valet till Europaparlamentet den 7 juni 2009 erhöll Moderaterna 18,83 procent av rösterna. Detta var en knapp ökning i förhållande till Europaparlamentsvalet 2004 då partiet fick 18,25 procent, men en minskning jämfört med 2006 års riksdagsval.

Efter riksdagsvalet 2006 rasade Moderaterna i opinionen. Mellan 2006 och 2008 fick Moderaterna konstant ungefär 20–24 procent i opinionsmätningarna. Åren 2009–2010 gick Moderaterna kraftigt fram i opinionen (främst på de mindre borgerliga partiernas bekostnad), med kulmen under sommaren 2010 då partiet i de flesta mätningar befann sig över 30-procentsgränsen.

I riksdagsvalet 2010 fick Moderaterna 30,06 procent av rösterna och gick därmed fram med 3,83 procentenheter jämfört med valet 2006. Valresultatet var det högsta för Moderaterna i ett riksdagsval sedan den allmänna rösträttens införande 1921. Trots att övriga borgerliga partiers backade, förblev högerblocket det största i riksdagen, dock utan majoritet. De rödgröna backade som helhet och fick 43,60 procent. Den förlorade borgerliga riksdagsmajoriteten berodde främst på att Sverigedemokraterna fick 20 mandat i riksdagen. Regeringen Reinfeldt fortsatte efter valet som minoritetsregering.

2014–: "AKB" och Kristersson

Riksdagsvalet 2014 blev ett nederlag för Moderaterna som fick 23,2 procent av rösterna. Efter att alliansen med Moderaterna i spetsen förlorat makten meddelade både Fredrik Reinfeldt och Anders Borg att de lämnar sina poster.

Den 9 december 2014 föreslog valberedningen Anna Kinberg Batra till ny partiledare för Moderaterna, inför extrastämman. Den 10 januari 2015 valdes hon, och blev därmed den första kvinnliga partiledaren för Moderaterna.

Den 1 oktober 2017 valdes Ulf Kristersson till ny partiledare av partistämman, efter att Anna Kinberg Batra uttalat att hon inte längre ville leda partiet.I riksdagsvalet 2018 tappade Moderaterna ytterligare och fick 19,8 procent av rösterna. Efter en lång och uppslitande process för att bilda regering drog Ulf Kristersson och Moderaterna till slut det kortaste strået och fick se Alliansen splittras då Centerpartiet och Liberalerna valde att hellre stödja Stefan Löfven än Ulf Kristersson som ny statsminister.
Efter valet 2018 fokuserade Moderaterna arbetet på att vara ett aktivt oppositionsparti och på att vidareutveckla politiken. En arbetsgrupp tillsattes 1 april 2019 för att ta fram ett nytt idéprogram. I arbetsgruppen ingick bland andra Christofer Fjellner och Alice Teodorescu. Det nya förslaget till idéprogram presenterades hösten 2020.

Schematisk namn- och organisationshistorik

Riksorganisationens namnhistorik
 1904–1938: Allmänna valmansförbundet
 1938–1952/1969: Högerns riksorganisation
 1952–1969: Högerpartiet
 1969–: Moderata samlingspartiet

Under Reinfeldts tid som partiledare användes ofta beteckningen "nya moderaterna" i partiets kampanjmaterial och från och med valet 2014 står det bara "Moderaterna" på partiets valsedlar, men det formella namnet på partiet är fortfarande Moderata samlingspartiet.

Schematisk organisationshistorik för nuvarande Moderata samlingspartiet

Ingen organisationsförändring gjordes i samband med enkammarriksdagens införande 1970, eftersom riksdagsgruppen redan var gemensam i de båda kamrar som hade funnits fram till dess.

Ideologi
Moderata samlingspartiets ideologi är officiellt liberalkonservatism. Partiet är positivt till marknadsekonomi och kapitalism, och menar att frihet möjliggörs via åtgärder såsom sänkta skatter, privatiseringar och avregleringar. Möjligheten till val av leverantör av varor och tjänster är enligt partiet viktig; detta skall gå hand i hand med en minskad offentlig sektor och ett minskat statligt ägande, liksom minskat engagemang i samhällsekonomin.

Alltsedan bildandet har Moderaterna influerats av liberalism. Under 1980-talet fick partiet en allt mer marknadsliberal framtoning, något som jämte den ursprungligt konservativa värdegrunden låg till grund för partiets nu officiella ideologi liberalkonservatism.

När Fredrik Reinfeldt övertog ledarrollen i Moderaterna lanserades Nya Moderaterna och partiet sade sig närma sig den politiska mitten. Moderaterna upplevde stora framgångar under Reinfeldts ledarskap och med två mandatperioder där Reinfeldt var statsminister fick ideologin prövas i praktiken. Efter åtta år vid regeringsmakten började dock uppstickarpartiet Sverigedemokraterna att vinna terräng med en mer konservativ och mer invandringskritisk agenda. Det ledde till ett väljartapp för Moderaterna i valet 2014, förlorad regeringsmakt och Fredrik Reinfeldts avgång. När Anna Kinberg Batra tog över efter Reinfeldt hösten 2014 påbörjades att arbete med en valanalys och vidareutveckling av politiken. Redan år 2017 avgick dock Anna Kinberg Batra efter uppslitande diskussioner om partiets ideologi och relation till Sverigedemokraterna.

När Ulf Kristersson tog över efter Anna Kinberg Batra inleddes en tydligare kursändring tillbaka till rötterna där partinamnet Nya Moderaterna fick ge vika för en återgång till Moderaterna inklusive den gamla loggan med Moderaternas bekanta M. Under våren 2019 tillsattes en arbetsgrupp inom Moderaterna som skulle ta fram förslag på ett nytt idéprogram. Hösten 2020 presenterades förslaget till nytt idéprogram där liberalkonservatism nu fått en tydligare roll som partiets ideologiska bas.

Sidoorganisationer, nätverk inom partiet och närstående organisationer
Moderata ungdomsförbundet (MUF) med underorganisationen Moderat skolungdom (MSU), och Moderata Studenter (MST).
Fria Moderata Studentförbundet (FMSF) är en fristående organisation som har personella kopplingar till partiet.
Moderata Samlingspartiets Seniorer (MSS)
Moderatkvinnorna
Öppna Moderater - Moderaternas HBTQ-förbund
Borgerligt alternativ är en nomineringsgrupp för vilken många moderater kandiderar i val till Svenska kyrkans beslutande organ.
Jarl Hjalmarsonstiftelsen är en fristående stiftelse som fungerar som moderaternas kanal för demokratibistånd.
Medborgarskolan är ett studieförbund med band till Moderaterna.
I Europaparlamentet ingår partiet i Europeiska folkpartiets grupp (kristdemokrater).
Moderater i utlandet är ett nätverk för partiets sympatisörer utomlands, utsett av Moderaternas partistyrelse 2016. Nätverket har ett tiotal föreningar runt om i hela världen.
Företagarrådet är Moderaternas företagarråd, där moderater och lokala företagare tillsammans jobbar för ett bättre företagsklimat. 2017 fanns över 110 företagarråd runt om i Sverige. Rådet inrättades av Moderaternas partistyrelse under 2016.

Moderata eller liberala ledarsidor
Moderata samlingspartiet äger tidningen Medborgaren. Det finns också ett antal tidningar som inte ägs av partiet men betecknar sig som moderata, obundna moderata eller oavhängiga moderata, alternativt liberala.

Valresultat

Riksdagsval

Resultat i riksdagsval per kommun

Not: Till och med 1968 andrakammarval.

Landstingssval
Not: Från och med 1919 även stadsfullmäktigeval (1922–1935 elektorsval) i städer som ej ingick i landsting. Från 1970 exklusive landstingsfria kommuner.

Kommunalval

Europaparlamentsval

Kyrkoval
 Val till kyrkomötet

Anm. Före 2001 tillsattes mandaten i kyrkomötet genom indirekt valsätt. Valresultat från 2013 avser nomineringsgruppen Borgerligt alternativ.

Framträdande partiföreträdare

Konservativa eller moderata statsministrar
 Christian Lundeberg (1905)
 Arvid Lindman       (1906–1911 och 1928–1930)
 Hjalmar Hammarskjöld       (1914–1917, formellt partilös)
 Carl Swartz         (1917)
 Ernst Trygger       (1923–1924)
 Carl Bildt          (1991–1994)
 Fredrik Reinfeldt   (2006–2014)
 Ulf Kristersson     (2022– )

Partiledare och vice partiledare

Partiledare för Moderaterna 1970– framåt

Gruppledare i riksdagen
Fram till 1991 var ofta partiledaren samtidigt gruppledare, om han inte var minister.

Gruppledare i riksdagen sedan 1971
 Gösta Bohman:                                1971–1976   (första gången)
 Bertil af Ugglas:                            1976–1977
 Bertil Lidgard:                              1977–1981
 Gösta Bohman:                                1981–1982   (andra gången)
 Ulf Adelsohn:                                1982–1986
 Carl Bildt:                                  1986–1991
 Lars Tobisson:                               1991–1999
 Per Unckel:                                  1999–2002
 Fredrik Reinfeldt:                           2002–2003
 Mikael Odenberg:                             2003–2006
 Lars Lindblad:                               2006–2010
 Anna Kinberg Batra:                          2010–2015
 Jessica Polfjärd:                            2015–2017
 Tobias Billström:                            2017–2022
Mattias Karlsson:  2022–

Vice gruppledare i riksdagen sedan 1971
 Margareta Pålsson: 2008–2012
 Tomas Tobé: 2012–2015
 Hans Wallmark: 2015–2020
 Jessika Roswall: 2020–2022

Gruppledare i Europaparlamentet
 Staffan Burenstam Linder 1995–2000
 Charlotte Cederschiöld 2000–2004
 Gunnar Hökmark 2004–2019
 Tomas Tobé 2019–

Riksombudsmän, 1909–1965
 Gustaf Gustafsson: 1909–1913
 Karl Hammarberg:                             1913–1915
 Jonas Folcker:                               1915–1920
 Lennart Kolmodin:                            1920–1949
 Nils Hellström:                              1949–1965

Partisekreterare sedan 1949
 Gunnar Svärd:                                1949–1961
 Yngve Holmberg:                              1961–1965
 Sam Nilsson:                                 1965–1969
 Bertil af Ugglas:                            1969–1974
 Lars Tobisson:                               1974–1981
 Georg Danell:                                1981–1986
 Per Unckel:                                  1986–1991
 Gunnar Hökmark:                              1991–1999
 Johnny Magnusson:                            1999–2003
 Sven-Otto Littorin:                          2003–2006
 Per Schlingmann:                             2006–2010
 Sofia Arkelsten:                             2010–2012
 Kent Persson: 2012–2015
 Tomas Tobé:                                  2015–2017
 Anders Edholm:                               2017–2017
 Gunnar Strömmer:                             2017–2022
 Karin Enström:                               2022–

Partistyrelse (nuvarande)
 Ulf Kristersson, 2017–, partiordförande sen 2017
 Elisabeth Svantesson, 2015–, 1:e vice partiordförande sen 2019
 Anna Tenje, 2015–, 2:e vice partiordförande sen 2019
 Christofer Fjellner, 2007–
 Johan Forssell, 2019–
 Linda Frohm, 2015–
 Mats Green, 2019–
 Lars Holmin, 2019–
 Stina Höök, 2019–
 Katarina Jonsson, 2015–
 Iréne Svenonius, 2019–
 Torbjörn Tegnhammar, 2019–
 Hans Wallmark, 2002–

 Matilda Ekeblad (MUF), 2020–
 Josefin Malmqvist (MQ), 2019–
 Margareta Pålsson (MSS), 2017–
 Kim Nilsson (ÖM), 2019–

Nuvarande talespersoner
 Elisabeth Svantesson, ekonomisk-politisk talesperson, gruppledare & ordförande i Finansutskottet
 Mats Green, arbetsmarknadspolitisk talesperson, gruppledare & andre vice ordförande i Arbetsmarknadsutskottet
 Lars Hjälmered, näringspolitisk talesperson, gruppledare & ordförande i Näringsutskottet
 Louise Meijer, miljö- och klimatpolitisk talesperson, gruppledare & andre vice ordförande i Miljö- och jordbruksutskottet
 Camilla Waltersson Grönvall, socialpolitisk talesperson, gruppledare & ledamot i Socialutskottet
 Kristina Axén Olin, utbildningspolitisk talesperson, gruppledare & andre vice ordförande i Utbildningsutskottet
 Johan Forssell, rättspolitisk talesperson, gruppledare & ledamot i Justitieutskottet
 Lotta Finstorp, kulturpolitisk talesperson, gruppledare & andre vice ordförande i Kulturutskottet Hans Wallmark, utrikespolitisk talesperson, gruppledare & ordförande i Utrikesutskottet Karin Enström, konstitutionspolitisk talesperson, gruppledare & ledamot i Konstitutionsutskottet Maria Malmer Stenergard, migrations- och socialförsäkringspolitisk talesperson, gruppledare & ordförande i Socialförsäkringsutskottet Carl-Oskar Bohlin, bostadspolitisk talesperson, gruppledare & ledamot i civilutskottet Pål Jonson, försvarspolitisk talesperson, gruppledare & ordförande i Försvarsutskottet Niklas Wykman, skattepolitisk talesperson, gruppledare & andre vice ordförande i Skatteutskottet>
 Maria Stockhaus, trafik- och digitaliseringspolitisk talesperson, gruppledare & ledamot i Trafikutskottet Jessika Roswall, EU-politisk talesperson, gruppledare & andre vice ordförande i EU-nämndenKälla: Moderaterna byter talespersoner 2019-12-10

 Andra kända moderater Se även Svenska moderater.''

Kommentarer

Referenser

Vidare läsning

Externa länkar

 Moderata samlingspartiet – officiell webbplats
 Moderaternas handlingsprogram

Liberala partier i Sverige
Liberalkonservativa partier
Partier representerade i kyrkomötet
Verksamheter i Gamla stan
Wikipedia:Projekt neutralitet

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


We hope you enjoy this edition of OLE Nepal Newsletter, a bi-monthly email newsletter from Open Learning Exchange (OLE) Nepal. It provides current news and information about the organisation and its activities and will keep you up to date with OLE Nepal's work to provide high quality education for children in Nepal.
As reported in previous newsletters, the OLPC program was launched in three schools in the remote district of Doti as a joint effort by OLE Nepal and UN World Food Programme in April 2011. Just like in neighboring Dadeldhura district, these schools are bene#ciaries of Food for Education on (FFE) program launched by WFP in partnership with the Government of Nepal to address the acute food scarcity in these remote locations.
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The sun is rising slowly over the mountain.
I have been studying English for years.
Look at the hanging curtain.
Look at the curtain hanging in the living room.
We kept standing for two hours.
Don't leave the baby crying.
It is the duty for the living to worship the dead.
Dead and dying were lying around there after the battle.
Sleeping well is necessary for the health.
You cannot call watching TV on a sofa studying.
He is proud of being honest.
I don't feel like writing a letter in English today.
When I opened the door, I felt something wrong.
Opening the door, I felt something wrong.
Arriving at the station, he found that the train had already started.
→(副詞節)When he arrived at the staition, he found that the train had already started.
Not knowing what to say, I fell panicked.
→(副詞節)As I did not know what to say, I fell panicked.
Turning to the left, you will find the grocery store.
→(副詞節)If you turn to the left, you will find the grocery store.
Granting this to be true, we still cannot explain it.
→(副詞節)Though we grant this to be true, we still cannot explain it.
She stood by the window, smiling at her baby in her arms.
→(等位節)She stood by the window, and smiled at her baby in her arms.
There will be an open-air concert, wheather parmitting.
Strict speaking, this usage is not grammatical.