text:
Search for: "Dakota, Minnesota " Results 41 - 60 of 2,144
Materials in Competing State/Tribal Court Actions in North Dakota Oil Transport Contract Controversies
26 Aug 2014, 10:32 am by Matthew L.M. Fletcher
In the most recent Bench & Bar (Minnesota State Bar Journal) article "Boomtown: Risks and Rewards in the Peace Garden State," Kristin Rowell writes about her experiences in litigating contract claims in both Fort Berthold Tribal Court and North Dakota's Montrail County District Court where the courts reach opposition conclusions on the same legal question. [read post]
Turtle Talk - http://turtletalk.wordpress.com/
BIRCHFIELD vs. NORTH DAKOTA
24 Jun 2016, 6:06 am by Genaro Cortez
However, North Dakota and Minnesota take their DWI laws a step farther. [read post]
Cortez Law Blog - http://cortezlawblog.com
Minnesota Counties With The Most DUIs
28 Nov 2014, 8:47 am by Avery Appelman
Dakota County – 40 6. [read post]
MN Criminal Defense Blog - http://blog.aacriminallaw.com/
Minnesota Criminal Defense Law Blog - http://blog.aacriminallaw.com/
Not Why North Dakota, but How North Dakota?
1 Apr 2013, 9:34 pm by Buce
Say rather--if North Dakota has a successful state bank, why don't Minnesota and South Dakota, maybe Iowa and Wisconsin--why don't they have state banks too? [read post]
Underbelly: A Journal of Soft Information - http://underbelly-buce.blogspot.com/
Final Exit Network v. Minnesota - 1st Amendment Right to Advise Patients on How to Hasten Death
10 Dec 2018, 2:00 am by Thaddeus Mason Pope, JD, PhD
Rivas explained that a librarian who takes the book FINAL EXIT off the shelf and hands it to a patron would be guilty of assisted suicide in Minnesota (or at least in Dakota County). [read post]
Medical Futility - http://medicalfutility.blogspot.com/
South Dakota Voters Will Decide Initiated Measure 25 on November 6th
29 Oct 2018, 10:27 am by Kevin Kaufman
There are six states that border South Dakota, and of those six only Minnesota ($3.04) would have a higher cigarette tax per pack. [read post]
Tax Policy Blog - http://taxfoundation.org/blog/
Will I Qualify for North Dakota Medicaid for the Aged?
5 Jan 2017, 6:56 am by Leigia Rosales
The post Will I Qualify for North Dakota Medicaid for the Aged? [read post]
German Law Group Blog - http://www.germanlawgroup.com/
Minnesota Property Forfeiture
26 Jul 2017, 6:39 am by Avery Appelman
The Minnesota State Patrol accounted for the most forfeitures (1,039), followed by the Southeast Minnesota Narcotics and Gang Task Force (269) and the Dakota County Drug Task Force (232). [read post]
Minnesota Appeals Court to Hear Assisted Suicide Case against Final Exit Network
19 Jun 2013, 2:47 pm by Thaddeus Mason Pope, J.D., Ph.D.
In April, Dakota County, Minnesota Judge Karen Asphaug ruled that Minnesota's assisted suicide statute was unconstitutionally over-broad as applied in a criminal case against Final Exit Network and some of its members involved in the 2007 death of Doreen Dunn. [read post]
Show Me the Money: Minnesota, South Carolina, and South Dakota State Energy Programs Received $51.4 Million from the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA)
Here is a summary of how the monies will be used in Minnesota, South Carolina and South Dakota: Minnesota has been awarded $21.7 million in federal stimulus funds for retrofitting existing public buildings and homes, renewable energy and energy efficiency programs and to develop new training opportunities. [read post]
Renewable + Law - http://www.lawofrenewableenergy.com/
Minnesota Should Ban Cruel Rodeo Events
26 Apr 2012, 12:00 am
But, unfortunately, both events are legal in Minnesota, and they have found their way into local culture, especially in rural Dakota County. [read post]
Animal Legal Defense Fund Blog - http://aldf.org/blog/
Harsher Penalties Proposed for First Time DWI Offenders in North Dakota
10 Jan 2013, 4:18 am by Douglas Kans
North Dakota lawmakers are proposing new legislation regarding first-time DWI offenders and the severity of their penalties. [read post]
Kans Law Firm - http://www.kanslaw.com/blog
Minnesota Criminal Law Blog - http://www.kanslaw.com/blog/
South Dakota Aims to Increase Development of Wind Power
25 Mar 2013, 6:27 am by Thomas Braun
Iberdrola Renewables' recent analysis estimates that a $200 million wind project in South Dakota would be liable for $11.4 million in upfront taxes, compared to less than $1.5 million in North Dakota, Iowa, and Minnesota. [read post]
North Dakota's Sobriety Program An Effective DWI Deterrent?
11 Jul 2015, 6:08 pm by dougkans
The post North Dakota's Sobriety Program An Effective DWI Deterrent? [read post]
Kans Law Firm, LLC Blog - http://www.dwiminneapolislawyer.com/blog/
Can North Dakota Medicaid Planning Help at the Last Minute?
20 Sep 2016, 5:00 am by Leigia Rosales
Can North Dakota Medicaid Planning help at the last minute? [read post]
December 26, 1862 – Largest Mass Execution in U.S. History
On this date, 38 Dakota Indians were hanged in Minnesota in reprisal for the killing of white settlers in a war variously known as The Dakota War of 1862, the Sioux Uprising, the Dakota Uprising, the Sioux Outbreak of 1862, the Dakota Conflict, the U.S. [read post]
Driving in Dakota County? Put The Cell Phone Down
5 Apr 2017, 8:22 am by Avery Appelman
" Distracted Driving in Dakota County Distracted driving tickets in Minnesota aren't cheap. [read post]
Prev 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 … Next


If after you opt-in, you change your mind, you may withdraw your consent for us to contact you, for the continued collection, use or disclosure of your information, at anytime, by contacting us at sales@ngcrafts.com.
Currently, we use PayPal and Braintree payments to process all payments. Payment details do not go through us, but rather are processed entirely by PayPal and Braintree, and as such we do not and will not have access to any of your credit card, debit card, or PayPal login details.
If you would like to: access, correct, amend or delete any personal information we have about you, register a complaint, or simply want more information contact our Privacy Compliance Officer at sales@ngcrafts.com.


text:
Keywords: political re... (29 Results)
You are looking at 1-20 of 29 items
Keywords: political repression x
Edinburgh University Press (1)
Manchester University Press (1)
NYU Press (4)
University Press of Mississippi (1)
University of California Press (1)
University of Chicago Press (1)
University of North Carolina Press (2)
Yale University Press (4)
[[missing key: search-facet.tree.open-section]] Anthropology (1)
Anthropology, Theory and Practice (1)
[[missing key: search-facet.tree.open-section]] Film, Television and Radio (1)
[[missing key: search-facet.tree.open-section]] History (13)
African-American History (2)
American History: 20th Century (4)
Cultural History (1)
European Modern History (3)
Political History (1)
History of Religion (1)
Russian and Former Soviet Union History (1)
World Modern History (3)
[[missing key: search-facet.tree.open-section]] Law (5)
[[missing key: search-facet.tree.open-section]] Linguistics (1)
Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics (1)
[[missing key: search-facet.tree.open-section]] Literature (3)
African-American Literature (1)
20th-century and Contemporary Literature (1)
19th-century Literature and Romanticism (1)
[[missing key: search-facet.tree.open-section]] Music (1)
Ethnomusicology, World Music (1)
[[missing key: search-facet.tree.open-section]] Political Science (2)
American Politics (1)
[[missing key: search-facet.tree.open-section]] Public Health and Epidemiology (1)
Terror by Quota: State Security from Lenin to Stalin (an Archival Study)
Paul R. Gregory
10.12987/yale/9780300134254.001.0001
History, European Modern History
This analysis of the workings of Soviet state security organs under Lenin and Stalin addresses a series of questions that have long resisted satisfactory answers. Why did political repression affect ... More
This analysis of the workings of Soviet state security organs under Lenin and Stalin addresses a series of questions that have long resisted satisfactory answers. Why did political repression affect so many people, most of them ordinary citizens? Why did it come in waves or cycles? Why were economic and petty crimes regarded as political crimes? What was the reason for relying on extra-judicial tribunals? And what motivated the extreme harshness of punishments, including the widespread use of the death penalty? Through an approach that synthesizes history and economics, the author develops systematic explanations for the way terror was applied, how terror agents were recruited, how they carried out their jobs, and how they were motivated. The book draws on extensive, recently opened archives of the Gulag administration, the Politburo, and state security agencies themselves to illuminate terror and repression in the Soviet Union as well as dictatorships in other times and places.Less
Terror by Quota : State Security from Lenin to Stalin (an Archival Study)
This analysis of the workings of Soviet state security organs under Lenin and Stalin addresses a series of questions that have long resisted satisfactory answers. Why did political repression affect so many people, most of them ordinary citizens? Why did it come in waves or cycles? Why were economic and petty crimes regarded as political crimes? What was the reason for relying on extra-judicial tribunals? And what motivated the extreme harshness of punishments, including the widespread use of the death penalty? Through an approach that synthesizes history and economics, the author develops systematic explanations for the way terror was applied, how terror agents were recruited, how they carried out their jobs, and how they were motivated. The book draws on extensive, recently opened archives of the Gulag administration, the Politburo, and state security agencies themselves to illuminate terror and repression in the Soviet Union as well as dictatorships in other times and places.
Keywords: Soviet state, security organs, Lenin, Stalin, political repression, petty crimes, political crimes, extra-judicial tribunals, punishments, death penalty
The Dictator and Defense
Mark Harrison
in Guns and Rubles: The Defense Industry in the Stalinist State
This chapter examines Soviet Union leader Joseph Stalin's choices over military power and political repression as instruments for holding political power in the face of foreign and domestic threats. ... More
This chapter examines Soviet Union leader Joseph Stalin's choices over military power and political repression as instruments for holding political power in the face of foreign and domestic threats. It explains that Stalin wanted a large army and defense industry because he had many enemies, and used military power to counter both domestic and foreign threats. The chapter also mentions that in some years in the 1930s, Stalin responded to an unanticipated increase in perceived foreign threats by imposing a substantial excess burden of repression on Soviet society because rearmament, which was the more efficient response, was not immediately available.Less
This chapter examines Soviet Union leader Joseph Stalin's choices over military power and political repression as instruments for holding political power in the face of foreign and domestic threats. It explains that Stalin wanted a large army and defense industry because he had many enemies, and used military power to counter both domestic and foreign threats. The chapter also mentions that in some years in the 1930s, Stalin responded to an unanticipated increase in perceived foreign threats by imposing a substantial excess burden of repression on Soviet society because rearmament, which was the more efficient response, was not immediately available.
Keywords: Joseph Stalin, Soviet Union, military power, political repression, foreign threats, domestic threats, defense industry, rearmament
The Supreme Court and McCarthy-Era Repression: One Hundred Decisions
Robert M. Lichtman
Law, Legal History
This book provides a comprehensive history of the U.S. Supreme Court's decisions in "Communist" cases during the McCarthy era. The book shows the Court's vulnerability to public criticism and attacks ... More
This book provides a comprehensive history of the U.S. Supreme Court's decisions in "Communist" cases during the McCarthy era. The book shows the Court's vulnerability to public criticism and attacks by the elected branches during periods of political repression. The book describes every Communist-related decision of the era (none is omitted), placing them in the context of political events and revealing the range and intrusiveness of McCarthy-era repression. Demonstrating keen insight into the Supreme Court's inner workings and making extensive use of the justices' papers, the book examines the dynamics of the Court's changes in direction and the relationships and rivalries among its justices, including such towering figures as Hugo Black, Felix Frankfurter, Earl Warren, William O. Douglas, and William J. Brennan, Jr.Less
The Supreme Court and McCarthy-Era Repression : One Hundred Decisions
This book provides a comprehensive history of the U.S. Supreme Court's decisions in "Communist" cases during the McCarthy era. The book shows the Court's vulnerability to public criticism and attacks by the elected branches during periods of political repression. The book describes every Communist-related decision of the era (none is omitted), placing them in the context of political events and revealing the range and intrusiveness of McCarthy-era repression. Demonstrating keen insight into the Supreme Court's inner workings and making extensive use of the justices' papers, the book examines the dynamics of the Court's changes in direction and the relationships and rivalries among its justices, including such towering figures as Hugo Black, Felix Frankfurter, Earl Warren, William O. Douglas, and William J. Brennan, Jr.
Keywords: U.S. Supreme Court, McCarthy era, political repression, Communism, Hugo Black, Felix Frankfurter, Earl Warren, William O. Douglas, William J. Brennan Jr.
Alliances and Adversity
Kenneth Robert Janken
in The Wilmington Ten: Violence, Injustice, and the Rise of Black Politics in the 1970s
University of North Carolina Press
10.5149/northcarolina/9781469624839.003.0005
History, African-American History
Following the guilty verdict in the trial of the Wilmington Ten, a broad based movement developed in North Carolina, the larger United States, and the world to overturn the convictions on appeal and ... More
Following the guilty verdict in the trial of the Wilmington Ten, a broad based movement developed in North Carolina, the larger United States, and the world to overturn the convictions on appeal and set them free. The movement to free the Wilmington Ten in all its phases developed along multiple independent but intersecting paths. How interested parties along these paths, like the United Church of Christ, the Commission for Racial Justice, the National Alliance against Racist and Political Repression organized themselves and cooperated and competed tells us much about the African American political landscape in the 1970s. From community-, school-, and church-based associations to political parties built on leftist and nationalist lines to the quickening of a stratum of black elected officials, the manners in which the campaigns to free the Wilmington Ten unfolded reveal the ways power was accrued and spent and lost. This chapter discloses the efforts of many organizations in the movement to bring the Wilmington Ten before an international audience to pressure the United States government to free the Ten. The chapter also discusses the Wilmington Ten's continuing legal appeal, which continued to bring to light evidence of prosecutorial and government misconduct.Less
Following the guilty verdict in the trial of the Wilmington Ten, a broad based movement developed in North Carolina, the larger United States, and the world to overturn the convictions on appeal and set them free. The movement to free the Wilmington Ten in all its phases developed along multiple independent but intersecting paths. How interested parties along these paths, like the United Church of Christ, the Commission for Racial Justice, the National Alliance against Racist and Political Repression organized themselves and cooperated and competed tells us much about the African American political landscape in the 1970s. From community-, school-, and church-based associations to political parties built on leftist and nationalist lines to the quickening of a stratum of black elected officials, the manners in which the campaigns to free the Wilmington Ten unfolded reveal the ways power was accrued and spent and lost. This chapter discloses the efforts of many organizations in the movement to bring the Wilmington Ten before an international audience to pressure the United States government to free the Ten. The chapter also discusses the Wilmington Ten's continuing legal appeal, which continued to bring to light evidence of prosecutorial and government misconduct.
Keywords: United Church of Christ, Commission for Racial Justice, National Alliance against Racist and Political Repression, Wilmington Ten, prosecutorial misconduct, government misconduct
Assaultive Violence And War
James A. Mercy
in Social Injustice and Public Health
10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195171853.003.0017
Public Health and Epidemiology, Public Health, Epidemiology
This chapter addresses social injustice in relation to assaultive violence and war. It considers social injustice as a cause of violence and the influence of cultural forms of injustice, including ... More
This chapter addresses social injustice in relation to assaultive violence and war. It considers social injustice as a cause of violence and the influence of cultural forms of injustice, including hate-motivated violence, and gender inequality, and the influence of institutional forms of social injustice, including political repression and unfair distribution of justice. Boxes in the chapter describe the relationship between war and public health and also genocide. The chapter gives suggestions on what needs to be done, including increasing the cost of injustice, deconcentrating poverty, reducing social distance, redefining harmful cultural norms, and strengthening democratic institutions.Less
This chapter addresses social injustice in relation to assaultive violence and war. It considers social injustice as a cause of violence and the influence of cultural forms of injustice, including hate-motivated violence, and gender inequality, and the influence of institutional forms of social injustice, including political repression and unfair distribution of justice. Boxes in the chapter describe the relationship between war and public health and also genocide. The chapter gives suggestions on what needs to be done, including increasing the cost of injustice, deconcentrating poverty, reducing social distance, redefining harmful cultural norms, and strengthening democratic institutions.
Keywords: social injustice, genocide, economic exploitation, hate-motivated violence, poverty, gender inequality, political repression
Challenging the hegemony of standard English
Richard J. Watts
in Language Myths and the History of English
Linguistics, Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics
This chapter presents the politicisation of standard English from the end of the eighteenth century up to the demise of Chartism around 1851. It is based on Smith's (1984) argument that the rigid ... More
This chapter presents the politicisation of standard English from the end of the eighteenth century up to the demise of Chartism around 1851. It is based on Smith's (1984) argument that the rigid social class structure in place by the 1780s led to an attempt by the gentry and the aristocracy to retain sociopolitical power, which, during the French Revolution, the Napoleonic Wars, and the early period of industrialisation, inevitably led to the instrumentalisation of language as a tool of political oppression. It argues that the radical views on language of John Horne Tooke have been wrongly assessed from a linguistic perspective, rather than from within the context of radical opposition to the retention of power by the gentry and aristocracy. The transformation of standard English from a "polite" language to the only legitimate language is linked to the social turmoil of the years following the Napoleonic Wars.Less
This chapter presents the politicisation of standard English from the end of the eighteenth century up to the demise of Chartism around 1851. It is based on Smith's (1984) argument that the rigid social class structure in place by the 1780s led to an attempt by the gentry and the aristocracy to retain sociopolitical power, which, during the French Revolution, the Napoleonic Wars, and the early period of industrialisation, inevitably led to the instrumentalisation of language as a tool of political oppression. It argues that the radical views on language of John Horne Tooke have been wrongly assessed from a linguistic perspective, rather than from within the context of radical opposition to the retention of power by the gentry and aristocracy. The transformation of standard English from a "polite" language to the only legitimate language is linked to the social turmoil of the years following the Napoleonic Wars.
Keywords: legitimate language, politicisation, instrumentalisation, social stratification, industrialisation, political repression
in A History of French Passions: Volume 1: Ambition, Love, and Politics
This chapter reveals that simultaneous idealization and repression of women and children was one of the ways by which French society developed its peculiar characteristics. Repression was compensated ... More
This chapter reveals that simultaneous idealization and repression of women and children was one of the ways by which French society developed its peculiar characteristics. Repression was compensated for and mitigated by giving women considerable power in certain strictly limited fields. There was nevertheless resistance to that repression, which took two forms: psychological and political. The chapter emphasizes the fact that the legal situation of women was very definitely inferior to that of men. The French Revolution had done little for women beyond abolishing male primogeniture. This chapter talks about the most successful woman's organization of the time, the Patriotic League of Frenchwomen, which claimed 250,000 members in 1906 and half a million in 1914. This organization, however, had nothing to do with suffrage and scarcely anything to do with politics. Ladies of leisure ran it, like nearly all the other similar organizations, for middle-class women. There was no participation by the peasantry and virtually no attempt by its members to interest the peasantry.Less
This chapter reveals that simultaneous idealization and repression of women and children was one of the ways by which French society developed its peculiar characteristics. Repression was compensated for and mitigated by giving women considerable power in certain strictly limited fields. There was nevertheless resistance to that repression, which took two forms: psychological and political. The chapter emphasizes the fact that the legal situation of women was very definitely inferior to that of men. The French Revolution had done little for women beyond abolishing male primogeniture. This chapter talks about the most successful woman's organization of the time, the Patriotic League of Frenchwomen, which claimed 250,000 members in 1906 and half a million in 1914. This organization, however, had nothing to do with suffrage and scarcely anything to do with politics. Ladies of leisure ran it, like nearly all the other similar organizations, for middle-class women. There was no participation by the peasantry and virtually no attempt by its members to interest the peasantry.
Keywords: idealization, repression, women, French society, psychological repression, political repression, French Revolution, primogeniture, Patriotic League, Frenchwomen
The Crisis of Theory: E.P. Thompson, the New Left and Postwar British Politics
10.7228/manchester/9780719084355.001.0001
History, Political History
This book tells the story of the political and intellectual adventures of Edward Palmer Thompson, one of Britain's foremost twentieth-century thinkers. It shows that all of Thompson's work, from his ... More
This book tells the story of the political and intellectual adventures of Edward Palmer Thompson, one of Britain's foremost twentieth-century thinkers. It shows that all of Thompson's work, from his acclaimed histories to his voluminous political writings to his little-noticed poetry, was inspired by the same passionate and idiosyncratic vision of the world. The book demonstrates the connection between Thompson's famously ferocious attack on the 'Stalinism in theory' of Louis Althusser and his assaults on positivist social science in such books as The making of the English working class, and produces evidence to show that Thompson's hostility to both left- and right-wing forms of authoritarianism was rooted in first-hand experience of violent political repression.Less
The Crisis of Theory : E.P. Thompson, the New Left and Postwar British Politics
This book tells the story of the political and intellectual adventures of Edward Palmer Thompson, one of Britain's foremost twentieth-century thinkers. It shows that all of Thompson's work, from his acclaimed histories to his voluminous political writings to his little-noticed poetry, was inspired by the same passionate and idiosyncratic vision of the world. The book demonstrates the connection between Thompson's famously ferocious attack on the 'Stalinism in theory' of Louis Althusser and his assaults on positivist social science in such books as The making of the English working class, and produces evidence to show that Thompson's hostility to both left- and right-wing forms of authoritarianism was rooted in first-hand experience of violent political repression.
Keywords: Edward Palmer Thompson, Stalinism in theory, Louis Althusser, positivist social science, authoritarianism, political repression, twentieth-century thinkers, political writings
Silence Was Salvation: Child Survivors of Stalin's Terror and World War II in the Soviet Union
Cathy A Frierson
History, Russian and Former Soviet Union History
Roughly ten million children were victims of political repression in the Soviet Union during the Stalinist era, the sons and daughters of peasants, workers, scientists, physicians, and political ... More
Roughly ten million children were victims of political repression in the Soviet Union during the Stalinist era, the sons and daughters of peasants, workers, scientists, physicians, and political leaders considered by the regime to be dangerous to the political order. Ten grown victims, who as children suffered banishment, starvation, disease, anti-Semitism, and trauma resulting from their parents' condemnation and arrest, now freely share their stories. The result is a powerful and moving oral history that will profoundly deepen the reader's understanding of life in the U.S.S.R. under the despotic reign of Joseph Stalin.Less
Silence Was Salvation : Child Survivors of Stalin's Terror and World War II in the Soviet Union
Roughly ten million children were victims of political repression in the Soviet Union during the Stalinist era, the sons and daughters of peasants, workers, scientists, physicians, and political leaders considered by the regime to be dangerous to the political order. Ten grown victims, who as children suffered banishment, starvation, disease, anti-Semitism, and trauma resulting from their parents' condemnation and arrest, now freely share their stories. The result is a powerful and moving oral history that will profoundly deepen the reader's understanding of life in the U.S.S.R. under the despotic reign of Joseph Stalin.
Keywords: political repression, Soviet Union, Joseph Stalin, Stalinist era, starvation, anti-Semitism, U.S.S.R.
Jean Toomer: Race, Repression, and Revolution
Barbara Foley
Literature, African-American Literature
The 1923 publication of Cane established Jean Toomer as a modernist master and one of the key literary figures of the emerging Harlem Renaissance. Though critics and biographers alike have praised ... More
The 1923 publication of Cane established Jean Toomer as a modernist master and one of the key literary figures of the emerging Harlem Renaissance. Though critics and biographers alike have praised his artistic experimentation and unflinching eyewitness portraits of Jim Crow violence, few seem to recognize how much Toomer's interest in class struggle, catalyzed by the Russian Revolution and the post-World War I radical upsurge, situate his masterwork in its immediate historical context. This book explores Toomer's political and intellectual connections with socialism, the New Negro movement, and the project of Young America. Examining his rarely scrutinized early creative and journalistic writings, as well as unpublished versions of his autobiography, the book recreates the complex and contradictory consciousness that produced Cane. The book's discussion of political repression runs parallel with a portrait of repression on a personal level. Examining family secrets heretofore unexplored in Toomer scholarship, the book traces their sporadic surfacing in Cane. Toomer's text, the book argues, exhibits a political unconscious that is at once public and private.Less
Jean Toomer : Race, Repression, and Revolution
The 1923 publication of Cane established Jean Toomer as a modernist master and one of the key literary figures of the emerging Harlem Renaissance. Though critics and biographers alike have praised his artistic experimentation and unflinching eyewitness portraits of Jim Crow violence, few seem to recognize how much Toomer's interest in class struggle, catalyzed by the Russian Revolution and the post-World War I radical upsurge, situate his masterwork in its immediate historical context. This book explores Toomer's political and intellectual connections with socialism, the New Negro movement, and the project of Young America. Examining his rarely scrutinized early creative and journalistic writings, as well as unpublished versions of his autobiography, the book recreates the complex and contradictory consciousness that produced Cane. The book's discussion of political repression runs parallel with a portrait of repression on a personal level. Examining family secrets heretofore unexplored in Toomer scholarship, the book traces their sporadic surfacing in Cane. Toomer's text, the book argues, exhibits a political unconscious that is at once public and private.
Keywords: Jean Toomer, Cane, Harlem Renaissance, Jim Crow violence, class struggle, socialism, New Negro movement, Young America, political repression
Political Repression and Culture War
Nick Fischer
in Spider Web: The Birth of American Anticommunism
History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines how wartime and Red Scare repression expanded into a general cultural war on "Bolshevik" causes, individuals, and organizations targeted by the Anticommunist Spider Web during ... More
This chapter examines how wartime and Red Scare repression expanded into a general cultural war on "Bolshevik" causes, individuals, and organizations targeted by the Anticommunist Spider Web during the 1920s. It considers a combination of federal, state, and local ordinances that effected political repression, suppressed free speech and economic liberty, and promoted Americanization in formal education settings led by the Ku Klux Klan and the American Legion. The chapter demonstrates how this climate of repression also led to the collapse of progressivism and impeded social welfare initiatives, gave rise to an amendment designed to make constitutional change virtually impossible, and resulted in the demise of the Roosevelt administration's Federal Theatre Project (FTP). It shows that the Spider Web members and their supporters created a repressive infrastructure of blacklists, witch hunts, loyalty oaths, and compulsory patriotism. In the process, the Spider Web strengthened its influence not only on the doctrine of anticommunism but also on the nation's political culture.Less
This chapter examines how wartime and Red Scare repression expanded into a general cultural war on "Bolshevik" causes, individuals, and organizations targeted by the Anticommunist Spider Web during the 1920s. It considers a combination of federal, state, and local ordinances that effected political repression, suppressed free speech and economic liberty, and promoted Americanization in formal education settings led by the Ku Klux Klan and the American Legion. The chapter demonstrates how this climate of repression also led to the collapse of progressivism and impeded social welfare initiatives, gave rise to an amendment designed to make constitutional change virtually impossible, and resulted in the demise of the Roosevelt administration's Federal Theatre Project (FTP). It shows that the Spider Web members and their supporters created a repressive infrastructure of blacklists, witch hunts, loyalty oaths, and compulsory patriotism. In the process, the Spider Web strengthened its influence not only on the doctrine of anticommunism but also on the nation's political culture.
Keywords: anticommunism, cultural war, Anticommunist Spider Web, political repression, free speech, economic liberty, Americanization, progressivism, social welfare, Federal Theatre Project
Political Repression and Court-Curbing
in The Supreme Court and McCarthy-Era Repression: One Hundred Decisions
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's main themes. This book is about the situation faced by Supreme Court justices in the McCarthy era, obliged in scores of cases over more ... More
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's main themes. This book is about the situation faced by Supreme Court justices in the McCarthy era, obliged in scores of cases over more than a decade to decide the lawfulness of executive and legislative action directed at alleged Communists and "subversives." The events demonstrate the Court's vulnerability in a time of political repression, when a refusal to acquiesce in the repressive actions demanded by popular opinion may lead to harsh attacks in the press and in the Congress, and may result in legislation to curb the Court and limit its independence. The attacks and political pressures deepened existing divisions and rivalries among the justices. The Court's retreat was accomplished almost entirely in 5–4 decisions. The book's primary focus is the decisions themselves, which provide the best evidence of the justices' constitutional views and their responses to the severe pressures under which they labored.Less
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the book's main themes. This book is about the situation faced by Supreme Court justices in the McCarthy era, obliged in scores of cases over more than a decade to decide the lawfulness of executive and legislative action directed at alleged Communists and "subversives." The events demonstrate the Court's vulnerability in a time of political repression, when a refusal to acquiesce in the repressive actions demanded by popular opinion may lead to harsh attacks in the press and in the Congress, and may result in legislation to curb the Court and limit its independence. The attacks and political pressures deepened existing divisions and rivalries among the justices. The Court's retreat was accomplished almost entirely in 5–4 decisions. The book's primary focus is the decisions themselves, which provide the best evidence of the justices' constitutional views and their responses to the severe pressures under which they labored.
Keywords: U.S. Supreme Court, McCarthy era, political repression, trial decision making, Communists, subversives
Free the Wilmington Ten at Once!
This chapter and the previous one discuss the sophisticated multiyear campaign to free the Wilmington Ten carried out by religious and secular black nationalists, the Communist-affiliated National ... More
This chapter and the previous one discuss the sophisticated multiyear campaign to free the Wilmington Ten carried out by religious and secular black nationalists, the Communist-affiliated National Alliance against Racist and Political Repression, Amnesty International, and the Workers Viewpoint Organization of the Maoist new communist movement. In North Carolina, the Commission for Racial Justice, linked the case of the Ten with other local issues, such as police brutality and discrimination in the criminal justice system, and the Wilmington Ten became a locus for radicals and revolutionaries as well as aspiring politicians. Across the country, different organizations connected the case of the Wilmington Ten to labor unions, church groups, student organizations, and elected officials who expressed extreme skepticism of the federal government in the wake of Watergate. Combining education, agitation, and direct action, the major organizations hounded President Jimmy Carter and North Carolina Governor Jim Hunt and forced them to take corrective action. Additionally, chapters four and five place the campaign to free the Wilmington Ten in an international context and demonstrate the ways in which politically conscious actors utilized the contradictions inherent in the Cold War and President Carter's human rights foreign policy to build international pressure to free the Ten.Less
This chapter and the previous one discuss the sophisticated multiyear campaign to free the Wilmington Ten carried out by religious and secular black nationalists, the Communist-affiliated National Alliance against Racist and Political Repression, Amnesty International, and the Workers Viewpoint Organization of the Maoist new communist movement. In North Carolina, the Commission for Racial Justice, linked the case of the Ten with other local issues, such as police brutality and discrimination in the criminal justice system, and the Wilmington Ten became a locus for radicals and revolutionaries as well as aspiring politicians. Across the country, different organizations connected the case of the Wilmington Ten to labor unions, church groups, student organizations, and elected officials who expressed extreme skepticism of the federal government in the wake of Watergate. Combining education, agitation, and direct action, the major organizations hounded President Jimmy Carter and North Carolina Governor Jim Hunt and forced them to take corrective action. Additionally, chapters four and five place the campaign to free the Wilmington Ten in an international context and demonstrate the ways in which politically conscious actors utilized the contradictions inherent in the Cold War and President Carter's human rights foreign policy to build international pressure to free the Ten.
Keywords: Commission for Racial Justice, National Alliance against Racist and Political Repression, Workers Viewpoint Organization, Wilmington Ten, Black nationalism, Human rights, Amnesty International, Jimmy Carter, Jim Hunt, Cold War
Defining the McCarthy Era
This chapter considers the combination of circumstances and events following World War II that held the seeds of political repression during the McCarthy era. These developments signaled unmistakably ... More
This chapter considers the combination of circumstances and events following World War II that held the seeds of political repression during the McCarthy era. These developments signaled unmistakably that the Soviet Union and its allies threatened America's security on the international scene. On the domestic front, McCarthy-era repression targeted the Communist Party USA and alleged "Communist front" organizations. Whether a significant internal Communist threat existed in the postwar years was open to question. However, the widespread belief that such a threat did exist, and the related claim that liberal Democrats—New Dealers and their political successors—bore responsibility and could not be trusted to respond adequately, would soon become a reality in American politics. McCarthyism was energized not by opposition to communism but by the linkage of Marxism with liberalism. It was also energized by bare-knuckle partisan political tactics.Less
This chapter considers the combination of circumstances and events following World War II that held the seeds of political repression during the McCarthy era. These developments signaled unmistakably that the Soviet Union and its allies threatened America's security on the international scene. On the domestic front, McCarthy-era repression targeted the Communist Party USA and alleged "Communist front" organizations. Whether a significant internal Communist threat existed in the postwar years was open to question. However, the widespread belief that such a threat did exist, and the related claim that liberal Democrats—New Dealers and their political successors—bore responsibility and could not be trusted to respond adequately, would soon become a reality in American politics. McCarthyism was energized not by opposition to communism but by the linkage of Marxism with liberalism. It was also energized by bare-knuckle partisan political tactics.
Keywords: political repression, U.S. Supreme Court, McCarthy era, McCarthyism, Communists, Communist Party USA, Soviet Union, liberal Democrats, Marxism, liberalism
The First World War and the Origins of the Red Scare
This chapter examines the origins of the Red Scare of 1919–1920, with particular emphasis on the role of the United States's entry into the First World War. The effort required to bring a reluctant ... More
This chapter examines the origins of the Red Scare of 1919–1920, with particular emphasis on the role of the United States's entry into the First World War. The effort required to bring a reluctant nation into the war and quash dissenting voices brought the federal government into the business of systematic rather than ad hoc industrial and political repression. The civil liberties of citizens who protested either the commitment to war or its effects were suppressed. The place of nativism and antiradicalism in American politics and society became elevated. More importantly, the experience of war set political precedents that helped to spawn a new movement devoted to promoting the cause of anticommunism in American life. The chapter first considers how US participation in the First World War contributed to the emergence of "modern" anticommunism before discussing the role of the American Protective League in the repression efforts during the war. It also explores the business of loyalty, cultural repression, farmers' collectives and minor political parties, silencing dissent, and the campaign against industrial unions during the war.Less
This chapter examines the origins of the Red Scare of 1919–1920, with particular emphasis on the role of the United States's entry into the First World War. The effort required to bring a reluctant nation into the war and quash dissenting voices brought the federal government into the business of systematic rather than ad hoc industrial and political repression. The civil liberties of citizens who protested either the commitment to war or its effects were suppressed. The place of nativism and antiradicalism in American politics and society became elevated. More importantly, the experience of war set political precedents that helped to spawn a new movement devoted to promoting the cause of anticommunism in American life. The chapter first considers how US participation in the First World War contributed to the emergence of "modern" anticommunism before discussing the role of the American Protective League in the repression efforts during the war. It also explores the business of loyalty, cultural repression, farmers' collectives and minor political parties, silencing dissent, and the campaign against industrial unions during the war.
Keywords: anticommunism, Red Scare, First World War, political repression, American Protective League, cultural repression, farmers' collectives, dissent, industrial unions, political parties
Roman David and Ian Holliday
in Liberalism and Democracy in Myanmar
10.1093/oso/9780198809609.003.0005
Political Science, Comparative Politics
Myanmar's half-century of authoritarianism from 1962 to 2011 left a bitter legacy of gross human rights abuse and other historical injustice. One issue widely held by researchers to be a contributing ... More
Myanmar's half-century of authoritarianism from 1962 to 2011 left a bitter legacy of gross human rights abuse and other historical injustice. One issue widely held by researchers to be a contributing factor to establishing a human rights culture and promoting democratization is dealing with the past. In this context, the chapter explores the demand for transitional justice in Myanmar, drawing on interviews with former political prisoners, surveys, survey experiments, and secondary sources. It reviews factors commonly associated with demand for transitional justice, examines the historical and political determinants of transitional justice in Myanmar, probes the authors' surveys to investigate popular demand for transitional justice, uses interviews with former political prisoners to assess victims' needs and their conception of justice, and connects a victim-centred approach with popular demand by examining support for transitional justice in light of experimental evidence simulating real-life resolution of historical injustice.Less
Roman DavidIan Holliday
Myanmar's half-century of authoritarianism from 1962 to 2011 left a bitter legacy of gross human rights abuse and other historical injustice. One issue widely held by researchers to be a contributing factor to establishing a human rights culture and promoting democratization is dealing with the past. In this context, the chapter explores the demand for transitional justice in Myanmar, drawing on interviews with former political prisoners, surveys, survey experiments, and secondary sources. It reviews factors commonly associated with demand for transitional justice, examines the historical and political determinants of transitional justice in Myanmar, probes the authors' surveys to investigate popular demand for transitional justice, uses interviews with former political prisoners to assess victims' needs and their conception of justice, and connects a victim-centred approach with popular demand by examining support for transitional justice in light of experimental evidence simulating real-life resolution of historical injustice.
Keywords: political repression, gross human rights violations, dealing with the past, historical injustice, transitional justice, retribution, reconciliation, political prisoners, victims
Revolutionary Uprisings and Repressions during the First World War
Seema Sohi
in Echoes of Mutiny: Race, Surveillance, and Indian Anticolonialism in North America
History, American History: 20th Century, World Modern History
This chapter examines the First World War as a critical period of anticolonial mobilization and repression. Heeding the Ghadar Party's call to return to their native land and overthrow British rule, ... More
This chapter examines the First World War as a critical period of anticolonial mobilization and repression. Heeding the Ghadar Party's call to return to their native land and overthrow British rule, thousands of Indians from across the world boarded ships bound for India to initiate a series of planned uprisings that were quickly and systematically repressed by British authorities. Warning that British rule in India was in danger of being overthrown, British colonial administrators used the return of Indians from North America to implement a series of politically repressive laws in India. The circulation of Indian migrants and their radical anticolonial politics across the Pacific before and during the First World War served as a pretext for strengthening and expanding the powers of both the US and British Indian states in the name of national security and, by 1917, both governments had enacted laws aimed at restricting the mobility and activism of Indians.Less
This chapter examines the First World War as a critical period of anticolonial mobilization and repression. Heeding the Ghadar Party's call to return to their native land and overthrow British rule, thousands of Indians from across the world boarded ships bound for India to initiate a series of planned uprisings that were quickly and systematically repressed by British authorities. Warning that British rule in India was in danger of being overthrown, British colonial administrators used the return of Indians from North America to implement a series of politically repressive laws in India. The circulation of Indian migrants and their radical anticolonial politics across the Pacific before and during the First World War served as a pretext for strengthening and expanding the powers of both the US and British Indian states in the name of national security and, by 1917, both governments had enacted laws aimed at restricting the mobility and activism of Indians.
Keywords: First World War, mobilization, national security, political repression
"Hindu Conspiracies" from Lahore to San Francisco
This chapter examines inter-imperial efforts to stifle what remained of the Indian anticolonial movement through a series of interrelated conspiracy trials from Lahore and Singapore to Chicago and ... More
This chapter examines inter-imperial efforts to stifle what remained of the Indian anticolonial movement through a series of interrelated conspiracy trials from Lahore and Singapore to Chicago and San Francisco. In the spring of 1917, the US Justice Department—using evidence that US and British officials had jointly collected by monitoring Indian migrants in North America for more than a decade—indicted dozens of Indian anticolonialists for having violated the nation's neutrality laws. The alleged dangers of Indian anticolonialism took on national significance with the opening of the "Hindu Conspiracy" trial in San Francisco in November 1917. The Justice Department's success in the trial resulted in expansive interpretations of existing antiradical laws in the United States The trial, both a showcase for the federal government's antiradical victories and a precursor to the Red Scare, paved the way for a new wave of political repression in the United States.Less
This chapter examines inter-imperial efforts to stifle what remained of the Indian anticolonial movement through a series of interrelated conspiracy trials from Lahore and Singapore to Chicago and San Francisco. In the spring of 1917, the US Justice Department—using evidence that US and British officials had jointly collected by monitoring Indian migrants in North America for more than a decade—indicted dozens of Indian anticolonialists for having violated the nation's neutrality laws. The alleged dangers of Indian anticolonialism took on national significance with the opening of the "Hindu Conspiracy" trial in San Francisco in November 1917. The Justice Department's success in the trial resulted in expansive interpretations of existing antiradical laws in the United States The trial, both a showcase for the federal government's antiradical victories and a precursor to the Red Scare, paved the way for a new wave of political repression in the United States.
Keywords: conspiracy trials, antiradicalism, political repression, Red Scare
Marjorie Heins
in Priests of Our Democracy: The Supreme Court, Academic Freedom, and the Anti-Communist Purge
10.18574/nyu/9780814790519.003.0017
This book concludes with a discussion of academic freedom after Keyishian v. Board of Regents. It begins by assessing the link between academic freedom and the American left as well as the factors ... More
This book concludes with a discussion of academic freedom after Keyishian v. Board of Regents. It begins by assessing the link between academic freedom and the American left as well as the factors that contributed to the demise of the leftist movement, most notably the waves of political repression that swept the country. It then considers how the Supreme Court enshrined academic freedom as a special concern of the First Amendment and goes on to examine the lasting impact of anti-subversive purges on education, academic freedom, and a viable tradition of progressive social change. It also explores three notable characteristics of the assault on academic freedom in the 1950s: guilt by association, the response of universities, and the part played by liberals. Finally, it emphasizes the role of courts, led by the Supreme Court, in the continuing saga of free speech and democracy in America. It argues that teachers, students, universities, judges, and the whole body politic should adhere to the promise of Keyishian v. Board of Regents in the post-9/11 era.Less
This book concludes with a discussion of academic freedom after Keyishian v. Board of Regents. It begins by assessing the link between academic freedom and the American left as well as the factors that contributed to the demise of the leftist movement, most notably the waves of political repression that swept the country. It then considers how the Supreme Court enshrined academic freedom as a special concern of the First Amendment and goes on to examine the lasting impact of anti-subversive purges on education, academic freedom, and a viable tradition of progressive social change. It also explores three notable characteristics of the assault on academic freedom in the 1950s: guilt by association, the response of universities, and the part played by liberals. Finally, it emphasizes the role of courts, led by the Supreme Court, in the continuing saga of free speech and democracy in America. It argues that teachers, students, universities, judges, and the whole body politic should adhere to the promise of Keyishian v. Board of Regents in the post-9/11 era.
Keywords: academic freedom, Keyishian v. Board of Regents, leftist movement, political repression, Supreme Court, First Amendment, guilt by association, universities, liberals, free speech
The Doing of Anthropology: Myrna Mack
Carolyn Nordstrom and Antonius C. G. M. Robben
in Fieldwork Under Fire: Contemporary Studies of Violence and Culture
10.1525/california/9780520089938.003.0012
Anthropology, Anthropology, Theory and Practice
This chapter discusses a few letters from the field by the anthropologist Myrna Mack as a tribute to all anthropologists who have been killed while conducting research. Mack died in 1990 at the hands ... More
This chapter discusses a few letters from the field by the anthropologist Myrna Mack as a tribute to all anthropologists who have been killed while conducting research. Mack died in 1990 at the hands of Guatemalan soldiers in downtown Guatemala City as she left her office to go home. Her crime: working to uncover the stories of Guatemalans living under political repression. The letters are prefaced by Elizabeth Oglesby, who worked with Mack for five years in Guatemala before her murder. Mack's story chronicles both the tragedy and the community that surrounds scholars working on issues of socio-political violence.Less
The Doing of Anthropology : Myrna Mack
Carolyn NordstromAntonius C. G. M. Robben
This chapter discusses a few letters from the field by the anthropologist Myrna Mack as a tribute to all anthropologists who have been killed while conducting research. Mack died in 1990 at the hands of Guatemalan soldiers in downtown Guatemala City as she left her office to go home. Her crime: working to uncover the stories of Guatemalans living under political repression. The letters are prefaced by Elizabeth Oglesby, who worked with Mack for five years in Guatemala before her murder. Mack's story chronicles both the tragedy and the community that surrounds scholars working on issues of socio-political violence.
Keywords: Myrna Mack, murder, anthropologists, political repression, Guatemalan soldiers, socio-political violence, Elizabeth Oglesby

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Q: In Crystal Reports 2008 class DatabaseFieldDefinition property UseCount is not [deprecated] - what is a proper way to code now? In C# Visual Studio 2010, Crystal Reports 2008 (v12) I'm running into a problem.
The following code is marked as obsolete, and SAP Crystal API suggests to not use it anymore.
However I cannot find a suitable replacement.
// in the code below field UseCount is obsolete
foreach (DatabaseFieldDefinition fieldDefinition in table.Fields)
{
    if (fieldDefinition.UseCount > 0)
        listOfFieldDefinitions.Add(fieldDefinition);
}

I found that there is a replacement for Parameter Fields (class ParameterField) - there is now an extended property called "ParameterFieldUsage2". But I need something similar for regular fields on the reports (class DatabaseFieldDefinition).
Crystal designer knows about the fact that field is used somewhere - it marks it with a green check box if a field is used in the rendering, grouping, sorting, or any formulas.
Example 1:
  My report uses fields A, B and C, groups by D, and formula has E and F.
  My code analyses the report, figures out how to procure A, B, C, D, E, F and returns the XML with the necessary data, and then renders a report.
Example 1:
  My report uses fields A, and C, groups by A, and formula has F.
  My code analyses the report, figures out how to procure A, C, F and returns the XML with the much smaller dataset, and then renders a report.
In Crystal .NET (v9) I used to be able to use "UseCount" property as indicated above. What is the proper transition for this?
SAP thread on the
http://scn.sap.com/thread/2127492

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
GDC: Nintendo's Unreleased Portable Prototypes
Chris Kohler
SAN FRANCISCO — Here's a rare glimpse into Nintendo's vast archive of unreleased projects. The Kyoto company has a long history of innovative hardware, so you have to imagine that there are more than a few prototypes that never saw the light of day. At GDC, DSi design director Masato Kuwahara showed a few of […]
SAN FRANCISCO -- Here's a rare glimpse into Nintendo's vast archive of unreleased projects.
The Kyoto company has a long history of innovative hardware, so you have to imagine that there are more than a few prototypes that never saw the light of day. At GDC, DSi design director Masato Kuwahara showed a few of these for the first time as he explained Nintendo's portable hardware design process.
Above, the company's first attempt at a next-generation color portable game system. This used a 32-bit ARM7 CPU, but at the time it was created, in 1995, the resultant form factor was just so huge that it never came to market. It's sitting next to a DSi in the photo. Imagine how huge it must have been.
The crazy thing is, I think I remember reading about this in Electronic Gaming Monthly -- there were rumors that Nintendo was making a 32-bit portable called "Project Atlantis," if I recall correctly.
Kuwahara was apparently the first designer at Nintendo to experiment with touch-screen portable gameplay. He originally designed a touch-screen adapter that would attach to the Game Boy Color. Since the LCD screen didn't have a backlight, the internal reaction was "unfavorable," he said. When the Game Boy Advance SP came out, the reaction was slightly better, but it still never made it to market.
Even the Nintendo DSi had a complete overhaul in its design. Nintendo originally built it with two cartridge ports, so that players could easily carry two games around with them at once. But the resulting product was, again, so heavy and bulky -- look at how much taller it is than the production DSi -- that it, too, had to be totally overhauled.
Images: Chris Kohler/Wired.com
Chris Kohler started writing for WIRED in 2002, and founded WIRED.com's Game|Life channel in 2005. He is the author of the books Power-Up and Retro Gaming Hacks, and co-hosts the Stitcher Award-winning podcast Good Job, Brain!
TopicseventsGDC


Many people take it as gospel that digital technologies are harmful to young people's mental health. But is this actually the case? A recent study from the University of Oxford, which analyzed data from 350,000 subjects in the U.K and United States, suggests we may be overstating their significance.
While the researchers don't deny that digital technologies can have a negative impact on young users, they conclude that it contributes just 0.4 percent toward a young person's negative well-being. According to the study, digital technologies are far, far outstripped by other influences — including binge-drinking, marijuana use, and even the importance of a good breakfast.
"I started working on this project in about September 2017, when there was massive coverage in the press of social media and its effects on teenagers, because of Jean Twenge's book iGen," Amy Orban, one of the researchers on the project, told Digital Trends.
As the book which publicized the supposed impact that smartphones and other devices are having on the mental health of young people, iGen prompted plenty of op-eds and analysis of this topic. In particular, it linked lack of sleep and the supposedly detrimental effects of technology. However, this latest Oxford study suggests that there are plenty of other ways that data gathered about young people's mental health and external factors — including technology — can be analyzed.
Her work involved using a technique called Specification Curve Analysis (SCA). This helped to look at the approximately 600 million ways the data could have been analyzed and shows the large number of possible conclusions — positive, negative and neutral — it could come to.
Orban said she is not surprised that people have latched onto a more negative appraisal of technology, but that, while there are questions to ask, she doesn't believe these are currently precise enough.
The research was recently published in the journal Nature Human Behavior.


In part I of the article, I introduced the concepts and terminology of Windows Azure runtime. In this part, we will take a closer look at the Roles and the way to control the lifecycle of the Roles.
Most of the modern applications are logically partitioned into individual layers. Each layer is responsible for a specific function. UI rendering, business logic, data access and database are the common layers of these applications. These layers may or may not be running on dedicated machines. For maximum scalability, each layer can run on a cluster of machines or all these layers can be running on the same machine. Windows Azure Roles are modeled around these application layers or tiers. Each role instance is actually a dedicated Azure VM. Based on the role, the VM is customized for specific tasks.
Let's understand more about Windows Azure Roles.
Web Role– This is a VM that is designed to primarily host web applications. Whatever layer you host on IIS can be easily moved into the Web Role. As of now, Web Role runs the Hosted Web Core (HWC) to host web applications. That's the reason why you cannot host multiple websites within one Web Role. Going forward, Web Role will support IIS 7.x and this brings parity with the on-premise deployment scenarios. Web Role can also host WCF services and CGI applications like PHP and Perl. They only support HTTP/S based communication.
Worker Role – This Role is typically mapped to the application tier or the business logic layer of the application. Though Worker Roles can expose TCP, HTTP/S endpoints, they are mostly reached via the Web Role. Worker Role will never have any UI and does the 'heavy lifting' required by the application. They can execute external processes and act as a surrogate process for legacy executables. Worker Roles are used to bootstrap other runtimes like Java and Python. They can also host databases like MySQL or MongoDB and expose the ports of these database servers as external endpoints.
VM Role – This is the new Role that got announced at PDC 2010. This is used to host legacy applications that do not fit into Web Role or Worker Role. We will get more details once the VM Roles go into the CTP mode. Since it is too early to include this in the discussion, I am not going to discuss this in detail.
The lifecycle of the role is managed by the Windows Azure runtime. There are certain implicit and explicit factors that may force the runtime to reboot or re-launch the role instances. Implicit factors are internal to Azure environment and explicit factors are those that are initiated through the change in configuration files or by performing an in-place upgrade. As developers, it is important for us to know when the instance is going to be recycled and how to gracefully handle these changes.
Worker Roles implement an abstract class called RoleEntryPoint. This is optional for Web Roles but is mandatory for Worker Roles. RoleEntryPoint is the prescriptive interface between the Windows Azure Runtime and the Role instances. This interface has three methods – 1) OnStart(), 2) Run() and 3) OnStop(). During the initialization of a Role, the OnStart() method is called. To ensure that the Role is 'awake' all the time, there is a while(true) construct in the Run() method. This is comparable to the static void main() method in a classic C# program. After exiting from the Run() method, the Windows Azure environment calls the OnStop() method. This is where the cleanup code will be placed. Implementing RoleEntryPoint class is optional in a Web Role because of a few reasons. Web Roles function in a typical Request/Response pattern and may not long running processes. Web Roles also rely on ASP.NET lifecycle management methods for initialization and clean up. Technically, Web Roles can be forced to act like Worker Roles by implementing the RoleEntryPoint class and overriding the required methods. This is particularly useful in scenarios where an extra Worker Role is not required and the Web Role can easily manage few other tasks including processing messages. Steve Marx has written an excellent post discussing the scenario for combining roles.
By overriding the methods of RoleEntryPoint we can make Worker Roles very efficient and intelligent. Within the OnStop() method, the state of the Role can be dumped into a Azure Table. During the startup phase of the Worker Role, we can read the previous state of the application from an Azure Table and continue from the same point where the last execution was left. It is entirely possible to externalize the tasks of Worker Role to Azure Storage and every time the Worker Role boots, it will learn what it is supposed to execute by querying an external state machine. This will be the basis of building efficient Map/Reduce scenarios on Windows Azure.
Windows Azure Runtime also offers mechanism to intercept and control the reboot of the Roles. This done by subscribing to the RoleEnvironment.Changing, RoleEnvironment.Changed and RoleEnvironment.Stopping events. By detecting the factor that forced the event to take place, we can either reboot and cancel the reboot and continue with the process. I will cover the factors and conditions that typically force a reboot in a separate article.
Hope you found this article useful! If you have any questions/queries, feel free to drop a comment.


text:
Az afrikai függőcinege (Anthoscopus caroli) a verébalakúak (Passeriformes) rendjébe, ezen belül a függőcinege-félék (Remizidae) családjába tartozó faj.

Rendszerezése
A fajt Richard Bowdler Sharpe angol ornitológus írta le 1871-ben, az Aegithalus nembe Aegithalus carol néven.

Alfajai
Anthoscopus caroli ansorgei (E. J. O. Hartert, 1905) – észak- és délkelet-Kongói Köztársaság, nyugat-Kongói Demokratikus Köztársaság, közép-Angola;
Anthoscopus caroli roccatii (Salvadori, 1906) – Uganda, nyugat-Kenya, délen Burundi keleti részéig és Tanzánia északnyugati részéig;
Anthoscopus caroli pallescens (Ulfstrand, 1960) – nyugat-Tanzánia;
Anthoscopus caroli winterbottomi (C. M. N. White, 1946) – dél-Kongói Demokratikus Köztársaság, északnyugat-Zambia;
Anthoscopus caroli rhodesiae (W. L. Sclater, 1932) – délkelet-Kongói Demokratikus Köztársaság, észak-Zambia, délnyugat-Tanzánia;
Anthoscopus caroli caroli (Sharpe, 1871) – dél-Angola, észak-Namíbia, Tanzánia, Botswana;
Anthoscopus caroli sylviella (Reichenow, 1904) – délközép-Kenya, délre Tanzánia északkeleti és középső részéig (egyes szerzők szerint külön faj, Anthoscopus sylviella, magyarul barnahasú függőcinege vagy rozsdáshasú függőcinege);
Anthoscopus caroli sharpei (E. J. O. Hartert, 1905) – délnyugat-Kenya, délre Tanzánia északi részéig;
Anthoscopus caroli robertsi (Haagner, 1909) – észak-Tanzánia, északkelet-Zambia, Malawi, észak-Mozambik;
Anthoscopus caroli rankinei (Irwin, 1963) – északkelet-Zimbabwe;
Anthoscopus caroli hellmayri (Roberts, 1914) – kelet- és dél-Zimbabwe, dél-Mozambik. északkelet-Dél-afrikai Köztársaság.

Előfordulása
Afrika déli részén, Angola, Botswana, Burundi, a Dél-afrikai Köztársaság, Kenya, a Kongói Demokratikus Köztársaság, a Kongói Köztársaság, Malawi, Mozambik, Namíbia, Ruanda, Szváziföld, Tanzánia, Uganda, Zambia és Zimbabwe területén honos.

Természetes élőhelyei a szubtrópusi vagy trópusi száraz erdők és cserjések, valamint száraz szavannák. Állandó, nem vonuló faj.

Megjelenése
Testhossza 8 centiméter, testtömege 6-7 gramm.

Életmódja
Rovarokkal, gyümölcsökkel, virágokkal táplálkozik. Az esős évszakban költ.

Természetvédelmi helyzete
Az elterjedési területe rendkívül, egyedszáma ugyan csökken, de még nem éri el a kritikus szintet. A Természetvédelmi Világszövetség Vörös listáján sebezhető fajként szerepel.

Jegyzetek

Források

További információk
Képek az interneten a fajról

Anthoscopus
Madárfajok
Angola madarai
Botswana madarai
Burundi madarai
A Dél-afrikai Köztársaság madarai
Kenya madarai
A Kongói Demokratikus Köztársaság madarai
A Kongói Köztársaság madarai
Malawi madarai
Mozambik madarai
Namíbia madarai
Ruanda madarai
Szváziföld madarai
Tanzánia madarai
Uganda madarai
Zambia madarai
Zimbabwe madarai

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Q: VueJS: Disable Select List Items that already are used I'm learning Vue.js and so I try to build a little list which assigns the countrycode to the taxes in the specific countries (I know - boring stuff, but it's "translatable" to my work later, I hope).
This is how I generate the select list:
<select class="uk-form-small" v-model="newTax.countrycode">
    <option v-for="country in countries" value="{{ $key }}">{{country}}</option>
</select>

Then I created a form to add items:
<form class="uk-width-large-2-3" @submit="add">

    <select class="uk-form-small" v-model="newTax.countrycode">
        <option v-for="country in countries" value="{{ $key }}">{{country}}</option>
    </select>

    <input class="uk-input-large uk-width-1-4" type = "number" placeholder="{{ 'vat' | trans }}" v-model="newTax.vat" number>
    <input class="uk-input-large uk-width-1-4" type = "number" placeholder="{{ 'reducedvat' | trans }}" v-model="newTax.reducedvat" number>
    <button class="uk-button" @click="add">{{ 'Add' | trans }}</button>

</form>

The items are displayed this way:

    {{vat.countrycode}}

                <button @click="remove(vat)" class="uk-button uk-button-danger"></button>

            {{ 'VAT' | trans }}

                <input class="uk-form-small uk-form-width-mini" type="number" v-model="vat.vat" number> {{ 'percent' | trans }}

            {{ 'Reduced VAT' | trans }}

                <input class="uk-form-small uk-form-width-mini" type="number" v-model="vat.reducedvat" number>  {{ 'percent' | trans }}

This works fine, too.
The items are storable and removable - everything is fine.
But: I would like to grey out items that are already defined. How could I do that?
My first attempt does not work:
<option v-for = "country in countries" value = "{{ $key }}" :disabled="config.vats.includes($key)">{{country}}</option>

It throws no JS-error but all options are available and enabled.
Arrays and objects as a dump:
The content of countries is:
{ "AF": "Afghanistan", "AL": "Albania", "DZ": "Algeria", "AS": "American Samoa", "AD": "Andorra", "AO": "Angola", "AI": "Anguilla", "AQ": "Antarctica", "AG": "Antigua and Barbuda", "AR": "Argentina", "AM": "Armenia", "AW": "Aruba", "AU": "Australia", "AT": "Austria", "AZ": "Azerbaijan", "BS": "Bahamas", "BH": "Bahrain", "BD": "Bangladesh", "BB": "Barbados", "BY": "Belarus", "BE": "Belgium", "BZ": "Belize", "BJ": "Benin", "BM": "Bermuda", "BT": "Bhutan", "BO": "Bolivia", "BA": "Bosnia and Herzegovina", "BW": "Botswana", "BV": "Bouvet Island", "BR": "Brazil", "BQ": "British Antarctic Territory", "IO": "British Indian Ocean Territory", "VG": "British Virgin Islands", "BN": "Brunei", "BG": "Bulgaria", "BF": "Burkina Faso", "BI": "Burundi", "KH": "Cambodia", "CM": "Cameroon", "CA": "Canada", "CT": "Canton and Enderbury Islands", "CV": "Cape Verde", "KY": "Cayman Islands", "CF": "Central African Republic", "TD": "Chad", "CL": "Chile", "CN": "China", "CX": "Christmas Island", "CC": "Cocos [Keeling] Islands", "CO": "Colombia", "KM": "Comoros", "CG": "Congo - Brazzaville", "CD": "Congo - Kinshasa", "CK": "Cook Islands", "CR": "Costa Rica", "HR": "Croatia", "CU": "Cuba", "CY": "Cyprus", "CZ": "Czech Republic", "CI": "Côte d'Ivoire", "DK": "Denmark", "DJ": "Djibouti", "DM": "Dominica", "DO": "Dominican Republic", "NQ": "Dronning Maud Land", "DD": "East Germany", "EC": "Ecuador", "EG": "Egypt", "SV": "El Salvador", "GQ": "Equatorial Guinea", "ER": "Eritrea", "EE": "Estonia", "ET": "Ethiopia", "FK": "Falkland Islands", "FO": "Faroe Islands", "FJ": "Fiji", "FI": "Finland", "FR": "France", "GF": "French Guiana", "PF": "French Polynesia", "TF": "French Southern Territories", "FQ": "French Southern and Antarctic Territories", "GA": "Gabon", "GM": "Gambia", "GE": "Georgia", "DE": "Germany", "GH": "Ghana", "GI": "Gibraltar", "GR": "Greece", "GL": "Greenland", "GD": "Grenada", "GP": "Guadeloupe", "GU": "Guam", "GT": "Guatemala", "GG": "Guernsey", "GN": "Guinea", "GW": "Guinea-Bissau", "GY": "Guyana", "HT": "Haiti", "HM": "Heard Island and McDonald Islands", "HN": "Honduras", "HK": "Hong Kong SAR China", "HU": "Hungary", "IS": "Iceland", "IN": "India", "ID": "Indonesia", "IR": "Iran", "IQ": "Iraq", "IE": "Ireland", "IM": "Isle of Man", "IL": "Israel", "IT": "Italy", "JM": "Jamaica", "JP": "Japan", "JE": "Jersey", "JT": "Johnston Island", "JO": "Jordan", "KZ": "Kazakhstan", "KE": "Kenya", "KI": "Kiribati", "KW": "Kuwait", "KG": "Kyrgyzstan", "LA": "Laos", "LV": "Latvia", "LB": "Lebanon", "LS": "Lesotho", "LR": "Liberia", "LY": "Libya", "LI": "Liechtenstein", "LT": "Lithuania", "LU": "Luxembourg", "MO": "Macau SAR China", "MK": "Macedonia", "MG": "Madagascar", "MW": "Malawi", "MY": "Malaysia", "MV": "Maldives", "ML": "Mali", "MT": "Malta", "MH": "Marshall Islands", "MQ": "Martinique", "MR": "Mauritania", "MU": "Mauritius", "YT": "Mayotte", "FX": "Metropolitan France", "MX": "Mexico", "FM": "Micronesia", "MI": "Midway Islands", "MD": "Moldova", "MC": "Monaco", "MN": "Mongolia", "ME": "Montenegro", "MS": "Montserrat", "MA": "Morocco", "MZ": "Mozambique", "MM": "Myanmar [Burma]", "NA": "Namibia", "NR": "Nauru", "NP": "Nepal", "NL": "Netherlands", "AN": "Netherlands Antilles", "NT": "Neutral Zone", "NC": "New Caledonia", "NZ": "New Zealand", "NI": "Nicaragua", "NE": "Niger", "NG": "Nigeria", "NU": "Niue", "NF": "Norfolk Island", "KP": "North Korea", "VD": "North Vietnam", "MP": "Northern Mariana Islands", "NO": "Norway", "OM": "Oman", "PC": "Pacific Islands Trust Territory", "PK": "Pakistan", "PW": "Palau", "PS": "Palestinian Territories", "PA": "Panama", "PZ": "Panama Canal Zone", "PG": "Papua New Guinea", "PY": "Paraguay", "YD": "People's Democratic Republic of Yemen", "PE": "Peru", "PH": "Philippines", "PN": "Pitcairn Islands", "PL": "Poland", "PT": "Portugal", "PR": "Puerto Rico", "QA": "Qatar", "RO": "Romania", "RU": "Russia", "RW": "Rwanda", "RE": "Réunion", "BL": "Saint Barthélemy", "SH": "Saint Helena", "KN": "Saint Kitts and Nevis", "LC": "Saint Lucia", "MF": "Saint Martin", "PM": "Saint Pierre and Miquelon", "VC": "Saint Vincent and the Grenadines", "WS": "Samoa", "SM": "San Marino", "SA": "Saudi Arabia", "SN": "Senegal", "RS": "Serbia", "CS": "Serbia and Montenegro", "SC": "Seychelles", "SL": "Sierra Leone", "SG": "Singapore", "SK": "Slovakia", "SI": "Slovenia", "SB": "Solomon Islands", "SO": "Somalia", "ZA": "South Africa", "GS": "South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands", "KR": "South Korea", "ES": "Spain", "LK": "Sri Lanka", "SD": "Sudan", "SR": "Suriname", "SJ": "Svalbard and Jan Mayen", "SZ": "Swaziland", "SE": "Sweden", "CH": "Switzerland", "SY": "Syria", "ST": "São Tomé and Príncipe", "TW": "Taiwan", "TJ": "Tajikistan", "TZ": "Tanzania", "TH": "Thailand", "TL": "Timor-Leste", "TG": "Togo", "TK": "Tokelau", "TO": "Tonga", "TT": "Trinidad and Tobago", "TN": "Tunisia", "TR": "Turkey", "TM": "Turkmenistan", "TC": "Turks and Caicos Islands", "TV": "Tuvalu", "UM": "U.S. Minor Outlying Islands", "PU": "U.S. Miscellaneous Pacific Islands", "VI": "U.S. Virgin Islands", "UG": "Uganda", "UA": "Ukraine", "SU": "Union of Soviet Socialist Republics", "AE": "United Arab Emirates", "GB": "United Kingdom", "US": "United States", "ZZ": "Unknown or Invalid Region", "UY": "Uruguay", "UZ": "Uzbekistan", "VU": "Vanuatu", "VA": "Vatican City", "VE": "Venezuela", "VN": "Vietnam", "WK": "Wake Island", "WF": "Wallis and Futuna", "EH": "Western Sahara", "YE": "Yemen", "ZM": "Zambia", "ZW": "Zimbabwe", "AX": "Åland Islands" }

The config.vats contains of different arrays:
[ { "countrycode": "DE", "vat": 19, "reducedvat": 7 }, { "countrycode": "AL", "vat": 5, "reducedvat": 5 } ]

Now {{config.vats.includes('DE') | json}} returns false - I guess it's looking for an array-element with value DE which obviously does not exist.

A: Javascript .includes() will search a string within another string, but config.vats is an array.
First create a method to check if the $key is available in any of the config.vats array's objects countrycode property:
method: {
   vatMatch: function(code) {
      return this.config.vats.filter(function(vat) {
         return  vat.countrycode == code;
      }).length > 0;
   },
}

Then use it in your HTML:
<option v-for = "country in countries" value = "{{ $key }}"
        :disabled="vatMatch($key)">{{country}}
</option>