This text was originally published in 2008 on Dan Hill's blog cityofsound.
The way the street feels may soon be defined by what cannot be seen with the naked eye.
Imagine footage of a normal street right now, a relatively busy crossroads at 9AM taken from a vantage point high above the street, looking down at an angle as if from a CCTV camera. We can see several buildings, a dozen cars, quite a few people, and pavements dotted with street furniture. Freeze the frame, and scrub the film backwards and forwards a little, observing the physical activity on the street. But what can't we see?
We can't see how the street is immersed in a twitching, pulsing cloud of data. This is over and above the well-established electromagnetic radiation, crackles of static, radio waves conveying radio and television broadcasts in digital and analogue forms, and police voice traffic. This is a new kind of data, collective and individual, aggregated and discrete, open and closed, constantly logging impossibly detailed patterns of behavior. The behavior of the street.
Such data emerges from the feet of three friends, grimly jogging past, whose Nike+ shoes track the frequency and duration of every step, comparing against pre-set targets for each individual runner. This is cross-referenced with playlist data emerging from their three iPods. Similar performance data is being captured in the engine control systems of a stationary BMW waiting at a traffic light, beaming information back to the BMW service center associated with the car's owner.
In an adjacent newsagent's, the stock control system updates as a newspaper is purchased, with data about consumption emerging from the EFTPOS (Electronic Funds Transfer at Point Of Sale) system used to purchase the paper, triggering transactions in the customer's bank account records.
Data emerges from the seven simultaneous phone conversations (with one call via Skype and six cellular phones) amongst the group of people waiting at the pedestrian crossing nearest the newsagent.
The recent browser histories of the two PCs with internet access in a coffee shop across the road update sporadically with use, indicating both individual patterns of websites accessed and an aggregate pattern of data transfer throughout the day. At the counter of the coffee shop, a loyalty card is being swiped, updating records in their customer database. The flat above the shop is silently broadcasting data about the occupant's usage of his Sky+ box, DAB radio with Internet connection, and Xbox Live console. His laptop noisily plays music, noiselessly accreting data to build a profile of the user's taste in music at the web-based service Last FM. This track has inaccurate or no metadata, which means it is not registered by Last FM, in turn harming its latent sales prospects.
A police car whistles by, the policewoman in the passenger seat tapping into a feed of patterns of suspicious activity around the back of the newsagent on a proprietary police system accessed via her secured BlackBerry. A kid takes a picture of the police car blurring past with his digital camera, which automatically uses a satellite to stamp the image with location data via the GPS-enabled peripheral plugged into the camera's hot-shoe connection.
Across the road, a telecoms engineer secures a wireless device to the telephone exchange unit on the pavement, which will intermittently broadcast its state back to base, indicating when repairs might be necessary.
Walking past, an anxious-looking punter abruptly halts as the local Ladbrokes triggers a Bluetooth-based MMS to his phone, having detected him nearby, and offers discounts on a flutter on the 3.30 at Newmarket (the Ladbrokes is constantly receiving updates on runners, riders, and bets, linked to a national network aggregating information from local nodes at racecourses and bookies). The potential punter had earlier received a tip on said race from his chosen newspaper's daily sports bulletin, delivered via his mobile's newsfeed reader software.
As he wonders whether he could discreetly sidle into the bookies to place the bet he'd promised himself he wouldn't, the streetlamp above his head fades down as its sensors indicate the level of ambient daylight on the street is now quite sufficient, switching into a mode where the solar panel above collects energy for the evening and delivers any potential excess back into the grid, briefly triggering a message indicating this change of state back to the public-private partnership that runs the lighting services in this borough, in turn commencing a transaction to price up the surplus electricity delivered to the grid.
The same increase in daylight causes a minor adjustment in four of the seven CCTV cameras dotted along the street, as they re-calibrate their exposure levels accordingly, the digital video accruing on the array of remote disk drives at a faraway control center is rendered slightly differently in response.
In an apartment over the bookies, the occupant switches on her kettle, causing the display on her Wattson device that monitors real-time electricity usage in the flat to jump upwards by a hundred watts, whilst triggering a corresponding jump in the sparklines displaying usage on the Holmes software that tracks that data over time, which compares her consumption to four of her friend's houses in the same neighborhood.
Three kids are playing an online game on their mobile phones, in which the physical street pattern around them is overlaid with renderings of the nineteenth century city. They scuttle down an alleyway behind a furniture showroom as the virtual presence of another player, actually situated in a town forty miles away and reincarnated as a Sherlock Holmes-ian detective, indicated on their map by an icon of a deerstalker and gently puffing pipe, stalks past the overlaid imagined space. The three play a trio of master criminals, intent on unleashing a poisonous miasma upon the unsuspecting and unreal caricatures generated by the game.
Approaching the furniture showroom's delivery bay to the rear, the driver of an articulated lorry grinds down through his gears in frustration as he realizes the road over the lights narrows to a point through which his cab will not fit, information not made clear by the satnav system propped on his dashboard. The RFID (Radio Frequency Identification) chips embedded into the packaging of the seven armchairs in his trailer register briefly on the showroom's stock control system, noting the delivery time and identity of the driver. When formally checked in later by the showroom's assistant with a barcode-scanner, the damage to one of the chairs is noted and sent back to base, automatically triggering the addition of a replacement armchair to the next lorry out to this town, while recalculating stock levels.
In the shoe shop next door, a similar hand-held scanner, unknowingly damaged in a minor act of tomfoolery a day earlier, fails to register the barcode on a box of sneakers, resulting in a lost sale as the assistant is unable to process the transaction without said barcode. The would-be customer walks out in disgust, texting his wife in order to vent his furious frustration on someone. She sends a placating if deliberately patronizing message back within a few seconds, which causes him to smile and respond with an "x" two seconds after that. In doing so, his allocation of SMSs for the month tips over to the next tier in his payment plan, triggering a flag in an database somewhere in Slough.
Deciding to spend his money—that he unwittingly has less of than he did a few moments ago—on a book instead, he steps into the only local bookstore on the street, using the now more expensive data plan of his mobile phone service to retrieve aggregated reviews for the latest Andy McNab, which he half-reads whilst perusing the back cover of the book. Unfortunately the corresponding prices offered up by the review system are in US dollars, as the service is not localized and thus he can't compare prices. This is fortunate for the shop, however, and so during the resulting purchase of the book, the store's stock control system automatically orders a fresh batch of the now best-seller whilst the on-counter top 10 displays McNab's seemingly inexorable rise up the charts on a battered old LCD monitor.
Round the corner, the number of copies of the McNab book in the municipal library remains exactly the same. Instead, the large external LED display hoisted over the door at huge expense conveys the volume of ISBNs of books being swiped by librarians inside the building, in real time. Part of an installation by students at the local art college, the most popular genres of books taken out, inferred from the aggregate of ISBNs and cross-referenced with Amazon, are displayed every five minutes via a collage of randomly selected movie clips from YouTube that match broadly that same genre and keywords (filtered for decency and sensitivity by bespoke software which is itself receiving updates, detailing what is considered obscene at this point). Currently, a two-second sequence of a close-up of David Niven's nose and mustache from The Bridge on the River Kwai morphs into the bulging right arm of Sylvester Stallone in Rambo, cradling a stolen Soviet rocket launcher. The patterns of clip consumption at YouTube twitch accordingly.
Looking up at the display in fascination and bewilderment, an elderly lady stumbles over a pothole in the pavement. Helped back to her feet by a younger man, she decides to complain to the council about the pothole. The man suggests he can do that right now, from his iPod Touch and using the library's open public Wi-Fi, by registering the presence of a pothole at this point on the local problems database, Fix My Street. The old woman stares at him quizzically as it takes him fifty seconds to close the website he had been looking it on his mobile (Google Maps directions for "hairdressers near SW4," a phrase he'll shortly have to type in again, having neglected to bookmark it) and access fixmystreet.com. He spends the next few minutes indicating the presence of a pothole outside the library on Fix My Street (unaware of the postcode, he has to select one from a few possible matches on street name), before he moves on, satisfied with his civic good deed for the day. The elderly lady had long since shuffled off, muttering to herself. Although Fix My Street smartly forwards on all issues to the corresponding council, a beleaguered under-trained temp in the also underfunded "pavements team" is unaware of fixmystreet.com and unable to cope with the levels of complaint, and so the pothole claims five more victims over the next two weeks until someone rings up about it.
The LED display board can also sniff what is being accessed via the library's public Wi-Fi network, and displays fragments of the corresponding text and imagery. It switches briefly over to this mode, in order to denote that Fix My Street was being accessed, and displays some details of the transactions detailing the pothole issue. Before flicking back to the YouTube x ISBN installation, the display then conveys some information from the local council about a forthcoming street upgrade, blissfully unaware of the possible connection to be made between that and the pothole. Unfortunately, at that point, the pale sunlight hits the screen at such an angle that it cannot be read by two hurrying passers-by anyway. The display then dissolves into a slow pan across Keira Knightly's delicately arched eyebrow from Pirates of the Caribbean.
In the swinging briefcase of one of the passersby, an Amazon Kindle e-book reader briefly connects to the public library—having previously visited the library, the owner had registered the public Wi-Fi in her settings. It commences a rapid-fire series of handshakes with Amazon's systems, swapping personal details back and forth with user profile information, and thus beginning to download a new book by Ian McEwan to the device. Despite the wealth of metadata in this rich stream of data, the Kindle's closed system means that the library's databases, and LED display installation, cannot possibly be made aware of this literary transaction being conducted using its infrastructure. Either way, with seven seconds the Kindle user is out of range and the download automatically fizzles out, settling back to wait for the scent of open wireless.
Behind the library, a small nineteenth century cottage that has been on the market for a year now is being re-valued by estate agents. This new figure, a few thousand pounds less than the previous, is entered automatically via the estate agent's PDA and ripples through their internal databases and then external facing systems. It doesn't trigger any change in three other proprietary databases listing average house prices in the neighborhood until three weeks later. This house price change subtly affects the average for the area, which is later recombined into the aforementioned map that compares with commuter times for the borough.
An employee of the local water company knocks on a door up the street, calling in order to take a reading from the house's meter. She uses a bespoke application on her mobile phone, which should indicate the location of the meter on the property. In this case, it doesn't, so she has to ask.
Five TomTom satnav systems in five of the twelve cars on the street suddenly crash for reasons unknown, causing an instantaneous reboot and login sequence over the course of twenty seconds. One driver notices.
the screen, offering a scrollable map of the local area and directory of local businesses. It's little used, as the directory of businesses was always incomplete and intermittently updated, its data now rusty and eroded by time. Plus maps are available on most people's mobile phones. Still, the printer installed in its base occasionally emits a money-off coupon for some of the local businesses.
Under the pavement on one side of the street, a buried sensor records the fact that some fiber-optic cables are now transmitting data with 10% less effectiveness than when they were installed. A rat ascends from an accidentally uncovered grille under the library's down-pipe nearby, its whiskers containing trace elements of plastic cladding.
A blogger posts an entry on her weblog regarding some new graffiti on the library's rear, uploading the image via her mobile phone, thanks to her blog platform's relationship with Flickr, a popular photo-sharing site. She adds a cursory description of the stenciled representation of the Mayor's face superimposed onto a £50 note instead of the Queen's. Shortly afterwards, she receives an SMS from the service Twitter, indicating that two of her friends are heading for a café up the street, and she decides to intercept them to discuss her find, sending back the URL of her post and the time of her imminent arrival. Her phone's Google Maps application triangulates her position to within a few hundred meters using the mobile cell that encompasses the street, conveying a quicker route to the café. Unfortunately, none of their systems convey that the café is newly closed for redecoration.
Working from home in his small house backing onto the old cottage, a lawyer files his case notes via the password-protected intranet his company operates, his Wi-Fi network encrypted to prevent leakage of such confidential data. He then closes his network connection, switching instead to his neighbor's Wi-Fi network—which has been left purposefully open in the interests of creating a cohesive civic layer of wireless coverage on their street—in order to watch the watch the highlights of his football team's two-nil victory the night before. In this way, his own remarkably cheap wireless network data plan never goes beyond its monthly cap. This parasitic wireless activity is only curtailed months later, when the previously benevolent neighbor uses some free sniffer software she downloaded to detect the presence of the Wi-Fi router that's responsible for the majority of the data usage in the street.
A local off-license has an old monitor in the window that cycles through a series of crude screengrabs of faces of shoplifters of local stores, derived from the various CCTV systems owned by a local association of shopkeepers. Unfortunately, the face of the purchaser of the Andy McNab book is mistakenly added to the system three weeks later.
Waiting at the lights, someone pays their council tax by mobile phone, triggering an internet-based bank transfer via SMS. Across the road, a car belonging to a citywide car-sharing network patiently waits to be activated by a swipe of a member's RFID card. It transmits its location and status back to the car-sharing network's database every few minutes. Also in a prime position by the lights, a café is briefly office to two businesspeople having an informal meeting. Although the café's wireless network is closed, their usage charges are paid for by the company they work for, and they barely notice the cost. The company credit card details are retrieved automatically over a secure transaction. Though it has poorer muffins, the café opens 90 minutes earlier than the library.
A series of small high-resolution displays, hanging under each traffic light and angled towards stationary drivers, alternately communicates the number of accidents that have occurred around these lights in the last year, and then the current speed limit, which can be calibrated to an optimum level for the current traffic conditions in the borough. The traffic lights also house the city's congestion charging system's cameras, logging the license plates of cars passing through its network of inner-city streets.
A wireless sensor network, carefully and discreetly embedded in the trunks of trees lining one side of the street, silently monitors the overall health of the limes and planes, collating data and waiting patiently for the council's tree surgeon to inspect the arboreal vital signs.
At the end of the line of trees, a new bench has been installed on the street. At either side of the bench, there are two standard electrical power points freely available for citizens to recharge their phone or laptop. A small LED winks to indicate this, alongside a standardized explanatory icon drawn up by the department also responsible for the highways' signage systems. The power running to the bench is carried via flexible cables that can twist and stretch around the growing roots of the nearest trees. The bench also carries a WIMAX transmitter as part of a research project led by the local university. As such, this bench appears as a key node on several GIS.
A cab drives through the traffic lights as they switch to green and it quickly signals to turn left, looking to nose back on itself as the presence of a fare is indicated at a nearby hairdresser's, via the in-taxi control system. A faraway voice crackles over the intercom a few seconds later attempting to verify that the driver is en-route. The driver clarifies she is en-route but that she'll take a few minutes more than usual as her satnav system indicates high traffic levels across the three normal routes taken.
At another building on the street, a new four-story commercial office block inhabited by five different companies, the building information modeling systems, left running after construction, convey real-time performance data on the building's heating, plumbing, lighting, and electrical systems back to the facilities management database operated by the company responsible for running and servicing the building. It also triggers entries in the database of both the architect and engineering firms who designed and built the office block, and are running post-occupancy evaluations on the building in order to learn from its performance once inhabited.
In turn, and using this feed, the city council's monitoring systems note the aggregated energy usage for the commercial buildings on the street, constantly shuffling its league table of energy-efficient neighborhoods. The current score for the street, neighborhood, and city is displayed outside the nearby library, on a trio of vertical axis wind turbines with LEDs embedded in their blades.
A prototype of a similar monitoring system, but embedded in the bus stop opposite the library, records the performance of the lights, travel information displays, large plasma-screen advertising display, and the chilled-beam cooling system newly installed for comfort. The travel information displays themselves receive updates in real time via a slice of radio spectrum allocated to such data, indicating the proximity of the next five buses. This same system also conveys the latest information on the whereabouts of the no. 73 in particular, in the form of an SMS to a prospective passenger who has selected this as her "favorite bus" via the transport company's website. Around the corner, she breaks into a trot accordingly.
The plasma display is currently running an advert for the local radio station's breakfast show (displaying a live stream of SMS messages sent to the show, filtered for obscenity and likelihood of libel). As the slightly out-of-breath imminent passenger arrives within range of its Bluetooth-based transceiver, it cross-fades to a display from the city's premiere modern art gallery, with whom she has registered her mobile phone as a preferred mode of communication and whose systems are quickly cross-referenced for her attendance record for the last few years, and thus it informs her of a new exhibition about to start.
This she doesn't notice at all, but one person in the loosely defined queue around the bus stop does, and scribbles the details on his hand. Four seconds later, the display recognizes another mobile phone with an open Bluetooth connection and an active account within the agglomeration of companies that have registered their databases with this advertising service, and shifts its display accordingly. The call-and-response between the queue and the screen continues until the bus finally pulls in and the screen's transient audience dissipates. It settles back to a carousel of generic advertising messages and local information tailored to that street and its surrounds.
As the bus departs, the new passengers on-board swipe their RFID-based integrated transport system ID cards, updating mass transit databases with every possible aspect that can be gleaned from this simple activity (time of day, location, frequency of use, favorite entry points etc.) The now-empty seat in the bus stop registers that it is indeed empty using simple sensors, and wirelessly logs this fact with a database monitoring the usage and state of street furniture in the neighborhood. Powered by solar panels on top of the bus stop, it creates a pulsing ambient glow.
Across the road, another billboard displays the number of reported burglaries and bag snatches in the neighborhood in the last three months, live data direct from the police force systems. This causes several passers-by to feel a touch more anxious than they did a moment ago. Had they walked past a moment before, the billboard would have been displaying information on a forthcoming community sports day at the local park. One of the passers-by would have recognized their son in the video of last year's winners, running in slow motion under the crisp typography. A moment before and the passers-by would have been subjected to a tortuous promo for a Portuguese avant-garde play currently running at the local theatre, within which a QR code displayed in the top-right hand corner could've been read with a mobile phone's IR reader, delivering the website for the theatre to the phone's browser.
Of the two bars, two pubs, and three cafés on the street, only one has recently checked that the location and description data overlaid on Google Maps is present and correct, and thus is fortunate to receive two hungry Hungarian tourists for a full English breakfast with all the trimmings.
Twenty meters below the ground, a tube train scurries under the crossroads, outrunning its halo of data that details its location and speed from the engine control systems, while CCTV conveys images of the carriage directly underneath. The carriage contains forty-four mobile phones seeking a signal, some with Bluetooth headphone sets; ten BlackBerries and four other PDAs likewise; thirteen MP3 players of varying brands, a couple also with Bluetooth headphones; seven sleeping laptops.
Directly overhead, ten thousand meters up, the distant roar of a commercial airliner's Rolls-Royce engines, beaming their performance data back to engineers via satellite in real-time. . .
And press play. . .
This somewhat banal sketch of an average high street is very deliberately based on the here and now; none of the technology lurking in the background behind this passage is R&D. Most of it is in use in our streets, one way or another, and the technology that isn't could be deployed tomorrow. As such, given the time from lab to street, it represents the research thinking of over a decade ago.
This doesn't even go near concepts like Bruce Sterling's spimes,  or The Living's Living City,  or Christian Nold's bio mapping,  in which objects, people, and buildings constantly, silently, and invisibly communicate with each other, shaping each others' behavior and representation.
• for fun, a bored intern at an urban planning consultancy drives simulated herds of cattle through a digital model of the crossroads designed for predicting the patterns of behavior in crowds during a terrorist attack and so on.
Instead, this is all everyday technology—embedded in, propped up against, or moving through the street, carried by people and vehicles, and installed by private companies and public bodies. Each element of data causes waves of responses in other connected databases, sometimes interacting with each other physically through proximity, other times through semantic connections across complex databases, sometimes in real time, sometimes causing ripples months later. Some data is proprietary, enclosed and privately managed; some is open, collaborative, and public.
Yet how much of this activity is obviously perceptible on our streets when viewed through conventional means? The snapshot above, without the explanatory narrative of the systems being touched by these activities, would just like a freeze-frame of a few people and vehicles set against a backdrop of buildings. A photograph or drawing would show only a handful of people, a few vehicles and some buildings. Traditional urban planning might note patterns of flocking or grouping, when tracking the flow of people through a space, yet would they make a causal observation based on the presence of the open Wi-Fi that created a "flock"?
Forty years ago, the British architects Archigram suggested that "When it's raining on Oxford Street, the buildings are no more important than the rain." The group's David Greene subsequently asked, "So why draw the buildings and not the rain?" Why indeed? The sketch above tries to describe data rather than rain, but they're similarly ephemeral. The work of Archigram, and others, may provide some useful prompts for thinking about this softer infrastructure—when critiqued—though Greene himself has noted that the importance of apparently permanent buildings has persisted, even for "the electronic nomads of the global financial systems." So the more relevant question is how do the buildings and the rain of data interrelate?
Informational systems are beginning to profoundly change the way our streets work, the way they are used, and the way they feel. This in itself presents a major challenge for the existing practice and vocabulary of planning. How much of this life of the street, this rapidly increasing torrent of human activity, is registered as a field of enquiry or activity in most planning activity? Imagine this street scene over the next few years of deployment of a more ubiquitous and pervasive computing, and the challenge to identify, understand, denote, and plan for this environment is even more pressing.
The sketch above deliberately traverses quite a few modes of activity—from private to public; individual to civic; commercial to recreational; residential to vocational. And in all instances systems are in flux, in development, or require implementing, testing and shaping.
In many of these instances there are decisions to be made about openness, responsibility, privacy, security, interaction, and experience. Some of these will be directly under the aegis of government, some through public-private partnerships, some though architects of the built environment, some through architects of this informational environment, some through commercial enterprises, some through NGOs, some through municipal institutions, some through education, some through individuals or community groups, and so on.
There are decisions to be made about raw infrastructure—the equivalent of transport networks and power supply. Should the street be enabled by fiber optic, copper wire, WIMAX, 3G, 802.11x Wi-Fi, and so on. How close does that run to the curb? Who will install and operate? How smart should street furniture be? How should it convey itself to the world? Should it expose its seams, to aid understanding and engagement, or withdraw silently into the woodwork, reducing clutter and complexity? What would happen to the flow on the street if the street furniture attracted clusters of people within its halo of connectivity?
Without this infrastructure, the street only half-exists, becoming a residual dead-zone in the city. And yet should areas on the street deliberately be dead-zones, shielded from connectivity in order to provide respite, reflection, quietude? How is that to be managed and conveyed?
As the location and timing of work and leisure becomes ever more entwined and slippery, how should the infrastructure and shape of the street respond to this? How to deal with legacy issues, like the defunct kiosk mentioned earlier, given the rate of change in technology and cultural understanding of technology? Are leasing or ownership models appropriate for the hardware and for the software?
What is the power consumption of this street? As Buckminster Fuller might have said, "how much does this street weigh?"  The displaced energy consumption of the street, distributed on to servers and power sources all over the world, could be immense. Conversely, much of the connectivity may rely on a handful of key undersea cables providing high-speed bandwidth to the city. These will occasionally convey a sense of fragility in the network, perceived but not comprehended by users. As the scenario is largely here and now, it appears unaffected by the issues of "peak oil" and the different kind of supply that renewable energy sources might entail. Any future scenario planning needs to consider that aspect in particular rather more carefully.
In each case, who is best qualified to deliver all this?
The complex interplay of these fibers will help define the sense of the street, and planners first of all need to identify this rich, sometimes slippery network, before going on to decide where it can be shaped and where it should be shaped.
Note: It's also worth bearing in mind that complex software models can convey some of this data fairly exactly, yet still not tell us about the cultural memory of the street. This system is in turn a part of other, more complex systems of behavior and representation.
There are two caricatured possible futures that can be deployed to flush out a few more issues.
Systems that are focused around a user's private data, then played back to them with little or no chance of opt-out, are likely to emerge nonetheless. This we can infer from current web-based systems. Spam filling an in-box is debilitating enough without the physical urban environment adding to the problem. Social software systems rarely let you cleanly unsubscribe. Thus the call for secure privatized systems for advertising display, as in the bus stop sketch above, will be strongly made by companies claiming to prevent irrelevant or misleading messages polluting the physical environment.
Equally, many of the scenarios above indicate highly personal data—browser usage patterns, credit card details, traffic control systems, and so on. So it's clear that the street will be a platform for highly secure data transfer and proprietary systems. Personal data security will be an increasing focus for individuals and service providers, as the often-haphazard approach to personal data will not be allowed to continue, through regulation and compliance (compare with the UK government's recent mishandling of social security records). Equally, systems with potential to reduce public safety if misused—the traffic light controls above, for example—will need to be carefully regulated and deployed as highly secure systems.
The intriguing area, however, is around systems in which personal data is used more openly. Where patterns of behavior are played back to people, as per current social software systems like Facebook, Last FM, Flickr, Twitter, etc.
Judging by uptake of this social software over the last few years, it seems the average user cares little for privacy of much personal data. Look at Facebook et al, and you'll see an awful lot of personal data given away. Users can play fast and loose with the veracity of this data, but one can assume that a fair proportion is accurate. However systems can overstep the mark. Witness the response when Facebook did try to deploy a highly targeted advertising model based around personal data and that of users' friends; the resulting furor meant that Facebook had to withdraw the functionality, at least temporarily and at least in that form. With commercial proprietary systems based around social data, a desperate reliance on the users' goodwill and ongoing patronage can mean a self-moderating system to some degree. If a proprietary system is perceived as using data inappropriately, when re-using it on its users, it's likely to be subject to resistance.
So as the street begins to produce data on a vast scale, locking all of it down seems both impossible and counter-productive, as a suspicion of using such data inappropriately, well-founded or not, will lead to resistance.
Moreover, the locked-down street, based around centralized proprietary systems, can be surmised to struggle with localization. (See the "price finder in US dollars" example above.) Intrinsic local detail will tend to require collaborative updates from local users themselves. Broader platforms that draw on such openly produced collaborative efforts (such as Google) may well continue to be popular—note how Google Maps conveys the street—but is dependent on the kindness, and quality, of strangers.
Crucially, better GIS data (across multiple independent systems) will become fundamental to the way the street is articulated. Omissions in data already lead to issues for British streets—note how some articulated lorry drivers end up careering through small country towns, their GPS systems had leading them there to avoid traffic, only to discover that the roads are too small for their trucks.  A street that does not accurately convey its state to such systems is in danger of being ignored or inadvertently misused. An open approach to descriptive data can enable a far richer local dataset to emerge, more accurately conveying the sense of what the street is. It may also be patchy, however.
Given the commercial environment most of this fragmented and disconnected systems will embed themselves in the increasingly responsive and interactive façades and fabric of the near-future street.
Amongst others. This commercial development is a given, and often not related to those whose job it is to shape streets.
Yet traffic systems, signage and display systems, mass transit systems, municipal buildings, street furniture, landscaping, the quality and typology of infrastructure laid down, public databases and information systems, acquisition and communication of community information, and encouragement of commercial activities through levies, grants, and public-private partnerships are all examples of wider civic concerns for those who do have to shape streets.
Many of the examples in the sketch above have been left deliberately ambiguous as to their openness. The various information modeling systems—the building information modeling system; those conveying the state of local services; those broadcasting the presence of a bus—could be built with openness in mind.  Why do this? In order to enable maximum coverage and to stimulate engagement and innovation, with occasional possibility for unintended creative use. And often, it's public data and therefore part of a civic relationship.
Just as good street planning might leave a space open to possibility, and not over-prescribe its program, so informational systems can leave themselves open to possibility. The powerful notion of an API (Application Programming Interface) means that a database can be machine-readable (by code in other systems) and that data can be used elsewhere. APIs can have various qualities—be read-only or read-write, open or closed, and so on.
Interestingly, the equivalent of road signage—say, digital displays of civic information—might be best served not through an open platform. As traffic signs and markings in the UK comply with the Traffic Signs Regulations and General Directions 2002 (TSRGD), it raises the fundamental question of whether a digital equivalent for civic/public data needs to exist. The flexibility of representation in the digital realm—known on the web as separating content from presentation—means that numerous possibilities exist for displaying data. But should public/civic data have its own hallmark of quality, and undergo the kind of stringent analysis and compliance that physical signage has? A Kinneir and Calvert design for displaying public data? Or should the flexibility of the medium enable data to float freely across numerous platforms and modes, enabling different presentation across in-car head-up displays, mobile phone screens, physical displays as per the wind turbines above, façades on municipal buildings and so on. Could we do both?
In a sense, the entire street itself can now be thought of as having an API, conveying its overall behavior to the world, each aspect of it increasingly beginning to generate and recombine data.
From a governance perspective, all this real-time data should be invaluable to those whose job it is to maintain and develop the street—forming a kind of post-occupancy evaluation for the entire neighborhood—but if the same data were made open, accessible, and approachable (anonymised appropriately) the community that uses the street could end up feeling far more engaged in their environment. The patterns of use in their data become as self-evident as that shortcut worn through the grass in front of the library. If they can add further detail to this environment, using the street as a platform, all the better.
For instance, simply triangulating location via mobile cell (as per Google Maps Mobile) is currently not accurate to the building level but can often infer the street with some accuracy. With this simple application, wayfinding is enhanced instantly—this is the street you're on, at the touch of a button. The street then has an opportunity to announce itself to the user, via business listings, historical information etc., all capable of being listed via Google Maps layers (or equivalent). Here is an example of an open system i.e. data is not moderated or prevented, but it is enabled by a third party. (Ownership is a complex issue here. The street's data is contributed by various parties, but what does Google own?) Aspects of the street not perceptible in such information systems—like the other cafés the hungry Hungarians didn't know about—may become invisible, in a sense. Does the library exist on this street? Does the smart bench? Should their digital representation relate to their physical wayfinding elements?
So there are a huge variety of possible approaches here, as finely grained and multi-dimensional as there are approaches to planning the built fabric of the street.
In terms of built fabric, the physicality of these informational systems becomes important too. In the locked down street, systems may record behavioral data invisibly. As with Facebook, this sense of being invisibly watched is likely to raise suspicion. If the sensors are made visible, and if the results are made visible, with feedback mechanisms, that's a different story, at least partly.
The city information model briefly described in the sketch would benefit from an open API, enabling the kind of innovation described in the Personal Well-Tempered Environment idea. Again, appropriate decisions need to be taken about privacy and ethics—should councils be able to zoom down to house level to see individual environmental behavior, or should individuals be able to see their neighbor's efforts, or their council's efforts? Might public, or public-private, bodies be a contender for managing the overall data around environmental behavior at the street, neighborhood and city levels?  By exposing this data in an open fashion, they again engender trust, stimulate innovation, and have some say in the informational civic relationships emerging from the street, a civic relationship as important as any other.
And yet, an open-source approach can mean that the range and depth of information, and the quality of execution, are left in the hands of others. Will the wisdom of crowds conjure a street rich enough to, as Baudelaire had it, enjoy taking a bath of such multitude?
The reality of course is that the near-future street will simultaneously encompass both scenarios—and many more—as in the sketch, due to the multiplicity of clients, services and products that make up a neighborhood. Designing the contemporary street means attempting to understand and shape the most complex set of relationships between humans and the built environment yet imagined.
1. Bruce Sterling, Shaping Things (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 2005).
2. " Living City," a project by The Living, Van Alen Institute New York Prize Fellows, thelivingcity.net/.
3. " Bio Mapping / Emotion Mapping," a project by Christian Nold. 2004 – ongoing, biomapping.net/.
4. Dan Hill, "Indiscreet Music," City of Sound (blog), accessed May 20, 2014, cityofsound.com/blog/2007/10/indiscreet-musi.html.
5. Robin Chase, "The Idea Behind Zipcar (and what comes next)," TED, accessed May 20, 2014, ted.com/talks/robin_chase_on_zipcar_and_her_next_big_idea.
6. " Make Your Own London Blue Plaque," accessed May 20, 2014, blueplaque.com/.
8. " Minority Report—Personal Advertising in the Future," YouTube video, 1:01, posted by "dscmailtest," December 7, 2010, youtube.com/watch?v=7bXJ_obaiYQ.
9. Dan Hill, "Sketchbook: The Personal Well-Tempered Environment," City of Sound (blog), accessed May 20, 2014, cityofsound.com/blog/2008/01/the-personal-we.html.
10. " BMW ConnectedDrive," accessed May 20, 2014, bmw.com/com/en/insights/technology/connecteddrive/2013/index.html.
11. Sarah Lyall, "Turn Back. Exit Village. Truck Shortcut Hitting Barrier," New York Times, December 4, 2007, nytimes.com/2007/12/04/world/europe/04gps.html?_r=0.
12. " @cityofsound #BIM," Delicious, accessed May 20, 2014, delicious.com/cityofsound/BIM.
13. " Rolls-Royce Engine," Aviation Today, June 1, 2006, aviationtoday.com/am/categories/commercial/345.html#.U3uDA61dXUM.
14. Kazys Varnelis, "If You See Something, Say Something," varnelis.net (blog), accessed May 20, 2014, varnelis.net/blog/if_you_see_something_say_something.
15. Dan Hill, "Architecture and Interaction Design, via Adaptation and Hackability," City of Sound (blog), accessed May 20, 2014, cityofsound.com/blog/2006/05/architecture_an.html#thingshackable.
16. " @cityofsound #PWTE," Delicious, accessed May 20, 2014, delicious.com/cityofsound/PWTE.
Dan Hill is the Executive Director of Futures at the UK's Future Cities Catapult. A designer and urbanist, he has previously held leadership positions at Fabrica, SITRA, Arup, and the BBC. He writes regularly for the likes of Dezeen, Domus, and Volume, as well as the renowned blog City of Sound.


Absolute Alignment, a trusted supplier of the latest wheel alignment technologies, has introduced to their range a new product suitable for use with vehicles featuring Advanced Driver Assistance Systems (ADAS).
Launched last month at Automechanika in Frankfurt this latest ADAS sensor alignment tool, with a bespoke alignment bar, integrates directly with the software of its OEM-approved Bluetooth wheel aligners without the need for extra hardware.
Compatible with the Bluetooth 3D, Bluetooth Pro and Bluetooth Lite wheel aligners, Absolute Alignment's technical team demonstrated the new ADAS sensor alignment tool as part of an innovative new trade show, New Technology & You Live, held at Coventry College (13 October).
For more information about the latest equipment and Bluetooth wheel aligners available from Absolute Alignment, visit: www.absolutealignment.co.uk.
Absolute Alignment is the only UK provider with a full range of Bluetooth wheel aligners suitable for cars and commercial vehiclesfitted with the latest generation of ADAS.


Navy SEAL CPO. Nathan H. Hardy - Run for the Fallen New Hampshire, Inc.
29, of Durham, NH; killed in action during an assault on an Al Qaeda bomb cell in Diyala, province, Iraq.
As early as the sixth grade, Nate Hardy wrote a paper about becoming a Navy SEAL. Through his years on the soccer and lacrosse fields he discovered and developed the fierce competitiveness and team-first mentality that would later serve him well on the road to achieving his goal. In his senior year at Oyster River High School, he was selected by the New Hampshire soccer coaches to the all-state second team. He was also elected by his teammates as a co-captain of the ORHS Boys Lacrosse team.
In November 1997, five months after graduating from ORHS, he enlisted in the United States Navy and began his SEAL journey, which included graduation with BUD/S Class 221, three deployments with SEAL Team Eight, completion of the eighteen month course in Arabic at the Defense Language Institute, successful screening and selection as the "number one draft choice" to the elite Naval Special Warfare Development Group (aka SEAL Team 6), and a final deployment with DevGru KILO Team. He was killed in action against an al Qaeda suicide bomb cell on 4 February 2008.
His life was fulfilled in his marriage to Mindi Buck on 4 June 2005 and the birth of their son Parker on 16 July 2007. He was buried at Arlington National Cemetery on 15 February 2008.


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'This is why Minden Pride is needed'
Organizers reaffirm purpose behind LGBTQ+ celebration
By Chad Ingram
While the kickoff to this year's Minden Pride was a jubilant celebration, it also came with an unfortunate reminder of why the event is held in the first place.
The Minden Hills municipal building was festooned with rainbows, its parking lot packed with people, the songs of Queen drifting through the air as the rainbow flag was raised to mark the start of the fourth annual Minden Pride on the morning of Monday, Aug. 19.
Throngs of people, many decked out in bright colours or waving flags of their own, gathered to hear speeches from Minden Pride organizers.
Minden Pride chairman David Rankin welcomed and thanked attendees, recognizing event co-founders Bob Baynton-Smith and Sinclair Russell, "who, a few years ago, answered a senseless act of homophobic vandalism with a very positive community response and created Minden Pride."
"Minden Pride could not exist without the tremendous support of donors and our sponsors," Rankin continued. "This financial and in-kind aid allows us to stage a fabulous, weeklong program of events." He also thanked the event's volunteer organizers.
This year marks the 50th anniversary of the Stonewall riots in New York City, an uprising by the LGBTQ+ community against the New York Police Department in retaliation for years of raids on gay bars. The riots are considered to have essentially given birth to the gay rights movement in North America.
"This is why Minden Pride is needed," Rankin said, recalling the discrimination that was faced by homosexuals at the time. "Becoming frustrated by being legally restricted from drinking alcohol when wearing non-gender-conforming attire, and from dancing with same-sex partners, patrons of the Stonewall Inn began a movement of resistance, following a police raid in the early morning hours of June 28. Although many protests had happened prior to Stonewall, these riots, which lasted six nights, are largely seen as the beginning of the gay rights movement."
Rankin noted their timing at the end of June is the reason why many Pride events take place around that time of year.
"But Pride is ongoing," he said, "and many communities celebrate at different times throughout the year."
Ottawa Pride is also taking place this week.
Also in 1969, the Criminal Law Amendment Act was passed by the Canadian government.
"This omnibus bill formed the legal foundations for the Canadian gay rights movement, and the beginning of equality in Canada for the queer community. This amendment effectively decriminalized homosexual acts between consenting adults over the age of 21. While this was a major change from the then-recent incarceration of men who were gay, it still did not create equality for the LGBTQ+ community. Even to this day, the criminal code is not equal for people who engage in same-sex expressions of love. We still have to work to do. This is why Minden Pride is needed."
Rankin noted that this year, just days prior to the start of the event, someone cut a Minden Pride banner off the Loggers' Crossing footbridge.
"We do not why this occurred, nor the motive behind it," Rankin said. "What we do know, is that following the sharing of this information, more than 12,000 people and counting have read about this online, and hundreds have sent written support for Minden Pride. A very small, but nonetheless concerning group of people, have chosen to send messages expressing their ignorance and bigotry. This is why we need Minden Pride."
"Today and this week, Minden, we come together as an inclusive and diverse community, to celebrate who we are and to show that we are proud of ourselves, our friends, and our family members," Rankin said.
Minden Hills Councillor Jennifer Hughey brought a message of inclusiveness on behalf of the township.
Hughey quoted Russell from a 2017 Minden Times story. In that story, Russell said, "It's not really all that much about being gay. It's about being inclusive to everybody. We don't expect the world to turn gay, we just want everybody to be accepted."
"And I think that's what all of us here want, am I right?" Hughey said to a round of applause.
Hughey thanked Minden Pride organizers, and referencing the situation with the banner, said, "We rally around ourselves. We are a very caring community and I think that's something we should all be proud of. Certainly, I think we're just looking for the practice of including people who might otherwise be excluded, or marginalized, and working hard as a group, as a township, as a county, and world . . . to promote inclusion. I think this community does a really good job at doing that, and I'm very proud to be part of it."
Russell gave a talk about the significance of the colours on the Pride flag, and The Minden Pride Players, directed by Daniel Manley, provided a musical backdrop that included renditions of songs by Queen, the Village People, and Respect, the Otis Redding song made famous by Aretha Franklin.
Jerelyn Craden, accompanied by guitarist Rob Muir, sang Somewhere Over the Rainbow as the Pride flag was raised outside the township office.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Een rotunda (van het Latijnse rotundus) is een bouwwerk met een cirkelvormige plattegrond.

Een rotunda kan vrijstaand zijn (zoals het Baptisterium in Pisa) of onderdeel van een gebouw (zoals de rotunda van het Capitool in Washington). Een rotunda wordt vaak bekroond met een koepel.

Verspreiding
In sommige oude tempels is de rotunda herkenbaar; een bekend voorbeeld hiervan is het Pantheon in Rome. Van de 9e tot de 11e eeuw werden vooral in Centraal-Europa veel kerken opgericht met een rotunda als basisvorm, soms uitgebreid met een of meerdere apsissen. In de 11e en 12e eeuw werd het ook in Scandinavië een populaire bouwvorm. Alleen al op het eiland Bornholm zijn vijf van deze ronde kerken te vinden.

De Nederlandse koepelkerken, die vanaf de 17e eeuw werden gebouwd, kennen veelal een achthoekige plattegrond en zijn geen rotunda's. De ronde vorm is in Nederland soms wel terug te vinden in theekoepels en priëlen. Ook de meeste 19e eeuwse panoramagebouwen werden als rotunda gebouwd. Grotere vormen zijn de 19e-eeuwse koepelgevangenissen in Arnhem, Breda en Haarlem.

In de 18e eeuw werd de rotunda ingevoerd in de Verenigde Staten. De rotunda met de bekende koepel van het Capitool in Washington was vervolgens een voorbeeld voor andere gebouwen in het land, zoals de Universiteit van Virginia.

Met 'rotunda' kan ook een ruimte of vertrek in een gebouw aangeduid, zoals in het kasteel van Vaux-le-Vicomte in Frankrijk.

Galerij

Zie ook
 Koepelkerk
 Monopteros
 Ronde Huis
 Tholos

Architectuur

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Common Networks is using 5G to offer home, as opposed to mobile, broadband, essentially competing with internet providers such as AT&T and Comcast. In the city of Alameda, next to Oakland, it has been quietly using a core 5G technology, millimeter wave, to deliver speeds of 1 gigabit per second, equivalent to Google Fiber's signature home broadband service, for $50 a month. These sorts of wireless speeds aren't unheard of. Webpass, a company Google Fiber acquired in 2016, offers gigabit wireless in several cities. But Common Networks CEO Zach Brock thinks his company has found a way to build 5G networks more quickly, and cheaply, than the competition and says the company plans to expand quickly. "We want to bring faster internet to everyone," he says.
One of the big things holding back 5G in the US is the need for more fiber-optic cable infrastructure to act as the "backhaul" between these smaller cell towers. Terragraph, first announced in 2016, aims to reduce the need for fiber-optic lines by letting these smaller cells connect to each other. In practice, this means that instead of running a new fiber-optic cable to, say, an apartment building it hopes to serve, Common Networks the company can instead place a Terragraph device on the building's roof. That gadget will provide wireless connectivity to the building by connecting to other nearby Terragraph devices. Terragraph doesn't eliminate Common Networks' need for fiber-optic backhaul—one of those nearby Terragraph devices will need to be connected to fiber. But it reduces how much infrastructure the company needs to deliver service.
Cutting infrastructure costs will be important for Common Networks as it expands. The company has raised $35 million thus far, which sounds like a lot of money, but pales in comparison to the $16.7 billion Verizon spent on capital expenditures last year. "It doesn't cost us $30 million to get our first customers online," CEO Brock says. "It costs more like $10,000 to enter a new area."
In addition to cutting infrastructure costs by tapping wireless backhaul whenever possible, the company relies on parts of the wireless spectrum that can be used without a license from the Federal Communications Commission, and uses inexpensive, commodity hardware. Brock likens it to the way web giants like Google and Facebook built their businesses. Instead of paying for expensive computers and storage devices, the companies stitched together hundreds and then thousands of cheaper servers to build enormous distributed computing systems. Brock sees Common Networks's decentralized networks in much the same way.


COTABATO CITY (MindaNews/17 February) — An army intelligence officer and his subordinate were killed, while another one was severely wounded in a clash with suspected members of the Maute group in Marawi City on Thursday, a military official said.
Philippine Army spokesperson Col. Benjamin Hao said the incident took place around 5pm Thursday in Barangay Lilud Madaya, Marawi City.
Killed were Major Jericho Mangalus and Corporal Bryan Libot, and wounded is Corporal Rolando Cartilla.
Hao said the three, all members of the Military Intelligence Group (MIG) 10 of the Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines(ISAFP), were conducting a surveillance operation.
They were on a silver Isuzu Crosswind when they encountered suspected Maute fighters on a Toyota Corolla, he added.
Reports from the 1st Infantry Division public affairs office said the firefight lasted for about 10 minutes.


27 May 2013 – Having on mind that local self-government finances take place in difficult circumstances and most local self-government units cannot regularly finance provision of all legal obligations, the Committee for Local Self-Government Financing of the Union of Municipalities prepared the Analysis of the Status of Local Self-Government Finances. Due to this occasion, the Committee gathers today in Podgorica.
Global economic crises, amending the regulations related to local self-government financing, inefficiency of local administrations, over-staffing are just some of the reasons caused a current status of local self-government finances. Unfortunately, we cannot be influence on some of these reasons. However, there are certain activities related to adapting regulatory framework and creating conditions for quality implementation of legal solutions that can contribute to the improvement of the status of local self-government finances.
The Analysis of the Status of Local Self-Government Finances contains a brief description of problems and proposal of measures for overcoming most of the problems faced by local self-governments in financing their activities.
The document will be starting point of the joint meeting between the Ministry of Finance and the Union of Municipalities of Montenegro that will be organized on 31 May 2013 (Friday) starting at 2:30 p.m. in Podgorica.


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What's LeBron James new number?
Answred by. Heather Amoss
He stuck with No. 23 in Los Angeles, but a change appears to be coming in 2021-22. The NBA superstar is going back to No. 6 for next season.
23Los Angeles Lakers / Small forward, Shooting guard
How do I contact LeBron James?
Why did LeBron James change his number?
Are LeBron and ad switching numbers?
Does LeBron wear 6 or 23?
Did LeBron give his number to ad?
Is LeBron changing his number?
Is LeBron James wearing number 6?
Will LeBron wear number 6 next year?
Why does LeBron James wear number 23?
Did Lebron James go to Kobe memorial service?
How much does it cost to meet Lebron James?
Is LeBron going back to number 6?
What is lebrons number?
Is Lebron James a billionaire?
Who did LeBron give his number to?
Contact AthleteSpeakers today at 800-916-6008 to book LeBron James for a keynote speech, virtual meetings, corporate appearance, grand opening, product announcement, moderated Q&A or for an exclusive meet and greet.
Last week LeBron James publicly stated his intention to change his jersey number next season from "23" to "6" out of respect to Michael Jordan. He also went on to express his belief that the no other NBA player should wear the number in recognition of Jordan's accomplishments and influence on the league.
Also read Is Michael Redd a Hall of Famer?
The superstar duo have an incredibly close relationship, and it seems James is finally making good on a previous gesture by indicating he and Davis will switch jersey numbers for the 2021-22 season, via SportsCenter: .
Los Angeles Lakers forward LeBron James will be wearing No. 6 in the 2021-22 NBA season after gifting No. 23 to teammate Anthony Davis, as The King himself revealed on Instagram.
When Anthony Davis arrived with the Los Angeles Lakers during the summer of 2019, one of the ways that his new teammate, LeBron James, tried to make him feel welcome was by giving him his No. 23 jersey to wear. Davis had previously only worn No.
BREAKING: LeBron James just announced on Instagram that him (No. 6) and Anthony Davis (No. 23) will be changing numbers in the 2021-22 season! … LeBron is fresh off winning his fourth NBA Championship.
Also read What does Mark Sloan die of?
James, who has been wearing No. 23 for most of his career, might not be doing so for his remaining time with the Lakers. With the Miami Heat, James wore No. 6, which will be retired after James retires from the NBA.
Los Angeles Lakers forward LeBron James will be wearing No. 6 in the 2021-22 NBA season after gifting No. 23 to teammate Anthony Davis, as The King himself revealed on Instagram. … 23 jersey to AD after this season.
James started his career in Cleveland with No. 23 to honor Michael Jordan. He switched to No. 6 for his four-year tenure with the Miami Heat, and then switched back when he returned to the Cavaliers in 2014.
The Los Angeles Lakers star has mentioned several times how difficult it has been for him. So difficult that it is possible James did not attend Kobe and Gianna Bryant's memorial Monday at Staples Center. "I respect your question for sure, but it's very emotional," James said on Tuesday. "A very emotional day.
Also read How did Luka doncic get drafted?
Not all shows or performers have meet and greets and the shows that do have Lebron James meet and greets may only have a tiny amount to be sold. Thus Lebron James meet and greet ticket prices may be between $1,000 – $5,000 per ticket due to the exclusivity and limited nature of the product.
Look: LeBron James Says He's Changing Jersey Numbers In 2021. … 23 in Los Angeles, but a change appears to be coming in 2021-22. The NBA superstar is going back to No. 6 for next season.
62019–20 NBA season
Currently, James' net worth is estimated to be $440 to $450 million dollars. There are a large number of income streams contributing to that $450 net worth. In addition to his NBA salary and the Nike deal, James is also an investor. He contributed heavily to Blaze Pizza when it was just beginning.
Answred by. Heather Amoss January 30, 2021
Why did he change his name to Metta World Peace?
Who is 34 on the Lakers?


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You are here: home Articles Archive Atmospheric Science Mountain-Originated Mesoscale Precipitation System in Northern Taiwan: A Case Study 21 June 1991
Mountain-Originated Mesoscale Precipitation System in Northern Taiwan: A Case Study 21 June 1991
Author(s): Ben Jong-Dao Jou
DOI: 10.3319/TAO.1994.5.2.169(TAMEX)
Keywords: Heavy precipitation Mountain convection Northern Tawian Doppler radar Thermally induced upslope winds and sea breeze
Citation: Jou, B. J.-D., 1994: Mountain-Originated Mesoscale Precipitation System in Northern Taiwan: A Case Study 21 June 1991. Terr. Atmos. Ocean. Sci., 5, 169-197, doi: 10.3319/TAO.1994.5.2.169(TAMEX)
In the late morning of 21 June 1991, a convective precipitation system developed in the mountains area in northern Taiwan. The convective precipitation system was organized into a northeast-southwest oriented mesoscale line feature along the western mountain slope at a later time. More than 120 mm of rainfall poured down on Taipei and Keelong cities within 3 hours. The initiation, development, organization and dissipation of the storm were detected by a C-band Doppler weather radar on the northwest coast of Taiwan. In this paper, the role of mountains in organization and propagation of the mesoscale precipitation system is studied by using the Doppler radar data.
The storm initiated at the mountain peak area, propagated down the terrain slope and brought heavy rain to the basin and plain areas. In the early stage, advection dominated. The precipitation system developed along the mean low-to-middle tropospheric winds into a northeast-southwest convective line. When precipitation-induced outflows occurred, the interaction tween the upslope winds and the storm-generated outflows dominated storm propagation. At this stage, the precipitation system moved northwest ward downslope. Reaching the foothills of the mountains, the storm was intensified dramatically by sea-breeze circulation. In the basin area, the interaction between the storm-generated outflows and the environmental low-level flows dominated the storm development. At this stage, the storm was quasi-stationary. Deep cumulonimbus clouds continually re rmed over the southwest quadrant, moved northeastward and produced copious rainfall in the same region.
The vertical structure of the convective precipitation system was also examined in this study. The strong reflectivity region in the storm was first found at an altitude of about 2 km and extended well above 12 km. The convective updrafts, inferring from the uplift of the westerly momentum in the middle troposphere associated with the penetrated sea-breeze circulation, tilted slightly downshear at the leading edge of the storm. The existence of convective downdrafts located just behind the updraft region was also indicated by the Doppler radar observations pronounced precipitation-induced divergence out ows near the surface and also confirmed by surface observations at Taipei station. The stratiform rain area was at the rear portion of the precipitation system and was not well-organized. No bright band signature was found in the reflectivity data.
Published in: Atmospheric Science
Volume 5, Number 2
v52p169.pdf


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Home > Measuring anti-trafficking policies
Measuring anti-trafficking policies: How do they spread across countries?
Axel Dreher, Seo-Young Cho, Eric Neumayer 10 March 2011
According to the US Department of State, there are more than 12 million victims of human trafficking worldwide. This column presents a new index to measure the spread of anti-trafficking policies. It suggests they mainly diffuse across contiguous countries and main trading partners, due to externality effects, and also via political and cultural similarities, due to learning and emulation.
In the last few decades, human trafficking has become a growing phenomenon worldwide. The illicit trade in human beings across borders violates the human rights of victims, threatens national security, and deteriorates the health of the affected economies and societies by increasing the size of the shadow economy and organised criminal activities (Belser 2005). Although the exact magnitudes and dimensions of the problem are unknown, available statistics suggest that human trafficking is one of the most serious transnational crimes in the 21st century. According to the US Department of State, there are more than 12 million victims of human trafficking worldwide. Interpol estimates that human trafficking is a multi-billion-dollar business, amounting to the third largest transnational crime following drug and arms trafficking.
Human trafficking can be seen as one of the dark sides of globalisation. As advancements in technology and transportation connect countries more closely regardless of geographical distances, illicit flows of human beings have also become a global phenomenon. Anecdotal evidence suggests that traffickers recruit victims worldwide and transfer them from one country to another, often across continents.
Tracking trafficking
Given the growing significance of international human trafficking, it is no surprise that the international community has adopted several measures, including the UN Convention against Transnational Organised Crime and its Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children.
Accordingly, social scientists have started to turn their attention towards policies enacted to combat human trafficking. But one of the problems scholars face is the lack of reliable data on countries' anti-trafficking policies which can be compared over time and between countries. Existing measures fail to recognise the different levels of compliance in the three main policy dimensions: prosecution, protection, and prevention.
Separating the three dimensions is important. Theory and evidence indicate that better protection policy may encourage potential victims to risk illegal migration, which could lead them to fall prey to traffickers. Human trafficking inflows might therefore increase as a consequence, contradicting the objectives of prosecution and prevention policies (Akee et al. 2010). In recent research (Cho et al. 2011), we develop novel indices of anti-trafficking policies around the world, for up to 177 countries over the 2000-2009 period.
In addition to our overall "3P" anti-trafficking policy index, we measure government policies with respect to the three main dimensions of anti-trafficking policies: prosecution, prevention, and protection.
The sub-index on "prosecution policy" measures the level of judicial efforts and law enforcement to punish and prosecute traffickers and other related offenders.
The second sub-index, "protection policy" assesses the level of government efforts to protect and assist the victims of human trafficking.
The third dimension of anti-trafficking policies, "prevention policy", evaluates the level of government efforts to prevent human trafficking (such as border control, information sharing, and international cooperation).
Figure1. Compliance with anti-trafficking policies (global sample): 2000-2009
Figure 1 shows that the level of compliance in all of the three dimensions improved for the last 10 years. In particular, compliance with prosecution policy was on average highest for all years and experienced the most significant improvement during the period. The worldwide average score of 2.90 in 2000 increased to 4.26 in 2009. This suggests that most countries in the sample have adopted and implemented anti-trafficking law, distinguishing the crime clearly from violation of immigration law or labour exploitation in their legal system. The average prevention policy score, meanwhile, increased from 2.53 in 2000 to 3.67 in 2009, reflecting improvements in border control and collaborative actions fighting human trafficking across countries.
Yet our index suggests that governmental efforts to protect victims of human trafficking remain far weaker than their efforts to criminalise traffickers and prevent the crime taking place. The worldwide average score of protection policy is lowest for all years, e.g., 2.26 in 2000 and 2.97 in 2009, and has shown the slowest improvement over time.
Moreover, this is not restricted to developing countries. For instance, the UK imprisoned trafficking victims for violating immigration law, an action against the mandate of the protocol, and therefore received a score of only 2 (reflecting inadequate compliance) in the past two years. At the same time, however, the UK demonstrated full compliance with prevention and prosecution. This descriptive outcome of our index indicates that, in terms of compliance with anti-trafficking policy, countries take the "justice and prevention" aspect of the crime more seriously than the human rights aspect.
Figure 2. Compliance with anti-trafficking policies across regions and time
Figure 2 shows the development of the 3P index across regions over time. As can be seen, with the exception of the Middle East/North Africa and South Asia, there are clear improvements in compliance with anti-trafficking policies over time. It is in these regions, together with sub-Saharan Africa, where the overall level of the anti-trafficking policy index is lowest in 2009. It is also remarkable that the 3P index showed high values in the Western Europe and other industrialised countries group, while the remaining groups converged to this higher level over the 2000-2009 period.
The spread of anti-trafficking policies
There are many reasons why one would expect spatial dependence in anti-trafficking policies.
1. Pressure. The major destination countries of internationally trafficked persons are likely to exert pressure onto countries which function as major sources of transit and/or origin for people trafficked into these major destinations. Major destination countries will be averse to illegal migration into their territories (as international trafficking always is) and will resent the increase in other transnational criminal activities (such as drug and arms trafficking) that typically accompany human trafficking (Bartilow 2010).
Moreover, human trafficking creates a shadow economy of illegal labour markets and businesses with estimated annual profits of some $1 billion in industrialised countries (Belser 2005) – money which is not taxed and is likely to be used for illegal activities.
Yet, the effectiveness of policies undertaken in destination countries will be undermined if other countries, particularly relevant transit and origin countries, do not follow suit. The strictest anti-trafficking policies in destination countries may be ineffective if countries of origin and transit have lax policies in place. Hence, successful anti-trafficking policies in destination countries depend on a ratcheting up of policies in origin and transit countries, as well as major destination countries exerting pressure on laggards.
2. Externalities. Externalities are rampant in this policy area (Simmons and Llyod 2010). Anti-trafficking policies enacted by one country create significant externalities that other countries cannot simply ignore. Stricter policies in one destination country will deflect some of the flows of trafficked persons into other destination countries, while stricter policies in one origin or transit country will prompt transnational trafficking networks to increasingly resort to other origin or transit countries.
Just as with international drug-trafficking, unless policies can address the underlying supply and demand factors driving international trafficking (which they typically cannot), stricter anti-trafficking policies in one country will merely deflect the problem onto other countries with weaker policies in place, such that there is an incentive to ratchet policies upwards over time. In other words, by predicting externality effects of such transnational crime, countries will be able to update their anti-trafficking measures, following relevant policy changes of other countries that share certain characteristics, such as geographic proximity and economic similarity.
3. Uncertainty. Lastly, anti-trafficking policies are being set in a relatively new arena of public policies, with some countries, such as the US and a few countries in Western Europe, running ahead of others. Laggards will be uncertain as to which policies to choose on their own, and will therefore look for cues (or information) in the policies of other countries.
Importantly, countries will not simply wish to follow the top leaders in North America and Western Europe. These are all major destination countries and following their lead may not produce positive outcomes in other countries – mostly origin and transit countries of trafficking victims – because the root causes of the problem and the groups targeted differ from those of the leading countries as does their cultural and political setting.
In dealing with uncertainty regarding policy design and its outcomes, the more competently governed lagging countries will want to actively learn from leaders in their reference groups – i.e., from culturally, politically, or geographically proximate countries who are also early adopters of relevant policies (Elkins and Simmons 2005), while other laggards may simply wish to emulate or mimic policies from other reference countries without any major learning effect.
Empirical evidence of spatial dependence
Using our sample of anti-trafficking policies in 177 countries between 2000 and 2009, we have tested our hypotheses of spatial dependence in policies. Our results show no evidence for anti-trafficking policies diffusing via pressure exerted by destination countries onto their major transit or origin countries. Indeed, our results suggest that anti-trafficking policies are an area where destination countries seem unwilling –or unable – to pressure the countries where the majority of victims of human trafficking come from or are channelled through.
But our results do present consistent evidence for externality effects (with the exception of protection policies for which we would not expect such an effect since better victim protection policies do not deflect flows onto others – in fact the opposite may even be the case). We thus find that stricter prosecution and prevention policies in contiguous countries, or sometimes in major trading partners, are followed by stricter domestic policies as well.
The most likely explanation is simple. Stricter policies create negative externalities on neighbouring countries and trading partners, exacerbating their problems in dealing with human trafficking as a result. Contiguity and trade might also partially capture learning or emulation channels of diffusion. In fact, we find robust evidence that countries look towards those with similar political views, as proxied by our connectivity variable of voting similarity on key issues in the UN General Assembly. This is also the case for countries sharing similar cultural values, as proxied by our connectivity variable measuring "civilisational belonging".
We find robust evidence that countries do not operate in isolation when deciding on anti-trafficking policies, being affected by the prior choices of other countries on which their policy choices spatially depend.
We hope that our index on anti-trafficking policies can be used to further shed light on the determinants and consequences of trafficking policies. Scholars may wish to use the aggregate index if they are interested in overall policies, but we strongly recommend that future research analyses the different dimensions of overall policies separately and in greater detail than we are able to do here. For example, protection policies mainly protect victims, while prosecution policies mainly target the perpetrators. Why countries choose to pursue one type of policy rather than the other deserves closer scrutiny.
The authors cordially acknowledge the generous funding provided for this project by the European Commission (Directorate-General Justice, Freedom and Security, Prevention of and Fight against Crime Action Grant).
Akee, Randall, Arjun Bedi, Arnab K Basu, and Nancy H Chau (2010), "Transnational Trafficking, Law Enforcement and Victim Protection: A Middleman's Perspective", mimeo, Department of Economics, Cornell University.
Bartilow, Horace (2010), "Gender Representation and International Compliance Against Human Trafficking", mimeo.
Belser, Patrick (2005), "Forced Labour and Human Trafficking: Estimating the Profits", Working Paper (Declaration/WP/42/2005), International Labour Office. Geneva.
Cho, Seo-Young, Axel Dreher, and Eric Neumayer (2011), "The Spread of Anti-trafficking Policies – Evidence from a New Index [1]", Cege Discussion Paper 119, Georg-August-University of Goettingen, Germany.
Elkins, Zachary and Beth Simmons (2005), "On Waves, Clusters, and Diffusion: A Conceptual Framework", The Annals of American Academy. AAPSS 598: 33-51.
Simmons, Beth and Paulette Lloyd (2010), "Subjective Frames and Rational Choice: Transnational Crime and the Case of Human Trafficking", mimeo. Government Department, Harvard University.
Topics: Frontiers of economic research [2] Global governance [3] International trade [4]
Tags: crime [5], human trafficking [6]
Source URL: https://voxeu.org/article/measuring-anti-trafficking-policies
[1] http://www.uni-goettingen.de/en/207218.html
[2] https://voxeu.org/content/topics/frontiers-economic-research
[3] https://voxeu.org/content/topics/global-governance
[4] https://voxeu.org/content/topics/international-trade
[5] https://voxeu.org/taxonomy/term/300
[6] https://voxeu.org/taxonomy/term/2832


A class ring is suppose to show the four years of your life in high school, all of your memories and accomplishments. Some people won't take your ring serious some people work really hard to make the perfect ring. If you choose not to get a class ring you will regret not having that piece of jewelry that shows your work and dedication to going to school every day of your life. Some people don't think that a class ring is important, that it's just a ring.
"I think that class rings are a waste of money, because I would probably loose it anyway," freshman Tyra Fletcher said.
Jonsens is the program that is making the rings for all of the students at Inland Lakes. They are paying for most of the ring so it's affordable for everyone. They have came up with a lot of new styles of the ring like black cast, camo cast, gold cast, silver cast and a lot of great designs. You can do any design that you want and have anything on your ring. You could also put anything on the inside on your ring you can put something that means something to you or just your name. Your ring can be a great memory and tell an amazing story about the time spent in high school.
"I believe that class rings are an important to students, because it keeps all their memories in tact from high school," freshman Abbi Kline said.
Class rings have different meanings to different kinds of people throughout the school. Some think they aren't important and are way to expensive. Others think they are a great tool to remember all your memories from high school. Getting a class ring is your choice, just make sure you make the decision that makes you happy and not others. It's a time to be yourself and unique, so don't wait any longer and order one soon.


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Oro-dental health in children with chronic renal failure and after renal transplantation: a clinical review
Author: Lucas VS, Roberts GJ.
Journal Name: Pediatric nephrology
Publish Date: October 2005
Volume/Page: 20(10):1388-94.
Categories: Dental Fluorosis, Risk Factors, Kidney, Risks to Kidney Patients
As a consequence of chronic renal failure (CRF) and its treatment, a number of oro-dental changes occur that persist after the end-stage is reached. An early effect is enamel hypoplasia due to a defect of enamel development and mineralisation. This is usually reparable to a high aesthetic standard using dental composite filling material. Children with CRF have significantly less dental caries than healthy children due to the inhibitory effect of increased salivary urea levels. Grafted patients frequently develop gingival enlargement as a result of immunosuppression with cyclosporine A, which is further exacerbated by the additional use of antihypertensive calcium-blocking agents. Surgical reduction of gingival hyperplasia is effective and is required in approximately one third of adolescents. A very high standard of home care should be encouraged for all children with CRF in the form of thorough mechanical tooth cleaning and plaque inhibition through the use of an antibacterial mouthwash. In transplanted children presenting an increased risk of infection, antibiotic prophylaxis may be indicated for dental treatment procedures. The drug dosage should be adapted to the reduced renal function. Pediatric nephrologists should be aware that dental surgeons can make a considerable contribution to the general health and well-being of children with CRF. Thus, only oro-dental problems that are mainly encountered and treated by dental surgeons are reviewed.
Enamel hypoplasia
The pathogenesis of this is that severe metabolic upset causes a permanent mark, called enamel hypoplasia, in the developing tooth which remains as a visible defect on the tooth throughout the life of the patient. The position and extent of the defect indicates the timing, duration and to some extent the severity of the underlying metabolic upset. Enamel hypoplasia is frequently seen in patients with renal disease, and has been attributed to the production of poorly-formed enamel as a result of ameloblast disruption (Figs. 3 and 4). Factors responsible for this disruption include hypocalcaemia, decreased serum levels of 1,25-dihydroxycholecalciferol, and raised serum levels of inorganic phosphate and serum parathyroid hormone. An elevated serum fluoride level, causing fluorosis, may be an aetiological factor in the development of enamel defects in children with CRF, since the kidneys have an important function in the removal of inorganic fluoride from the body. In children, enamel hypoplasia was observed in 26 of a group of 50 children (52%) with CRF. Other workers concluded that the onset of renal disease leading to CRF in the first few weeks of life may effect enamel formation in primary teeth early in postnatal life. The lesions recorded differed from those seen in the permanent dentition. Other workers observed severe enamel hypoplasia in both the primary and permanent teeth of a group of 38 children with end-stage renal failure.
The studies quoted have reported up to 22%, 34%, 50% and 57% of patients affected with clinically unsightly enamel hypoplasia. This is important, as it represents a burden of dental care that will usually require the techniques of aesthetic dentistry to improve the appearance. Children and adolescents become increasingly aware of their appearance as they mature, so the request for an improvement in appearance may come in the early years of the second decade of life. This should be factored into the cost of setting up a pediatric renal unit with appropriate support services. An emerging concern is the possible effect on the development of dental caries. As indicated below, children who receive transplants that are deemed successful show changes in salivary composition to normality. This may put the children with successful transplants at a slightly greater risk of developing dental caries. This is because hypoplastic pits and groves on the tooth surface enable the accumulation of bacterial plaque and may become carious because of the difficulty in removing bacterial plaque that has accumulated in the hypoplastic areas.
Enamel hypoplasia in children with renal disease in a fluoridated area
The aim of this study was to compare the frequency of enamel hypoplasia in children with renal disease and healthy children, all of whom live in a fluoridated area. A cross-sectional study was made in 42 children divided into 2 groups. To describe enamel changes, 3 diagnostic criteria were applied:
The effect of fluoride on enamel and dentin formation in the uremic rat incisor
Renal impairment in children is associated with tooth defects that include enamel pitting and hypoplasia. However, the specific effects of uremia on tooth formation are not known. In this study, we used rat mandibular incisors, which continuously erupt and contain all stages of tooth formation, to characterize the effects of
Hemodialyzability of ionizable fluoride in hemodialysis session
The fluoride ion content in serum and in dialysate medium was determined by means of a fluoride ion-selective electrode in 29 patients undergoing hemodialysis treatment. Abnormally high serum fluoride of 65.9 +/- 28.3 microg l(-1) at the beginning and 46.5 +/- 26.7 microg l(-1) at the completion of the hemodialysis
Effect of chronic fluoride exposure in uremic rats
This study was conducted to test the hypothesis that the margin of safe fluoride exposure is narrowed in rats that are physiologically compromised by renal dysfunction. The study objective was to determine whether increases in fluoride retention and tissue fluoride levels in rats with surgically induced renal insufficiency result in
Dental fluorosis in the Australian adult population.
Background: The use of fluoride involves a balance between protection against caries and risk of dental fluorosis. Prevalence and trend of dental fluorosis in the adult population are not frequently reported. Objective: To describe the prevalence of dental fluorosis in the Australian adult population. Method: Data
Racial Disparities in Dental Fluorosis
In 2005, the Centers for Disease Control published the results of a national survey of dental fluorosis conducted between 1999 and 2002. According to the CDC, black children in the United States have significantly higher rates of dental fluorosis than either white or Hispanic children. This was not the first time that black children were found to suffer higher rates of dental fluorosis. At least five other studies -- dating as far back as the 1960s -- have found black children in the United States are disproportionately impacted by dental fluorosis.
Skeletal Fluorosis in the U.S.
Although there has been a notable absence of systematic studies on skeletal fluorosis in the U.S., the available evidence indicates that the consumption of artificially fluoridated water is likely to cause skeletal fluorosis and other forms of bone disease in people with kidney disease and other vulnerable populations.
Kidney Patients Are at Increased Risk of Fluoride Poisoning
It is well established that individuals with kidney disease are susceptible to suffering bone damage and other ill effects from low levels of fluoride exposure. Kidney patients are at elevated risk because when kidneys are damaged they are unable to efficiently excrete fluoride from the body. As a result, kidney patients
Severe Dental Fluorosis: Perception and Psychological Impact
[caption id="attachment_8879" align="aligncenter" width="550"] Severe fluorosis - Photograph by David Kennedy, DDS[/caption] In its severe forms, dental fluorosis causes highly disfiguring brown and black staining of the teeth, which can cause chronic embarrassment and social anxiety for the impacted child. In 1984, a panel from the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) warned
Fluoride & Osteomalacia
One of fluoride's most well-defined effects on bone tissue is it's ability to increase the osteoid content of bone. Osteoid is unmineralized bone tissue. When bones have too much of it, they become soft and prone to fracture -- a condition known as osteomalacia. As shown below, fluoride has repeatedly been


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text:
Diversity downside- Cultural differences can cause challenges
https://www.mennonitemission.net/news/Diversity downside- Cultural differences can cause challenges
Marco Güete
Rick Preheim
The kingdom of Heaven will be filled with people of every color, creed and culture. Replicating that in an earthly congregation, however, is more difficult. In fact, in Marco Güete's experience, many have tried, but few succeed.
A native of Colombia, Güete is associate conference minister for Western District Conference and based in Dallas, Texas, a state with a burgeoning immigrant population – and great church-growth potential.
While Güete said faith in Jesus Christ can unite all believers, they are frequently divided by tensions rooted in culture. "If there are two cultural groups in the same congregation during the fellowship time, people of the same group get together and talk in their own language," Güete said. "It's not that they want to offend the other culture, but it's very natural.
"It's hard for the different cultures to understand other cultures."
One reason is language. Church-goers want to worship God in their own tongue, but it is difficult to incorporate multiple languages into one service. "Can we imagine a church having Sunday school classes in five or six languages," Güete asked. "Can we imagine the secretary at the church office responding to the phone and e-mail in those number of languages?"
Difficulties can even arise when the groups have separate congregations but meet in the same facility owned by one of them. Disagreements over schedule, space and finances often drive away one of the groups.
"Usually the newcomer leaves," Güete said. "Then everybody is happy."
Western District has found a solution to that problem. It owns the building in the Dallas area where two congregations meet – one a group of Hispanic immigrants who worship in Spanish, the other also Hispanic but English-speaking. So both congregations have equal power.
Güete said the problems of multiculturalism aren't limited to relations between Anglos and Hispanics or between whites and blacks. Even in a group of Africans, members are drawn to other members from the same country or culture.
"This multicultural ideal church could happen with the help of God, since for God nothing is impossible," Güete said.
To respond to this story, e-mail urbanconnections@mennonitemission.net.


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text:
NON-PATRIOTIC REASON TO RUN
Politics in Haiti is more than squirrely. That's because candidates can only be arrested if caught committing a crime. That immunity is extended when elected, making them practically untouchable throughout their six-year terms as senators, four years as deputies and five years as president. Meaning dozens of accused kidnappers, drug dealers and other criminals who make the final cut of the 1,855 candidates can run for the 139 legislative seats. (http://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation-world/world/americas/haiti/article30459984.html)
MISC. NEWSPAPER MIS-WORDINGS
(A) "Jim Ray Jolliet, Ihnman's attorney, put his hands over his eyes when the verdict was announced. He rested the other hand on Ihnman's shoulder." (B) "The Baths is a dying institution. Last year, we refunded money to 86 people who died." - The Daily News Magazine, March 1987. (C) "The 47-year-old Governor has received nationwide attention since she was elected Kentucky's first governor who was a woman last November." - The New York Times, 20 May 1984.
YOU HAVE AN ANSWER?
According to the Washington Post, police in the U.S. killed at least 385 people during the first five months of 2015. Based on census numbers for the areas where the killings took place, blacks were killed at three times the rate of whites or other minorities. Of the unarmed killed, two-thirds were either black or Hispanic. Forty-nine people had no weapon, while guns wielded by 13 others turned out to be toys. (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2015/05/31/police-fatal-shootings-20_n_7477658.html)