TRAC's data, obtained through the Freedom of Information Act, examines 101,850 immigration court proceedings begun while a child was under 18, from Fiscal Year (FY) 2005 through June 2014. The information tabulated in TRAC's database includes data on both completed cases, in which there was an official outcome, and cases still pending. The data also includes information on "in absentia" cases, Latin for "in absence, "which is a term for a judicial hearing held without the individual present. Any delay in appearing at any immigration hearing may lead to a court removing someone in absentia. The Department of Justice's Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR), which runs U.S. immigration courts, uses a similar methodology of reporting "in absentia" numbers as its best available indicator of failures to show. However, EOIR has not historically broken out children's cases.
The following analysis uses the TRAC data to determine rates of appearance in court based on completed cases. Additional analysis of all cases, both completed and still pending, also provides a snapshot of overall current appearance rates to date.
Analyzing TRAC's data shows that juveniles who were not detained or released have a lower in absentia rate than previously reported. Not only do a majority of children appear in immigration court, but the vast majority of children represented by lawyers appear.
Appearance Rate, Immigration Cases Begun Again Children, Not Detained by End of Case, Now Closed, All Cases Since FY 2005.
For completed cases, 60.9 percent of juveniles appeared in immigration court.
92.5 percent of children represented by lawyers appeared for their court proceedings. This number ishistorically consistent—never below 89 percent since FY 2005.
This data is consistent with reports from pro bono organizations that provide counsel to children. For example, New York's Safe Passage Project reported that of approximately three hundred children it screened, only two children failed to appear for immigration court hearings after they were matched with pro bono counsel.
The vast majority of juveniles represented by lawyers appear (94.7 percent).
In 79.5 percent of cases (both closed and pending) in which a child was released or never detained, and in a parent or guardian's custody, the child has not been designated in absentia.
For children represented by lawyers, 95.1 percent of those in a parent or guardian's custody have not been designated in absentia (in both closed and pending cases).
Evidence obtained from EOIR's own data suggests that children appear in immigration court—and that when children are represented by counsel, appearance rates are even higher. This data suggests children's supposed failures to appear in court are red herring arguments—designed to place blame for the system's deficits on children themselves, rather than on courts' lack of resources to ensure a timely and fair process. Moreover, given TRAC's data showing the relationship between representation and attendance, the appointment of counsel to children may help ensure attendance at proceedings in a more cost-effective, humane, and fair manner.


text:
A 2004-es ETCC spanyol nagydíj volt a 2004-es túraautó-Európa-bajnokság második futama. A versenyt a Circuit Ricardo Tormo versenypályán rendezték meg a Spanyolországi Valencia-ban, 2004. április 18-án.

Időmérő

Első futam

Második futam

Spanyol

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Progressive Stories are as easy as 1,2,3!
Last month I asked the lower elementary school if they would be interested in writing a story together in a way that is known to be called a "progressive" story.
Setting it up was simple. My first grade class started the story, we sent it to a second grade class, they sent it to our kindergarten, then it went to the other second grade class and finished with the other first grade classes. For those good with numbers, that is a story with five sections 🙂 Altogether it took us one week to finish with each teacher taking one 45 minute block to write the story, and the using center time, free time, or another language arts block to draw the illustrations.
As the classes work on their sections I heard from the teachers how excited their students were about this story. They were able to modify the activity based on each grade's level and worked in what they were studying in language arts. From bold beginnings to adjectives to mighty middles and excellent endings, it is neat seeing the whole story put together.
What are learning engagements you do to get your students excited about writing? We would love to hear your ideas, and it just so happens that we have a comment section!


text:
Scheduled Monument
Dunure Castle and dovecotSM6105
Where documents include maps, the use of this data is subject to terms and conditions (https://portal.historicenvironment.scot/termsandconditions).
SM6105_Legal Doc
Download(https://portal.historicenvironment.scot/document/600011997)
Secular: castle; doocote, dovecote, pigeon loft
Maybole
NS 25239 15822
The monument comprises the substantial remains of a medieval castle spanning the 14th-17th centuries, and an associated 16th-century dovecot to the E.
The castle occupies a rocky coastal promontory. Its remains consist essentially of two elements: an upper ward of irregular shape at the seaward end of the promontory, containing a once-tall tower and associated buildings, and a lower ward on the landward side, containing ranges of buildings on two or more storeys. The structures in the upper ward are very ruinous; the buildings in the lower ward, whilst dilapidated, are more entire with several stone vaults intact. The dovecot to the E is of the circular beehive type.
The area to be scheduled includes all the upstanding castle walls, the associated archaeological levels, and the dovecot, but excludes all railings and fences. The area to be scheduled also includes an area around, in which traces of activities associated with the monuments' construction and use may survive. The area measures a maximum of 120m NE-SW by 100m, as marked in red on the accompanying map.
Statement of National Importance
The monument is of national importance because it represents the substantial ruins of a significant medieval castle belonging to one of the most powerful of Ayrshire families, the Kennedys. The upstanding castle remains, dating probably to the 14th ' 17th centuries, present a good example of the changes in noble residential accommodation through the Middle Ages. The archaeological potential of the monument is also particularly high. The monument is also a very powerful architectural element in the open landscape of this part of the Ayrshire coastline.
RCAHMS records the monument as NS 21 NE 8.
About Scheduled Monuments
Scheduling is the process that identifies, designates and provides statutory protection for monuments and archaeological sites of national importance as set out in the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Areas Act 1979.
We schedule sites and monuments that are found to be of national importance using the selection guidance published in Designation Policy and Selection Guidance (2019)
Scheduled monument records provide an indication of the national importance of the scheduled monument which has been identified by the description and map. The description and map showing the scheduled area is the legal part of the scheduling. The statement of national importance and additional information provided are supplementary. These records are not definitive historical or archaeological accounts or a complete description of the monument(s).
The format of scheduled monument records has changed over time. Earlier records will usually be brief. Some information will not have been recorded and the map will not be to current standards. Even if what is described and what is mapped has changed, the monument is still scheduled.
Scheduled monument consent is required to carry out certain work, including repairs, to scheduled monuments. Applications for scheduled monument consent are made to us. We are happy to discuss your proposals with you before you apply and we do not charge for advice or consent. More information about consent and how to apply for it can be found on our website at www.historicenvironment.scot.
Find out more about scheduling and our other designations at www.historicenvironment.scot/advice-and-support. You can contact us on 0131 668 8914 or at designations@hes.scot.
There are no images available for this record, you may want to check Canmore for images relating to Dunure Castle and dovecot

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
magnifying-glass
Statehood & Participation
Conflict & International Politics
Culture & Dialogue
© Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung
The Kurds and the Syrian Revolution - Statehood & Participation
by Bakr Sidki
The Kurds and the Syrian Revolution
Download the complete article (PDF; 6 pages 278KB)
Bakr Sidki
Despite endemic discrimination and oppression, Syria's Kurds have been hesitant to join the Syrian uprising against the Assad regime. A larger Kurdish participation would significantly impact the course of events, but the various Kurdish political actors have had diverging reactions to the revolution, the role of Turkey and the fate of Kurdish interests in a free Syria.
On 3 February, 2012, a big demonstration was to have been staged in the city of Afrin, northwest of Aleppo, but before the large numbers of demonstrators could congregate at the starting point, a mob of shabiha (i.e. regime thugs) mounted an attack with clubs and blades. The shabiha carried posters of Abdullah Ocalan and the flags of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and abused the demonstrators in Kurdish, accusing them of the crime of demanding freedom and wounding more than twenty, including some leading figures from the traditional Kurdish political parties.
The demonstration against the regime of Bashar al-Assad was over before it had begun.
Unlike the neighbouring province of Jazira (Hasakah) and the Koubani district of Aleppo, Afrin had remained cut off from the Syrian revolution until the first major demonstration was held in the city on 27 January 2012. The success of this event, in which more than ten thousand people chanted for the fall of the regime and civil rights for Syrian Kurds, emboldened organizers to arrange a second protest a week later and try to establish a schedule of weekly marches in line with the rest of the Syrian revolution.
But early signs of intra-Kurd violence brought such plans to an end.
The violence of 3 February did not come out of the blue. Since the start of the revolution in mid-March 2011 young Kurds from Qamishli, Amouda and many other municipalities in Jazira had been participating in anti-regime demonstrations, bringing a Kurdish character to the event with their own chants and banners. They raised the Kurdish flag next to the Syrian national flag and called for freedom, the fall of the regime and the unity of Syrian people while demanding national rights for the Kurds.
From the outset the responses of Kurdish political forces to the revolution could be divided into three principal camps as follows:
1. The PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party)
The PKK is commanded in the field by Murad Qiralian from their headquarters in Jebel Qandil on the Iraqi-Turkish border and under the overall control of imprisoned party leader Abdullah Ocalan. The PKK has a branch in Syria known as the Democratic Union Party (PYD), led by Saleh Muslim, who also acts as deputy to Hassan Abdel Azim (Naseri), the president of the opposition National Coordinating Committee (NCC) executive committee.
When the Syrian revolution first broke out in Deraa, a deal was concluded between the leadership of the PKK and the security agencies of the Syrian regime, in which the PKK pledged not to join the revolution, in return for the regime allowing the party to operate freely in Kurdish areas. There is information to suggest that 1,800 armed PKK fighters have moved out of their base in Jebel Qandil to the Jazira and Aleppo provinces (i.e. to Afrin and Koubani) accompanied by the leader of the PYD himself, who was previously sought by the security services but is now free both to move within Syria and travel abroad.
The PKK's activities have not been confined to preventing young Kurds from joining the demonstrations. It has set up elected bodies comprised of party members, such as the West Kurdistan Parliament and other local councils, in addition to performing a direct security role, manning armed checkpoints at intersections in predominantly Kurdish areas, which perform vehicle searches, guard the entrances to villages and other security-related activities, all of which are coordinated with regime agencies.
2. Traditional Kurdish Parties
Traditional Kurdish parties have attempted to pursue a middle course, neither angering the regime and the PKK nor openly opposing the revolution.
3. The Kurdish youth-led coordinating committees and the Kurdish Future movement
The coordinating committees of the Kurdish youth and the Kurdish Future Movement are the third camp. The Future Movement was founded some years ago by the late Mashaal Tammo, whom the regime had imprisoned in previous years, before presumably assassinating him in October 2011 as a consequence of his radical politics.
These young Kurds have been involved in the Syrian revolution from its inception, calling for freedom and the fall of the regime then constituting an umbrella body called the Union of Coordinating Committees for the Kurdish Youth. They are by and large politically independent, though some belong to traditional Kurdish parties and their participation in demonstrations is in a private capacity.
The 2004 Uprising: a Formative Experience
In May 2004 violence broke out in Qamishli's football stadium between local fans and supporters of the visiting team from Deir al-Zour, leading to the deaths of a number of the locals, with many injured.
But this was not simple football hooliganism: the incident was a deliberately provocative act with political and ethnic overtones. Inside the stadium, the travelling supporters from Deir al-Zour had brandished pictures of Saddam Hussein and chanted that Iraqi Kurd leaders Barzani and Talabani were "traitors". The local fans responded in kind and violence ensued.
At the time, the U.S.-led occupation of Iraq was a year old and it was common to accuse the Kurds as traitors who had brought the occupying forces to Iraq. On the other hand, the fall of the Saddam regime, which had committed atrocities against Iraqi Kurds in Anfal and Halabja among other places and the recent creation of a Kurdish federal state in the country, had inflamed Kurdish nationalist sentiment.
Instead of trying to limit the damage caused by the incident, the local authorities merely poured oil on the flames and protests broke out wherever Kurds were found in any numbers, from Jazira to Aleppo and Damascus. The regime met these peaceful protests with violent repression. Tens of Kurds were killed and an unknown number were wounded, detained, or fled abroad.
The Kurdish uprising took place in isolation from the rest of the Syrian population, embittering the young generation of Kurds, which had tried to destroy statues of Hafez al-Assad for the first time since he came to power in 1970. Their political consciousness took shape in this early revolutionary experience, amidst this sense of alienation from their Syrian Arab peers: a narrow ethno-nationalist worldview trumping broader, patriotic Syrian sentiments.
The Kurds of Aleppo and the surrounding countryside came late to the 2011 revolution. Many people pondered the reasons for their hesitancy. One factor may have been the relative strength of the PKK in Afrin and Koubani compared to the other municipalities and towns of Jazira, which saw higher levels of participation.
We should also add the role of the traditional Kurdish parties, which did not attempt to encourage participation in the popular revolution and maintained their "moderate" stance towards the regime, even after the outbreak of hostilities. However, the widespread involvement of young Kurds in demonstrations inside Jazira made it difficult for these parties to face their supporters. In early May 2011 the traditional parties met together and issued a joint statement offering a reformist solution to the crisis. The regime was to halt all violence and enter into dialogue with the opposition over making a peaceful, secure transition from despotism to democracy. However, the regime continued to confront the peaceful demonstrations with unfettered violence rendering the Kurdish initiative a failure, as with so many others initiatives.
The Birth of the Kurdish National Council in Syria
In late July 2011, the Kurdish National Conference met in Qamishli. The conference comprised 250 individuals, 60 per cent of whom were unaffiliated, with the remaining 40 per cent representing one of the ten major parties of the traditional Kurdish political movement. Negotiations were held with the PYD aimed at including them in the conference, but the PYD declined to attend, preferring to work alone according to its own agenda.
The result of this meeting was the creation of Kurdish National Council, with an elected executive committee and general secretariat. In its closing statement, the conference demanded both "the right to determine the destiny of the Kurdish people in the framework of a unified Syria" and "changing the security-based dictatorship and instituting a plural democratic state." The conference further gave its blessing and support to the Kurdish revolutionary youth movement, set up local councils affiliated with the Syrian National Council, and called for the adoption of a decentralized political system to administer the country.
The conference's constituent parties were to withdraw from all other opposition alliances, though they would continue to work with these bodies to further Kurdish nationalist demands. This was because the member parties were hitherto distributed across a number of such organizations, including the Damascus Declaration, the National Coordinating Committee, the forces of Democratic Change and the Istanbul-based Syrian National Council.
Following its creation, Kurdish National Council executive committee made an official visit to Iraqi Kurdistan and met with the region's president, Masoud Barzani, who gave his blessing to the Syrian initiative. The head of the committee, Abdel Hakim Bashar, travelled to various European capitals where he met with representatives of their respective governments. The council entered into negotiations with the Syrian National Council with a view to develop common ground over the rights of the Kurdish people in Syria. Finally, the Kurdish delegation withdrew from the Istanbul conference, to which they had been invited by the Syrian National Council as part of the effort to unify the Syrian opposition, after the Syrian National Council refused to include Kurdish demands in the conference's "National Pledge" document.
For the most part, the Kurdish political movement feels that it is currently in the strongest position in its history. First of all, a Kurdish federal entity is securely established in northern Iraq despite the instability and factionalism that bedevils the rest of the country. This Kurdish region has given the Kurdish political movement in Syria a huge boost and revived the old dream of every Kurd, that one day there could be an independent Kurdish state.
Secondly, Syrian Kurds sense that they hold the balance of power in the current crisis; that were they to join the revolution in large numbers they would tilt the scale one way and hasten the fall of the regime, but if they joined ranks with the regime or at least not act against it, they would increase its ability to take on the uprising. However, the fact that young Syrians are active participants in demonstrations calling for the end of the regime means the second option is essentially null and void. Instead, the traditional Kurdish parties are left to manoeuvre between the various opposition formations, especially the Syrian National Council and the National Coordinating Committee.
Thirdly, the Kurdish political movement is contemplating the post-Assad era and realises that the Syrian state will soon be at its weakest ebb, allowing it to impose Kurdish demands more forcefully than at any time in the history of the modern Syrian state, a period in which their existence, culture and language have been marginalized and unrecognized.
Has the PKK backed the wrong horse?
The fact that the PKK entered into an alliance with the Assad regime at the start of the revolution came as a shock to everyone. We all remember how the Syrian regime expelled Abdullah Ocalan from Syrian territory in response to Turkish military threats in the summer of 1988. After months spent roaming from country to country and being turned away, Ocalan ended up in Nairobi, where he was arrested as part of a joint intelligence operation involving the CIA and the Turks, then flown to Istanbul, where he was placed in solitary confinement in an isolated island prison.
Ocalan's expulsion and arrest was only the first step. Syria and Turkey entered into a number of bilateral security treaties with the aim of combatting the PKK and, overnight, its supporters and fighters went from being pets of the Syrian security agencies to their prey. Hundreds of party members were arrested, some receiving harsh prison sentences, while others were handed over to the Turkish authorities. Ties between the PKK and the Syrian regime were cut and their relationship became one of mutual enmity, after long years of the regime embracing its activities and using it to pressure the Turks in the dispute over sharing water from the Euphrates river.
The rise of the Justice and Development Party (the AKP of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Erdogan) to power following decades of political instability in Turkey provided a glimmer of hope that the country's intractable "Kurdish problem" may be resolved. In 2003, current president Abdullah Gul made a statement in Diyarbakir (city in southeastern Turkey), which contained the first official admission by the Turkish state that there was a Kurdish issue that needed to be resolved politically, as opposed to violence and war which only exacerbated the problem.
The PKK responded by demonstrating its good intentions with a unilateral ceasefire declaration, hoping to give the new Turkish government a chance to make progress towards a political solution, which included safe passage for the party's fighters. Despite these measures, successive governments formed by the AKP over the course of the last decade have dragged their feet and failed to reach a long lasting, peaceful solution to the problem. Instead they have repeatedly resorted to the military option, resulting in even more bloodshed on both sides of the conflict.
The last round of secret negotiations between the PKK leadership and the Turkish intelligence services was held in Oslo in the spring of 2010. Media outlets close to the PKK leaked reports about the secret talks, embarrassing the Turkish government before the country's powerful secularist-nationalist opposition. Hopes for a peaceful settlement were dashed and the Turkish army resumed its attacks on PKK fighters, which itself carried out operations against army units.
This time, however, the PKK's military operations began to escalate and have been of an entirely different scale and quality than before, causing huge losses in the ranks of the Turkish forces. This has been the case since the Syrian revolution began when the Turkish government took a clear stand against the repressive tactics used by the regime.
Indeed, it seems that after decades of frosty relations, even outright hostility, the love affair between the regime and the PKK has blossomed anew.
The regime needed to keep the Kurds away from the popular demonstrations and in addition, to find some way to hurt the Turkish government. A way had to be found to stop Erdogan getting involved in Syria, especially since Turkey would be the most likely gateway for any international intervention. As for the PKK, the new deal has given it more space in which to manoeuvre in its conflict with Turkey. To sell this unpalatable deal to the Kurdish people, party members have pointed out that the main supporter of the Syrian opposition is their traditional enemy, the Turkish government. Furthermore, they say, the Syrian National Council is dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood, which is nothing less than the Syrian equivalent of the Islamist AKP. At the same time they attempt to flog their pro-regime stance by appealing to nationalist sentiments through various initiatives in Kurdish areas, from establishing cultural centres to teach the Kurdish language to electing what they call the "West Kurdistan Parliament", all under the watchful eye of the Syrian regime's security services.
It is possible that the immediate goal of the PKK is to establish military control over the Kurdish regions with the cooperation and connivance of the Assad regime, taking the opportunity to "impose a reality" both on the region's inhabitants and the Kurdish movement as a whole. It is common knowledge that PKK members have threatened, and continue to threaten, Kurdish revolutionary activists as well as assassinating Kurdish leaders. The public is well aware that the PKK are responsible for such assassinations though nobody is brave enough to openly accuse them.
As for their long term goals, the PKK's leadership knows full well that sooner or later the regime will fall, creating a power vacuum in the immediate aftermath, which an armed party such as the PKK, that already controls Afrin and is spreading its influence throughout the remaining Kurdish areas, could easily fill.
Ocalan's party is founded on leader-worship, a reverence for the imprisoned commander who still directs the party from his island cell near Istanbul. After his arrest and the loss of their protective political environment in Syria the party underwent an existential crisis. It fractured, losing large numbers of its military wing, one third of which were Syrian recruits. In Turkey itself political and cultural heavyweights from the Kurdish community began calling for an end to a war that had been raging since the mid-1980s and asking people to work with the Turkish government to create a political solution. The party became a burden on its population base and the space within which it manoeuvred shrank. The Syrian revolution was a chance for the party to regain the initiative, starting with northern Syria.
Syrian Kurds are nationalists before they are patriots, a direct result of political and cultural marginalization and the very suffering they have endured over the years, most notably the 1962 census that denied Syrian citizenship to hundreds of thousands of Kurds, centralized population projects that led to the forcible demographic alteration of formerly Kurdish regions and finally, the law that was passed a few years ago, which prevents the buying or selling of land within fifty kilometres of the Syrian border, a measure which the Kurds regard as targeting their communities.
The uprising of 2004 had the effect of making the Kurds even more insular and engendered feelings of impotent bitterness towards their Arab brethren. At the same time, the invasion and occupation of Iraq and the fall of Saddam Hussein gave Syrian Kurds a huge morale boost. Then came the Syrian revolution, a historic opportunity to achieve what they had never been able to achieve, and restore the rights which were stripped from them.
Taken together, these factors ensured that Kurdish participation in the revolution was less enthusiastic than anticipated, especially in the province of Aleppo. The Kurdish political movement, however, was even more passive than the general population.
Translated from the Arabic by Robin Moger.
Read our latest articles on the Syrian revolution
Mohammed Al Attar - What Kind of Support Do Syrians Want?
Bakr Sidki - The Kurds and the Syrian Revolution
Yassin al-Haj Salih - The Syrian Shabiha and Their State
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Home/News/India/Deeply saddened by the deaths in Kannauj accident, says Yogi
Deeply saddened by the deaths in Kannauj accident, says Yogi
By | Published: 11th January 2020 12:26 pm IST
Photo: ANI
Lucknow: Expressing profound grief over the loss of lives in Kannauj accident, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath on Saturday said that he is deeply saddened by the mishap.
"Deeply saddened by the news of painful death of people in Kannauj accident. I pray to Lord Ram for peace of the departed souls and wish for the speedy recovery of those injured in the accident. My condolences to the bereaved family," said Adityanath in a tweet.
The accident took place after a double-decker bus carrying at least 45 passengers collided with a truck at Dewar Marg in Kannauj district here late on Friday and subsequently went up in flames. As many as 20 passengers are feared dead in the accident.
READ: Recoveries remain more than new Covid cases in Karnataka
"A bus travelling from Kannauj to Jaipur collided with a truck at Dewar Marg in Kannauj, following which both went up in flames. Locals rushed to the spot and rescued several people from the bus," Inspector General of Police, Kanpur, Mohit Agarwal said on Saturday.
He said that 25 passengers have been safely rescued from the bus and are either receiving treatment at local hospitals or have been discharged.
Adityanath had announced Rs 2 lakh each compensation for the deceased and Rs 50,000 each for those grievously injured in the incident.
He also sought a report of the incident from the District Magistrate.
Source: ANI
Kannauj accident Yogi Adityanath
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If you are a follower on my former blog, you know by now that I'm moving here. As with any move, there's a likely to be a few snags in the process.
So, please bear with me as I migrate my posts, links, faves and content over here. And maybe I'll find time to put some new stuff up.


text:
Q: Efficient Approach For File Large File Download I am working on a Java based web application.This application consumes  REST API for its data via a custom made rest client which is a sub component of the application.Now I am stuck in a situation where I have to write code for downloading  a large file.The rest client calls the api , obtains data stream from the Response and writes the file at a particular location at the server.
Should I read the file and write it to the output stream? Or is there any more efficient way to achieve this functionality?
Thanks in advance

A: Finally I am using the same approach of reading the large file and writing it to the output stream.The rest client sub component reads the file data from the rest api and writes it at a temporary location on the server.
After that I read that file and write it to the output stream.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Possible changes in the standard of care for metastatic and non-metastatic prostate cancer
Speakers discussing studies at the Presidential Symposium 2 – Discussion session I: Genitourinary tumours, prostate (ESMO Congress 2021)
Addition of abiraterone acetate plus prednisone shows clear survival improvements in castration-sensitive prostate cancer
Two trials presented in today's Presidential Symposium 2 highlight the benefits of treatment intensification with androgen receptor signalling inhibitors in patients with hormone/castration-sensitive prostate cancer (CSPC).
The PEACE-1 phase III trial investigated adding abiraterone acetate–prednisone (AAP) ± local radiotherapy to standard of care (androgen deprivation therapy [ADT] ± docetaxel; the addition of docetaxel became the new standard of care after the start of the study) in 1173 patients with de novo metastatic CSPC (LBA5_PR). Median overall survival (OS) was improved with the addition of AAP, both in the overall population (5.7 years versus 4.7 years; hazard ratio [HR] 0.82; 95% confidence interval [CI] 0.69–0.98; p=0.030) and in the subpopulation of patients receiving ADT plus docetaxel (not reached versus 4.4 years; HR 0.75; 95% CI 0.59–0.95; p=0.017). Among patients who developed castration-resistant disease in the ADT plus docetaxel standard-of-care control arm, 84% then received at least one life-prolonging therapy and 81% received next-generation hormonal therapy, compared with 74% and 46%, respectively, of patients in the ADT plus docetaxel plus AAP arm. Toxicity was as expected, with no apparent synergistic adverse events from the combination.
Figure. Significant survival benefit from adding abiraterone acetate–prednisone to standard of care (androgen deprivation therapy plus docetaxel) in castration-sensitive prostate cancer in the PEACE-1 trial (Abstract LBA5_PR, ESMO Congress 2021)
"These results will change the standard of care," says Dr Maria De Santis from Charité Universitätsmedizin, Berlin, Germany and the Medical University of Vienna, Austria. "In an earlier analysis of PEACE-1, the addition of AAP to ADT plus docetaxel significantly prolonged radiographic progression-free survival (J Clin Oncol 2021;39(15 Suppl):5000) but here, an obvious improvement in OS has been demonstrated, which extends the advances recently made in metastatic CSPC." Reflecting on previous findings in this setting, De Santis adds, "In patients with metastatic CSPC, we already knew that early treatment intensification improved survival significantly, but the question was if doublets or triplet therapy should be used. This has now been answered in the PEACE-1 study."
This is a completely new patient (sub)group that has not been included in other published trials.
Dr Maria De Santis, Germany
Similarly encouraging results were also presented in the non-metastatic CSPC setting. A primary combined analysis from two comparisons in the STAMPEDE platform protocol assessed AAP ± enzalutamide added to ADT compared with ADT alone (LBA4_PR). There was significant improvement in the primary endpoint of metastatic-free survival (MFS) with 2 years of AAP-based therapy than with ADT alone (108 events versus 306 events, respectively; HR 0.53, 95% CI 0.44–0.64, p<0.0001). OS was also significantly improved with the combination regimen (147 deaths versus 236 deaths, respectively; HR 0.60, 95% CI 0.48–0.73; p<0.0001) (Figure). Adding enzalutamide to AAP increased toxicity, but this was described by the researchers as having 'no discernible effect on efficacy'.
Figure. Significant improvement in OS was achieved with combination AAP-based therapy than with ADT alone in the STAMPEDE platform protocol (LBA4PR, ESMO 2021)
"For patients with high-risk, locally advanced disease – the so-called M0 CSPC setting – we have been eagerly awaiting OS data for several years," says De Santis. "Until now it was unclear if the major failure-free survival improvements would translate into an OS benefit. This is a completely new patient (sub)group that has not been included in other published trials. With the clinically relevant improvements in survival seen in STAMPEDE, I expect this kind of treatment intensification to be implemented as a standard of care."
With these findings, current practice is likely to change relatively quickly in both metastatic and high-risk locally advanced CSPC since the agents investigated are already approved and available in clinical practice, although these studies suggest a different, more effective way to use them. "AAP has become generic and is currently much cheaper than other androgen receptor signalling inhibitors. Hopefully, reimbursement will not be an issue given the significant OS improvement and the benefits for our patients," concludes De Santis, who is optimistic about the safety data presented today. "The huge benefits of these treatments and combinations clearly outweigh the risks of well-known agents. The overwhelmingly positive results are reassuring and will help to convince patients and physicians to intensify treatment early on."
Fizazi K et al. A phase III trial with a 2x2 factorial design in men with de novo metastatic castration-sensitive prostate cancer: Overall survival with abiraterone acetate plus prednisone in PEACE-1. ESMO Congress 2021, Abstract LBA5_PR
Presidential symposium 2, 19.9.2021, h. 15:05 – 16:37, Channel 1
Attard G et al. Abiraterone acetate plus prednisolone (AAP) with or without enzalutamide (ENZ) added to androgen deprivation therapy (ADT) compared to ADT alone for men with high-risk non-metastatic (M0) prostate cancer (PCa): Combined analysis from two comparisons in the STAMPEDE platform protocol. ESMO Congress 2021, Abstract LBA4_PR
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text:
Mechanical Properties of Nanoporous Au: From Empirical Evidence to Phenomenological Modeling
The present work focuses on the development of a theoretical model aimed at relating the mechanical properties of nanoporous metals to the bending response of thick ligaments. The model describes the structure of nanoporous metal foams in terms of an idealized regular lattice of massive cubic nodes and thick ligaments with square cross-sections. Following a general introduction to the subject, model predictions are compared with Young's modulus and the yield strength of nanoporous Au foams determined experimentally and available in literature. It is shown that the model provides a quantitative description of the elastic and plastic deformation behavior of nanoporous metals, reproducing to a satisfactory extent the experimental Young's modulus and yield strength values of nanoporous Au.
Titolo: Mechanical Properties of Nanoporous Au: From Empirical Evidence to Phenomenological Modeling
PIA, GIORGIO
DELOGU, FRANCESCO
Abstract: The present work focuses on the development of a theoretical model aimed at relating the mechanical properties of nanoporous metals to the bending response of thick ligaments. The model describes the structure of nanoporous metal foams in terms of an idealized regular lattice of massive cubic nodes and thick ligaments with square cross-sections. Following a general introduction to the subject, model predictions are compared with Young's modulus and the yield strength of nanoporous Au foams determined experimentally and available in literature. It is shown that the model provides a quantitative description of the elastic and plastic deformation behavior of nanoporous metals, reproducing to a satisfactory extent the experimental Young's modulus and yield strength values of nanoporous Au.
metals-05-01665.pdf versione editoriale Open Access Visualizza/Apri


My son 14 year old son Joshua wrote the following paper. With his permission, I'm sharing it with all of you. When you're reading this, remember he is 14 years old. He may not have a complete understanding with the way things work, but he is on the right track. This paper shows so much about his character. He is growing to be a good young man.
Does My Generation Have a Role to Play in America's Future?
Some may ask me: Does my generation have a role to play n America's ever changing future? I would just nod and say yes because my generation is the next to fill America's offices of business and the empty seats of the Senate and the House of Representatives. We are the next to be in war but not the last to fall in an effort to defend this great country. America did not get the way it is now, easily. In the past, we faced countless challenges. Now, we face those and new, diverse challenges. Even in the future there will be challenges we face still today like health care, drugs and making sure the Senate is evenly balanced when it comes to deciding what's good, so that one group doesn't control the fate of this great country.
Health care I think is one of the first things that need changed. It should be in every one's top 5 list of importance. The secret to a good health care system is affordability; as not everyone can afford health coverage. The companies should lower the prices and the people could pay what they say they would pay. If health care happened to be affordable then less people would worry about getting sick and/or hurt and having to go to the hospital and be covered and not have every cent sucked out of your wallet or purse. Not all insurance companies are bad and selfish. A few months ago I broke my arm and the insurance company my mom uses would not pay it because it happened out of state, but when that happened my dad gave the bill to the company he uses and they paid it. This is a big topic. If you think you can't make a difference in the area then think again. Even if you are 2 years old, everyone can make a difference whether if you don't get hurt or if you do, you can' make a difference. Maybe not on this topic, but there are plenty of things that need changed.
Take drug abuse for instance. There are so many drug addicts that I can't even count them all and I can count to 11,000; anything past that and I get really bored. There are so many ways to get drugs that people have stopped trying to to stop the problem. The only people doing anything about it is the FBI and the big city police. In small towns there isn't much of a problem but the cities and the drug junkies get what they want not need, want. The drugs don't just come from Mexico, they come from Africa, Russia, and even the US. there are some probably being grown in California. I speak that is how bad it is and it needs stopped now not later. NOW. If we can do something the we have done something to help stop this drug craze. Maybe the fact that so many are addicted to drugs that it is all they think about.
Another topic that is important to me is job loss and the economy. Many people have been affected by its crushing collapse, including me and many more in my home town. The fact that the oil spill in the Gulf Coast put thousands out of jobs is not helping much. Money is tight around us and other places that people are spending less and less and without that money circulating in the economy hurts it even more so. I say spend, spend, spend. I'm not talking about TVs or other luxury items. I mean necessities; food, clothes, junk like that to pump that much needed money back into the economy to help it grow, because $200.00 is not much when in other countries it would be a penny.
The US is not the only place with hardships. The whole world is in disarray with war, racism, and more.( should be less.) The war in Afghanistan is going to its 10th year and so far it's a draw on the only thing we should be focused on is home. The US that is where all of the main focus should be, not in some other country. The cost of the war has put this country way in dept.
so in the end, we are facing many problems and we still will. It won't be one day we are fighting a war that seems like it will never end. One day we are all buddy-buddy with that country. Then again that's how most wars end, but either way, conflict will still happen and those conflicts will turn into a great peace. So when disaster strikes we will all pitch in and maybe one day we will have world peace. My generation has one of the biggest roles to play in the future of not only America, but in the whole world.
Wow.....for a 14 year old your writing is remarkably mature. Well done young man....and very well written!
wow!!!!!!!!!! He's very intelligent for 14 & I'm proud of him!!!!!!!!!!


text:
Q: want to store return value of sql select statement in c# I want to store return value of UserId from sql query to Usersid variable.But I am not able to get the value.FYI UserName is text.
int usersid;
using (SqlConnection connection = new SqlConnection(ConfigurationManager.ConnectionStrings["AzureSql"].ToString()))
using (SqlCommand command = new SqlCommand())
{
    connection.Open();
    command.CommandText = @"Select UserId from  [dbo].[User] where username= @username";

    command.Parameters.Clear();

    command.Parameters.AddWithValue("@username", currentUser.UserName);
    usersid = (int)command.ExecuteScalar();

    command.CommandText = @"INSERT INTO [dbo].[ClientEmailConfirmation] ([JobNumber],[OrderNumber],[UserId]) VALUES
                                                     (@JobNumber,@OrderNumber,@UserId)";
    command.Parameters.Clear();
    command.Parameters.AddWithValue("@JobNumber", JobNumberTextBox.Text);
    command.Parameters.AddWithValue("@OrderNumber", OrderNumberTextBox.Text);
    command.Parameters.AddWithValue("@UserId", usersid);
    command.ExecuteNonQuery();

}

I would greatly appreciate of your help
Thanks,
A

A: using (SqlCommand command = new SqlCommand())
{
  command.Connection = connection;
  ...

A: Preface: I'm answering to combine the two previous answers and to also provide some best practices.
Your original code sample was missing the piece that connected (pun-intended) the SqlConnection and the SqlCommand. You need the following snippet of code:
using (SqlConnection connection = new SqlConnection(ConfigurationManager.ConnectionStrings["AzureSql"].ToString()))
using (SqlCommand command = new SqlCommand())
{
    connection.Open();
    command.Connection = connection;
    // Rest of code here.
}

I prefer to assign the connection in the constructor of the SqlCommand with an empty command text personally. It always ensures that connection is assigned to the SqlCommand. More reading can be found here on MSDN.
using (SqlConnection connection = new SqlConnection(ConfigurationManager.ConnectionStrings["AzureSql"].ToString()))
using (SqlCommand command = new SqlCommand("", connection))
{
    // Do note that you still have to open the connection here.
    connection.Open();
    // Rest of code here.
}

Assuming that your UserId column is an integer type, then casting the result should be fine.
usersid = (int)command.ExecuteScalar();

You should be instantiating your own instances of SqlParameter rather than using the AddWithValue() method off the SqlParameterCollection. In the off chance that you have conflicting data types, AddWithValue can infer the wrong type leading to a few difficult to diagnose problems. For further reading, check out this article or MSDN.
command.Parameters.Add(new SqlParameter("@username", SqlDbType.VarChar) { Value = currentUser.UserName });

A: Convert the scalar results to Int:
         int userId = Convert.ToInt32(command.ExecuteScalar()));


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No matter how careful you are when handling your vaping device, accidents happen from time to time. Thanks to the SMOK TFV8 Replacement Glass 3-Pack, shattering your tank's glass doesn't mean that you must call it a day. At last, you can relax and know that you have replacement glass ready to go should you drop your SMOK device unexpectedly.
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The SMOK TFV8 Replacement Glass is extremely easy to insert into your SMOK TFV8 sub-ohm tank. Simply unscrew the top of the tank and set it aside. Then, unscrew the old glass piece and discard it. Screw the new glass piece in, reattach the top piece of the tank and you're good to go.
SMOK is known for creating durable products that can withstand everyday use. This no exception. Each glass piece is extremely thick, meaning that it can handle constant vaping without wearing down over time. This heavy-duty glass material can even handle the occasional drop.


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Have been enrolled in fine arts/performing arts school, entry through audition process, from age 8 through to university.


text:
dnacommunities.com	Board index Ancestor Communities World
Dogs may originate in Central Asia
Postby D J Thornton » Fri Oct 23, 2015 7:02 am
Studying dogs can help shed light on diseases in common with humans. I think it can shed light on migrations as well. DJ
http://time.com/4079485/dogs-origin-central-asia/ news article
Dogs were the first domesticated species, but the precise timing and location of domestication are hotly debated. Using genomic data from 5,392 dogs, including a global set of 549 village dogs, we find strong evidence that dogs were domesticated in Central Asia, perhaps near present-day Nepal and Mongolia. Dogs in nearby regions (e.g., East Asia, India, and Southwest Asia) contain high levels of genetic diversity due to their proximity to Central Asia and large population sizes. Indigenous dog populations in the Neotropics and South Pacific have been largely replaced by European dogs, whereas those in Africa show varying degrees of European vs. indigenous African ancestry.
Dogs were the first domesticated species, originating at least 15,000 y ago from Eurasian gray wolves. Dogs today consist primarily of two specialized groups—a diverse set of nearly 400 pure breeds and a far more populous group of free-ranging animals adapted to a human commensal lifestyle (village dogs). Village dogs are more genetically diverse and geographically widespread than purebred dogs making them vital for unraveling dog population history. Using a semicustom 185,805-marker genotyping array, we conducted a large-scale survey of autosomal, mitochondrial, and Y chromosome diversity in 4,676 purebred dogs from 161 breeds and 549 village dogs from 38 countries. Geographic structure shows both isolation and gene flow have shaped genetic diversity in village dog populations. Some populations (notably those in the Neotropics and the South Pacific) are almost completely derived from European stock, whereas others are clearly admixed between indigenous and European dogs. Importantly, many populations—including those of Vietnam, India, and Egypt—show minimal evidence of European admixture. These populations exhibit a clear gradient of short-range linkage disequilibrium consistent with a Central Asian domestication origin.
Return to "World"


very interesting ideas, maybe not always useful (i already feel limited by the amount of subsystem we can have) but a good direction to think into if the devs want to re-do the shield system.
Surely we should add no-perks to that list? Now that I've been able to do it I'll throw my hat in the ring: about two and half hours. Beat that! We should indeed! That's a great idea!
For me the cheapest tactics, I dont know if everyone uses it, is to plant plasma mines right in front of every G&B freighter i find so that it explodes without making me hostile, therefore giving me all the goodies i need without fighting.


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text:
Amblystegium glaziovii är en bladmossart som beskrevs av Brotherus 1924. Amblystegium glaziovii ingår i släktet Amblystegium och familjen Amblystegiaceae. Inga underarter finns listade i Catalogue of Life.

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