text:
• Gallup Poll: Americans Want All or Most Abortions Illegal
• Pro-Life Governor Tim Pawlenty Seeks GOP Nomination for 2012
• Obama Admin May Target Indiana Law De-Funding Planned Parenthood
• Catholics Must Reject Pro-Abortion Obama in 2012 Election
• Aborting Imperfection: Abortions on Disabled Babies are Dead Wrong
• Reflecting on Baby Joseph: Families Must Fight When Doctors Don t
• Governor Mitch Daniels of Indiana: Not Running for President
• The Gipper Got it Right: Pro-Life Ronald Reagan on Abortion
• Notre Dame Trustee Makes Donations to Pro-Abortion Group
• New Jersey Votes for Planned Parenthood Funds, Not Veto-Proof
• Herman Cain Makes Republican Presidential Run Official
• Nebraska Sends Pro-Life Webcam Abortion Ban Bill to Governor
• Outlawing Abortion: Making the Case for an Incremental Approach
• Abortion Funding Battle Continues 20 Years After Rust v. Sullivan
---> Is your pro-life group or pregnancy center looking for an affordable speaker? Need a speaker for a conference, convention, church presentation or on short notice? Consider LifeNews.com Editor Steven Ertelt. Email us for details.
Gallup Poll: Americans Want All or Most Abortions Illegal
Gallup released its annual abortion poll today showing Americans want all or most abortions made illegal and saying they believe abortion to be morally wrong, but the poll found Americans split on what they call their abortion position.
The Gallup polling firm conducted a national survey from May 5-8 with a random sample of 1,018 adults, aged 18 and older from across the nation. The poll has a 4 percentage point margin of error.
By a 24 percent margin, 61-37 percent, Americans take the pro-life view that abortions should either be legal under no circumstances or legal only under a few circumstances. Although Gallup doesn t specify those few circumstances, polling data has consistently shown that, when asked about cases such as rape, incest, or the life of the mother, a majority of Americans want all or almost all abortions made illegal leaving only life of the mother or rape and incest as the exceptions.
Americans are rather conservative in their stance on abortion, with 61% now preferring that abortion be legal in only a few circumstances or no circumstances. By contrast, 37% want abortion legal in all or most circumstances, Gallup analyst Lydia Saad writes. Over the past two decades, Americans have consistently leaned toward believing abortion should be legal in only a few or no circumstances, although less so in the mid-1990s than since about 1997, when combined support for these has averaged close to 60%.
In fact, Gallup polling shows that, since 1994, a majority of Americans have held a pro-life view wanting all or almost all abortions made illegal and that pro-life view has strengthened with an average of 60 percent of Americans saying that over the years.
Breaking down those numbers further, Gallup finds that pro-life view as seen across the board with 60 percent of women and 61 percent of men saying they want all or almost all abortions illegal. Women actually take a stronger pro-life view than men with 24 percent of American women wanting all abortions made illegal and 36 percent wanting almost all illegal, compared with 19 percent of men who want to ban all abortions and 42 percent of men who want to prohibit almost all.
By age, Americans also oppose abortions with 59 percent of people aged 18-34, 58 percent of those 35-54 and 64 percent of those over the age of 55 saying all or almost all abortions should become illegal. Younger Americans are most supportive of making all abortions illegal, with 24 percent of 18-34 year-olds saying so and 35 percent saying they want abortions legal only in a few circumstances. http://www.lifenews.com/2011/05/23/gallup-poll-americans-want-all-or-most-abortions-illegal/
Pro-Life Governor Tim Pawlenty Seeks GOP Nomination for 2012
Tim Pawlenty, the former Republican governor of Minnesota and a pro-life advocate, made his presidential campaign official today with an announcement speech an rally in Iowa, the site of the first votes in the GOP campaign.
Pawlenty has spared no punches over the last few months as he s prepared for the official announcement to seek the GOP nod to take on pro-abortion President Barack Obama and today s speech was no exception.
We live in the greatest country the world has ever known. But, as we all know, America is in big trouble, and it won t get fixed if we keep going down the same path. If we want a new and better direction, we need a new and better President, he said. President Obama s policies have failed. But more than that, he won t even tell us the truth about what it s really going to take to get out of the mess we re in. I m going to take a different approach. I am going to tell you the truth.
We ve tried Barack Obama s way and his way has failed. Three years into his term, we re no longer just running out of money. We re running out of time. It s time for new leadership. It s time for a new approach. And, it s time for America s president and anyone who wants to be president to look you in the eye and tell you the truth, Pawlenty added.
But the fiscally and socially conservative former governor, state legislator and city elected official also outlined a positive view of the future reminding some conservative columnists of Ronald Reagan.
Pawlenty said: No president deserves to win an election by dividing the American people picking winners and losers, protecting his own party s spending and cutting only the other guys ; pitting classes, and ethnicities, and generations against each other. The truth is, we re all in this together. So we need to work to get out of this mess together. I ll unite our party and unite our nation, because to solve a fourteen-trillion-dollar problem, we re going to need three hundred million people. http://www.lifenews.com/2011/05/23/pro-life-governor-tim-pawlenty-seeks-gop-nomination-for-2012/
Obama Admin May Target Indiana Law De-Funding Planned Parenthood
Not content that its friends at Planned Parenthood are losing out on taxpayer funds in Indiana, the Obama administration is considering challenging the law, which the state is already enforcing.
Governor Mitch Daniels signed the law, which would cut off anywhere from $2 million to $3 million the Planned Parenthood abortion business receives in federal funds via the Indiana government through Medicaid.
The law also contains several pro-life provisions that directly affect abortion, such as banning abortions after 20 weeks of pregnancy based on fetal pain. The legislation also contains provisions to end all state-directed funding for businesses that do abortions, to protect pain-capable unborn children beginning at 20 weeks, to opt-out of abortion coverage in any state health exchanges required under the new federal health law, to require that women considering abortion be given full, factual information in writing, and to require doctors who do abortions, or their designees, to maintain local hospital admitting privileges in order to streamline access to emergency care for women injured by abortion.
Planned Parenthood challenged the constitutionality of the law and filed a lawsuit in U.S. District Court in Indianapolis yesterday just hours after Daniels signed the legislation into law. It alleges the law would violate contracts already in place between it and the state and that it forces Planned Parenthood to choose between doing abortions and getting taxpayer funding.
However, Judge Tanya Walton Pratt declined to issue the injunction while she takes more time to analyze the legal issues involved in the lawsuit. That type of decision is usually an indicator that the judge will eventually issue a ruling against the party bringing the lawsuit.
Now, the New York Times reports the Obama administration may exercise its right to federal review of the law, because of the changes to Medicaid, and Obama official told the newspaper the administration will not approve the changes as adopted by Indiana. Although federal officials have 90 days to challenge the new law, the Obama administration may move sooner because of the current enforcement of it. The challenge may come in the form of partially or totally withholding federal Medicaid money from Indiana and threatening to do so often makes states comply. Of course, if the Obama administration follows through on the threat, it would hurt the poor Indiana residents the Medicaid program is designed to help. http://www.lifenews.com/2011/05/23/obama-admin-may-target-indiana-law-de-funding-planned-parenthood/
Catholics Must Reject Pro-Abortion Obama in 2012 Election
During the 2008 campaign, Sister Anita Baird, the director of the Archdiocese of Chicago s Office of Racial Justice, described then Senator Obama as pro-choice, but not pro-abortion. Granted, she was put in the impossible position of having to defend Obama apologist Fr. Michael Pfleger s repeated public endorsements of Obama, but that is no excuse.
The approximately 13 million African Americans aborted since Roe v. Wade could not be reached for comment when the Archdiocese s Racial Justice Lifetime Achievement award was bestowed upon Fr. Pfleger last year.
Father Ffleger has now been suspended by Cardinal George, and Obama has earned the reputation as the most pro-abortion president in history.
Though the claim that Obama is just pro-choice was never defensible, even Sister Baird will never use it again after Obama s staff promised that he would veto H.R. 3, the No Taxpayer Funding for Abortion Act.
The historic bill, already passed in the House, seeks to close accounting and other loopholes in existing laws, allowing the tax dollars of American citizens, including all Catholics, from going to abortion providers. http://www.lifenews.com/2011/05/22/catholics-must-reject-pro-abortion-obama-in-2012-election/
Aborting Imperfection: Abortions on Disabled Babies are Dead Wrong
Reading this sickens me. My own son was born severely premature and ended up with the diagnosis of autism. He was on medications, oxygen, etc. when he came home from the hospital four months later after surgeries and fears including blindness, palsy, mental retardation. We didn t know what we d end up with. For that matter, we still don t know our son s ultimate path.
You might think that makes me condemn this family for their decision to abort their baby. No. I m too crushed to cast stones.
Their decision to abort is utterly, completely, and frightfully hopeless. There is no room for God. There is no room for hope. There is no room for the expansion of human frailty. And by frailty, I m not talking about the disabled child, I m talking about the parents their selfishness, weakness, limitations of spirit. By aborting him, they ll never fully know what they re capable of as people.
I think about my own walk parenting my son. The limitations, I can assure you, are mine, not his. My humor, my patience, my vision, my work-ethic are non-stop challenged and unfortunately, I fall short embarrassingly often.
Just when I think I m going to lose it, there s a break-through. I ve had to expand beyond my pathetic, small, inwardness. My judgmental nature? Well, it s still there, but the wings have been clipped. Cavalier condemnation, so easy for someone who has had the bramble-free path, that s gone by the wayside, mostly. Thankfully. http://www.lifenews.com/2011/05/23/aborting-imperfection-abortions-on-disabled-babies-are-dead-wrong/
Reflecting on Baby Joseph: Families Must Fight When Doctors Don t
In the early hours of Holy Thursday, 2011, as Churches were preparing and in some parts of the world already celebrating the Mass of the Lord s Supper and the washing of the feet, Baby Joseph was flown from St Louis, where he has been treated since I brought him there in mid-March, to his home in Windsor, Canada.
As the Church prepared to celebrate the day when the Lord gave us the command to love one another, Baby Joseph s parents and older brother were enjoying the fruit of the hard fight that their love inspired. They fought to help their baby breathe and bring him home. Canadian medical and government authorities had resisted, trying to impose their own value judgment on his life.
Now, however, he was home, and the Priests for Life Family, including tens of thousands of people who sent emails to the Canadian authorities, is delighted to have helped.
Our mission to save Baby Joseph and help his family was never based on any prediction of the future, but rather on the value of his life here and now. Our critics, on the other hand, looking into the crystal ball that right to die advocates seem to always think they have, claimed our intervention was futile because Joseph would only end up having a machine do his breathing for him. http://www.lifenews.com/2011/05/23/reflecting-on-baby-joseph-families-must-fight-when-doctors-dont/
Governor Mitch Daniels of Indiana: Not Running for President
Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels surprised the political world wit a surprise weekend announcement that he will not run for the Republican nomination for president after approximately a year of speculation he would run.
Saying his wife and daughters were not interested in being subjected to the media spotlight and attention that comes with a presidential campaign and potential life in the White House, Daniels said I will not be a candidate, in a statement he sent to the Indianapolis Star newspaper very lat Saturday night.
What could have been a complicated decision was in the end very simple, Daniels said in a statement to the Indianapolis Star. On matters affecting us all, our family constitution gives a veto to the women s caucus, and there is no override provision. Simply put, I find myself caught between two duties. I love my country; I love my family more.
The counsel and encouragement I received from important citizens like you caused me to think very deeply about becoming a national candidate. In the end, I was able to resolve every competing consideration but one, but that, the interests and wishes of my family, is the most important consideration of all. If I have disappointed you, I will always be sorry, he told supporters in an email afterwards. http://www.lifenews.com/2011/05/22/governor-mitch-daniels-of-indiana-not-running-for-president/
The Gipper Got it Right: Pro-Life Ronald Reagan on Abortion
A few weeks ago a friend sent me something he thought I would enjoy reading something that had been published nearly 30 years ago by Ronald Reagan. I found it so moving, I wanted to share it with BreakPoint listeners. http://www.lifenews.com/2011/05/22/the-gipper-got-it-right-pro-life-ronald-reagan-on-abortion/
Notre Dame Trustee Makes Donations to Pro-Abortion Group
The University of Notre Dame can t seem to get itself out of hot water with pro-life advocates as, a Catholic educational watchdog, indicates one of its Board of Trustee members have given substantial donations to a radical pro-abortion group. http://www.lifenews.com/2011/05/23/notre-dame-trustee-makes-donations-to-pro-abortion-group/
New Jersey Votes for Planned Parenthood Funds, Not Veto-Proof
The New Jersey state Senate today voted to restore funding to the Planned Parenthood abortion business, but the vote came up one short of having enough to override an expected veto from pro-life Gov. Chris Christie. http://www.lifenews.com/2011/05/23/new-jersey-votes-for-planned-parenthood-funds-not-veto-proof/
Herman Cain Makes Republican Presidential Run Official
Businessman Herman Cain made his bid for the Republican nomination for president official today with an announcement and campaign rally at Olympic Park in Atlanta, Georgia, his home state. http://www.lifenews.com/2011/05/21/herman-cain-makes-republican-presidential-run-official/
Nebraska Sends Pro-Life Webcam Abortion Ban Bill to Governor
The Nebraska state legislature put the finishing touches on a bill that would prohibit Planned Parenthood and abortion businesses from giving women the dangerous abortion drug without an in-person visit with a physician. http://www.lifenews.com/2011/05/23/nebraska-sends-pro-life-webcam-abortion-ban-bill-to-governor/
Outlawing Abortion: Making the Case for an Incremental Approach
There is a discussion on FB about Texas passing a sonogram bill that does not protect certain groups of preborn babies, such as those conceived in rape, incest, or those with fetal anomalies. My friend Juda Myers is a pro-life warrior who was conceived in rape, and is understandably let down by these exceptions. http://www.lifenews.com/2011/05/23/outlawing-abortion-making-the-case-for-an-incremental-approach/
Abortion Funding Battle Continues 20 Years After Rust v. Sullivan
On May 23, 1991, the U.S. Supreme Court issued its opinion in the case Rust v. Sullivan, which upheld federal regulations prohibiting federal funds appropriated under Title X from being used to counsel on behalf of or refer women for an abortion as a method of family planning. Thus, we celebrate its 20th Anniversary this week. http://www.lifenews.com/2011/05/23/abortion-funding-battle-continues-20-years-after-rust-v-sullivan/
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Dennis Priebe is a Seventh-day Adventist minister, with 50 years experience as a pastor, a teacher, and seminar speaker. Eleven years were spent as a college professor at Pacific Union College, and 30 years as a seminar speaker for Amazing Facts. He has been married for 50 years to Kay, and they have one son, Matthew. Over 900 seminars have been held in churches and schools around the U.S. He has written several books and booklets, with many audio and video tapes on these topics. His one desire is to prepare people for what he believes to be the very soon return of Jesus to this world.
"JESUS IS COMING - BUT WHEN?"
Dennis Priebe
Is Jesus really coming soon? Christians have been saying so for over 140 years, but life goes on as usual, with wars, famine, poverty, violence, deadly diseases, and space travel taking the headlines of our daily news. No headline has yet reported the sighting of Jesus Christ with hosts of angels on the horizon. Are Christians chasing an elusive dream? Are the millions of people around the world who call Christianity the opiate of the masses really right?
My family and I have dedicated our ministry to the proposition that Christians have not been deluded in believing that Jesus is returning to this planet very soon. We believe that, in spite of the daily newspaper headlines, His return could be sooner than anyone really thinks. Yes, we are fully aware that life seems to go on with few changes from year to year. But we share a conviction that the reason Jesus hasn't returned yet is not due to a failure in God's promises, but to a failure on the part of people who call themselves Christians to demonstrate what true Christianity really is.
Jesus has been waiting many years to finish the horrors of sin on this planet, but His people have been insubordinate. They have called themselves by His name, but they have shown the character of Satan all too frequently. They have been angry, jealous, proud, bitter, depressed, self-righteous, legalistic, careless, and backbiting far too often, and those watching have not seen very much of the character of Christ revealed through them. In short, Christians have been insubordinate to their Master, and have succeeded in delaying His return for many years. The plan of salvation cannot come to a final conclusion until Christians who live in the end-time demonstrate by their daily lives what allegiance to Christ really means. Loving obedience is the rarest of jewels and the watching universe needs to see if it is really possible on a mass basis.
Although the work of evangelism is vitally important to Christianity and must be carried on with all possible energy, evangelism alone will not bring us to the second coming of Christ. Newborn Christians must become mature Christians, for only mature Christians can demonstrate the loving obedience of mature Christianity. Only mature Christians will be able to stand rock-solid for God when Satan turns loose his full arsenal of weapons against God's people.
Amazing Facts has properly emphasized the work of evangelism for over 30 years, and will continue to do so in the future, but those responsible for guiding this organization have seen the need for another aspect to the work of Amazing Facts. My family and I have joined Amazing Facts to help it achieve the goal of nurturing newborn Christians into mature Christianity. Our ministry is directed primarily toward those who have already made their commitment to Christ, but who want to grow into the fullest possible relationship with Him.
We accept invitations from Adventist churches across the United States for weekend or week-long series on the subject of righteousness by faith. It is our deep conviction that the only way God's people will ever fulfill their divine commission of preparing the way so that Jesus can return is through a clear understanding and a corresponding experience of the total gospel of Christ our Savior.
As is usual in matters of such importance, Satan has succeeded in confusing minds by introducing counterfeit versions of the gospel. To prevent any final demonstration of the glory and power of God in sinful human beings, Satan has caused honest, sincere Christians to believe many false versions of the gospel of Christ. He has caused some to think that the cross of Christ makes obedience unnecessary; that Christians need only accept forgiveness and rejoice in their salvation, while neglecting God's holy law and its requirements. He has caused others to think they must perform innumerable acts to prove they are good enough for heaven. By these and other false gospels, Satan has succeeded all too well in burying the true gospel under the moldering mounds of tradition.
As we hold revival seminars in churches around the United States, we attempt to expose some of these false gospels, so that God's people will have a clearer understanding of true righteousness by faith. However, just to understand the gospel correctly is not enough. Mature Christians must learn to live the gospel, so that the whole world will witness the miracle of loving, obedient Christians demonstrating what the way of Christ really is.
Yes, Jesus will be coming soon, if God's professed followers stop only playing church, and instead turn every bit of their energy toward preparing a highway in the desert so the King of Kings may ride through His suffering planet.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Die politischen Grenzen von Amtsenthebungsverfahren: Lektionen aus Lateinamerika
GIGA Focus Lateinamerika
Nummer 4 | 2021 | ISSN: 1862-3573
Mariana Llanos und Leiv Marsteintredet
In präsidentiellen Demokratien sind Amtsenthebungsverfahren ein wichtiger Mechanismus zur Kontrolle der exekutiven Befugnisse. Es handelt sich dabei um ein verfassungskonformes Instrument, machthungrige Präsidentinnen und Präsidenten, die die Demokratie gefährden, Gesetze brechen, in Korruption oder andere skandalöse Verhaltensweisen involviert sind, aus dem Amt zu entfernen. Allein die Existenz dieses Kontrollmechanismus kann Fehlverhalten Einhalt gebieten. Jüngste Beispiele in Lateinamerika zeigen aber auch, dass Amtsenthebungsverfahren die Tür für parteipolitische Interessen und Opportunismus öffnen können.
Ein Amtsenthebungsverfahren stellt für Präsidentinnen und Präsidenten ohne parlamentarische Basis und Unterstützung eine reale Gefahr dar. Dort, wo diese aber über Mehrheiten verfügen, sind sie auch bei möglichem Fehlverhalten weitgehend davor geschützt.
Das Amtsenthebungsverfahren gegen die brasilianische Präsidentin Dilma Rousseff im Jahr 2016 führte zu einer allgemeinen Desillusionierung mit politischen Akteuren und ebnete so den Weg für die Präsidentschaft des rechten Populisten Jair Bolsonaro. Trotz zahlreicher und zunehmender Initiativen sowie durch parlamentarische Untersuchungen belegte schwerwiegende Vorwürfe entging Bolsonaro bisher einem Amtsenthebungsverfahren.
In Peru zeigt sich, dass die Amtsenthebung von Präsidenten im Kontext von politischer Polarisierung, Fragmentierung und anhaltender Instabilität ein ineffizientes und sogar kontraproduktives Instrument ist. Dies gilt vor allem, wenn das zugrundeliegende Problem tiefer und breiter als das Fehlverhalten des obersten Amtsträgers ist.
Selbst wenn die Amtsenthebung einen Präsidenten oder eine Präsidentin erfolgreich aus dem Amt entfernt, verfügen die ihnen nachfolgenden Vizepräsidenten oder Vizepräsidentinnen selten über ein ausreichend legitimes Mandat oder genügend politischen Rückhalt, um das Land aus der Krise zu führen. Insofern kann so ein Verfahren die Legitimität und Regierungsfähigkeit der Exekutive sogar eher verringern als vergrößern.
Externe Akteure wie die USA oder die Europäische Union müssen sich darüber im Klaren sein, dass Amtsenthebungsverfahren keine schnelle Lösung sind. Im Gegenteil – in einigen Fällen beruht ein solches Verfahren nicht auf politischem Fehlverhalten, sondern ist in tiefergehenden strukturellen Problemen der politischen Krise begründet. Externe Akteure müssen diese tiefergehende Krise dekodieren, die mit Problemen der Repräsentativität zusammenhängen kann. Auf dieser Grundlage sollten sie dann konstruktive Lösungen unterstützen, die vor allem die Rechenschaftspflicht politischer Akteure und Institutionen sowie responsive öffentliche Politik stärken.
Impeachment: A Solution, But Not for All Problems
Public disaffection with politics has recently reached new heights in Latin America. With the end of the commodity boom, economic hardship became the norm, triggering a wave of discontent and protests in 2019. Corruption scandals fed the trend, particularly since the scandal involving the construction company Odebrecht burst in Brazil and spread across the region, with negative repercussions against political and business elites. On top of that, the COVID-19 pandemic deepened economic privations and nurtured increasing public discontent and anti-political moods through exposés of corruption in contracts, privileges in vaccination processes, collapsed health systems, and a halted education for millions of youths and children.
The goals and targets of popular discontent in the region are often diffuse, disorganised, and vary from country to country, but an underlying motivation is a general dissatisfaction with the political system, politicians, and their performance. However, in presidential systems such as those that prevail across the region, the chief executive and the party in government often end up on centre stage and their dismissal through impeachment is conceived as a concrete measure to bring a country out of crisis. In recent years we have seen impeachment attempts – both unsuccessful, such as in Chile (December 2019), Paraguay (March 2021) and Peru (December 2017 and September 2020), and successful in Peru (November 2020), as well as two presidential resignations in Peru, the first connected to troublesome president-congress relations (March 2018), the second to popular protests (November 2020).
However, impeachments do not fit as a solution to all problems, and even if they could theoretically fit to many, in practice they often do not operate as the constitution dictates. Impeachments are constitutional provisions that act as in-between-election accountability mechanisms against presidential misconduct. Importantly, they are decided by congressional majorities, which entails the risk that they may turn to be "[…] regulated more by the comparative strength of parties than by the real demonstrations of innocence or guilt," as Alexander Hamilton, one of the Founding Fathers of the United States Constitution, wrote more than 200 years ago (Hamilton 1788).
There are three problems with presidential impeachment that have become visible in the last few years in Latin America. They can be summarised as follows.
First, the fact that presidents are judged by Congress makes it almost inevitable that impeachment processes became part of the tug of war of contending political forces. Although not entirely unavoidable, an impeachment loses legitimacy as a tool of accountability when politics, rather than arresting illegal behaviour, become the sole motivation for removing the president.
Second, an impeachment is a mechanism for removing one person from office; namely, the chief executive. If the problem to be solved is linked to that person alone, for example due to personal corrupt behaviour, an impeachment may do the trick. However, when the issue motivating an impeachment may be a general crisis of representation, dismissing the president is only a partial and inconclusive solution to a much wider and deeper problem, and may actually generate more instability down the line (Marsteintredet 2014).
Third, due to its strict requirements of super-majorities to pass, an impeachment may offer a president too much protection and thus eliminate the deterring effects of impeachment. This may be the case in a strongly polarised polity – such as the US was with Donald Trump – or when a president enjoys a strong partisan backing that offers him/her an effective political shield (Pérez-Liñán 2007), such as in Brazil under the Temer presidency.
Two recent country cases illustrate the limits attached to the use of this instrument in Latin America. In Peru, two presidents have been impeached in connection to factionalism and political instability rather than illegal behaviour. In Brazil, the threat of impeachment has been an ineffective tool to stop criminal behaviour from the top executive.
The Peruvian Congress in Action – Too Much Impeachment and Too Few Solutions
In Peru, the presidential period that started in July 2016 and ended July 2021 had a rough start and only became more complicated as time passed. Brazil and Peru have been the countries hardest hit by the COVID-19 pandemic, leading the region in deaths per capita. Despite solid and relatively stable economic growth since 2000, public trust in politicians and political institutions in Peru has been extremely low. In 2016, 84 per cent of Peruvians thought that the country was run by a powerful group for its own benefit (Latinobarómetro 2016). That same year, a mere 16.5 per cent had some or a lot of trust in Congress, and 18.7 per cent showed the same level of trust in the government. In 2018, however, the percentage of trust in Congress and the government fell to only 8 per cent and 7 per cent, respectively (Latinobarómetro 2018). If there was a crisis of representation in 2016 when Pedro Pablo Kuczynski (also known as PPK) of the centre-right was elected, this crisis had severely worsened only two years later. Self-serving politicians, corruption, and impeachments tell part of that story.
PPK became president after defeating the populist right-wing candidate Keiko Fujimori by a tight 50.1–49.9 per cent in the run-off. However, Fujimori and her Fuerza Popular party obtained the undisputed leadership of the unicameral legislature of 130 members with a two-thirds majority, while PPK's party only won 18 seats. PPK and Fujimori were not far apart ideologically, but the fierce opposition led by Fuerza Popular quickly escalated the tensions between the executive and Congress and led to a tug of war driven by short-term interests. Just a few months after inauguration, PPK's administration was embedded in corruption allegations and the president suffered sharp drops in popularity, even though corruption allegations actually affected the wide political spectrum, including Keiko Fujimori and several former presidents. Fuerza Popular took advantage of the weakened president and used its institutional strength to obstruct legislation, to censure the government's ministers, and to bring down the cabinet in September 2017. Eventually, institutional stalemate escalated into claims for presidential removal on grounds of corruption.
In December 2017, a congressional investigation produced testimonies linking Kuczynski to a bribery scheme with the Brazilian company Odebrecht, and Congress proceeded to accuse him of "permanent moral incapacity." The impeachment attempt failed, however, after PPK signed a deal with Keiko's estranged brother, Kenji Fujimori, leading to the abstention of ten deputies aligned with Kenji. The contents of the deal became evident a few days later, when the president pardoned former president Alberto Fujimori (1990–2000), provoking public outrage and denunciations from human rights organisations. However, the president could only briefly benefit from struggles between the Fujimori siblings and the ad-hoc deal he had made with Kenji. While the president further weakened in opinion polls, Congress investigations produced new revelations (but weak evidence) suggesting that the deal that the president had made with Kenji Fujimori was based on bribery. These revelations sealed PPK's fate and led to his resignation in March 2018, a few days before a decisive second impeachment would have thrown him out.
The case against PPK remembers the impeachment against Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff in the sense that the evidence was weak, and if anything, evidence of corruption was stronger against several of the accusers in the legislature than against the president. Removing the president on shaky grounds demonstrated the extent to which politicians put their self-interest above that of the political regime. While the removal of PPK may have satisfied some of the protestors in the streets, it did little to address the crisis of representation that affected the country. In addition, PPK's successor, Vice-President Martín Vizcarra, who himself had been accused of corruption in relation to the construction of an airfield, inherited the same difficult political situation – an overwhelming opposing majority in Congress and did not receive any mandate to govern.
In fact, Vizcarra also faced continued stalemate and undertook some bold actions that made him popular but did not save him from impeachment. He took advantage of a corruption scandal revealed by an investigative journalism portal, this time involving members of the judicial and legislative branches and launched far-reaching anti-corruption reforms. Expecting resistance, he appealed directly to the public proposing a referendum on the issue. In the short run, his move paid off with rising popularity ratings and success at the referendum in which voters approved the three questions he had proposed (restructuring the discredited council of magistrates, tightening restrictions on political party financing, and ending congressional re-election) and decisively rejected the one he opposed (restoring a bicameral legislature). In the long run, Vizcarra's anti-corruption drive would lead to a tug of war with Congress. The escalation eventually led to a controversial dissolution of Congress, which the Constitutional Tribunal accepted in a four-to-three vote. Subsequent congressional elections reduced disruptive Fuerza Popular to only 15 seats but returned a highly fragmented Congress with new or fringe parties and the displacement of the more established ones. Vizcarra maintained his popularity, paradoxically in part because he himself did not belong to any political party.
Despite a referendum and a new congressional composition in the midst of the pandemic conflicts and stalemate continued. In September 2020, President Vizcarra faced the first (failed) impeachment attempt to be eventually removed by a second one with a 105–16 vote on 9 November under accusations of corruption during his time as governor in Moquegua. In turn, his successor, Manuel Merino, who was the president of the Congress and a main driver for the impeachment, was forced to resign after only a few days as president as the impeachment of the still-popular Vizcarra created a public outrage and the largest demonstrations in many years.
In short, in the five years since 2016, Congress made several attempts and in fact impeached two presidents, a third president resigned after popular protests, and Congress was controversially dissolved and newly elected. If anything, executive-legislative conflicts such as these have deepened public distrust, which should come as no surprise since an impeachment serves to hold a person, the president, to account. Further, these Peruvian impeachments have been weak in arguing for executive misconduct, which effectively converts them into votes of no confidence. However, a vote of no confidence coming from a distrusted Congress will not be accepted as a solution to any crisis.
The 2016–2021 presidential period ended with another close presidential election, one that was only officially concluded a month and a half after the day of the runoff. Voters were pushed to choose between two extreme candidates: left-wing candidate Pedro Castillo and right-wing Keiko Fujimori. Fujimori, who again lost by a very narrow margin, claimed that the election was illegitimate and the result of ballot rigging. Thus, following Trump's "fraud playbook" and accompanied by the established elites in Lima, Fujimori put democracy in a grave crisis, one that resembled her father's self-coup ("autogolpe") in 1992. The prospects for President Castillo, who assumed power without previous political experience and is extremely weak in Congress, are certainly not easy, with the ghosts of recent presidential instability looming on the horizon.
The Brazilian Congress in Action – Yet No Impeachment
In his third year in the presidency, Brazil's Jair Bolsonaro hardly needs any introduction. A former army captain and long-term backbencher in the Brazilian Congress, Bolsonaro was always a questioned figure due to his anti-establishment stance, disrespect for democratic institutions, and open defence of past dictatorships. Over the past year and a half, his negationist and anti-scientific approach to the COVID-19 pandemic has made international headlines. Bolsonaro's denialism not only left the anti-pandemic measures in the hands of other governmental institutions (namely, Congress and local authorities) but also actively contradicted containment measures that they pursued, such as social distancing, and even promoted unproven remedies, such as hydroxychloroquine. Bolsonaro's denialist position has been so open and his actions so coherent that it is difficult to separate any assessment of the pandemic from the president's responsibility. The numbers are not in his favour: Brazil's official death toll recently passed 550,000, a sad top to the list of pandemic-related scandals that intensified with the passing of time.
From an early stage, presidential actions and omissions spurred a number of impeachment requests against the president. In March 2020, when the pandemic burst globally, Bolsonaro was in a power struggle with Congress over control of a portion of the executive's budget and had called for demonstrations across the country in his support. (Gatherings prompted by the president later occurred several times as well, despite the pandemic getting more serious.) That initial action already motivated two dozen impeachment requests that qualified the president's denialism as "crime against public health" and his attacks on democratic institutions among the "crimes of responsibility" foreseen by the law regulating impeachment processes. By July 2021, the number of impeachment requests had reached 130. Even a super-petition for presidential impeachment had been submitted by an extended group of social movements and political parties in the left at the end of June, one that contemplated 23 crimes, a collection of presidential faults.
It is not uncommon for Brazilian legislators and citizens to submit impeachment requests to reveal the government's incompetence and wrongdoings (Llanos and Pérez-Liñán 2020). Before Bolsonaro, Dilma Rousseff was the president facing the highest number (a total of 68). Although most impeachment requests are destined to die in Congress, the alignment of citizen and partisan initiatives in time and frequency has been crucial for the outcome of past impeachment processes in Brazil. In the two successful impeachments of presidents Collor de Melo (1990–1992) and Rousseff (2014–2016), citizens' requests had skyrocketed and those of legislators had followed suit.
Indeed, although there seems to be sufficient ground to initiate impeachment proceedings against Bolsonaro, there has been no impeachment yet. Politics matter here. The president, who came to power sustaining an anti-political sentiment as well as promises to end entrenched corruption in politics, initially refused to form the government coalitions with congressional parties that had been the rule under previous presidents. Instead, Bolsonaro mainly invited technocrats, military officers, and radical politicians. However, when things began to get complicated, he changed course. In January 2021, with a death toll exceeding 212,000 people and a succession of COVID-related scandals, such as the shortage of oxygen and a consequent surge of deaths in Manaus, which closely pointed to the president's and his health minister's errors, the calls for presidential impeachment were revived. Bolsonaro understood that he needed to tighten his leverage in Congress and thus secured the presidencies of the two chambers and further political support from the centrão, a fluid group of opportunistic and power-hungry congressional parties. He achieved this through generous handing out of pork funds and ministerial positions, openly contradicting his electoral promises.
Through the congressional alliance the president has been avoiding impeachment: the president of the Chamber of Deputies – a centrão ally – is a key gatekeeper in the launching of such a process. However, this informal legislative alliance is unstable and Congress has other institutional instruments that may impact on the political chessboard as well. Despite Bolsonaro's attempts, he was ultimately unable to suppress the creation of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry (CPI) at the Federal Senate. Since April of 2021, this initiative of oppositional minorities has investigated the mishandling and omissions by the federal executive in the management of the pandemic. With televised hearings, the commission's works have been followed like a reality show from Brazilian homes, and they have triggered some unexpected outcomes for the president. In late June, the inquiry heard explosive allegations of corrupt dealings involving the procurement of COVID-19 vaccines by the health ministry, on which Bolsonaro had failed to act despite having been alerted. These allegations set a dividing line in the inquiry process because they compromised Bolsonaro's anti-corruption image, a crucial element of his electoral victory in 2018. Public outrage triggered mass anti-Bolsonaro demonstrations, demanding impeachment. A Supreme Court justice authorised that the attorney general's office opened an investigation into Bolsonaro's role in the vaccine corruption scheme.
There is precedent for the suggestion that parliamentary inquiry may have important consequences. In 1992, the swift and efficient work of such a commission compelled people to protest in the streets and eventually legislators to impeach President Collor de Mello (Cheibub 2010). Of course, legislators have always an eye on the public and their electoral prospects, and Bolsonaro's support has declined (to 25 per cent in opinion polls) but still not collapsed as in previous successful impeachments. All in all, the CPI's works (as well as a potential trial in Congress) will give a sense of accountability to the citizens and some relief to those who suffered the government's misdeeds in the fight against COVID-19. However, the outcome is dependent on the evolution of the president's relation with opportunist allies in congress, with which Bolsonaro is still broking deals. As time passes, the likelihood that the president will be dismissed diminishes because the stage begins to be set for the presidential electoral contest in October 2022. However, with the threat of impeachment in the background, electoral politics will remain polarised, and Brazilians will face the two old alternatives: Bolsonaro's re-election vs. the return of ex-President Lula, Bolsonaro's hated opponent, to power.
Impeachments and Public Disaffection
Public disaffection with politics in general has been present in Latin America for a while. In 2006, Mainwaring, Bejarano, and Pizarro Leongómez analysed The Crisis of Democratic Representation in the Andes, and if anything, the crisis of representation, including that of political parties, has deepened and broadened beyond the Andean cases in recent years. The Journal of Democracy has dedicated its latest issue to the ongoing troubles of democracy in Latin America, labelling the issue: "Latin America erupts." There are many ways in which this disaffection has expressed itself: low turn-out in elections, reduced confidence in established political parties, increased political fragmentation, outsider or extreme candidates becoming popular and winning elections. As the cases of Peru and Brazil presented in these pages show, political fragmentation and extreme candidates often come together, as these are the only ones who manage to prevail or call attention among the general discredited and the exaggerated number of political offers. Impeachment is often the other side of the coin because, against this background, clashes between president and congress are not surprising.
Over the past four decades, 24 Latin American presidents have been dismissed from office prematurely. These presidential interruptions or presidential breakdowns (Llanos and Marsteintredet 2010) refer to presidents who have failed to complete their constitutionally fixed terms, often due to serious developments in the economy, social mobilisations, and political scandals. Legislators were decisive in at least ten of these episodes, as indicated in the table below. Presidents Collor de Mello, Pérez, Cubas, Lugo, Pérez Molina, Rousseff, Kuczynski, and Vizcarra were dismissed through impeachments or resigned when impeachment was becoming imminent. Presidents Bucaram, and Gutiérrez, both in Ecuador, were dismissed through impeachment-like procedures on grounds of incapacity and abandonment of post.
The first impeachments in the 1990s were viewed more positively than those today. Fernando Collor de Melo of Brazil, for example, was an outsider and neo-liberal populist, leading his country with a unilateral style in the midst of an economic turmoil. He ended up being investigated by Congress, isolated, and dismissed for corruption. This institutionalised process of presidential removal in Brazil contrasted with other coexisting ways of removing presidents, such as insurrections and coups (the second row in the table). The military did not play the role it had in the past in these presidential falls, but coups were a decisive part for the removal of Presidents Mahuad, Zelaya, and Morales. By comparison, impeachment was assessed as a mechanism leading to democratic consolidation and accountability (Marsteintredet and Berntzen 2008).
However, the most recent practice, which became apparent with the 24-hour express impeachment of President Fernando Lugo in Paraguay in 2012, shows impeachments operating in a way that does not seem to correspond to the letter and spirit of the constitution (Marsteintredet, Llanos, and Nolte 2013). On one hand, when impeachments are solely used with partisan motivation, they lose their legitimacy as a tool of accountability. They do not bring political stability either, as caretakers may be disliked or even rejected by people. The one-week tenure of Merino, successor of Vizcarra in 2020 in Peru, is reminiscent of the highly unstable days of December 2001 in Argentina, when President Rodríguez Saá, elected by Congress to succeed the failing President de la Rúa, had to resign within a week amid popular rage. On the other hand, when impeachment is on the table for good reasons, such as the incumbent being bedevilled by political scandals and misconduct, it still can fail as a reliever of the critical situation if the president controls a substantial share of legislative seats that protects him/her from any threat.
Thus, public disaffection can directly or indirectly lead to impeachments, but impeachment processes may feed such disaffection when they are unable to provide the expected answers. Since 2020, the pandemic has revealed layers of popular complaints, some of them in connection with the poor and corrupt performance of governments and chief executives, others with long-term state incapacities to provide basic services. If properly used, impeachments could help to keep the executive accountable, although they would be insufficient as an instrument when the whole political system is being questioned.
This year, Latin Americans took the streets again in several countries, such as Brazil, Colombia, Cuba, and Guatemala, to express their discontent and even anger for various reasons, and often demanding the president's resignation or impeachment. It is the task of observers and external actors, such as the United States or the European Union, to decode the underlying causes of each crisis and address it supporting constructive solutions that emphasise the accountability of political actors and institutions as well as responsive public policies.
Cheibub, Argelina (2010), The Collor Impeachment and Presidential Government in Brazil, in: Mariana Llanos and Leiv Marsteintredet (eds), Presidential Breakdowns in Latin America, New York: Palgrave.
Hamilton, Alexander (1788), Federalist No. 65, in: The [New York] Independent Journal, 8 March.
Latinobarómetro (2016) and (2018), Informe, Corporación Latinobarómetro.
Llanos, Mariana, and Leiv Marsteintredet (eds) (2010), Presidential Breakdowns in Latin America, New York: Palgrave.
Llanos, Mariana, and Aníbal Pérez-Liñán (2020), Oversight or Representation? Public Opinion and Impeachment Resolutions in Argentina and Brazil, in: Legislative Studies Quarterly, 46, 2, May, 357–389.
Mainwaring, Scott, Ana María Bejarano, and Eduardo Pizarro Leongómez (2006), The Crisis of Democratic Representation in the Andes, Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Marsteintredet, Leiv (2014), Explaining Variation of Executive Instability in Presidential Regimes: Presidential Interruptions in Latin America, in: International Political Science Review, 35, 2, 173–194.
Marsteintredet, Leiv, and Einar Berntzen (2008), Reducing the Perils of Presidentialism in Latin America through Presidential Interruptions, in: Comparative Politics, 41, 1, 83–101.
Marsteintredet, Leiv, Mariana Llanos, and Detlef Nolte (2013), Paraguay and the Politics of Impeachment, in: Journal of Democracy, October, 24, 4, 110–123.
Pérez-Liñán, Anibal (2007), Presidential Impeachment and the New Political Instability in Latin America, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Gesamtredaktion GIGA Focus
Lead Research Fellow / Gesamtredaktion GIGA Focus Redaktion GIGA Focus Global
Redaktion GIGA Focus Lateinamerika
Prof. Dr. Bert Hoffmann
Lead Research Fellow / Leitung GIGA Berlin Büro Redaktion GIGA Focus Lateinamerika
Lektorat GIGA Focus Lateinamerika
Christine Berg
Petra Brandt
Prof. Dr. Mariana Llanos
Lead Research Fellow / Leitung FSP 1
T. +49 (0)40 - 428 25-766mariana.llanos@giga-hamburg.de
Prof. Dr. Leiv Marsteintredet
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Tag: madison street bus rapid transit
Ben Zamora selected to create a permanent public artwork for Madison Bus Rapid Transit Corridor
The Office of Arts & Culture, (ARTS) in partnership with Seattle Department of Transportation (SDOT), has selected Seattle artist Ben Zamora to create a permanent, site-specific artwork along the Madison Street Bus Rapid Transit route.
"I am excited about this opportunity to create a new artwork that will serve as a vibrant focal point resonating with energy of a city in constant change and movement," Says Zamora. "I hope this new work will reflect the spirit and identity of this community, serve as a beacon from afar and an interactive experience up close."
The Madison Street Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) service will provide fast, frequent, reliable, and safe public transportation between First Avenue in downtown Seattle and Martin Luther King Jr Way. The new route will serve densely developed neighborhoods and feature a redesigned streetscape as well as new state-of-the-art electric trolley buses. Throughout 2017, The artist will participate in a variety of outreach and community conversations to develop a proposed design. Construction is scheduled to being in early 2018.
Zamora is best known for his light-based artwork and earned a MFA from University of Washington in 2005. He has created large-scale installations and sculptures for Art Basel/Design Miami, Kunsthalle Krems in Austria, Salle Pleyel in Paris, the Getty Villa in Los Angeles, and the Frye Art Museum, as well as a number of other galleries, museums, private art collections, and public art projects including the Seattle Office of Arts & Culture.
The artwork is being funded through SDOT and Move Seattle Levy 1% for Arts Funds.
Photo: BEN ZAMORA, IMAGE 10 & 11, NEVER FINISHED, 2014, Seattle, Washington. Photo credit: Mark Woods. Dimensions: 20' x 50' x 15'
Description: Created as a companion piece to THROUGH HOLLOW LANDS (Frye Art Museum, 2012). A Lilienthal/Zamora project. 300 suspended fluorescent tubes move from the gallery's wood planked floor and ascent toward the open beam ceiling, expanding and imploding. Black and white tubes create the movement.
Posted on 01/09/2017 Author Erika LindsayCategories UncategorizedTags ben zamora, madison street bus rapid transit, move seattle levy, Public Art, Seattle Department of Transportation


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Hastings Park 1942
New Denver Sanatorium
Momiji Gardens
The Buildings
The Plaques
Surviving in the Livestock Building
Illness in the Livestock Building
Rollerland
The Forum and Garden Auditorium
Words & Images
Through Artists' Eyes
Hastings Park Stories
Reverend Yoshio Ono's Diary
Contact Us & Credits
Sign Unveiling – April 26, 2015
Japanese Canadian Hastings Park Commemoration and Education Project
By Judy Hanazawa
In the spring of 2010 the City of Vancouver organized a series of community public consultation events to provide information about the Hastings Park Redevelopment Project Master Plan and to invite members of the public to give feedback regarding this project. Japanese Canadian community organizations and individuals met with Hastings Park Master Planner Dave Hutch on August 27, 2010 to discuss community interest in establishing interpretive information about the wartime detention of Japanese Canadians in Hastings Park. A steering committee was established and officially communicated these concerns to Mayor Gregor Robertson in a letter dated October 5, 2010. In that letter and in a subsequent presentation to City Council on December 2, 2010, our main points of concern were stated as follows:
Despite past acknowledgment of Japanese Canadian history in Hastings Park evident in projects such as the Momiji Garden and the presence of the Parks Canada commemorative plaque about the Japanese Canadian Internment, the experience of Japanese Canadians in Hastings Park continues to be largely unknown to the general public;
Community concern that the Parks Canada 'Internment' plaque should be moved to a more prominent and visible location;
The need to take steps before more community elders pass on to further develop, provide, and maintain public education and knowledge about Japanese Canadian history in Hastings Park. There needs to be clear, widely visible commemorative and educational presentations in key, historic Hastings Park places, regarding our Hastings Park history;
People must know about and not forget the detention of Japanese Canadians at Hastings Park and our community's subsequent internment and dispersal between 1942 and 1949 so that such a thing will never again happen to anyone else;
We feel our project concerning our historic relationship with Hastings Park serves everyone's interest and not only that of Japanese Canadians.
What is the Japanese Canadian Hastings Park Commemorative and Educational Project?
There are four phases of educational presentations proposed between 2012 to 2017. They are:
Phase One - 2012
The first phase consisted of the relocation of the 1989 Parks Canada Japanese Canadian Internment Plaque to a prominent, visible location near the stone wall atop Momiji Garden, facing Hastings and Renfrew. The Vancouver Heritage Foundation Places That Matter Livestock Building Plaque was also mounted at the heritage entrance to the Livestock Building. The project was celebrated with a commemorative event at Hastings Park on December 1, 2012.
Phase Two - 2013 to 2015
The second phased consisted of mounting interpretive signage and developing a related website about the wartime Japanese Canadian detention in Hastings Park at the four remaining detention buildings: Livestock Building, Garden Auditorium, the Forum, and Rollerland. The Hastings Park Redevelopment Project through the City of Vancouver provided partial funding for the interpretive signage for the Livestock Building. Additional funding was provided by the BC Arts Council, the City of Vancouver, the National Association of Japanese Canadians, the Greater Vancouver Japanese Canadian Citizens Association and the Nikkei National Museum & Cultural Centre. The Museum researched and developed the project with Director-Curator Beth Carter as Project Coordinator. The Project Committee continued to play a key, community-based role in overseeing the development of project concept and design, and to ensure interpretive presentations and other educational aspects present the lived experience and voice of Japanese Canadians.
Phase Three - 2015 to 2016
The committee wishes to explore the development of an indoor Interpretive Centre about the history of Japanese Canadians in Hastings Park in the Livestock Building as this building undergoes its renovation and upgrading. The parameters of this project are currently being discussed as we are aware it will require extensive project planning, community input and fundraising. Our vision for this project includes a commemorative naming of Hastings Park Detainees.
Phase Four - 2015 to 2017
Developing a Japanese Canadian commemorative presentation which would integrate with post 2014 improvements to Momiji Garden and surrounding area – including the possibility of erecting a Japanese Canadian commemorative gate near the site.
Project Guidelines:
It is important when a community's historic experience is presented for public education, to make sure the lived experiences and stories of the people can be accurately presented, in their own words;
The purpose of presenting stories of injustice is so the information becomes common public knowledge, is not forgotten, and acts as a deterrent to prevent further injustices from being inflicted upon any other community;
It encourages knowledge and understanding about Japanese Canadian history which can be shared between immigrant and Canadian born Japanese Canadians, as well as between the generations in our community.
Contact Us and Credits
Sign Unveiling, April 26, 2015
They took me to a stall, a stall for animals, and there was this young mother. She couldn't understand English... She was crying and crying; she was beside herself, in a panic. They had taken her kids from her... It was like she was all alone in the world. – Shoichi Matsushita


The Christian Brothers franchise cost is between $458,950 and $555,350, with 82-83% of the investment typically financed over a 10-year period using Small Business Administration (SBA) loans. That allows franchisees to start the business with the initial liquid capital of just $85,000 and a net worth of at least $250,000.
If you've seen how large and nice Christian Brothers locations are, that might seem shockingly low. Here's why it's possible: Christian Brothers is a truly invested in your business. We make a significant upfront investment to help find an exceptional location and build a beautiful building that projects the permanence and professionalism that Christian Brothers offers customers. We shoulder those startup costs so we can make it possible for more great people to achieve business ownership.
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"How Do I Finance My Auto Service Franchise?"
There are any number of different ways you can finance one of the Christian Brothers auto repair franchise opportunities. Most new owners finance their Christian Brothers Automotive business through Small Business Administration (SBA) loans, which banks readily provide to franchisees thanks to Christian Brothers' perfect track record of repayment.
Christian Brothers Automotive has been ranked the No.1 top-performing franchise by the Coleman Report, which runs an annual report showing the SBA default rate for different franchises. Christian Brothers Automotive is among a handful of franchises that has never had a franchisee default on an SBA loan.
Christian Brothers Automotive franchisees are generally able to obtain a loan for about 82-83% of the cost of their business. In a typical case, the owner's initial investment is $85,000 with an SBA loan amount between $380,000 and $468,000 for 10 years.
Have more questions about financing one of our auto service franchises? Reach out to our friendly support team today.
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Yes, I would like to be contacted via text.
"They have a lot of honesty and integrity, and that extends not only to the way they treat customers, but the way they treat franchisees and the way that employees are treated, too."
"How would you treat that customer if it was your mom, or your grandmother? You'd take care of them the right way. That's really what we fall on, and we trust God for the results."
"These are very knowledgeable guys who are really proud of their work, and when we bring a customer into the garage to explain a repair to them, and they get to see the customer who they are helping, it makes a difference. Plus, we really are a family ..."


text:
May—21—2018 12:15PM EST
We haven't learned anything about what the internet is for since 1996
In 1996, the Wall Street Journal published "The Year On The Net," a nostalgia-inducing microsite intended to explain the mysterious complexities of the World Wide Web to the average joe. Wired's Louise Matsakis resurfaced the site on Twitter, which features a FAQ section on "The Internet" that's all too soberingly relatable: "Do I Have Privacy On-Line?" it asks. "Are My Kids Safe? How Do I Make Money?" It's been nearly 22 years since this guide's creation, and we're still asking the same questions. The answers don't seem to have changed much either.
WSJ / The Year On The Net
All of the linked response pages have countless quotes and quips that could have easily come from some 2018-era thinkpiece on the state of the web. "While you sign on to the Internet and blithely zap and receive electronic mail, visit Web sites and bare your soul in on-line discussion groups, you are increasingly being watched and tracked," wrote Gautam Naik in response to a question on privacy. "But the disturbing thing for privacy-seekers isn't just that you're on file on the Web. It's also that every move you make on the Internet can be followed, and the information gathered can be used against you."
It's almost as if you could chuck it into any article about Cambridge Analytica, Facebook, Google, or, honestly, any other large tech company from the last two decades? Somehow, the 1996-era guide only gets more eerie from there. "How Can I Find My Way?" the FAQ continues. "Is This Going to Get Easier? What Are They Talking About?" Then, of course, comes the kicker: "Do I Really Need to Do This?"
It's a great question, especially for this modern hellscape we're stuck in. When faced with Jordan Peterson, the so-called "Intellectual Dark Web," Kanye tweets (also just tweets in general, tbh), incels, Pizzagate, whatever the hell The Storm is, cryptocurrency scammers, Cambridge Analytica, and everything else, what other response is there than: "Do I Really Need to Do This?"
Another great day to be online.


Part 3 of our 4-part Survival Challenge series sees us continue to battle hunger and energy levels as we enter our third day without a significant meal. Basic chores like collecting firewood are diminishing our energy resources but are too important to skip. We continue to adjust our approach to finding food with no immediate results at first.
If you're interested in a complete breakdown of the actual survival kit I took on this challenge, head over and check out this playlist on YouTube.