text:
Russell Simmons And Global Grind Acquire CelebrityTweet
A celebrity Tweet consolidation! Mogul Russell Simmons' hip-hop media platform Global Grind are acquiring CelebrityTweet, which collects and aggregates Tweets from celebrities on its platform. The terms of the acquisition were not released.
Launched in October 2008, CelebrityTweet capitalizes on the growing number of celebs who take to Twitter to connect with their fan base. Global Grind will be using CelebrityTweet to build its own platform and data base that lets users access Tweets from their favorite celebs.
A celebrity Tweet consolidation! Mogul Russell Simmons' hip-hop media platform Global Grind are acquiring CelebrityTweet, which collects and aggregates Tweets from celebrities on its platform. The terms of the acquisition were not released.
Launched in October 2008, CelebrityTweet capitalizes on the growing number of celebs who take to Twitter to connect with their fan base.
Global Grind will be using CelebrityTweet to build its own platform and data base that lets users access Tweets from their favorite celebs.
Global Grind also hopes to use the platform as a way for celebs to connect and engage with their fans. As more and more celebrities flock to Twitter, platform like CelebrityTweet can be useful to fans to find their Tweets. SoBe Lifewater will als0 sponsor CelebrityTweet.com and its celebrity blogs. Global Grind raised $2.6 million in new funding a few months ago.
Crunch Network: CrunchBoard because it's time for you to find a new Job2.0
Original source : http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/Techcrunch/~3/6hxua...
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text:
Parafia pw. Narodzenia Najświętszej Maryi Panny w Będkowie – parafia rzymskokatolicka znajdująca się w archidiecezji łódzkiej w dekanacie wolborskim. Mieści się przy ulicy Parkowej w Będkowie. Parafię prowadzą księża diecezjalni.

Historia parafii
Parafię erygował 23 listopada 1523 abp gnieźnieński Jan Łaski. Kościół wybudowany w 1462, murowany w stylu gotyckim. Ufundowali go ksiądz kanonik gnieźnieński i poznański, prepozyt krakowski oraz proboszcz wolborski Piotr Spinek wraz z dwoma braćmi: Franciszkiem i Mikołajem. Kościół jednonawowy, z krótkim prezbiterium, wielobocznie zamkniętym. Od zachodu wysoka, smukła, kwadratowa wieża. Wyposażenie kościoła: 3 ołtarze późnobarokowe, droga krzyżowa malowana na płótnie, 2 świeczniki, organy 8-głosowe, 2 dzwony.
Na terenie parafii znajduje się drewniany kościół z XVII wieku pod wezwaniem św. Zygmunta w Rososze, gdzie w każdą niedzielę o 12:00 sprawowana jest Msza święta. Początkowo kościół w Będkowie był filią parafii w Rososze.
Od lat 70. XVIII wieku kościół nosi tytuł sanktuarium.

Najcenniejszym zabytkiem jest łaskami słynący obraz Matki Bożej z Dzieciątkiem, zwaną Matką Bożą Będkowską. Jest to obraz gotycki z XV w., prawdopodobnie dar rodziny Spinków. W 1986 r. przeprowadzono renowację i konserwację obrazu.
Liczne uzdrowienia doznawane przy obrazie spowodowały, że ks. proboszcz Szymon Żuchowski 22 września 1770 wniósł do arcybiskupa gnieźnieńskiego prośbę o przysłanie komisji dla zbadania prawdziwości tych łask. Delegowana przez abp. Gabriela Jana Podoskiego komisja w składzie:

 ks. Jakub Rybiński - kanonik łowicki i sędzia konsystorski,
 ks. Stanisław Kaszowski - dziekan łowicki i łęczycki,
 ks. Karol Godaszewski - kanonik łęczycki,
 ks. Joachim Brzostowski - prepozyt kolegiaty wolborskiej,

przybyła do Będkowa i zbadała 79 świadków, którzy złożyli świadectwo o doznanych cudach. Na podstawie tych zeznań abp. Podoski dekretem z dnia 22 września 1771 ogłosił obraz za słynący łaskami.

Parafia
Do parafii należą wierni z następujących miejscowości: Będków, wieś kościelna, Będków kolonia, Brzustów, Ceniawy, Drzazgowa Wola, Ewcin, Gutków, Kalinów, Magdalenka, Nowiny, Prażki, Rosocha, Rudnik, Rzeczków, Sługocice, Wykno, Zacharz.

Proboszczowie:
 1744-1783 – ks. Szymon Żuchowski
 1783-1794 – ks. Józef Dąbrowski
 1794-1832 – ks. Mikołaj Drużbacki
 1832-1842 – ks. Franciszek Ratyński
 1842-1845 – ks. Stanisław Wiśniewski
 1845-1886 – ks. Jan Wiśniewski (ur. 1814; zm. 1889, pochowany w Rozprzy)
 1886-1899 – ks. Feliks Pluciński
 1899-1906 – ks. Alfons Trepkowski (ur. 1869; zm. w czerwcu 1933 w Warszawie)

 1906-1910 – ks. Włodzimierz Chodóbski (ur. 1870; zm. 6 IX 1910, pochowany na miejscowym cmentarzu)
 1910-1925 – ks. Michał Rozwadowski
 1925-1931 – ks. Stefan Karczewski (ur. 1886; zm. 1942 w Zamku Hartheim)
 1931-1958 – ks. Nikodem Szemborski (ur. 1888; zm. 1959, pochowany na miejscowym cmentarzu)
 1958-1977 – ks. Franciszek Pabjańczyk(ur. 1904; zm. 1997)
 1977-1980 – ks. Zygmunt Kilijanek(ur. 1930; zm. 1986)
 1980-1985 – ks. Tadeusz Bator (ur. 1938; zm. 29 IV 1985 w czasie sprawowania funkcji proboszcza)
 1985-1986 – ks. Waldemar Kulbat (ur. 1944)
 1986-2009 – ks. Władysław Pryca (ur. 1933)
 2009-2019 – ks. kan. Sławomir Jałmużny (ur. 1959)
 od 2019 – ks. kan. Krzysztof Nowak(ur. 1965)

Księża pochodzący z parafii:
 ks. Jan Szychowski (wyśw. 1927), zm. 19 marca 1971
 ks. kan. Bolesław Dziurdzia (wyśw. 1973)
 ks. kan. Eugeniusz Kacperski (wyśw. 1984)
 ks. kan. Marek Wochna (wyśw. 1992)
 Mariusz Kiełbasa (wyśw. 2011)

Zakonnice pochodzące z parafii:
 Agnieszka Chmielarska ZSAPU

Przypisy

Linki zewnętrzne

Parafie archidiecezji łódzkiej
Parafie pod wezwaniem Narodzenia Najświętszej Maryi Panny
Religia w Będkowie (powiat tomaszowski)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Atlanta International Fashion Week was here. I attended their last show of the week, which was in downtown Atlanta. I enjoyed the show so I'm sharing my highlights!
I will have to break this look down in another post, lets just say it was all the way HOT!
It was pretty dark in there, my poor camera, I just put it down and enjoyed the show. Thanks to Kirsten and Cash Carter, I have some shots to share.
Christian Louboutin is her choice of shoe...of course!
Outside of our fashion talk, she has great things in the works. Keep up with what's next for Ms. Evans on her site tiffanyevansmusic.com.
Then some more fashion, and the show came to a great end with Hassan singing prettying wings (nice).
Check out my fellow blogger, Kirsten Goodwin's site, she has some more shots and check out Atlanta's hot online radio host Cash Carter!


text:
Central NY News
Hope For The Holidays returns the 'Old Newsboys' Christmas fundraiser to the streets
Updated: Dec. 10, 2021, 12:32 p.m. | Published: Nov. 29, 2021, 8:16 a.m.
This year's Hope for the Holidays campaign sends "Old Newsboys" out to sell papers for Christmas Bureau donations on Dec. 10 and 11.Provided photo
By Don Cazentre | dcazentre@nyup.com
Syracuse, N.Y. — The "Old Newsboys" are back in action this year as the 90th annual Hope for the Holidays fundraiser hits the streets on Dec. 10 and 11.
Hope for the Holidays raises money to buy toys, books and food for The Christmas Bureau's annual pre-Christmas giveaway. Its goal this year is $75,000.
The primary method of collecting money, as it has been for most of the last 90 years, is for teams of people to "sell" special editions of The Post-Standard in return for donations at locations throughout Syracuse and its suburbs.
Last year, during the Covid pandemic, all donations were made online or via the mail and still managed to raise $54,000. That helped provide gifts for almost 5,000 children and more than 2,000 participating families.
This year the typical 150 to 200 volunteers will be back on the streets, but online and mail donations will also be accepted, said Tom Brown, circulation operations director for Advance Local Syracuse, the publisher of The Post-Standard.
There are almost 30 teams signed up so far. Among the larger teams participating each year are the Ancient Order of Hibernians and the Mattydale American Legion Post 1832, Brown said.
New this year: Donations can also be made via text as well as in-person, online and mail.
"Let's all make this 90th year of Hope for the Holidays a smashing success," said Tim Kennedy, president of Advance Media NY, which operates The Post-Standard and syracuse.com. "Giving to help others can be so powerful – for those in need and for each of us who help."
The Old Newsboys tradition started in 1932, when volunteers from the paper raised $1,800 to help poor families buy coal to heat their homes.
The Christmas Bureau, a joint project of the Salvation Army and the United Way, holds its gift distribution at the OnCenter in downtown Syracuse Wednesday, Dec. 15.
Details (and how to help)
In-person sales: Teams of volunteers will hits the streets starting at 6 a.m. Friday Dec. 10 and Saturday Dec. 11. You'll find them on street corners or in or near businesses and shops that permit them. Any size donation is accepted.
To volunteer: If your or your group would like to volunteer to hawk Old Newsboys' papers, contact Diana Cavender at 315-470-2054 or email her at dcavender@advancelocal.com.
Online: Go to HopefortheholidaysCNY to make an online donation. Those will be accepted through Dec. 31.
Text: Text HFTH2021 to 41444.
Mail: Donate by mail by sending checks to The Post-Standard, 101 N. Salina St., Syracuse, NY 13202. Make check out to: The Old Newsboys Sale.
To volunteer for the Christmas Bureau gift distribution at The OnCenter on Dec. 15 call Andrew Sabbaghzadeh at The Salvation Army 315-479-3610.
Don Cazentre writes for NYup.com, syracuse.com and The Post-Standard. Reach him at dcazentre@nyup.com, or follow him at NYup.com, on Twitter or Facebook.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
Agzikarahan o Agzikara Han es uno de los mejores ejemplos de un caravasar de los turcos selyúcidas. La construcción, que es la mayor de su tipo en toda Turquía (1480 m²), se encuentra en la Ruta de la Seda y servía para dar albergue a las caravanas de comerciantes que se desplazaban en ruta por Capadocia. Se localiza a 13 km al noreste de Aksaray sobre la carretera a Nevşehir, en la población de Ağzikara. Su construcción se inició entre 1231 y 1237, fechas que corresponden a los gobiernos de Alaeddin Keykubad I y del sultán Giyaseddin Keyhüsrev II, respectivamente. De acuerdo a las inscripciones, la edificación fue obra de un acaudalado comerciante de nombre Hoca Mesud bin Abdullah.

El conjunto arquitectónico está formado por un patio central cubierto y diversas edificaciones que incluían una mezquita central, torres y las habitaciones. Este caravanserrallo tiene la característica de que su zona de habitaciones se encuentra a la izquierda de la entrada principal y no directamente opuesta a la entrada, como es común. Cuenta con 13 torres y una gran muralla que le da la apariencia de una fortificación militar; pero este aspecto es el resultado de haber estado involucrada en diversas guerras, por lo cual tiene una historia de destrucciones y reconstrucciones.

Actualmente alberga un museo de historia turca al aire libre.

Referencias
 Gülyaz, Murat Ertuğrul, "The Caravansaraıs of Cappadocia", Skylife Magazine, diciembre de 1999

Localidades de la provincia de Aksaray
Ciudades a lo largo de la Ruta de la Seda


text:
Home Poker News The Philippines Unveil Stricter Anti-Money Laundering Measures for Online Gambling Operators
The Philippines Unveil Stricter Anti-Money Laundering Measures for Online Gambling Operators
Online betting business that operate in the Philippines will be required to deal with stricter anti-money laundering steps as part of the country's efforts to remove its name and also quit being grey-listed by worldwide economic regulatory bodies.
Recently, the Philippine legislators gave the nod to a changed version of the Anti-Money Laundering Act (AMLA) in which so-called POGOs (Philippines Offshore Pc Gaming Operators) as well as their service providers are included under the "protected individuals" interpretation. The abovementioned piece of regulations was first approved in 2001 and after that came to be subject to modification in 2017 in order to consist of both land-based and on-line gambling enterprise drivers in the nation, in addition to the junket driver partners of regional gambling establishments.
Nonetheless, the amended costs faced substantial objection, as it did not cover the Philippines Offshore Gaming Operators' provider. In March 2020, the Anti-Money Laundering Council (AMLC) of the country flagged the expense as a location of worry and likewise raised a warning over the supposed absence of commitment of POGOs to continue to be according to the KYC (know-your-customer) regulations.
Under the changes, the Anti-Money Laundering Council is empowered to provide special writs to wagering business as well as also to launch search as well as seizure in case operators do not wish to comply. Tax criminal offenses have likewise been identified as predicate offenses to money laundering as part of the changes.
FATF Previously Included the Philippines on Its Grey List
In order for the modification of the AMLA to work, the item of legislation still requires to be signed by Philippine Head of state Rodrigo Duterte. Mr. Duterte is anticipated to lay his signature under the amended bill as part of his efforts to stop the Financial Activity Task Force (FATF) from waging its danger to consist of the country in its "grey checklist" of territories that are thought about untrustworthy and insufficiently devoted to taking on cash laundering crimes.
The Philippines were put on the Financial Activity Task Force's "grey list" in 2000. The country managed to exit that listing in 2005, and afterwards, in 2017, Philippine legislators made the AMLA modifications following another hazard from the Task Force that it would bring back the country in the list for making an exception for betting business from the coverage of the previous upgrade of the Anti-Money Laundering Act in 2013.
According to reports, Philippine Head of state Rodrigo Duterte additionally is afraid that the nation would certainly be gone back to the "grey listing". Such an action would certainly have a destructive impact on the nation's economy that has already been battling as a result of the coronavirus pandemic.
The current deadline enforced by the FATF for the nation to make sure its anti-money laundering policies were modified was supposed to be October 2020. Nonetheless, the negative consequences of the coronavirus pandemic saw the Task Force prolong that deadline to February 1st, 2020. Apparently, the FATF is set to make its final decision whether the anti-money laundering rules revealed by the Philippines suffice in June 2021.
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text:
#pragma once
#include <aws/ec2/EC2_EXPORTS.h>
#include <aws/ec2/model/CustomerGateway.h>
#include <aws/ec2/model/ResponseMetadata.h>

namespace Aws
{
template<typename RESULT_TYPE>
class AmazonWebServiceResult;

namespace Utils
{
namespace Xml
{
  class XmlDocument;
} // namespace Xml
} // namespace Utils
namespace EC2
{
namespace Model
{
  /*
    $shape.documentation
  */
  class AWS_EC2_API CreateCustomerGatewayResponse
  {
  public:
    CreateCustomerGatewayResponse();
    CreateCustomerGatewayResponse(const AmazonWebServiceResult<Aws::Utils::Xml::XmlDocument>& result);
    CreateCustomerGatewayResponse& operator=(const AmazonWebServiceResult<Aws::Utils::Xml::XmlDocument>& result);

    /*

Information about the customer gateway.

    */
    inline const CustomerGateway& GetCustomerGateway() const{ return m_customerGateway; }

    /*

Information about the customer gateway.

    */
    inline void SetCustomerGateway(const CustomerGateway& value) { m_customerGateway = value; }

    /*

Information about the customer gateway.

    */
    inline void SetCustomerGateway(CustomerGateway&& value) { m_customerGateway = value; }

    /*

Information about the customer gateway.

    */
    inline CreateCustomerGatewayResponse& WithCustomerGateway(const CustomerGateway& value) { SetCustomerGateway(value); return *this;}

    /*

Information about the customer gateway.

    */
    inline CreateCustomerGatewayResponse& WithCustomerGateway(CustomerGateway&& value) { SetCustomerGateway(value); return *this;}

    inline const ResponseMetadata& GetResponseMetadata() const{ return m_responseMetadata; }

    inline void SetResponseMetadata(const ResponseMetadata& value) { m_responseMetadata = value; }

    inline void SetResponseMetadata(ResponseMetadata&& value) { m_responseMetadata = value; }

    inline CreateCustomerGatewayResponse& WithResponseMetadata(const ResponseMetadata& value) { SetResponseMetadata(value); return *this;}

    inline CreateCustomerGatewayResponse& WithResponseMetadata(ResponseMetadata&& value) { SetResponseMetadata(value); return *this;}

  private:
    CustomerGateway m_customerGateway;
    ResponseMetadata m_responseMetadata;
  };

} // namespace Model
} // namespace EC2
} // namespace Aws

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


GREAT COAL HARBOUR Location. Waterfront with views looking over the marina, and North Shore Mountains. Huge balcony and master bedroom. Kitchen has granite countertops and stainless steel appliances. Includes high speed internet, large flat screen TV, The Real WURLITZER JUKEBOX. Great building with amenities including indoor pool, hot tub and fitness center.


text:
The Frantz Fanon Blog
Reading Frantz Fanon in Grahamstown, South Africa
What colour is our flag? Red or JZ? - A critique of the SACP approach on the JZ matter
by Mazibuko K. Jara, Deputy National Secretary, Young Communist League, November 2005
A famous social activist changes the words of The Red Flag to provide a jocular and yet effective critique of the strategy, tactics and programme of our South African Communist Party: he sings "The people's flag is palest pink, it is not as red as some would think. The working class can kiss my ass. To show we are still sincere, we will criticise GEAR once a year". If this jocular criticism has some truthful import, what could be the objective basis for it? The criticism calls for some fresh introspection in light of our positioning and role as the Communist Party in the Jacob Zuma (JZ) saga.
What explains the Party's approach and conduct over the JZ matter? Is it a matter of a mere momentary lapse or error of judgment? Or is it a reflection of a deeper strategic and programmatic crisis in our Party? Alternatively, are we using the JZ matter for our own socialist goals? How?
This paper seeks to demonstrate the cumulative weakening of socialist strategy, analysis, organisation and alternatives by three features: our role on the JZ matter, the conceptualisation of our campaigns and our effective absence from ongoing class struggles in South Africa today. Hopefully, the paper contributes to the opening of space for us as a Communist Party to honestly and objectively confront our weaknesses, draw appropriate lessons and rectify our mistakes. The issues raised in the paper also indirectly raise key questions about our day-to-day tactics as the Communist Party. What calculations and considerations inform our day-to-day tactics? How do they relate to how we struggle to achieve our short- and long-term objectives?
What is the paper's understanding of Party strategy on the JZ saga? Firstly, the Party has shown some lukewarm defence of bourgeois democratic rights and institutions whilst also attacking them as part of the political defence of JZ. Secondly, we have also raised issues about the isolation of a left and working class agenda in the ANC. Thirdly, we seem to have uncritically linked up with various questionable business interests in the pro-JZ movement. Fourthly, all this happens when we have not effectively addressed and built effective communist activism around ongoing worker and community struggles. Linked to this is the current weakness of our own campaigns to attack the structural causes of working class marginalisation. Finally, a major problem remains our continued failure to provide critical socialist analysis and positions on the arms deal.
2. BOURGEIOS DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS AND INSTITUTIONS
The legal side of the Party approach correctly argues that JZ, as all of us are entitled to, must have a fair trial, albeit, under the current largely untransformed justice system. Indeed this right is one of the key features of bourgeois liberal democracy which we, as communists, must defend as a matter of principle. As South African communists we must be for the rule of law, equality before the law, due process and fairness. This means that the Party must publicly speak out and defend JZ's claim of this right not because he is a person of any "stature". In contrast, talking in terms such as "someone of JZ's stature", as we have, problematically implies that some are more equal than others. This approach undermines the principle of equality before the law and promotes the cult of personality by elevating leaders above the masses of ordinary people.
As a matter of principle, JZ has been charged and he must face a court of law (as different from a court of justice) in which he must have a fair trial irrespective of who he is. This is a straightforward democratic standpoint which, however, is different from mounting a political defence. Indeed, the Party must insist that bourgeois democratic institutions must operate within the law and must not be used for any political agenda by any interests or factions in government and the ANC. They must also not be demagogically questioned by unprincipled populism. Our questioning of bourgeois democratic institutions has not been principle but about bolstering the claim of a political conspiracy against and justification of the consequent political defence of JZ
As communists we must not undermine the importance of bourgeois democratic institutions in the class struggle. If we say "down with the Scorpions", we may attract essentially those questioning the rule of law for their own personal, selfish and reactionary reasons. These may attract convicted felons like Tony Yengeni, tax evaders, corrupt state officials under investigation, unscrupulous business operators, a government minister using bureaucratic power to defend incorrect decisions and so on.
We have to ask the question of who loses most when there is no rule of law under capitalism: look at a Congo without the rule of law, look at who suffers most in countries without even a parliament. After all, the creation of a democratic and constitutional dispensation in South Africa has made political stability possible where apartheid and other atrocities can be brought to book. It is under the rule of law in South Africa that poor people can take their own government to court in order to assert their right to housing or point to its failures.
To paraphrase Lenin's formulation in State and Revolution, a bourgeois democratic framework, unlike fascism or no rule of law, provides the best conditions under capitalism under which the working class can hope to struggle for its short- and long-term interests. The interest of the Communist Party in critically defending bourgeois democratic rights and institutions is not to meekly accept their capitalist content but about the creation of fair conditions & minimum material existence for the working class first and foremost. But such conditions will always be undermined as long as society remains capitalist and anti-systemic measures are not taken, as an outcome of popular struggles, to transform these institutions. In this regard, the Party must take responsibility for the slow progress in achieving a pro-poor and anti-systemic transformation of the justice system which is part of the post-apartheid capitalist state we have in South Africa.
As communists we must critique the bourgeois liberal justice system from the standpoint of thorough-going structural transformation of society. This approach is different from throw-away remarks against this or that reactionary judge for short-term political gain particularly when progressive forces have done very little to actually put a revolutionary working class imprint in the justice system post-1994.
Even under socialism, the democratic aspects of the very bourgeois democratic institutions will be critical to maintain healthy tensions, checks and balances of the political and economic system. But the socialist project must seek to enhance these democratic aspects and overcome their objective limitation by a capitalist order. The executive must have separate powers from parliament, the judiciary and other state institutions. Ordinary people need to be able to check and balance the actions of the executive. Parliament must effectively and substantively hold the executive accountable. Effective working class democracy must be extended right into the judiciary too. Taking useful lessons from the errors of Stalinism and bureaucratised national democratic projects (Zimbabwe being key), as communists in South Africa we need to think hard and creatively about the importance of building pluralities and multiplicities of spaces for the building socialism. There are many other aspects that we need to debate in this regard.
In other words, this paper's approach to bourgeois democratic institutions recognises that the form and content of institutions of class rule may be historically derived from post-colonial national democratic or liberal bourgeois traditions under the capitalist mode of production. The paper then uses the logic of the Party programme to conclude that it is possible, as part of broader class struggles, to build socialist institutions on the "interstices of capitalist institutions". Given the current balance of class forces in SA, perhaps there maybe more to institutions than their bourgeois conventional form. This is to say that because our democratic breakthrough predicated on the so-called "reciprocal siege" of aligned blocks of class forces (though continuously shifting) therefore the content or the essence of societal institutions does not have to be automatically bourgeois, even though ideologically the latter has an upper hand to date. If that were the case, then there would be no need for a theoretical and practical attention to the concept of a developmental state for example. In our society, these institutions in and of themselves are not inherently and unchallengeably anti-working class. Thus, the classical Marxist idea that the superstructure reflects the base may not apply automatically and crudely in the contexts of peripheral societies where the democratic project has historically been defined by working class and even socialist forces. These arguments about how to approach bourgeois democratic institutions are only an outline of preliminary thoughts around the meaning and content of socialist democracy.
In the immediate period, there is another grave matter: what if JZ is indeed guilty? Has he taken our leadership into confidence about the nature of his relationship with Shaik and others if there is indeed such a relationship? By engaging in the tactics we currently apply, are building up a basis and case to label the judge racist and reactionary if JZ is found guilty?
3. JZ AND THE POLITICAL STRUGGLE IN THE ANC
According to the Party and COSATU, JZ, like left and working class forces in the broad liberation movement, is subject to a deliberate political agenda which seeks to marginalise left and working class forces in order to promote the interests of a small elite capitalist faction within the ANC. Indeed, the left and working class forces would be naïve not to understand the basis and programme of such a class project. However, it is questionable whether a political defence of JZ represents the best strategy and tactics through which to conduct a political and class struggle against such a project. The isolation and marginalisation of a left working class agenda in the ANC is not for the courts to decide: it must be subject to ideological and political contestations that the Party must lead within and outside the ANC. That today JZ may quote communist texts must not ever blind the Communist Party from a proper class analysis of the class project he represents.
Can JZ really be regarded as part of left and working class forces in the ANC? JZ's own role in the isolation and marginalisation of a working class programme in the ANC requires scrutiny. Can JZ really provide breathing space for a left project as it is sometimes argued and implied? How will JZ open the space for the left? How has he opened space for left up to now? Does the socialist project require prominent individuals to provide space? Is this not displaying a lack of faith in the latent capacity of the Party and the masses and the role of the class struggle? Indeed, individuals play an important role in revolutions. But then, what was JZ's role in rightwards shift of the ANC? The case for the political defence of JZ must still be made from a coherent and strategic communist standpoint. Up to now, such a convincing case has not been made. Even when such a case is made convincingly it must be linked to a political programe. What political programme does JZ stand for? What political programme are we seeking to push and win by supporting JZ?
Talking about breathing space in the ANC confines the Party's strategic thrust to the ANC terrain only and effectively blinds us to other strategic terrains and fronts of struggle. This thrust means that Party strategy is contingent on ANC processes and can potentially negate Party independence. By unwittingly hedging our socialist objectives to the fate of JZ, the Party can unconsciously attach and link the Party to a project perhaps similar and even worse, in some respects, to the dominant one currently in control of ANC and state machinery we are critiquing.
As a public figure, JZ has taken what can be described as controversial and conservative standpoints on gender equality (polygamy, virginity testing and sexuality), economic policy, ethnicity and pandering to the interests of the traditional and undemocratic elite in rural areas. It is not clear what role he has played in government and as an ANC leader during key moments of working class struggle on economic policy. He may have called for alliance forums to discuss differences but is this representative of a principled and consistent political champion of a left working class agenda? His lifestyle also raises largely forgotten and ignored questions about the lifestyle of leaders and the subsequent social distance with our mass base. Is he indeed linked politically, commercially and personally to Shaik and other problematic business interests? If these links exist, what should poor and working people make of such links? What is his understanding of the role of theory and intellectuals in the struggle given his reported attacks on intellectuals?
The above paragraph has controversial formulations which may be read to mean that JZ has pandered to backward tendencies and institutions. The controversial nature of the formulations opens the whole paper to an attack and possible dismissal as a whole. Such a response is typical of the dominant siege mentality in the pro-JZ movement where every criticism of JZ is given a formulaic response - "conspiracy to destroy Msholozi" and the like. It is the purpose of this paper to understand the basis for such an un-Marxist approach to critical engagement.
For the Party, the most important characteristic of JZ is that he is a former communist who lost confidence in socialism. He left the Party at a time of ideological crisis as part of an ANC leadership which questioned the relevance of socialist strategy, analysis and organisation. This must not be used as a grudge against him but it is an important fact of history which may or may not define his own political trajectory. Others in this group which left the Party have been instrumental in the marginalisation of working class interests in the ANC. What role did JZ play in this regard? This is not a personal attack on individuals but is a necessary part of honest communist analysis of the ANC and the state it leads. As a bloc, they have represented a largely conservative, unprincipled, anti-working class, anti-democratic bloc, narrow and primitive accumulation interests. This political project has exposed the ANC to various capitalist fractions such that it is no longer a joke to talk about a Brett Kebble left, an Imvume caucus, a Safika tendency, and so on. As a result, it is not conspiratorial to imagine these factions seeking to finance and promote various succession scenarios and leadership collectives right across and at all levels of the alliance and the state. Active match-fixing is taking place in broad daylight! It is not clear what position JZ takes in this game/in relation to this project. To reaffirm, what is clear is that capitalists have vested interests in this match-fixing and will invest money to ensure particular outcomes. How is our contribution as communists to the JZ campaign helping to expose this strategically, objectively and truthfully as opposed to conspiratorial analysis? The normal argument is that the political forces attacking JZ are these capitalists referred to here. It flows from this analysis that JZ therefore is anti-capitalist and pro-working class. This paper does not agree with this formulation. We need a more deeper and strategic analysis of the ANC, the state, the role and interests of the the capitalist class in the ANC and the JZ project itself.
The dominant political project in the ANC has also actively sought to dislodge socialist and working class forces in the ANC. It has delegitimised opponents and critics with the labels of "ultra-left", "counter-revolutionaries", "apartheid spy", "distant intellectuals" and "paper leaders". Communist leaders have been subject to isolation, attacks and disciplinary procedures. This is what the 2002 ANC Briefing Notes, the attacks on working class struggles and other political interventions were about. This project thrives on raising conspiracy theories to infinity. By its nature such a political project has no pretence to respect bourgeois democratic institutions or democratic practice. This holds horrific possibilities of comrades being framed with brazen impunity. If stakes were to be higher, the serious abuse of state institutions for political agendas is not unimaginable. In such conditions, an ANC and government presidency is literally burdened with millions of debts. What does this mean? Will we have a lame duck president beholden to all the debts or a ruthless Bonapartist driving a clear class project? Will the various capitalist fractions and interests tolerate a lame duck president? Will they tolerate a pro-working class president? Will they seek to use the presidency and the rest of the state to drive theirs accumulation interests?
In other words, questions have to be asked therefore of the conduct of government ministers, including JZ, in developing relations with sections of business. This is not to judge JZ before his trial but to raise principled and troubling questions without any fear or favour. We must struggle for openness and transparency in political conduct. We must ask questions and get answers about the funding and business activities of all political leaders, the ANC and all political parties.
Has the JZ saga opened space for the left?
Some comrades are beginning to argue that working class anger over JZ has deepened the crisis of the neo-liberal project in the ANC and government. This may be the case but it says a lot about our ineffectiveness as a principled political factor in the alliance. There is a genuine sense of proletarian anger and resentment against, not personal marginalisation, but objective processes of capitalist alienation and economic marginalisation. This anger has found expression in the 100% JZ slogans and campaign. There is genuine and heart-warming popular support for JZ. Poor and working people identify with JZ partly because of his roots, background, charisma, feel and the fact that he did make huge sacrifices together with many many leaders of the anti apartheid struggle led by the ANC. Structurally, in JZ poor and working people are finding an outlet of feeling and struggle their economic alienation and marginalisation. But the genuine proletarian anger has also been fuelled by our own role in the mobilisation particularly in the KZN province. The extent to which this mobilisation has gone has excluded in the activist and mass consciousness the real possibility that JZ may be found guilty. Hopefully, he is not. Some Party and YCL comrades are even providing 100% uncritical support by saying "I will be with JZ till the end" thus betraying the need for critical analysis at all times. In other words, our own mobilisation has opened up the real danger that the KZN province in particular may be open to a deep political and social crisis if JZ is found guilty. For our political structures this may mean complete demobilisation and demoralisation. Such an effect on our political structures will be a significant weakening we cannot dare afford in the KZN province in particular.
But, perhaps predictably, this proletarian anger and support for JZ has not been critical of JZ's class position and interests. It has also shown the dangers of appeals to ethnic identity, mass blindness and faith in individual charisma and cult of personality. As the Party, we are not providing strategic and ideological leadership harnessing this anger into a generalised strategic offensive against capitalist interests, forces and policies. It is difficult to see how the Party's conduct over JZ advances and harnesses working class struggles.
If our objective is to transform and democratise the ANC then we must not fudge issues through the JZ matter. If there are problems in the alliance and working class interests are being pushed back by other interests, why was the Party prepared to push the alliance to the brink on the JZ matter and not on economic policy for example? Was this part of an effort to influence ANC until the Cuban option becomes possible as we do not (hopefully yet) seek to liquidate other class forces? Or was it an attempt to use the JZ matter to determine succession in the ANC using the Party debate on whether it should contest elections in its own right as a pressure point?
We must consistently take and fight for principled positions even in opposition to the ANC. Latching onto the 100% JZ movement, we stray away from our strategic role. Our Party's leadership collective is challenged to clarify to our activist and mass base how it elaborates and chooses our day-to-day tactical options in respect of the ANC and other key political questions. In strategic terms, we must also confront the weaknesses of our strategy insofar as it confines our strategic thrust and role to the ANC alone possibly at the expense of other terrains and fronts of struggle.
4. THROWING AWAY ACCUMULATED POLITICAL CAPITAL AND STRATEGIC ROLE
One of the key functions of the Party centre is to democratically unite the Party behind principled socialist analysis and action on all key political and economic questions. Is the Party centre holding? The strategic confusion over JZ and the current public posture and role of the Party can potentially lead to massive polarisation and weakening of its leadership at all levels and confusion of its activist and mass base.
Massive resources and energy are spent by an insufficiently strong Party in the mass campaign in support of JZ whenever he appears in court & other public for a, and through fundraising for the Friends of JZ Trust. If there is a case for the political defence of JZ, is this the best way to go about it? This has the effect of displacing other more principled and strategic programmes and struggles. This may sound obvious but a Communist Party caught in the internecine strife over JZ is not a Communist Party which will effectively mobilise the mass of the workers and the poor to challenge and defeat capitalism in South Africa. Knowing this, capitalist banks, agrarian capital and custodians of neo-liberal economic policies in government must be sitting quite pretty and comfortable. A Communist Party so involved in the JZ defence campaign cannot possibly implement its own programme.
For a significant period now, the Communist Party had begun to provide a moral pole of reference for workers, poor people, sections of the intelligentsia, the middle class and even some sections of capital uncertain about the future. Critical ingredients in the mix which explain this growth have been our principled refusal to demagogically play the "race card", our theoretical seriousness ("intellectualism" a la JZ), our encouragement of open debate, our critique of neo-liberal economic policies and our increasingly confident assertion of our own class and ideological identity through, mass campaigns and programmes. This was built through a lot of internal work and political struggle to strengthen our vision, strategy, resources and capacity. Amongst other things, this organisational renewal has led to increased activism, a positive public profile, and the moderately successful campaigns on land, banks and access to basic services which have not yet mounted a serious challenge to South African capitalism. All these developments still have their own problems and weaknesses but overall they have been positive.
But now our conduct on the JZ saga has already significantly reversed the potential of all these achievements. The JZ saga is denigrating the organisational and political capital we have accumulated. How much time and effort has been lost dealing with the JZ saga in all Communist Party structures? What signals are we sending to the public about our positions on corruption, the rule of law and public confidence in state institutions? Can we effectively and strategically engage with a range of forces on key political and economic questions having been tainted by the JZ saga? Do we still have strategic leverage over other class forces? How do we explain and understand being in the same camp as primitive accumulation interests? How do we justify getting into bed with such a coalition of irrational and self-interested forces? We have also tended to be emotive, and not motive, forces. How do we explain our public positions and involvement in what can be argued to be an internal ANC matter in which we obviously have an interest? How should the Party conduct itself in internal ANC matters which are of strategic interest to the working class? What is the level of strategic confusion in our activist and mass base on all these issues?
Interestingly, at the same time as the JZ saga was reaching a crescendo, the country witnessed a new flaring up of local community protests against poor service delivery, a general strike against unemployment, bolder worker struggles for a living wage, and growing solidarity and collaboration between various left forces. Where have we been and what was our role in all these important working class struggles and developments? Despite having an official campaign of basic services to all, there is no evidence of Communist Party activism in local community protests. Instead, the Communist Party was publicly quoted expressing quite uninformed concern against the Western Cape Coalition Against and Unemployment at the expense of contributing effectively to building and leading a "popular movement for transformation" as per our programmes at least since 1995. To an extent, the JZ saga has left the Party little time and space to play its strategic role in these struggles and developments.
The case of the YCL is sad, to say the least. The YCL should be known across South Africa for its campaigns and activities on free education, access to HIV/AIDS treatment for young people, violence against young women and so on, and not for its reckless and apolitical statements on the JZ matter. Through its recklessness, the YCL has also undermined the possibility of any left strategy in seeking to influence the outcomes of the 2007 ANC Conference. The YCL focus, energy and activism, considering that it is only two years in its re-establishment, should be in profiling its political programme, strategically positioning itself within youth politics, developing and consolidating existing structures and establishing new ones.
Corruption and the class struggle
It is not to over-exaggerate the case to state that corruption is one of the most serious and important front of the class struggle in South Africa today. The point is not merely to moralise about corruption from a distance but to provide a consistent class analysis of corruption. We need to expose the strategic incapacity of an aspirant bureaucratic bourgeoisie and the already existing reality of such class interests having captured the state and the ANC through patronage, corruption and anti-working class policies. This principled approach to corruption is different from opportunistic, politically based and factional prosecution of corruption.
Firstly, a particular kind of ANC is a key vehicle politically for new and old capital to accumulate. And thus various Business Day editorials consistently calling on President Thabo Mbeki to reason and compromise with all fractions of capital in the ANC. Sections of established capital may want a weakening of the ANC as a coherent force. This may allow capital to have much more external influence over the ANC and government which may be limited by a coherent ANC. Even the DA sees this. Various strategies have been deployed: co-option through BEE for example, promises of investment dependent on the ANC delivering a particular policy package, corruption and so on.
Typical of emergent fractions of capital, many of them cannot be productive and develop organically. There is no land to dispossess, no virgin mines to claim – the entire structure of the economy is owned by established white capital with links to global capital from over hundred years of capitalist development. Because of this reality, the state is therefore a key avenue for primitive accumulation opening up possibilities for the control and abuse of political office. Key in its accumulation strategy are blue-chip state-led projects such as Mozal, the arms deal and transport concessions. In essence, we are witnessing a process of parasitic crony capitalism fusing political/state office with accumulation interests opening space for corruption, narrow BEE, opportunism and patronage.
Given the small size of the cake over which there is competition, it is not surprising that intra-capitalist rivalry can be intense and lead to corruption and serious marginalisation of some fractions. In this competition, some lose out: anecdotal evidence suggests that Kebble, Shaik and others have lost out to other fractions. At a particular stage in this intra-capitalist positioning, there may arise a situation when there will be no tolerance of strong working class forces. What will the Party do when a more brutal and structural fight breaks out between various fractions of capital in the ANC? In such circumstances, the bourgeois fractions may realise however deep their divisions they can still reconcile in order to deal with working class interests which threaten their collective interests.
Throughout the JZ saga this year, this communist analysis of corruption has been blunted by the posture the Party has taken on the matter. This lowering of the guard unwittingly reinforces the hand of parasitic capitalism as if public accountability and democratic principles are for sale. The biggest loser in corruption is the working class, because it is their jobs and developmental interests that are always on the line. Given this analysis, our conduct effectively amounts to fronting for a defeated capitalist fraction instead of exploiting these intra-capitalist fractions in advancing working class struggles.
For the isolated fractions of capital, the pro-JZ movement is a bargaining chip. Those with the most to benefit from this movement are those petty bourgeois opportunists who lost out in ANC and government positions, others who know their illegal activities may attract attention from the legal system, and other disgruntled elements. Indeed, working class forces may strike up temporary alliances with fractions of capital against bigger or foreign capital. In such conditions, one of the most critical communist tasks is an unflinching critical analysis of, and engagement against the agenda of such a vacillating fraction of capital. In such conditions, the Communist Party should not allow its class analysis of the basis and conduct of these fractions of capital to be blunted by populism as it has been the case up to now. There is something wrong when the left in the alliance finds itself uncritically on the same side as emerging capitalist Don Mkhwanazi, corrupt businessman Schabir Shaik, and an ANC Youth League suckled on the largesse of the late Brett Kebble. What can possibly unite us with these elements? Some of these elements are also known for pushing the line that fighting corruption requires a political process: a euphemism for diffusing and deflecting a principled struggle against corruption which is far from what a communist approach should be.
The arms deal and imperialism
The JZ saga has also revealed the paucity of the Party's analysis of the arms deal including whether the arms deal is in the best interests of the revolution. Key principles for the Party in this regard would have included public participation, the role of parliament, questions about what determines budget priorities, the gambling of the country's development trajectory to arms dealers, questions about control of the armed forces as a security apparatus of a capitalist state, the interests of imperialism in arms deals and the corrupt nature of all arms deals in the world. Had the Party done this kind of analysis when the arms deal was being negotiated, we would have been better positioned to have a principled and programmatic framework in response to all recent developments on the arms deal including the JZ saga. A communist analysis of the arms deal cannot be avoided any longer.
5. GOING FORWARD: KEEP THE RED FLAG FLYING HIGH
Enough diagnosis. What are the options and key issues in the way forward for us as the Communist Party?
Firstly, serious and objective introspection must take place on the whole JZ saga: what was our aim in conducting ourselves in the manner we did over JZ? Still keeping with the strategic approach of working in the ANC and the alliance we must strategise and act now to ensure that, as far as possible, left forces can strategically and positively influence the ANC 2007 Conference in respect of policy issues, the state of the ANC and the leadership collective which emerges from this Conference. We must do the same on government policy including a review of the arms deal. This requires the Party to confront the arms deal once and fro all. However, the validity of the alliance approach is belied by the objective impact of political and economic processes, and the subjective isolation of left and working class forces from key decisions and processes. Thanks to an ANC government and its policies, South Africa is now a relatively stable capitalist country where private property rights and profit maximisation are guaranteed and sacrosanct.
Party introspection also requires serious consideration of whether there is a case for the political defence of JZ. There must be space opened up for democratic debate in all structures and at all levels. Such an opportunity can be used to deepen our strategic unity, analysis and programmatic thrust. If needs be, we must be prepared to publicly, yet strategically, retreat and reorient our strategy on the JZ matter and related intra-alliance discussions and processes. In this context, the Communist Party must pay serious attention and give practical content to its own socialist moral renewal through actively, consistently and strategically attacking the cult of personality, centralisation of power, the intolerance of difference, corruption, the ever-growing social distance between the leaders and the people, and anti-poor policies.
Thirdly, the Communist Party has to consolidate its own campaigns in order that they are informed and shaped by an analysis of the structural causes of poverty, unemployment and alienation. This means that our conceptualisation and execution of our campaigns must not be reformist but must be directed at these structural causes. This consolidation must be linked to building links and scope to work with worker structures, local communities and social movements. The full logic of this means that the Party should be consistently in the heart of COSATU-led worker struggles, community struggles and all progressive social movements. Local struggles have the potential to be turned into organs of working class power facilitating bottom-up and grassroots-oriented direct democracy by availing to the working ckass spaces, platforms and avenues, and strategies, through which they can challenge the establishment of the dominant class, place demands on power and contest its hegemony. This is a fundamental material condition for the Party's strategic objective of winning hegemony, influence and power across society. All these approaches are critical in reasserting left influence in the ANC so long as this is linked to active political work to build other political options and possibilities outside the ANC and the alliance. In doing all this, the Party must seek to link current struggles to the long-term goal of defeating capitalism and building a socialist alternative in South Africa. This must also be used to rebuild the political capital our approach on the JZ saga seems to have thrown away.
Finally, the Communist Party has an opportunity to use its political and organisational preparations for its 12th Congress due in 2007 to revisit all key issues of strategy, programme and tactics including the debate on what must be done to increase the voice, power, resources and influences of poor and working people over all aspects of South African society including the contestation of elections by a working class socialist party, hopefully the SACP. This requires continuously and positively asserting our independence and who we should be. We should be a fairly well-organised Communist Party in a post-apartheid capitalist country where there is still massive public affinity for socialism. We must build a compact, portable and dynamic Communist Party ready for any eventuality in the struggle. This is the only way that we can effectively rebut the criticism of our strategy, tactics and programme, and still reclaim the proud traditions of the Red Flag: "The people's flag is deepest red… though cowards flinch and traitors sneer, we'll keep the red flag flying here… we must not change its colour now … to bear it onward till we fall… this song shall be our parting hymn".
Posted by Reading Frantz Fanon Here & Now at 17:29
Labels: Communism, Jacob Zuma, Mazibuko Jara, South African Communist Party
This blog contains resources directly related to Frantz Fanon's life and work, the secondary literature on Fanon and other resources useful for engaging Fanon's ideas here and now. Some of what is here comes from, or relates to, a particular set of ongoing discussions around Fanon's work in Grahamstown.
by Mazibuko K. Jara, Deputy National Secretary, Young Communist League, November 2005 1. Introduction A famous social activist changes t...
The Fact of Blackness in a Sea of Whiteness
by Camalita Naicker The Fact of Blackness , the fifth chapter of Frantz Fanon's Black Skins, White Masks, is not an answer or an explanat...
Critical Response to Frantz Fanon's 'The Wretched of the Earth'
by Musawenkosi Cabe "Fifty years ago, Frantz Fanon died, leaving us with his last testimony, The Wretched of the Earth . Written in the ...
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2011, ANNÉE FRANTZ FANON
Associazione Frantz Fanon
Black Skin, White Masks: Exploring the Life & Work of Frantz Fanon
Centro Frantz Fanon
Fondation Frantz Fanon
Frantz Fanon: Psychiatrist, Revolutionary, Philosopher & Author
Grahamstown Frantz Fanon Reading Group
Online texts by Frantz Fanon
The Fanon Group
UFrantz Fanon waziwa kakhulu njengomunye wezinculabuchopho zomzabalazo wenkululeko eAfrika.
CODESRIA (Dakar)
Caribbean Philosophical Association
Centre for African Studies (Cape Town)
Centre for Humanities Research (Cape Town)
Centro de Estudos Afro-Orientais
Critical Studies Seminar (Grahamstown)
Johannesburg Workshop in Theory and Criticism
Locations & Locutions (Stellenbosch)
Makerere Institute of Social Research (Kampala)
Unit for the Humanities at Rhodes University (Grahamstown)
Wiser (Johannesburg)
Africa Past & Present
Black Looks
Brittle Paper
Custom Contested
Imibono
Lewis R. Gordon
Loudrastress
Ota Benga Alliance
Rainbow Restaurant
Raymond Suttner
Settler Colonial Studies
Southern Perspectives
tokolos-stencils
DISA (UKZN)
Historical Papers (WITS)
SA History Online
Steve Biko - Digital Archive
Feminist Africa
Small Axe
The C.L.R. James Journal
Online Libraries
Aaaaag.org
Chimurenga Library
Decolonial Translation Group
E-Book Collective
History is a Weapon
Libertarian Communism Library
Libgen.info
Library.nu
Marxists Internet Archive
Racism & National Consciousness Library
Radical eBooks
Self Organized Seminar
The Black Radical Tradition
Roar Magazine
The Con
Warscapes
Chiumurenga
Economic & Political Weekly
Frontline Magazine
Insurgent Notes
Los Angeles Review of Books
Viewpoint Magazine
The World Today with Tariq Ali


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Episode 1 Episode 2 Episode 3 Episode 4 Episode 5 Episode 6 Episode 7 Episode 8
2019 . 50min . . 7.6/10 . HD
Hanna Watch Online :
This thriller and coming-of-age drama follows the journey of an extraordinary young girl as she evades the relentless pursuit of an off-book CIA agent and tries to unearth the truth behind who she is. Based on the 2011 Joe Wright film.
TV-Show: Hanna
Genre: Action & Adventure, Drama
Director: David Farr
Actors: Dermot Mulroney, Esme Creed-Miles, Mireille Enos, Ray Liotta
Studio: Amazon Studios, NBCUniversal International Studios, Tomorrow Studios, Working Title Television
Networks: Amazon
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A pro League of Legends esports team pursues their first championship after years of close calls and heartache. To win it all, they will need their prodigy, a 17-year-old rookie,…
Game Theory with Bomani Jones
Bomani Jones breaks down timely issues in the world of sports in this series that features a mix of topical news, in-depth analysis, interviews with special guests, field pieces, interstitials,…
Genre: Comedy, News
NOS4A2
A young Victoria "Vic" McQueen discovers she has the power to unlock portals that help her find lost objects. As she delves further into this hidden universe, she encounters many…
Set in a dystopian America ruled by a totalitarian political party, the series follows several seemingly unrelated characters living in a small city. Tying them all together is a mysterious…
Baymax!
Return to the fantastical city of San Fransokyo where the affable, inflatable, inimitable healthcare companion robot, Baymax, sets out to do what he was programmed to do: help others.
A Thousand Fangs
An elite commando is on a mission, deep in the jungle, to find and destroy a powerful and mysterious leader.
DC's Stargirl
Courtney Whitmore, a smart, athletic and above all else kind girl, discovers her step-father has a secret: he used to be the sidekick to a superhero. "Borrowing" the long-lost hero's…
The Shaman King is the one who can contact the king of spirits and reshape the world. Every 500 years, shamans, who can commune between the worlds of the living…
An intimate instructional documentary series, that takes us onto the desks and into the lives of talented artists and animators. Each episode focuses on a single artist teaching us how…
Don't Hug Me I'm Scared
Join Red Guy, Yellow Guy and Duck as they learn everything there is to know with the help of some friendly talking objects, in this comedy-horror puppet show based of…
After marrying a mysterious man who claimed he could make her dog immortal, a celebrated vegan restaurateur finds her life veering off the rails.
Genre: Crime, Documentary
The New Pope
As Pope Pius XIII hangs between life and death in a coma, charming and sophisticated moderate English aristocrat Sir John Brannox is placed on the papal throne and adopts the…
Country: France, Italy, Spain, UK, USA
Trailer: Hanna


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Parents get tips on helping young children learn to read through partnership
Many HISD parents will soon know how to read more effectively with their young children, thanks to an on-going partnership with the Houston Area Urban League (HAUL) that provides training on how to support Guided Reading activities.
HAUL's Director of Family Support John Robinson led a literacy lesson in Guided Reading at Bastian Elementary School on Jan. 19.
"We provide Guided Reading training to parents in HISD elementary schools, because Guided Reading is the solution teachers are using in their classrooms all across the district," said Robinson. "We are working to help parents understand how to support their children at home with the same tool being used in HISD classrooms. We started the program last year, and it was a huge success."
The training takes about an hour and is followed by a book giveaway and a hearty dinner. Attending children take home three or more books of their choosing to add to their home library. Representatives from the Houston Public Library will be there as well, helping students sign up for library cards.
Robinson will be conducting the remaining training sessions at HISD elementary schools from 5:45-7:30 p.m. on the following dates:
Jan. 25: Hilliard
Jan. 26: Wesley
Jan. 28: Hartsfield
Feb. 3: Atherton
Feb. 9: Law
Feb. 11: Fondren
Feb. 16: Elmore
Feb. 21: Young
Feb. 23: Betsy Ross
Feb. 25: Thompson
March 3: Reynolds
March 8: Kashmere Gardens
March 10: Woodson
March 11: Mading
April 14: Pleasantville
April 21: Young
Guided Reading workshops will be given at the following schools at a later date: Fonwood, Frost, Lewis, Marshall, and Shadydale. Please check with your child's school for more details and to confirm the trainings.
Established in 1910, the Urban League is the nation's oldest and largest community-based movement devoted to empowering African Americans to enter the economic and social mainstream. The mission of the Houston Area Urban League, which was organized in 1968, is to enable African Americans and other minorities to secure economic self-reliance, parity, power and civil rights.
Other partners in the program are Barbara Bush Houston Literacy Foundation, H-E-B, United Way, and Project Ready.
This entry was posted in Literacy, News on January 25, 2016 by HISD Communications.
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Posts for tag: bone grafting
Regenerating Lost Bone Can Make Dental Implants a Reality
By Dr. O'Sullivan & DeLuca Dentistry
Tags: dental implants bone grafting
Every day the forces you generate when you bite or chew can exert enormous pressure on your teeth. And day after day your teeth remain stable and secure, thanks to an intricate system of periodontal ligaments, attaching gum tissue and bone. The latter element is especially important — healthy bone makes healthy teeth.
And vice-versa — the same biting forces are transmitted through the tooth root to the bone via the periodontal ligament to stimulate new bone growth to replace older bone that has dissolved (resorbed). If a tooth's missing, however, the bone doesn't receive that stimulation, and the resorbed bone isn't replaced at a healthy rate. In fact, you can lose up to a quarter of bone width in the first year alone after tooth loss.
And this can cause a problem when you're looking to replace that missing tooth with what's considered the best restorative option available: dental implants. Known for their life-likeness and durability, implants nonetheless need sufficient bone to anchor properly for the best outcome. Without it, implants simply aren't practical.
But that doesn't have to be the end of the story: it's quite possible to regenerate enough bone to support implants through bone grafting. Bone material from the patient (or another donor, human, animal or synthetic) is placed under the gum at the missing tooth site to serve as a scaffold for new growth. The new bone growth will eventually replace the graft material.
The size of the graft and extent of the procedure depends of course on the amount of bone loss at the site. Loss can be kept to a minimum, though, if the graft is placed immediately after a tooth extraction, a common practice now. After a few months, the bone created through the graft is sufficient for supporting an implant and gives you the best chance for a beautiful outcome.
If you're considering an implant for a missing tooth, you should schedule a consultation appointment with us as soon as possible. After a thorough dental exam, we'll be able to tell you if bone grafting to support implants is a good idea for you. It adds a little more time to the overall implant process, but the results — a new, more attractive smile — will be well worth it.
If you would like more information on bone regeneration, please contact us or schedule an appointment for a consultation. You can also learn more about this topic by reading the Dear Doctor magazine article "Can Dentists Rebuild Bone?"
Charlize Theron Back in Action After Dental Surgery
Tags: celebrity smiles tooth pain bone grafting
When they're introducing a new movie, actors often take a moment to pay tribute to the people who helped make it happen — like, you know, their dentists. At least that's what Charlize Theron did at the premiere of her new spy thriller, Atomic Blonde.
"I just want to take a quick moment to thank my dentists," she told a Los Angeles audience as they waited for the film to roll. "I don't even know if they're here, but I just want to say thank you."
Why did the starring actress/producer give a shout-out to her dental team? It seems she trained and fought so hard in the action sequences that she actually cracked two teeth!
"I had severe tooth pain, which I never had in my entire life," Theron told an interviewer from Variety. At first, she thought it was a cavity — but later, she found out it was more serious: One tooth needed a root canal, and the other had to be extracted and replaced with a dental implant — but first, a bone grafting procedure was needed. "I had to put a donor bone in [the jaw] to heal," she noted, "and then I had another surgery to put a metal screw in there."
Although it might sound like the kind of treatment only an action hero would need, bone grafting is now a routine part of many dental implant procedures. The reason is that without a sufficient volume of good-quality bone, implant placement is difficult or impossible. That's because the screw-like implant must be firmly joined with the jawbone, so it can support the replacement tooth.
Fortunately, dentists have a way to help your body build new bone: A relatively small amount of bone material can be placed in the missing tooth's socket in a procedure called bone grafting. This may come from your own body or, more likely, it may be processed bone material from a laboratory. The donor material can be from a human, animal or synthetic source, but because of stringent processing techniques, the material is safe for human use. Once it is put in place your body takes over, using the grafted material as a scaffold on which to build new bone cells. If jawbone volume is insufficient for implants, it can often be restored to a viable point in a few months.
Better yet, when grafting material is placed in the tooth socket immediately after extraction, it can keep most of the bone loss from occurring in the first place, enabling an implant to be placed as soon as possible — even before the end of a movie's shooting schedule.
Will Atomic Blonde prove to be an action-movie classic? Only time will tell. But one thing's for sure: When Charlize Theron walks down the red carpet, she won't have to worry about a gap in her smile.
If you have questions about bone grafting or dental implants, please contact our office or schedule a consultation. You can read more in the Dear Doctor magazine articles "Dental Implant Surgery" and "Immediate Dental Implant."
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Preventing Decay in Primary Teeth Promises Better Health Now and Later
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FAQ: Dental Care During Pregnancy
What You can Do to Stop Sugar from Harming Your Health
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Don't Take a Vacation From Oral Hygiene This Summer!
Your Dental Care Efforts are Just as Important as Your Dentist's
Look at the Long-Term Costs When Considering Dental Implants
3 Types of Tooth Pain and What They Might be Telling You
A Bird's-Eye View of Tooth Replacement
If You're not a Good Candidate for Dental Implants, Consider Bridgework
New Year, New Smile
Bone Loss Could be the Reason for Your Loose Dentures
Replacing a Knocked-Out Tooth Quickly Increases its Survival Chances
Could Your Metal Allergy Keep You From Obtaining Dental Implants?
An Implant-Supported Denture Offers a Number of Advantages
Crown Differences Could Ultimately Affect Your Cost
Keep an Eye on the Jaw Bone After a Teenager's Tooth Loss
Regular Cleanings Benefit Both Your Dental Health and Your Smile
Be Sure Your Child has Access to Dental-Friendly Snacks at School
Good Bone Health Essential for Obtaining 'Teeth in One Day' Implants
Even with Mercury, Dental Amalgam is a Safe Choice for Tooth Filling
Artificial Sweeteners are By and Large a Safe Alternative to Sugar
Techniques for Keeping Impacted Canine Teeth from Spoiling Your Smile
That Painful, Irritating Feeling Could be Burning Mouth Syndrome
Effective Dental Care Depends First on Getting the Big Picture
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I stumbled on your blog when I was checking the thread on Philmug re the X10. Can I ask who your tailor is and where he is located? I have a wedding to attend on Jan. 21.
I have an old suit of my cousin who is taller and bigger than me. Do you think it would be good to have it repaired? I wouldn't want to have one made for a lot of reasons. Do you think your tailor would be able to make the suit fit me well? If you would be kind enough to share his contact number with me it would be greatly appreciated. Thanks you in advance.
Every man needs at least one suit so I highly recommend that you have one tailor-made ASAP for the wedding. Alterations can be quite costly and still might not turn out well because there are certain aspects that can't be altered such as the shoulders. You want to look polished at events like weddings so it's best to have your own.
You can contact Rico Ignacio at 0918XXXXXXX. He's located at the Kamuning Public Market.


I'm not much of a gear head. As much as I'd love to be able to have endless disposable income to spend on lenses and lighting hand over fist, it just doesn't happen. I'm not a full-time photographer, so the investment can be a little hard to justify. That being said, I have gathered up a few bits of essential gear over the past few years.
This is the first lens I owned, which came with my D70s body back in 2007. I don't use it very often, in fact, I can't remember the last time it was attached to my camera.
If anyone has a Nikon and doesn't own this lens, they probably shouldn't have a dSLR in the first place. This is, of course, my go-to lens for portraits and food photography.
Done deal! It's been a joy to shoot with.
I can't review this lens much yet, because I just got it last week and I've been too busy to get out and shoot. Watch this space!
Some of these filters are B+W, and some are cheaper generic brand names I've had to pick up in a pinch.
I mostly use these for bounce flashes, but I occasionally pop them on a couple of lightstands, throw on some umbrellas and use the Nikon CLS to shoot.
While this gear isn't mine, I did pick it out for the studio and can use it whenever I want. We're moving soon, so excuse the mess in the photo. I can't wait to get more gear and have a proper space in the new location!
This camera's been around the office long before I have. It comes with the terrible 18-55mm lens which feels more like a toy than a tool. Nevertheless, I've used it for a few studio shots when my personal camera's been left at home. It gets the job done in a pinch (but just barely if I have to use that lens).
Again, I don't use the work camera often, but I have taken a few shots with this telephoto lens. A little soft, but a good first telephoto for beginners.
I adore these. Straightforward, simple, portable, and powerful. I hope we can pick up a fourth light soon.
While "everything" is a nice answer, realistically, these are things I'll probably pick up at some point in the future.
Great photography! Still in love with the water scene.
I would have cloned out the stray hair on old Charlie's forehead though, you know, because I'm awesome like that.
Thanks Dave! Mind you, I have been gathering up this gear over 4 years, and all the office stuff isn't mine. I'm just glad I can use it whenever I want!
I really like the bag and its contents.
Thanks Ashley! I kinda want a girlier bag, too, though. I hate lugging this one to fancier events.
It looks like a good size and nice design - can you tell me what brand/model it is please?
The bag is made by Crumpler and it's called the Six Million Dollar Home. It stores a ton of stuff but it can be tiresome to carry for a long time, a backpack would be better for long-term use.
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Future of web designing is quite different and magical as well as we see that websites two decays ago were totally changed from what these websites look like today, We developed our jladefoged.com theme on Wordpress and shared the stuff with others, soon after a few months, our website got no response from users and we were unable to drag more visitors on our platform, it was quite a hard job for us.
Your magazine stuff is quite remarkable, Wishing you a best of luck this year because we have also started a new blog just like you and we are working on this platform in a perfect way, would you go through maraisstud.com for once and make your blog more professional, do you want to make your blog more special, provide your feedback here.


Explore the Colliers India Blog to learn more about real estate and the property market. Our in-house bloggers, who are industry experts with many years of experience, have come together to share their perspective and thought pieces on various issues plaguing the real estate industry, as well as topics that are of general interest to end users and information seekers.
By Jaswant Singh. Today, many organizations continue to opt for in-house services and are yet to shift to a sophisticated services management company. The technical aspect, mainly, referred as hard services is mostly outsourced leaving the soft services to be undertaken by the in-house staff.
By Saikat De. The government's focus on achieving its goal of 'Housing for All by 2022', imparting infrastructure status, etc. have given the much-needed boost to the real estate sector.
By GS Tyagi. The facilities management outsourcing market is not just expanding, but it is evolving, with growing public and private-sector demand for FM solutions that are both global and integrated.
By Samir Dey. Every workplace or activity has numerous type of safety challenges. Although the office space is safe as compared to other working areas, utmost care should be taken to eliminate all hazards predominant to office space.
By Mohit Agarwal. The real estate market will be in caution mode at the beginning of 2019. Lack of credit offtake due to NBFC crisis and the mood for the upcoming elections has slowed down the realty sector.
By Keshav Dalmia. Artificial Intelligence (AI) has been pioneered in various industries earlier and the real estate industry is not far away from reaping the benefits of this as well.
By Parvez Kazi. The world of facilities management (FM) is changing and the enabling processes are making the much-needed difference. The demographic and social changes are not only influencing, but contributing to the shift at the workplace and end-users expectations.
By Bharat Tagra. The millennial generation, in the age group of 18 to 35 have started dominating today's workforce like never before. As technological developments propel the workforce forward, there has been a paradigm shift in the work culture.
By Padmakumar P. The facilities management industry is modernizing and harnessing the technologies that will drive change in 2019.
By Jaswant Singh. Facility management is the effective delivery of non-core management services that play an elementary role in supporting core business activities.
By Shubho Routh. Co-working is a new trend that is going viral. This phenomenon is not only restricted to the millennial's but among conventional occupiers as well.
By Suresh Castellino. The real estate sector is a major contributor to the Indian economy, supporting innumerable ancillary industries and providing employment to millions directly and indirectly.
By Vineet Anand. In 2018, the overall NCR gross leasing absorption was nearly 10 million sq ft, of which, Noida's share accounted close to 3.9 million sq ft, a 65%-70% increase from 2017.
By Arpit Mehrotra. New business models, tech-enabled ecosystems and changing investor and tenant expectations have restructured the dynamics of the commercial real estate industry.
By GS Tyagi. Though the real estate industry was late to adapt new technologies, innovation is now apparent in how buildings are designed and built.


India's cricket team is currently number one in the world and looks like there's no stopping them. But in the last few days, the debate for the number four position within the team has been widely discussed. Various names have been tried but without much success. But it looks like Ambati Rayudu seems to have settled the number four issue for the team, at least for the near future, and may be even the 2019 World cup. But as Rayudu revealed recently, his place in the team has come with much sacrifice.
In a post-match presentation with experts and former Indian players Mohammad Kaif and VVS Laxman, he revealed that he altered his eating habits and that's what helped him considerably in getting fit. He revealed that he loves Biryani and had to give up his favourite food in order to wear the blue jersey again. He also went on to add that he hasn't tasted Biryani for last three months, which is a huge sacrifice for the cricketer. But the decision has helped him revive his international career and he will be keen to play a crucial role for Team India in the World Cup next year in England.
After scoring a half-century in the opener of the five match ODI series against the West Indies, Rayudu backed it up with a brilliant century in Mumbai. Rayudu worked hard on his fitness and cleared the test with the flying colours to get picked for the ongoing series against the Caribbean side. ODI vice-captain Rohit Sharma too praised Rayudu's exploits in the series and called him the dependable batsman for the number four position. On the other hand, Captain Virat Kohli too has given a green signal that the team management will be backing the 33-year old batsman for the upcoming series.
The journey to the national team was not an easy one for Rayudu. He had to perform well in the Indian Premier League (IPL) while playing for the Chennai Super Kings (CSK) earlier this year and based on his brilliant performance in the T20 league, he was picked in the ODI squad for England tour. He was later controversially left out for failing to pass the much-debated yo-yo fitness test.


Pretentious Barrel House is releasing Raspberry Sybarite sour ale and Raspberry Pie Sybarite today.
Seventh Son to release bourbon barrel aged Oubliette imperial stout and other vintage bottles on Sunday, Jan. 27.
Land-Grant's Club Tril release on Tuesday, Jan. 29 to honor former OSU basketball walk-on Mark Titus.
Commonhouse Ales First Draft small batch series now available at Smokehouse Brewing.
Terrestrial Brewing releases Morning Halp! stout today.
Bookhouse + Biology: brewery to host science talks during Midwest Fish & Wildlife Conference.
Butcher & the Brewer's We'll See Summer Come Again kettle sour on tap now.
Funkaison wine barrel aged saison with Brettanomyces on tap now at Working Class Brewery.
Biker Brewhouse to tap Leather & Lace black & tan beer on Saturday, Jan. 26.
Uniontown Brewing adds additional fermentation capacity to pump out more beer in Ashland.
Alpha and Omega double IPA on tap now at Canton Brewing Company.
R.Shea Brewing tapped Ryed'n the Storm Out, a rye double IPA just ahead of last week's winter weather.
Maumee Bay Brewing tapped Big Ray's Oatmeal Raisin Cookie Stout, the latest in their high gravity series.
Sunday, Jan. 27 is the third annual Robert Burns night at Black Cloister Brewing Company.
Homestead Beer Company is tapping their first kettle sour, Brrr-liner Weisse, today.
Moroccan Truffle Stout is now on tap at Three Tigers Brewing in Granville.
Urban Artifact is releasing four variants of their Woodbreaker black cherry lemonade Midwest fruit tart on Saturday, Jan. 26.
Streetside Brewery will wish Masthead Brewing a belated birthday, release collaboration beer on Monday, Jan. 28.
Saphir, a taproom-exclusive pilsner, is available now at Taft's Ale House and Taft's Brewporium.
The Ohio Craft Brewers Association will be slinging Drink Beer Made Here merch at Cincy Winter Beerfest on Feb. 1-2.
Crooked Handle will tap The Machine Russian imperial stout on Saturday, Jan. 26.
Dalton Union released the hyper-local brew 43040, made with malt and hops grown in Marysville.
Platform Beer Company's Columbus brewery and taproom will celebrate their one-year anniversary on Saturday, Jan. 20. The event will feature limited can releases of Never Swim Alone barrel-aged berliner weisse with cacao and Hubris quadruple ice IPA, plus a limited re-tapping of Cherry Donut Pie gose and other rare pours. Taproom opens at 10 a.m. and the first 100 people will receive a free commemorative pint glass.
The rapid growth of new breweries in Northeast Ohio has spawned the need to create a new Ohio brewery region (much like we did for West Central Ohio a few years back). The new Greater Cleveland region includes breweries in Cuyahoga, Ashtabula, Geauga, Lake and Lorain counties.
Masthead Brewing Co. is celebrating their one-year anniversary on Saturday, Jan. 27 at their downtown taproom. The doors open at 11 a.m. and Masthead will be releasing five new beers: Underverse Imperial Stout aged in Woodford Reserve Bourbon Barrels, Underverse Imperial Stout aged in Woodford Reserve Rye Whiskey Barrels, a Galaxy-hopped New England IPA, a Double New England IPA and an 11% Triple IPA. A limited number of anniversary commemorative Teku glasses will also be available.
The newest Ohio Craft Brewers Association member in the brand new Greater Cleveland region is Bad Tom Smith Brewing in the Ohio City neighborhood. This is their second Ohio location (the first is in Cincinnati). The new Cleveland location will host a monthly homebrewers' shoot out, with the winners having their beers brewed at Bad Tom Smith.
Join the Frog Army! The new mug club at Black Frog Brewery in Holland offers some serious perks for membership: a 19.5 ounce mug pour for the same price as a pint, exclusive first access to new beers, a Black Frog button-down work shirt for the first 100 members (Black Frog t-shirts for everyone else) and 10% off apparel for a year. The taproom is now open Thursday through Saturday, stop in to purchase Frog Army membership.
We'd like to welcome three Northwest Ohio breweries to the Ohio Craft Brewers Association! Bowling Green Beer Works – which gets a hearty "Ay Ziggy Zoomba!" from your humble OCBA Communications Manager – serves great beers in a speakeasy-like atmosphere. Two Bandits Brewing in Hicksville is our westernmost craft brewery, just 2 miles from the Indiana border, offering craft beer, food and entertainment with small-town charm. Napoleon's Flatrock Brewery has been making craft beer in Henry County since 2012 and is fresh off a win for best fruit/vegetable stout in the Ohio Beer Blog/Brew Minds King of Ohio stout competition.
We've redrawn the map in the Southeast region as well to include breweries in Coshocton, Fairfield, Harrison, Licking, Jefferson and Pickaway counties.
The newest Southeast brewery is Wooly Pig Farm Brewery in Fresno (just east of Coshocton). Specializing in German-style lagers, the brewery – founded by former Uinta Brewing brewmaster Kevin Ely and his family – sits on a working 90-acre mangalitsa pig farm. Bottled beers should be in distribution soon, but it's worth the trip to see this unique brewery for yourself.
Trek Brewing in Newark received their Ohio brewery permit in late December and is currently brewing and fermenting beer in preparation for their grand opening. Trek will be Licking County's eighth craft brewery and the fifth to open a public taproom on premises.
Brink Brewing Co. has teamed up with Brew Minds to host a series of panel discussions about the craft beer industry. This month's panel discussion, Women in Beer, is happening on Tuesday, Jan. 16 at 7 p.m. Panelists include Ellen Lehman of MadTree Brewing, Natalie Blair of Rhinegeist, Jane Hamilton of Marty's Hops & Vines and Jenny Gilbert-Hilgefort of Fibonacci Brewing and Cincy Brew Bus. Discussion will be moderated by Carla Gesell-Streeter of the Cincinnati State Brewing Science program. Admission is free at the Brink Brewing Co. taproom in College Hill.
Very excited to have Fretboard Brewing Company and Little Miami Brewing Company on board as members of the Ohio Craft Brewers Association! Fretboard Brewing in Blue Ash recently brought on Kevin Moreland, former head brewer at Listermann/Triple Digit Brewing and Taft's Ale House, as managing partner. Little Miami Brewing in Milford opened in December 2017 with award-winning brewer Jim Strelau heading up the brewhouse. Check them out and get your Ohio On Tap passport stamps!
Warped Wing Brewing Company is celebrating their 4th anniversary on Saturday, Jan. 13 at their taproom in Dayton. The festivities will include a limited edition bottle release of three barrel aged varieties of Baltic Argonaut Baltic porter. All details – release times, bottle limits, etc. – available at the event page on Facebook.
Star City Brewing Company is teaming up with Bear Creek Donuts for a beer and donut pairing at the Star City taproom in Miamisburg on Saturday, Jan. 20. The guided pairing consists of four combinations of Star City beer with Bear Creek donut holes, capped off with a surprise collaboration donut made with Star City beer. Tickets are $15 each, available here.