text:
Printing Presses and Publications Bill unconstitutional, undemocratic and a grave denial of the human right of Malaysians to freedom of expression, press and information.
Speech by Parliamentary Opposition Leader, DAP Secretary-General and Mp for Kota Melaka, Lim Kit Siang, on the Printing Presses and Publications 1984 Bill in the Dewan Rakyat on Tuesday, March 27.3.1984.
When the 2M leadership came into power in July 1981, they promised Malaysians a liberal, open and democratic government and society. In the last 32 months of office of the 2M government, the promise of an open, liberal and democratic government has not been fulfilled.
In some respect, the 2M government in proving to be less open, liberal and democratic than previous administrations, as in its attitude towards the principle of public accountability in the case of the $2,500 million Bumiputra Malaysia Finance loans scandal in Hong Kong as compared to the $150 million Bank Rakyat scandal of the late 1970s; the cynical double-standards in the applications of the laws of the land, as in the holding of illegal public rallies by the UMNO all over the country during the Constitutional Crisis; the flagrant disregard for the responsibilities and role of Parliament as the highest legislative and political chamber in the country and the amendment to the Official Secrets Act to make the government more secretive and unaccountable to the people.
The introduction of the Printing Presses and publications Bill marks the height of the illiberal, undemocratic and authoritarian nature of the 2M government, for what we are presently debating is not merely about printing presses and publications, but in fact defining the very nature and basis of the Malaysian political polity, whether we want an open, liberal and democratic Malaysia or a closed, repressive and authoritarian Malaysia.
In the DAP's view, the Printing Presses and Publications Bill is highly objectionable and obnoxious on three grounds, that it is undemocratic, unconstitutional and a grave denial of the human right of Malaysians to freedom of expression, press and information.
In fact, with the withdrawal of the constitutional amendments at the January special sitting of Parliament on Article 150 of the Malaysian Constitution which would confer on the Prime Minister the sole and unquestionable power to declare an Emergency, the Printing Presses and Publications to democracy in Malaysia.
AUTHORITARIAN POWERS
The 1984 Printing Presses and Publications Bill is not mercy a consolidation of the Printing Presses 1948 and the Control of Imported Publication Act 1958, but arms the government with new and vast powers to trample on the/rights of Malaysians to freedom of expression, press /human and information.
It has become fashion of the day for the 2M government to decry the British colonial experience, but its remains fully committed to uphold perpetuate and even refine the methods of political control exercised by the British colonial government over a subject population, although we have liberated ourselves from colonial rule nearly three decades ago, and prides ourselves not only being free and independent, but following a system of parliamentary democracy.
This is probably what the 2M government means by Parliamentary democracy ala Malaysia as distinct from Westminster, where we apply the methods of political control meant for colonized territories to keep the local populace in subjection to the colonial masters, instead of upholding the democratic principle and respecting the human rights of Malaysians as befitting a meaningful parliamentary democracy.
The Printing Presses Act 1984 was first enacted in July 1984, a month after the armed insurrection of the Malayan Communist Party, as part of the armoury of extraordinary situation following the declaration of the first Emergency in June 1948.
There should be two good reasons to repeal or water down the authoritarian powers which the Printing Presses Act 1984 confer on the government to deny the basic human right of freedom of expression, press and information,.
Firstly, we are an independent nation which should have a freer political society than during the British colonial times. Secondly, powers assumed by the government during Emergency to deal with an extraordinary situation threatening the security of the nation should be relinquished when the country has returned to normalcy. Surely, no one in the Barisan Nasional would seriously suggest that our national situation is no better than the 1948 days.
Unfortunately, we are asked not to repeal or water down the undemocratic and authoritarian features of the printing presses and publications laws, but to make them even more repressive and authoritarian, to make greater inroads on the human rights of expression, press amd information in Malaysia.
The Malaysian Government is an supporter in world forums in the campaign for a New World Information and Communication Order based on the/UNESCO COMMISSION headed by Sean MacBride / Report of the entitled 'Many Voices, One World' which studies the 'totality of communications problems in modern societies'. But the Malaysian Government should realize that the MacBride Commission dealt not only with the problem of the unequal dominance of news and information between countries, especially the industrialised countries and the Third World, but also within countries themselves.
We should heed the strident defence for freedom of expression by the MacBride Commission Report, which said:
"The presence or absence of freedom of expression is one of the most reliable indications of freedom in all its aspects in any nation. Today, in many countries throughout the world, freedom is still trampled upon and violated by bureaucratic or commercial censorship, by the intimidation and punishment of its devotees, and by the enforcement of uniformity. The fact that there is said to be freedom of expression in a country does not guarantee its existence in practice. The simultaneous existence of other freedoms (freedom of association, freedom to assemble and to demonstrate for redress of grievances, freedom to join trade unions) are all essential components if man's right to communicate. Any obstacle to these freedoms results in suppression of freedom of expression."
Part 2 of the Malaysian Constitution proclaims 'freedom of speech as a fundamental liberty', that "every citizen has the right to freedom of speech and expression", but immediately qualifies away this human right by providing that Parliament may by law impose restriction on it.
As the Printing Presses and Publications Bill 1984 is a serious derogation ad erosion of the fundamental liberty and human rights of freedom of expression, Parliament should review the entire status of freedom of expression in our country and its compatibility with the democratic principles we profess to uphold in our political system.
We must ask ourselves whether we have freedom of expression in practice, or whether it is merely at the proclamation level. The Soviet Union, for instance, specifically guarantees the freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly including the holding of mass meetings, and the freedom of street processions and demonstrations in Article 125. We must not end up like the Soviet Union where such freedoms are only to be found in the Constitution.
We must nurture the growth of the tradition of free expression and not stultify it as we would do if we enact the Printing Presses and Publications Bills 1984. The rationale for the human right of freedom of expression and the operation of free press is that in human society, no single person or institution, including the government, could claim monopoly to the truth or to the best vision for the society. This would negate the very basis of a democratic polity, for it would be an authoritarian or totalitarian model and not a democratic one.
The truth and the best vision for a society must be found from the interplay of ideas of the members of the society, which presupposes the existence of freedom of expression as well as freedom of the press which recognizes the right of every person to receive, seek and impart information, ideas and opinions. An indispensable third element of the freedom of expression / of information – i.e. the right of a citizen / freedom to be kept informed of whatever might affect his daily life, help him to make decisions and contribute to his thinking.
The freedom of information of Malaysians was undermined by the amendment to the Official Secrets Act last year, and now with this Bill, all triple aspects of the freedom of expression, press and information come under assault.
GOVERNMENT VISION
Just before he became Prime Minister, Dr. Mahathir Mohamed, wrote an article in a local press entitled "The Freedom of the Press – Fact and Fallacy" where he defended government censorship and dealt at length on the dangers of an irresponsible press.
I fully agree that the freedom of the press does not mean the licence to be irresponsible and that the press which transgresses the law should face the full rigours of the law in the Courts whether for defamation or sedition, for what we want is a free and responsible press.
But what we object strenuously is any form of government censorship which seeks to impose one form of truth or vision, as reflected in the statement by the Deputy Minister for Home Affairs, Mohamed Kassim Ahmad, when commenting in the Bill in the New Straits Times article of 21st March 1984:
"We are not curtailing their (the people's) reading; we want them to read as much as possible. But the people know which magazine the Government doesn't like. They must be vigilant and discard publications which are not in accord with the Government vision."
By this guideline, the people know for instance that the magazine at present which the government does not like is the Far Eastern Economic Review, which is being held up by more than a month in back issues, clearly as a punishment for the FEER coverage of the Bank Bumiputra Malaysia Finance scandal and the Constitutional Crisis last year.
Clearly, the FEER's reportage of the BMF scandal and the Constitutional Crisis did not accord with the Government's 'vision.' In fact, its coverage of the Constitutional crises also flouted the Prime Ministers' directive to the press to black out all reporting on the Constitutional Amendment Bill which was adopted by both Houses of Parliament in August last year, and which triggered off the constitutional crisis.
We may ask here what right the Prime Minister had to order the press to black out all parliamentary debates on the Constitution Amendment Bill last August touching the controversial provisions, for this negates the Prime Minister's assertion of the supremacy of people's will as embodied by Parliament-when the Prime Minister could supersede Parliament by interposing his will to black out parliamentary proceedings in the press without Parliamentary consent.
But the crucial question for a democratic society is whether any one has the right to impose his vision or viewpoint to the suppression of all others, as is being proposed in this Bill which empowers the censorship of publications which do not accord with the vision of those in power n government.
It is a sad commentary on the state of press freedom in Malaysia that Malaysian have come to expect and depend on foreign publications and magazines for information and news about Malaysia. Thus, the first press to break the story of the BMF scandal was the Asian Wall Street Journal, which carried several articles of expose of the BMF dealings reeking with impropriety as far back as the end of 1982, but which were ignored by the local press.
The first time Malaysians knew that there was a constitutional crisis involving the Rulers and the Prime Minister over the constitutional amendments was also in the foreign press and magazines.
Previously, articles about the financial and commercial world, including some dubious transactions involving personalities with high political connections, were also reported in the foreign press.
These may embarrass the political and corporate leaders of Malaysia, but they are no justification for the wide-ranging censorship powers demanded by the Government in the Printing Presses and Publications Bill. Before Barisan backbenchers embark on a sterile debate on whether the Bill provides for censorship, let me make it clear that both pre-publication as well as post-publication and post-distribution restrictions are universally accepted as forms of press censorship, as amply provided by this Bill as I would sow later.
If the foreign press or magazine had committed any criminal or civil offences, then they should be taken to court instead of/resorting to all-encompassing powers of censorship.
In view of Bill's grave encroachments on the basic human rights of freedom of expression, press and information, the DAP proposes that this Bill should be referred to a Select Committee for deeper study and for hearing representations from interested groups, the press, journalists and the public. It is another sad commentary on the state of press freedom in Malaysia that the local press seems to have steered clear of Bill in their editorials and comments, when they should be the first to be react.
The Select Committee should consider whether the structures of press control and press censorship, like the annual licensing of newspapers which act as the Sword of Damocles over the newspapers, should be dismantled as these are colonial fetters to control a subject people and which an independent nation should whose people are free and live in democratic society must distinguish from a society of colonial subjection. Unless with Merdeka in 1957, the people are merely exchanging one form of subjection for another.
On the approach of the 30th anniversary of our Merdeka, we should go one step further. A Royal Commission on Freedom of Expression, press and Information should be set up to study and recommend how these freedoms could be made more meaningful for all Malaysian citizens so as to strengthen the democratic institutions in the country.
This is because there are many areas pertaining to freedom of expression, press and information which deserves an in-depth inquiry. The monopoly of certain local press, and in particular the political party ownership and control of national dailies, the denial of access for all opinions and ideas in the local press, all deserve special study if we really cherish democratic institutions and the basic human rights of Malaysians.
Printing Presses Publications Bill 1984 Unconstitutional
I have said earlier that the Printing Presses Publications Bill 1984 is unconstitutional. This is because it contravenes Article 10 of the Constitution, which reads:
"10. (1) Subject to Clauses (2)….
(a) every citizen has the right to freedom of speech and expression;
(2) Parliament may by law impose –
(a) on the rights conferred by paragraph (a) of Clauses (1) such restrictions as it deems necessary or expedient in the interest of the security of the Federation or any part thereof, friendly relations with other countries, public order or morality and restrictions designed to protect the privileges of Parliament or of any Legislative Assembly or to provide against contempt of court, defamation or incitement to any offence."
Clause 7(1) of the Printing Presses Publications Bill 1984 empowers the Minister 'if satisfied' that ant publication 'is in any manner prejudicial to or likely to be prejudicial to public order, morality, security, the relationship with any foreign country or government, or which is or is likely to be contrary to any law or is otherwise prejudicial to or is likely to be prejudicial o public interest or national interest' he may in his absolute discretion prohibit it with or without conditions.
Parliament should be most meticulous in enacting any legislation which violates either in spirit or letter the fundamental liberties in the Constitution- especially by inadvertence or carelessness or indifference.
I have said earlier that the freedom of expression principle must embrace the concept of freedom of press and information if it is not to be reduced into a meaningless phrase. However, even without stretching the principle of freedom of expression to the related concepts of freedom of press and information, the banning of publications is clearly a restriction on freedom of expression.
Article 10 provides for six situations where restrictions on freedom of expression could be imposed, namely, in the interest of the security of the Federation or any part thereof, friendly relations with other countries, public order or morality, etc., but it does not include 'public interest or national interest' as in Section 7(1) of the Bill.
Without a similar amendment to Article 10(2)(a), the Government is asking the Parliament to do an unconstitutional act, in expanding the scope of Parliament to restrict the fundamental liberty of freedom of speech and expression.
The phrases of 'public interest or national interest' are open to great abuse, for it could depend solely on the subjective whims and fancies of the Minister concerned.
Thus, would the publication of the BMF scandal stories or the constitutional crisis development last year be 'prejudicial or is likely to be prejudicial to public interest or national interest' and justify a prohibitory order by the Minister against the publication concerned?
Recently, Ministerial voices are being heard that the New Economic Policy and the National Culture Policy could not be questioned, and the virtual labeling of those who question both as 'anti-national' elements.
WITCHHUNTS
Would the publication of articles or stories which question the New Economic Policy and the National Culture Policy be 'prejudicial or likely to be prejudicial to public interest or national interest' and justify a prohibitory order by the Minister?
Recently, some Ministers had been very quickly in condemning critics of the most heinous crimes for disagreeing with the Government.
For instance, Malaysia Tunku Abdul Rahman and Tan Sri. Dr. Tan Chee Khoon had even been accused of 'journalistic subversion' by the Minister of Information, Adib Adam. Surely, this form of 'journalistic crime' must be 'prejudicial or likely to be prejudicial to public interest or national interest.'
Whether for local press or foreign press, the best way to correct false or misleading reports or views is to counters them by presenting the full facts and arguments to be judgement of the people. The suppression of contrary views, facts and ideas would only spawn an underground press, which is turn would lead to strengthening of the powers of suppression and periodic witch-hunts which would do untold harm to the democratic experiment in Malaysia.
Clause 7(1) is one example where is the consolidation of the Printing Presses Act 1948 and the Control of Imported Publications 1958, the government has taken the opportunity to arm itself with greater powers of repression of free flow of information, ideas and opinions.
Another is Clause 7(2)(d) which empowers the Minister to requite the publisher of an imported publication which can afoul of Clause 7(1) to make such deposits of such amount and in such manner as may be prescribed. This deposit may be forfeited by the Minister if the publisher contravened the Act or any rules or order or condition of the license or permit law relating to sedition or defamation.
This section seems to provide for a double penalty for publishers, in that after being sued and playing damages for defamation, the Minister could still use the fact of the defamation suit to forfeit the deposit. What can be the justification for this?
The deposit provision is the most dangerous weapon in the hands of the Government to sanitise to the its desire foreign reports on Malaysia. This is because the deposit could range from a few thousand dollars to a crippling some of a million dollars. In a fast shrinking world, the segregation of Malaysians from an interchange with international ideas and views is most short-sighted and unproductive, and I seriously call on the Government to withdrawal the deposit provision.
This 'deposit' provision is not confined to imported publications only. Under Section 10, the requirement for a deposit could be extended to anyone for any licence or permit under the Act, which could be forfeited upon the commission of any offence under the Act or any rule made thereunder or In the event of breach of any condition of the licence.
This means the local publishers of newspaper and proprietors of printing presses could be required to put up a deposit, which would be highly onerous on small-time operators, and in particular opposition or dissent publications. This provision would then become another government instrument to erode the freedom of expression, press and information.
Schedule I of the Act defined a printing press which must be licenced, and for which a deposit could be required, as any printing process capable of printing at a rate of 1,000 impressions per hour or more. I understand any reputable copying machine or cyclostyle machine is capable of printing 1,000 impressions per hour. Does this mean that every one of these copying and cyclostyle machine had to be licensed under 3 of Act? I hope the Minister concerned would give a clarification in his reply, for this seems to represent another serious intrusion by government to extend its tentacles of control over the people.
The government has also taken the opportunity of the consolidation to expand its powers of control over printing and publication by providing under Section 3(3) and 12(1) that both printing and newspaper licences and permits could be issued for shorter periods from the full year, as is the case in present legislation.
It is public knowledge that during the last two months of each year, when the newspaper KDNs await renewal, the newspaper are particularly obedient and timid for fear of difficulties over renewal. Now, with KDNs which could be issued for shorter spans as six months or three months, the government's control over the newspaper and periodicals would be strengthened.
The renewal requirement for newspapers and KDNs for periodicals should be removed altogether, and replaced by a system whereby a KDN is valid so long as it had not been revoked or suspended.
Another objectionable feature of the Bill is the enhancement of penalties for offences as compared to the present legislation, generally from $2,000 fine and one or two years jail sentence to $20,000 fine or three year jail sentence.
A noteworthy feature of the Bill is the removal of provisions in the Printing Presses Act 1948 whereby they could be appeals to the Minister's decision on the refusal, withdrawal of printing licence (Sec.3(3)) or the imposition of conditions in newspaper permits (Sec.7(6)) or the grant, refusal or revocation of a permit for sale and distribution of West Malaysia and Singapore publications under Section 7A(7) to the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.
In the 1970s, there appear to be a tendency to provide for final appeals to the Yang di-Pertuan Agong or final decision to be taken by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong in government legislation, but we seemed to have entered a new phase in the 1980s where the government wants to remove such provisions.
Be that as it may, the larger implications of the Printing Presses and Publications Bills 1984 should concern all MPs and Malaysian who want to see a progressive development of a more democratic Malaysia, instead of a retrogression to a authoritarian and repressive period as foreshadowed by this Bill.
Posted on March 27, 1984 February 5, 2021 Author CuratorCategories Constitution, Human Rights
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Heavy duty examination table allowing the safe lift of heavy patients.
The EVO2 electric Hi-Lo can safely lift up to 300kg while the low minimum height allows for easy patient access and safe wheelchair transfers.
The manual adjustable backrest enables a comfortable seated or semi-reclined position.


I was just wondering if there will be changes to the items rewarded from completing the daily chores? I just find that the items you get other then the golden skill book, are just not worth it. You get tons of chips for the Cup which one has too many after a while. The seeds are useless for higher players. Could be something if the rewards would progress with you player level. Higher level , higher rewards in order to lightly compensate the player in order to help their level progression.
I would like to hear what others think or what they believe a good system would be.
No one has an opinion?
Thanks so much for your valuable suggestion.
I think the suggestion is very constructive.
It will be submitted to the devs for consideration. Hope they also love it.
But for any change, it may take long time to implent. So your patience will be highly appreciated.
Thanks for your loyal support.
Thank you for the generic reply. I was mostly asking the question to other players in the game. I was wondering if I was the only one out there to have this idea or if any one had any better suggestions and such.
And no worries, I do understand that it takes time to implement changes. I do have to congratulate your team on the new log in and online rewards.


text:
Чемпіонат Шотландії з футболу 1996—1997 — 100-й сезон найвищого дивізіону чемпіонату Шотландії. Титул чемпіона здобув «Рейнджерс».

Підсумкова таблиця

Плей-оф

|colspan="5" style="background-color:#D0D0D0" align=center|17/22 травня 1997

|}

Див. також
 Олд Фірм

Посилання
 Чемпіонат Шотландії на nozdrul.plus.com
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1997
Шотландія
Шотландія

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


From intricate interventions to large-scale beacons, this issue of Frame is about making your mark.
We take a tour of the renewed Rijksmuseum and talk to the man behind its site-specific cosmic canopy, before discussing interior design – and why we don't need it – with Philippe Starck. Two Scandinavian cities reveal their bright new landmarks, and then it's off to the Salone del Mobile in Milan to hear words from the wise and seek fresh formulas for the future.
Spatial seduction at the Salone del Mobile, plus new projects by Fabio Novembre, Snøhetta, Wonderwall, Neri & Hu, Olafur Eliasson, Mathieu Lehanneur and more.
'I Hate Uselessness': Is Philippe Starck giving up interior design?


text:
Adult fiction: Religious
28 results (results 1 to 10)
A Piece Of Pie
Author: Damon Runyon
A Terribly Strange Bed
Author: Wilkie Collins
Across The Barricades
Author: Joan Lingard
Publisher: Puffin
Kevin and Sadie just want to be together, but it's not that simple. Things are bad in Belfast. Soldiers walk the streets and the city is divided. No Catholic boy and Protestant girl can go out together - not without dangerous consequences . . .The second of Joan Lingard's ground-breaking Kevin and Sadie books
Authors: Tim LaHaye, Jerry B Jenkins
Part of a series: Left Behind
Publisher: Tyndale House (1999)
The Tribulation Force travel to Israel for the Meeting of Witnesses as further judgments are released upon the world. Satan falls from heaven and opens the bottomless pit, releasing Apollyon and his plague of locusts that torture the unsaved.
Who will be left standing when the battle leaves the Tribulation Force on the brink of the end of time and the Glorious Appearing?
Nicolae Carpathia is assassinated, setting the stage for the last half of the tribulation to begin.
Blind Spots In The Bible
Author: Adrian Plass
Publisher: The Bible Reading Fellowship (2006)
Why did Jesus weep at the tomb of Lazarus when he knew his friend was about to be raised to life? Why was it all right for Zacchaeus to give away part of his wealth while the rich young man had to give it all? What about that extraordinary passage in Genesis about angels marrying the daughters of men? Although not offering easy answers, Adrian Plass opens up over 40 blind spots, asking searching questions and responding from his own vulnerable honesty.
Author: James Steel
Publisher: Avon (2009)
December by James Steel Embittered mercenary Alex Devereux has the fate of Europe in his hands. Under secret instructions from the British government, Alex finds himself at the heart of a plot to overthrow a new Russian dictator, Viktor Krymov. Alex must attack the Siberian prison camp where former Russian football captain Roman Raskolnikov is being held. Roman is the solitary hope of bringing down the regime. But only if Alex gets to Working with an unstable Russian oligarch and his former lover, Lara, Alex races against, the clock towards a violent showdown in Moscow - with the highest imaginable stakes.
Desecration
Nicolae Carpathia, now the total embodiment of evil, desecrates the temple in Jerusalem by entering and declaring himself god, thus carrying the world to the brink of Armageddon.
Don Camillo's Dilemma
Another batch of reports from the front down there in the Little World of Po Valley, where there is a running fight between the honest village priest and his deadly opponent, Peppone, the Communist mayor. And still the Good Lord strives to keep the peace in a war that keeps the whole world laughing.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


It is well understood that data is the key for proper development and maturity of any analytics or machine learning tool. Meaningful domain-specific data, events, or logs help to establish the baseline behavior of a domain, and eventually helps in understanding the tool's ability to detect anomalies that diverge from the baseline behavior. A universal truth of analytics and machine learning is that the larger the volume of baseline data a model receives, the better it gets.
This document describes the challenges of validating using a diverse set of traffic patterns that replicate behaviors of different types of domains and vertical markets, and how Ixia's BreakingPoint will help you overcome them.


text:
Report: Panel approves College Drive flyover
2 years 9 months 2 weeks ago Tuesday, April 09 2019 Apr 9, 2019 April 09, 2019 8:57 AM April 09, 2019 in News
By: WBRZ Staff
BATON ROUGE - Reports say a legislative panel signed off on initial plans to build a $30 million flyover to College Drive from I-10 West.
The funding is part of a $380 million plan to widen I-10 from the Mississippi River Bridge to the I-10/12 split.
The Advocate reports that the proposal was approved by the joint House-Senate transportation committees Monday. Work will be completed in a process called "design/build." Officials say the process employs a team of highway designers and builders in one step to speed construction.
DOTD's Shawn Wilson said the process will allow the project to be completed in 2023 instead of 2026.


text:
Q: Find a subgroup of $\mathbb{Z}_{12}\oplus \mathbb{Z}_{4}\oplus \mathbb{Z}_{15}$ of order 9
Question:
Find a subgroup of $\mathbb{Z}_{12} \oplus \mathbb{Z}_{4} \oplus \mathbb{Z}_{15}$ that is of order 9.

By a certain theorem, $\mathbb{Z}_{4}\oplus\mathbb{Z}_{15} \cong \mathbb{Z}_{60}$ from the fact that 4 and 15 are relatively prime.
This gives
$\mathbb{Z}_{12} \oplus \mathbb{Z}_{4} \oplus \mathbb{Z}_{15}\cong \mathbb{Z}_{12}\oplus \mathbb{Z}_{60}$
It now suffices to find all elements of order 9 in the group $\mathbb{Z}_{12} \oplus \mathbb{Z}_{4} \oplus \mathbb{Z}_{15}$; knowing that the order of any element in a group is the order of the cyclic subgroup generated by that element.
But, aside from listing the elements manually-which is tedious- what is a more efficient way to go about?

A: The structure theorem for abelian groups is the right way to go but you are using it in an unhelpful direction. It implies that you can split up that sum further: $$\mathbb{Z}_{12} \oplus \mathbb{Z}_4 \oplus \mathbb{Z}_{15} \cong \mathbb{Z}_4 \oplus \mathbb{Z}_3 \oplus \mathbb{Z}_4 \oplus \mathbb{Z}_3 \oplus \mathbb{Z}_5.$$ You can read off the subgroup of order $9$. To be explicit, the subgroup $\mathbb{Z}_3 \subseteq \mathbb{Z}_{12}$ is cyclic generated by $4$ and the subgroup $\mathbb{Z}_3 \subseteq \mathbb{Z}_{15}$ is cyclic generated by $5$.

A: While the decomposition into minimal cyclic subgroups as in the answer by user399601 is probably the easiest way to go, here is a somewhat difference approach. Whatever the structure of your subgroup, its elements have orders that are powers of$~3$, so you can restrict attention to the subgroup of such elements. The property of having order a power of$~3$ is equivalent to the same property for the components in each of the given factors in the direct sum. In $\Bbb Z_4$ only the identity qualifies, in the other two factors the subgroup with the property is of order$~3$. That gives $3\times1\times3=9$ elements in all, and you have to search no longer.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
cask 'sekey' do
  version '0.1'
  sha256 '8d473f7214ba76b70ca30905e2ebd07d7c421f1cff320285bd8ec8d2a7a5b083'

  url "https://github.com/ntrippar/sekey/releases/download/#{version}/SeKey-#{version}.pkg"
  appcast 'https://github.com/ntrippar/sekey/releases.atom'
  name 'SeKey'
  homepage 'https://github.com/ntrippar/sekey'

  pkg "SeKey-#{version}.pkg"
  binary "#{appdir}/SeKey.app/Contents/MacOS/sekey"

  postflight do
    launchd_plist = "#{ENV['HOME']}/Library/LaunchAgents/com.ntrippar.sekey.plist"

    system_command '/bin/launchctl',
                   args: ['unload', '-F', launchd_plist],
                   sudo: true

    set_ownership launchd_plist

    system_command '/bin/launchctl',
                   args: ['load', '-F', launchd_plist]
  end

  uninstall launchctl: 'com.ntrippar.sekey',
            pkgutil:   'com.ntrippar.sekey'

  zap trash: '~/.sekey'

  caveats <<~EOS
    Append the following line to your ~/.bash_profile or ~/.zshrc:

      export SSH_AUTH_SOCK=$HOME/.sekey/ssh-agent.ssh

    then source the file to update your current session.
  EOS
end

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


When I first drove down to live in Cornwall more than 20 years ago, I was met by a graffiti message on a railway bridge near Truro: "Go home, English!" I should have taken it personally. I should have politely turned around to head back across the Tamar. I was exactly the sort of incomer who was swamping the last little islands of Cornishness. But in fact, I found it heartening. Cornwall was not England – that was why I'd come.
Since then, Cornwall's distinctiveness has, rather than being smothered, become resurgent. In those days, the monochrome simplicity of St Piran's flag was an unusual sight, confined to places of nationalist fervour like Hellfire Corner at Redruth rugby ground. Now it is everywhere – in the logos of Cornish companies, on car stickers (usually with some jokey tag like "Pasty on Board"), or fluttering importantly from Cornwall council buildings. In the late 1980s and early 1990s the Cornish language was likewise invisible, a barbarous and long-vanished practice, like piracy and smuggling. Now it receives government funding to be taught in schools and appears on the bilingual signs at the Cornish "border" on the A30, and on street signs for every new housing development.
It is tempting to regard such reinventions as quaint, like Morris dancing or beating the bounds; some of the most vigorous St Piran's flag-waving comes from English, or even American, settlers. But Cornwall's separateness runs deeper than that. It is less folksy and more physical, something from the soil itself, like the radon gas that seeps out of the granite of Carnmenellis or West Penwith.
Such a position has always made Cornwall tricky to administer. The Romans didn't bother trying, as long as their supply of tin was secure. Saxon villagisation did not extend far into Cornwall. When the Tudors tried to unite the realm, the Cornish proved unbiddable. Two of the fiercest rebellions of the time came from the far south-west. In 1497, a revolt against taxation began in the village of St Keverne on the Lizard; within months, 15,000 restive Cornishmen had reached London, where they were soundly routed. In 1997, the Keskerdh Kernow 500 commemorated the revolt tracing the original route from St Keverne to Blackheath. The smaller, more benign band of flag-waving Cornish that wound through the market towns of southern England helped to re-establish the sense of Cornish identity, at least for those who took part.
The second Tudor revolt is no less keenly remembered. The Prayer book rebellion of 1549 was a reaction against the introduction of a vernacular prayer book – in English. Although the liturgy had been said in Latin until then, everyone knew it – and the Creed was uttered in Cornish. The Cornish were right to feel threatened by Cranmer's innovation, that it would undermine the survival of their own language. The rebels marched east again, "lusty and fresh, and fully bent to fight out the matter". They besieged Exeter but, in the end they too were defeated, several thousand were killed and the leaders taken to prominent places and hanged.
Examples of medieval plays survive in Cornish, and it was certainly spoken throughout Cornwall and into Devon. Queen Elizabeth I was said to have had a little Cornish, enough to greet her favoured West Country courtiers. But 200 years later, by the end of the 18th century, the last monoglot speakers were dead.
The language continued to be spoken in isolated communities for several generations, brought out to baffle the growing number of visitors from "up-country". In the 19th century, little was done to preserve the last traces of the language, and it became extinct – just in time for the Celtic revival movement to champion it. In 1901, a group of Cornish worthies set up the Cowethas Kelto-Kernuak (the Celtic-Cornish Society), suggesting that young men strip off to pursue the traditional Cornish sports of wrestling and hurling, while they themselves dressed in druidic robes to celebrate Cornishness, in Cornish, at the annual Cornish Gorsedd.
Apart from the few scraps of literature, there is one everyday reminder of the Cornish language, a faint but constant echo of the county's non-Englishness: its place names. They have proved a vital part of the revivalists' attempts to reassemble the vocabulary and structure of Cornish. For the rest of us, the names are a spicy addition to the ceaselessly rewarding pursuit of walking or driving through the county's back roads.
All those Zs, for instance – from the far west, Penzance ("holy headland"), Nanjizal ("low valley"), and Zennor (from St Senara). The saints themselves offer another dimension to Cornwall's otherness, making many road signs look as though they've been swiped from a hagiographic theme park. Although in fact the 80% of Cornish parishes named Saint-something do not reflect the region's innate holiness – merely the lack of villages when parish boundaries were drawn.
More than anything, Cornwall's particularity lies in its abiding and diverse sense of place. No other region of England offers such a range of dramatic landscapes, nor carries such a freight of mythology and projection. Many archaeologists now explain the vast numbers of Neolithic and early bronze age monuments, both on mainland Cornwall and the Isles of Scilly, in terms of ritual or sacred landscape. Areas such as Bodmin Moor and West Penwith, rich in standing stones and stone circles, are believed to have been vast arenas for visual alignments, focusing on certain hills.
Retaining a sense of being Cornish has been made more challenging by the growing influx of visitors, many with their own strong ideas of what Cornwall represents. The artists who gathered in St Ives in the 1930s were drawn in part by west Cornwall's freedom from the Englishness that pervaded the rest of the country. Being a modernist or abstract expressionist was a lot easier when you could contemplate the raw intensity of rock and cliff and sea without any regard for local tradition.
At the Royal Cornwall Museum in Truro, a more figurative exhibition has just opened, presenting working Cornwall in the late 19th century and early 20th centuries. The paintings show an extraordinary mixture of miners and fishermen, farmers and seamstresses, quarry workers and smiths. Henry Scott Tuke's maritime portraits of Falmouth's seamen hang alongside workers from mining districts, including Dicky Nine Lives, a miner who miraculously survived falling down a shaft.
Cornwall is not big – a tapering sliver of land no more than 80 miles long. But within it, you can travel a short distance and be in a different world. Go inland from the glitzy coastal surf and sailing resorts, and you reach empty moorland, or tidal creeks fringed with oakwoods, or the weird, white landscape of the China-clay country, or the deprived, thickly populated districts around Redruth and Camborne. The traditions of the Cornish are likewise hidden from those who visit only the coast.
To many Cornish nationalists, this week's recognition of the Cornish people as a minority, alongside the Welsh and Scots, is merely a step on the path to a devolved assembly, the re-establishment of the old Stannary Parliament, whose legislative powers were never officially revoked. To David Cameron, quick to point out that his daughter Florence was born in Cornwall, it allows a dig at Scottish independence by celebrating the diverse family over which Westminster so happily presides.
There is some scepticism west of the Tamar about what their new status will really mean. But it can do no harm to remind those unfamiliar with the south-west that the Cornish are not really English, and that Cornwall is not really England.


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Home » Yemen: Fatal Airport Attack 'potentially amounts to a war crime' – UN Envoy
Yemen: Fatal Airport Attack 'potentially amounts to a war crime' – UN Envoy
On the last day of a year that has continued to brutalize the war-torn people of Yemen, UN Special Envoy Martin Griffiths condemned a "despicable attack" on the country's newly formed government as they arrived at Aden airport in December.
"Targeting civilians and civilian infrastructure is a serious violation of International Humanitarian Law," Special Envoy Griffiths said. "A transgression of such magnitude potentially amounts to a war crime."
According to video footage, a large blast exploded as passengers disembarked the plane arriving from neighboring Saudi Arabia. At the same time, a welcoming group on the tarmac fled as thick smoke billowed from the airport terminal and the sound of gunfire was heard soon afterwards.
In a call with the Yemeni Foreign Minister Ahmed Bin Mubarak, the UN Special Envoy reiterated his unequivocal condemnation of the cowardly attack on the Yemeni cabinet that killed and injured dozens of civilians, including aid workers.
Mr. Griffiths offered his sincere condolences for those who lost loved ones and expressed hope for a speedy recovery for all the injured.
'Signal of hope'
The UN envoy called it "a truly sad day for Yemen," pointing out that the "despicable attack horrified Yemenis not just in Aden, but across the country."
Griffiths expressed his support to and solidarity with President Hadi and the Government, commended the steadfastness of the Prime Minister and the cabinet members and lauded their swift reassurance to the Yemeni public of their commitment to continue their service despite all challenges.
"This cabinet is a signal of hope that reconciliation is possible," said the UN official, adding that the "horrific attack was a deliberate attempt to turn this moment of hope to one of rift and despair, and to derail efforts to achieve peace and alleviate the suffering of the Yemeni people."
Supporting a future of peace
Yemen has been devastated by a conflict that escalated in 2015, when fighting erupted between a Saudi-backed coalition supporting the internationally-recognized Government and the Houthi rebel group known formally as Ansar Allah.
The fighting has left scores of people dead, triggered the world's worst humanitarian disaster, with millions on the brink of famine, and left the country even more vulnerable to the COVID-19 pandemic.
"The United Nations will continue supporting Yemenis to reach a future of sustainable peace, free from the fear and grief of days like yesterday," concluded the UN Special Envoy.
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Americans over the age of 50 consistently show up more often to vote compared to younger voters. Given the influence this powerful voting bloc will likely have on the 2018 mid-term elections, AARP surveyed voters age 50 and older in 20 states between August and September, 2018, to assess what would be on their minds when they cast their ballots this fall and which candidates they would be backing.
Political divisiveness is a top concern with voters age 50+, and many disapprove of the job performances of both Republicans and Democrats in Congress. While voters age 50+ generally see the U.S. economy getting stronger, this optimism is not reflected in their own financial security with sizable numbers feeling like they are not getting ahead. Voters see both Social Security and Medicare as being very important to the health and financial stability of older adults and report that these are two issues that will be top of mind for them when they go to the polls in November.
Telephone interviews were conducted with at least 800 registered voters in each state by landline (70%) and cell phone (30%) between 8/16/18 and 9/20/18. All data have been weighted by age, gender, race/ethnicity, and geographic distribution according to July 2018 State Voter Registration Database statistics. For more information contact Kate Bridges at kbridges@aarp.org. For media inquiries contact media@aarp.org.


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Carriera
Ironside ha preso parte a più di cento film, e in circa una ventina di questi è stato anche protagonista. Ha lavorato anche come regista, sceneggiatore e produttore.

Ha avuto ruoli di rilievo in film importanti, come Scanners (1981), Top Gun (1986), Atto di forza (1990), Free Willy - Un amico da salvare (1993), Starship Troopers - Fanteria dello spazio (1997) e in molte serie televisive, tra le quali Visitors, Smallville ed E.R. - Medici in prima linea.

Ha anche interpretato quattro episodi della serie televisiva Walker Texas Ranger, nelle vesti del "Presidente". Ha lavorato al fianco di importanti registi come Tony Scott. Ha quasi sempre ruoli da antagonista "cattivo".

Per quanto riguarda gli anni duemila, ha avuto ruoli di rilevanza in film come La tempesta perfetta (2000), L'uomo senza sonno (2004), The Alphabet Killer (2008), Terminator Salvation (2009), X-Men - L'inizio (2011), Zeus in Turbo Kid (2015). Ha anche interpretato il generale GDI Jack Granger nel videogioco Command and Conquer 3 - Tiberium Wars, del 2007. Come doppiatore ha prestato la voce a Sam Fisher, personaggio principale della serie di videogiochi Splinter Cell. Tuttavia, non poté riprendere il suo ruolo per Tom Clancy's Splinter Cell: Blacklist per motivi di salute, dato che gli era stato diagnosticato un cancro, e di conseguenza, Eric Johnson lo sostituì temporaneamente per questo gioco.

Vita privata
Dopo un primo matrimonio finito con un divorzio, si è risposato nel 1986 con Karen Marls Dimwiddie. Ha due figlie, Adrienne Lynne (1974), avuta dalla prima moglie, e Findlay (1998), avuta dalla seconda moglie.

Filmografia

Cinema
Outrageous!, regia di Richard Benner (1977)
Truck Drivers (High-Ballin), regia di Peter Carter (1978)
Il gioco del potere (Power Play), regia di Martyn Burke (1978)
Summer's Children, regia di Julius Kohanyi (1979)
Squilli di sangue (Stone Cold Dead), regia di George Mendeluk (1979)
Double Negative, regia di George Bloomfield (1980)
I, Maureen, regia di Janine Manatis (1980)
Suzanne, regia di Robin Spry (1980)
Coming Out Alive, regia di Don McBrearty (1980)
Scanners, regia di David Cronenberg (1981)
Surfacing, regia di Claude Jutra (1981)
Delitto al Central Hospital (Visiting Hours), regia di Jean-Claude Lord (1982)
American Nightmare, regia di Don McBrearty (1983)
Il cacciatore dello spazio (Spacehunter: Adventures in the Forbidden Zone), regia di Lamont Johnson (1983)
Cross Country, regia di Paul Lynch (1983)
Best Revenge, regia di John Trent (1984)
The Surrogate, regia di Don Carmody (1984)
Il gioco del falco (The Falcon and the Snowman), regia di John Schlesinger (1985)
Jo Jo Dancer, Your Life Is Calling, regia di Richard Pryor (1986)
Top Gun, regia di Tony Scott (1986)
Fuga per la libertà (Nowhere to Hide), regia di Mario Philip Azzopardi (1987)
Ricercati: ufficialmente morti (Extreme Prejudice), regia di Walter Hill (1987)
Prom Night II - Il ritorno (Hello Mary Lou: Prom Night II), regia di Ron Oliver (1987)
Hostile Takeover, regia di George Mihalka (1988)
Alterazione genetica (Watchers), regia di Jon Hess (1988)
Destiny to Order, regia di Jim Purdy (1989)
Vuoto mentale (Mindfield), regia di Jean-Claude Lord (1989)
Atto di forza (Total Recall), regia di Paul Verhoeven (1990)
Vendetta incrociata (Payback), regia di Russell Solberg (1991)
Chaindance - Sotto massima sicurezza (Chaindance), regia di Allan A. Goldstein (1991)
Highlander II - Il ritorno (Highlander II: The Quickening), regia di Russell Mulcahy (1991)
McBain, regia di James Glickenhaus (1991)
Anno 2053 - La grande fuga (Neon City), regia di Monte Markham (1991)
Black Ice, regia di Neill Fearnley (1992)
Istantanea dell'assassino (Killer Image), regia di David Winning (1992)
Il cannibale metropolitano (The Vagrant), regia di Chris Walas (1992)
Bella e dannata (Guncrazy), regia di Tamra Davis (1992)
Cafe Romeo, regia di Rex Bromfield (1992)
Salvami! (Save Me), regia di Alan Roberts (1993)
Cambogia '94 (Fortunes of War), regia di Thierry Notz (1993)
Fuoco incrociato (Point of Impact), regia di Bob Misiorowski (1993)
Sweet Killing, regia di Eddy Matalon (1993)
Night Trap - Nel cuore del maligno (Night Trap), regia di David A. Prior (1993)
Free Willy - Un amico da salvare (Free Willy), regia di Simon Wincer (1993)
Famiglia in fuga (Father Hood), regia di Darrell Roodt (1993)
Costretto a uccidere (Forced to Kill), regia di Russell Solberg (1994)
Killing Machine - Assassino nato (The Killing Machine), regia di David Mitchell (1994)
Missione senza nome (Red Scorpion 2), regia di Michael Kennedy (1994)
Tokyo Cowboy, regia di Kathy Garneau (1994)
Karate Kid 4 (The Next Karate Kid), regia di Christopher Cain (1994)
Il distintivo di vetro (The Glass Shields), regia di Charles Burnett (1994)
Sole rosso sangue (Red Sun Rising), regia di Francis Megahy (1994)
Il maggiore Payne (Major Payne), regia di Nick Castle (1995)
Bolt, regia di Henri Colline e George Mendeluk (1995)
Too Fast Too Young, regia di Tim Everitt (1996)
One Way Out, regia di Kevin Lynn (1996)
Oltre l'innocenza (Portraits of a Killer), regia di Bill Corcoran (1996)
The Destiny of Marty Fine, regia di Michael Hacker (1996)
I ragazzi della Tavola Rotonda (Kids of the Round Table), regia di Robert Tinnell (1997)
Atto finale (Cold Night Into Dawn), regia di Serge Rodnunsky (1997)
Starship Troopers - Fanteria dello spazio (Starship Troopers), regia di Paul Verhoeven (1997)
Uno dei nostri (One of Our Own), regia di David Winning (1997)
Prigioniera (Captive), regia di Roger Cardinal (1998)
Hellcab - Un inferno di taxi (Chicago Cab), regia di Mary Cybulski e John Tintori (1998)
Ivory Tower, regia di Darin Ferriola (1998)
Death Row the Tournament, regia di Jesse V. Johnson – cortometraggio (1998)
Going to Kansas City, regia di Pekka Mandart (1998)
Desert Blue, regia di Morgan J. Freeman (1998)
Indagine pericolosa (The Arrangement), regia di Michael Ironside (1999)
Una luce nelle tenebre (Black Light), regia di Michael Storey (1999)
Viaggio verso la verità (Southern Cross), regia di James Becket (1999)
Al di sopra della legge (Question of Privilege), regia di Rick Stevenson (1999)
Una mente perversa (A Twist of Faith), regia di Chris Angel (1999)
Codice Omega (The Omega Code), regia di Robert Marcarelli (1999)
Heavy Metal 2000, regia di Michael Coldewey e Michel Lemire (2000) - voce
Delitto + castigo a Suburbia (Crime and Punishment in Suburbia), regia di Rob Schmidt (2000)
La tempesta perfetta (The Perfect Storm), regia di Wolfgang Petersen (2000)
La sottile linea della morte (Cause of Death), regia di Marc S. Grenier (2001)
I confini del cuore (Borderline Normal), regia di Jeff Beesley (2001)
Mindstorm, regia di Richard Pepin (2001)
Down - Discesa infernale (Down), regia di Dick Maas (2001)
Children of the Corn: Revelation – VHS (2001)
Soulkeeper, regia di Darin Ferriola (2001) – voce
L'insonne (Dead Awake), regia di Marc S. Grenier (2001)
Extreme Honor, regia di Steven Rush (2001)
Ignition - Dieci secondi alla fine (Ignition), regia di Yves Simoneau (2001)
Angel Killer (Fallen Angels), regia di Ian David Diaz (2002)
Fairytales and Pornography, regia di Chris Philpott (2002)
Maximum Velocity, regia di Phillip J. Roth (2003)
The Failures, regia di Tim Hunter (2003)
L'uomo senza sonno (El Maquinista), regia di Brad Anderson (2004)
Reeker - Tra la vita e la morte (Reeker), regia di Dave Payne (2005)
Deepwater, regia di David S. Marfield (2005)
Guy X, regia di Saul Metzstein (2005)
On That Day, regia di Josh Koffman – cortometraggio (2005)
1st Bite, regia di Hunt Hoe (2006)
Surveillance, regia di Jennifer Lynch (2008)
The Alphabet Killer, regia di Rob Schmidt (2008)
Hardwired - Nemico invisibile (Hardwired), regia di Ernie Barbarash (2009)
Terminator Salvation, regia di McG (2009)
The Bannen Way, regia di Jesse Warren (2010)
X-Men - L'inizio (X-Men: First Class), regia di Matthew Vaughn (2011)
Ice Soldiers, regia di Sturla Gunnarsson (2013)
Extraterrestrials, regia di The Vicious Brothers (2014)
Synchronicity (2015)
Turbo Kid, regia di François Simard, Anouk Whissell, Yoann-Karl Whissell (2015)
Still/Born, regia di Brandon Christensen (2017)
Bloodthirsty - Sete di sangue (2020) regia di Amelia Moses
Io sono nessuno (Nobody), regia di Il'ja Najšuller (2021)

Televisione
L'amico Gipsy (The Littlest Hobo) – serie TV, episodio 1x06 (1979)
La scelta (The Family Man) – film TV (1979)
Clown White – film TV (1981)
The July Group – film TV (1981)
Off Your Rocker – film TV (1982)
The Sins of Dorian Gray – film TV (1983)
A-Team (The A-Team) – serie TV, episodio 2x07 (1983)
Hill Street giorno e notte (Hill Street Blues) – serie TV, episodio 4x08 (1983)
Mike Hammer – serie TV, 1 episodio (1984)
Visitors (V) – serie TV, 12 episodi (1984-1985)
Visitors II (V: The Final Battle) – film TV trasmesso in Italia come seconda parte della miniserie TV V - Visitors (1984)
The Cap – film TV (1985)
Assassinio nello spazio (Murder in Space), regia di Steven Hilliard Stern – film TV (1985)
I viaggiatori delle tenebre (The Hitchhiker) – serie TV, episodio 3x08 (1986)
Alfred Hitchcock Presenta (Alfred Hitchcock Presents) – serie TV, episodio 2x03 (1987)
La leggenda di Henry Ford (Ford: The Man and the Machine) – miniserie TV (1987)
Race for the Bomb – miniserie TV (1987)
The Ray Bradbury Theater – serie TV, 1 episodio (1988)
One Boy, One Wolf, One Summer – film TV (1988)
Un testimone sospetto (Murder by Night) – film TV (1989)
I racconti della cripta (Tales from the Crypt) – serie TV, episodi 2x07-6x13 (1990-1995)
La morte si fa bella (Drop Dead Gorgeous), regia di Paul Lynch – film TV (1991)
Sorveglianza mortale (Deadly Surveillance) – film TV (1991)
Il marchio dell'assassino (Marked for Murder) – film TV (1993)
Dead Man's Revenge – film TV (1994)
Oltre il sospetto (Probable Cause) – film TV (1994)
Singapore Sling: Road to Mandalay – film TV (1995)
E.R. - Medici in prima linea (ER) – serie TV, 7 episodi (1995-2002)
SeaQuest DSV – serie TV, 13 episodi (1995-1996)
Terminal – film TV (1996)
The Arrow – film TV (1997)
F/X (F/X: The Series) – serie TV, episodio 1x18 (1997)
La crociera della paura (Voyage of Terror) – film TV (1998)
Johnny 2.0 – film TV (1998)
Cold Squad - Squadra casi archiviati (Cold Squad) – serie TV, episodio 3x01 (1999)
Oltre i limiti (The Outer Limits) – serie TV, episodi 5x13-7x17 (1999-2001)
Il processo di Norimberga (Nuremberg), regia di Yves Simoneau – film TV (2000)
Walker Texas Ranger, (Walker Texas Ranger) - serie TV, 4 episodi (2000)
The Red Phone: Manhunt – film TV (2001)
Jett Jackson: The Movie, regia di Shawn Levy – film TV (2001)
The District – serie TV, episodi 2x11-2x15 (2002)
Le dernier chapitre: La Suite – miniserie TV (2002)
Le dernier chapitre – miniserie TV (2002)
Hemingway vs. Callaghan – film TV (2003)
Alaska – film TV (2003)
The Last Chapter II: The War Continues – miniserie TV (2003)
The Red Phone: Checkmate – film TV (2003)
Andromeda – serie TV, episodi 3x20-4x17 (2003-2004)
Justice League – serie animata, 4 episodi (2003-2006) – voce
Medical Investigation – serie TV, episodio 1x10 (2004)
Smallville – serie TV, episodi 4x02-4x03-10x07 (2004-2010)
Young Blades – serie TV, 11 episodi (2005)
Bloodsuckers – film TV (2005)
Desperate Housewives – serie TV, episodi 2x10-2x11 (2005-2006)
Disaster Zone - Vulcano a New York (Disaster Zone: Volcano in New York) – film TV (2006)
Stargate SG-1 – serie TV, episodio 9x19 (2006)
Masters of Horror – serie TV, episodio 2x03 (2006)
The Veteran, regia di Sidney J. Furie – film TV (2006)
Criminal Minds – serie TV, episodio 3x16 (2008)
Wolverine and the X-Men – serie animata, 6 episodi (2008-2009) – voce
Cold Case - Delitti irrisolti (Cold Case) – serie TV, episodi 6x22-6x23-7x01 (2009)
Castle – serie TV, episodio 2x21 (2010)
Lake Placid 3 - Calma apparente - film TV (2003)
R. L. Stine's The Haunting Hour – serie TV, episodi 2x12-2x13 (2012)
Burden of Evil - Il peso del male (Burden of Evil), regia di Michel Monty – film TV (2012)
Justified – serie TV, 1 episodio (2012)
Dark Wall – serie TV, 1 episodio (2012)
XIII (XIII: The Series''') – serie TV, 2 episodi (2012)Community – serie TV, 1 episodio (2012)Vegas – serie TV, 4 episodi (2013)The Lizzie Borden Chronicles – miniserie TV, 1 episodio (2015)The Flash – serie TV, 1 episodio (2015)Il processo di Tokyo (Tokyo Trial), regia di Rob W. King e Pieter Verhoeff – miniserie TV (2016)L'alienista (The Alienist) – serie TV, 4 episodi (2018)The Dropout – miniserie TV (2022)

 Doppiatori italiani
Nelle versioni in italiano delle opere in cui ha recitato, Michael Ironside è stato doppiato da:
Paolo Buglioni in Alterazione genetica, Costretto a uccidere, Oltre l'innocenza, Eredità contesa, Mindstorm, The FlashAngelo Nicotra in Starship Troopers - Fanteria dello spazio, Lake Placid 3 - Calma apparente, The Bannen Way, The Lizzie Borden Chronicles, Io sono nessunoFranco Zucca in Un testimone sospetto, E.R. - Medici in prima linea, La crociera della paura, Cold Case - Delitti irrisoltiOreste Rizzini in Scanners, Visitors, Visitors II, Anno 2053 - La grande fugaMichele Gammino in Atto di forza, Highlander II - Il ritorno, La tempesta perfettaStefano De Sando in Terminator Salvation, Ice Soldiers, XIIIMichele Kalamera in Prom Night II - Il Ritorno, Una luce nelle tenebreAntonio Sanna in Karate Kid IV, SurveillanceVittorio Di Prima in Delitto + castigo a Suburbia, L'uomo senza sonnoSaverio Indrio ne Il processo di Norimberga, Walker Texas RangerSaverio Moriones in Smallville (ep. 4x02, 4x03), CastleBruno Alessandro in X-Men - L'inizio, The DropoutRodolfo Bianchi ne La sottile linea della morte, RakeAlessandro Rossi in Top GunSergio Di Stefano in Alfred Hitchcock presenta
Eugenio Marinelli in SeaQuest - Odissea negli abissiElio Zamuto in Smallville (ep. 10x07)
Enrico Maggi in Reeker - Tra la vita e la morteEmilio Cappuccio in Criminal MindsFrancesco Pannofino ne Il distintivo di vetroRenato Cortesi in Free Willy - Un amico da salvareRomano Malaspina in Johnny 2.0Paolo Maria Scalondro in Famiglia in fugaMarco Mete in McBainOsvaldo Ruggieri in Ricercati: ufficialmente mortiNatale Ciravolo in Down - Discesa infernaleAmbrogio Colombo in Going to Kansas CityLuca Biagini in The Alphabet KillerUgo Maria Morosi ne Il maggiore PayneMassimo Pizzirani in Desperate HousewivesDario Penne in JustifiedMaurizio Scattorin in Burden of Evil - Il peso del maleMauro Bosco in Una mente perversaMarco Balbi in Il cannibale metropolitanoDa doppiatore è sostituito da
Luca Ward in Splinter Cell, Pandora Tomorrow, Chaos Theory, BlacklistMassimo Lodolo in Heavy Metal 2000Mario Zucca in Wolverine and the X-MenDario Oppido in Splinter Cell Double Agent, Splinter Cell Conviction''

Altri progetti

Collegamenti esterni


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Social media enable new practices of public engagement in formal emergency response, but the scale and speed of innovation at this juncture has outpaced the development of ethically, legally and socially 'virtuous' practices and technologies. We discuss positive and negative frictions and avenues for socio-technical innovation that bridge between connected communities in crises and professional responders.
Almost every post-disaster report highlights a need for better integration of affected communities in emergency management. The US Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), for example, argues that natural or manmade crises (floods, storms, violent attacks) can be addressed better with a 'Whole Community' approach, where 'officials can collectively understand and assess the needs of their respective communities' and communities can play an active part in emergency planning and management . In some sense, this acknowledges communities as an agency in multi-agency crisis management. However, it is practically and politically difficult to switch from approaches focused on protecting and controlling the public to engaging with communities. This is exacerbated by the fact that the notion of a clearly defined community whose needs can be assessed by 'their' respective officials is flawed. Innovation in 'crisis informatics'  has made social media an important force in connecting people within and beyond local communities. This has begun 'to fundamentally alter the very nature and arc of emergencies', bringing disruptive innovation, that is, innovation that changes existing social, material and economic practices , to crisis management. This paper explores ethical, legal and social challenges and opportunities at this juncture. After a review of background research (Section 2), we examine a selection of examples (3). In Section 4, we discuss positive and negative frictions, and we conclude by delineating some promising avenues for socio-technical innovation (5).
Local communities can be connected through complex communicative networks and in crises extend links to national and global communities, including diasporas and crowds of volunteers and emergent 'digital humanitarian organizations' who perform increasingly official responsibilities of gathering, verifying, geo-locating and mapping information from afar (such as CrisisMappers, StandBy TaskForce (SBTF), Virtual Operations Support Teams (VOST)). This can allow faster and more detailed awareness of the needs of affected communities and the nature and extent of damage, which makes crisis informatics interesting as an informational service for official emergency responders.
But crisis informatics can also service practical self-organised mobilisation and coordination of local resources, knowledge, and efforts. During the floods in Germany in 2013, for example, 29% of Twitter-messages focused on coordinating help and resources locally . Reports from sandbag filling stations appeared alongside calls for help and a crowdsourced map of the current need for volunteers in different places . Lüge  suggests that these examples index a shift in the use of social media for emergency management. The informational service function for official response is increasingly seriously complemented by a practical service function for self-organized community help and resources, especially for members of the public. Yet, research in crisis informatics is still mainly focused on understanding and developing means of extracting more valuable, reliable, 'actionable' information from social media for enhanced situation awareness, especially for professional responders. There are a small number of studies that explore how members of the public self-organise disaster response in situ through social media and opportunities and challenges that arise around dovetailing these efforts with formal response operations, for example, after the 2010 Haiti earthquake , or the 2011 'Super Outbreak' tornado in Alabama . They raise many questions, and amongst them important questions about ethical, legal and social challenges.
Regarding the 'curation' of crowdsourced information for situation awareness , practitioners and researchers already analyse and address ethical, legal and social issues, ranging from misinformation through information that can undermine 'information superiority' and endanger operations  , to vigilantism , tort liability (for civil wrongs) for volunteers and various challenges for professional responders . There are calls for a 'code of ethics'  and some early formulations of 'Twitter Commandments' for 'voluntweeters', providing 'guidance about sorting accurate from inaccurate rumor, and for "tweeting responsibly" during disasters' , as well as guidelines for crowdsourcing information from populations affected by conflict . However, these focus on practices of information extraction and processing, and less on information use for self-organised mobilization of resources by nested digital and local communities. But ethical, legal and social issues arising at the interface of such community efforts and 'Whole Community' approaches to crisis management should be part of discussions about ethical codes of conduct and the practical ethics of such activities. And the challenge does not end there. A mere code of conduct is not enough. Ethical principles must be enacted as moral conduct and – when such conduct is digitally augmented – this also calls for technologies that actively support virtuous moral practices.
To better understand digitally augmented emergency response practices and ethical, legal and social issues, we now examine a selection of examples. The focus is on the interface between self-organised community efforts and official efforts during the response phase of crisis management.
These constraints are hard to overcome, and they are accompanied by operational challenges and opportunities.
The analysis in this example builds on previous work we have published with colleagues in . Names and the wording of twitter messages have been altered (maintaining the sense of the contribution) to anonymize persons.
At the point this tweet was sent, the police, who led the formal response effort, had already arrived at the mainland ferry pier, less than 1 mile from the landing pier on the island across the lake. However, there was concern over a second car bomb at the mainland ferry port and fears that there could be more than one shooter. By following NilsPetter's stream after the request above, we learn more details about the shooting. Updates from the island received and broadcast in this way supported some insight into the events for twitter followers and their social networks, but they also caused great concern, especially amongst friends and parents, whose first reaction was often to find out about the whereabouts and safety of their friends or children. NilsPetter's messages reveal that this caused problems. With some urgency, he tweets 'DON'T CALL friends on Utøya', explaining that 'It can endanger them' in a second tweet. The sound of mobile phones ringing could put them in danger, a fact that may seem obvious with hindsight but could be missed in the heat of the moment.
It is difficult to establish whether members of the public helped young people in the lake specifically because of such social media messages. Unlike in Haiti, these calls for resources were non-specific in terms of the precise location where boats were needed and we found no messages that confirmed details or completion of private rescue missions. However, the fact that requests for boats were made in large numbers and over different channels suggests that emergent practices of 'micro-coordination' in public emergency response are taking shape. Ling & Yttri  coin this term to analyse everyday practices of flexibly coordinating everyday activities like shopping or meetings on the move, using mobile technologies. They describe this as micro-coordination, because dynamic and delicate coordination of people, places, times and objects becomes possible. Translating such social innovation from everyday contexts to crisis situations has the potential of supporting efforts of mobilizing needed resources (such as WiFi or boats) locally and swiftly. However, undertaking such efforts 'in the wild' also creates tensions and potential problems. The professional responders in Norway found themselves under intense media and social media scrutiny and pressure, and, in a situation where it was deemed too dangerous to allow professional emergency staff near the island, official emergency responders were seen to allow members of the public to rescue victims. Some of these victims were taken to hospitals without being registered, making it difficult to know where they had gone, what treatments they got, or what they still needed.
For a short time the crowd detectives celebrated a victory: 'Reddit solved the bombing. Before the Feds' . But soon the FBI and news outlets released the Tarnaev brothers' names, exposing the crowd as 'digital vigilantes' who had spread rumours slandering two innocent men .
The crowdsourced manhunt after the Boston bombing highlights some of the risks officials take when collaborating with volunteers. It also showed that there is good reason for the media to be more cautious of using crowdsourced websites as a source . For unlike in official emergency and news agencies, the social media crowd is unorganized, untrained, uncertified and largely anonymous. There are some effective social informational practices of self-regulation in collective intelligence, but these do not seem to function in 'manhunt' circumstances . While there are some promising attempts to design automated support for detecting 'signatures' of misinformation , at this point it seems doubtful whether legal and institutional fears about trusting information from social media can be overcome anytime soon.
The use of social media for self-organised mobilization of resources, knowledge and efforts by nested digital and local communities raises opportunities for positively disruptive innovation in emergency response as well as challenges. On the one hand, the turn to crowdsourcing information and support for micro-coordination and collective intelligence to augment local communities' capacity for self-help can help address needs swiftly and effectively. In the emergent 'new reality' for emergency services , such enhanced community resilience presents new ethical, legal and social openings. As increased frequency and severity of disasters combine with heightened vulnerability through ageing infrastructures and populations, emergency services are under pressure. Some see the future of emergency response in spreading the burden of responsibility, including to communities . On the other hand, allowing the practical service function of social media for self-organized community help to grow generates conflicts and frictions.
Established response organizations, whose roles are being renegotiated and under pressure from budget cuts, technological innovation, a generation change with large numbers of experienced senior personnel retiring, rising expectations from the public, heightened media scrutiny.
Digital Volunteers both 'in the wild' and organized in digital humanitarian organizations, networks, and communities, gathering, processing and 'curating' crowdsourced information with a view to supporting official crisis response and community efforts.
Self-organizing connected communities, who combine local with sometimes globally networked communications to micro-coordinate mobilization of help, knowledge, resources and community efforts.
The central questions in this negotiation are where and how these new agencies could interface with each other and with official response organisations, where this might or might not be desirable and productive, and how – if desirable – this could be better facilitated. The current discussion on digital volunteering and crisis informatics is mainly concerned with the question of interfacing digital volunteers with official responders, and addressing demands of information reliability and legal liability . Connected communities self-organizing to micro-coordinate self-help do not fit smoothly into this process, raising a host of further questions about ethical, legal and social issues.
In the first large scale mobilization of connected communities in the aftermath of the Haiti earthquake, distributed crowd communities were able to map affected areas and thereby provide a baseline for translating and mapping needs. However, who can address all these needs and how? Locating and making more needs visible may seriously exceed the capacity of formal response organizations to address them and make self-help a necessity. This opens up political questions over the resourcing of crisis management and emergency response. Further questions include: How can the reliability of the information provided by volunteer services such as the UHP be ensured? And what efforts are being made to bridge digital divides? People who do not have access or the skill to use digital devices may not be able to put themselves and their needs on the map. And finally, when do the responsibilities of the distant community members wane? 4 years after the earthquake, the United Nations find that 817,000 Haitians still need humanitarian assistance . Yet, most digital humanitarians have moved on to the next crisis.
The Norway example also shows how social media can be used to mobilise local resources such as WiFi and boats, to inform communities and 'configure' their awareness , and to support the channelling of enquiries to official helplines. But the example also showed how connected communities can expose needs that formal responders may not be able to address safely and place professional responders under immense and more immediate public and media scrutiny than was possible before the advent of social media, leaving them no time or space to think. In a context where formal emergency responders are not participating in the 'twitterverse', communities, in turn, do not have much access (outside conventional media) to professional reasoning about the unfolding complexities, or the professionals' rationale for caution. But communities and societies have no right to expect emergency responders to be heroes, and they have a duty to fulfil their side of a social contract that provides emergency responders with the necessary means, respect and protection to carry out their work. Members of the public becoming involved in improvised rescue missions may lack situation awareness and may unwittingly put responders and victims at risk and create complications, for example, with a view to keeping track of victims and informing relatives.
The Boston example highlights a need to distinguish more carefully between the different types of emergencies that practical service functions of social media for coordinating connected community responses can be brought to. Equipped with images sourced from the ephemeral local community of visitors and participants in the marathon, an untrained, uncertified and anonymous crowd launched into crowdsourced crime solving and falsely accused two innocent men. The dynamic of such 'clicktivism' is powerful, feeding on and feeding into sensationalist media reporting in a way that raises questions about responsible social media use on behalf of all parties involved. But it also opens up questions over how self-regulating mechanisms that operate in other forms of connected community social media use in crises may be leveraged. Starbird et al.  explore how indigenous mechanisms of identifying and correcting misinformation may be computationally supported through automatically detecting corrections. This highlights the entanglement of social and technical innovation at the frontiers of crisis informatics and its transformational implications for the relationships between established responder organizations, digital volunteers and self-organizing connected communities.
The positive and negative disruptive innovations at this juncture call for creative, concerted efforts to develop ethically, legally and socially 'virtuous' practices and technologies. Automatic detection of informational dynamics in crowdsourced big crisis data produced by social media users is one of several avenues for socio-technical innovation that seeks to bridge between connected communities in crises and professional responders (see also ). In a recent study on the relationship between 'real volunteer groups' who respond to a crisis locally and 'virtual volunteer groups', who mainly carry out their activities online , Reuter et al. argue that, since direct collaboration between connected communities and official responders is difficult, it is important to enable digital volunteers to facilitate such collaboration. Efforts in formalizing the role of Virtual Operations Support teams (VOST) are already driving this agenda . However, to be able to support liaison between the different agencies in a way that recognises and respects connected communities as another, ephemeral, intensely connected and loosely self-organised agency, support for 'bridging' between different actors, systems and platforms is needed. Resilient ad-hoc networking support, systems of systems innovation and support for emergent interoperability is essential for this. With in the crisis management IT innovation community, there are numerous efforts to this aim. The BRIDGE project, which is the context for the research presented here, is one of them (http://www.bridgeproject.eu/en).
The research presented here is part of the BRIDGE project, funded by the European Union 7th Framework Programme under grant number 261817 and the SecInCoRe project. We thank Vanessa Thomas for comments.
 Palen, L., Vieweg, S., Sutton, J., & Liu, S. B. (2009). Crisis Informatics?: Studying Crisis in a Networked World. Social Science Computer Review, 27(4), 467–480.
 Starbird, K. & Palen, L. (2011). "Voluntweeters": Self-Organizing by Digital Volunteers in Times of Crisis. Proceedings of the 2011 Annual Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems, Vancouver, Canada.
 Reuter, C., Heger, O., & Pipek, V. (2013). Combining Real and Virtual Volunteers through Social Media. In T. Comes, F. Fiedrich, S. Fortier, J. Geldermann, & T. Müller (Eds.), Proceedings of the Conference on Information Systems for Crisis Response and Management, 780–790. Baden-Baden, Germany.
 Liu, S. B. et al. (forthcoming) Special Issue on Crisis Informatics International Journal for Computer Supported Cooperative Work.
 Mendoza, M. Poblete, B. & Castillo, C. (2010). Twitter Under Crisis: Can We Trust What We RT? In Proc. of 1st Workshop on Social Media Analytics (SOMA 2010). NY: ACM, 71- 79.
 Oh, O., Agrawal, M., & Rao, H. R. (2010). Information control and terrorism: Tracking the Mumbai terrorist attack through twitter. Information Systems Frontiers, 13(1), 1–11.
 Starbird, K., Maddock, J., Orand, M., & Achterman, P. (2014). Rumors, False Flags, and Digital Vigilantes: Misinformation on Twitter after the 2013 Boston Marathon Bombing. In iConference 2014.
 Starbird, K., & Palen, L. (2013). Working and sustaining the virtual "Disaster Desk." In Proceedings of the 2013 conference on Computer supported cooperative work - CSCW '13, 491-502.
 Perng, S.-Y., Büscher, M., Wood, L., Halvorsrud, R., Stiso, M., Ramirez, L., Al-Akkad, A. (2013) Peripheral Response: Microblogging During the 22/7/2011 Norway Attacks. International Journal of Information Systems for Crisis Response and Management Vol 5(1), pp. 41-57.
 Ling, R. and Yttri, B. (2002). Hyper-coordination via Mobile Phones in Norway, In Katz, J. and Aakhus, M. (eds.) Perpetual Contact: Mobile Communication, Private Talk, Public Performance (pp. 139-169). Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
 Tapia, Andrea H., LaLone, N., Hyun-Woo, K. (2014). Run Amok: Group Crowd Participation in Identifying the Bomb and Bomber from the Boston Marathon Bombing. In Proceedings of the 11th International ISCRAM Conference – University Park, Pennsylvania, USA, May 2014 S.R. Hiltz, M.S. Pfaff, L. Plotnick, and P. Shih, eds.
 Gupta, A., Lamba, H., Kumaraguru, P. (2013). $1.00 per RT #BostonMarathon #PrayForBoston: Analyzing Fake Content on Twitter. IEEE APWG eCrime Researchers Summit (eCRS), 17 Sep - 18 Sep 2013, San Francisco, USA.
 Edwards, C. (2009). Resilient nation. Demos.
 Heath, C., Svensson, M. S., Hindmarsh, J., Luff, P., & vom Lehn, D. (2002). Configuring Awareness. Computer Supported Cooperative Work (CSCW), 11(3), 317–347.
 Pohl, D., Bouchachia, A. and Hellwagner, H. (2014) Crisis-related Sub-Event Detection based on Clustering. This Volume.
 St. Denis, L. A., Hughes, A. L., & Palen, L. (2012). Trial by Fire: The Deployment of Trusted Digital Volunteers in the 2011 Shadow Lake Fire. In Proceedings of the 9th International ISCRAM Conference – Vancouver, Canada, April 2012, 1–10.
Dr. Monika Büscher, is Director of the Mobilities.lab, Centre for Mobilities Research, and Senior Lecturer in the Department of Sociology, Lancaster University, UK. She studies everyday practices of (im)mobility, making and making sense of information, place-making, distributed collaboration, collective intelligence. Post-human IT-ethics and phenomenology play a major part in her work. Her approach is ethnographic and analytically rooted in ethnomethodology, science and technology studies, mobilities research and phenomenology. Her work critically informs collaborative socio-technical innovation in different settings (from art and architecture to emergency response). I edits the book series Changing Mobilities with Peter Adey.
Dr. Michael Liegl is Senior Research Associate at Lancaster University. In his research he investigates the interplay of technology, spatial organization and social relations with a focus on the layering and hybridization of online and offline collaboration using (video-)ethnography and STS. He pursued this interest in research on digital urban art collectives, freelance nomadic work practices and location based social networks such as the GPS enabled smartphone dating app grindr. Currently, he engages in domain analysis and participatory design as well as in the exploration of social, legal and ethical implications of IT supported emergency response in EU 7FP funded BRIDGE project http:/bridgeproject.eu/en. Recent publications include: 'Digital Cornerville' (Lucius & Lucius 2010), and 'Nomadicity and the Care of Place' (Journal of CSCW 2014) and 'Media Assemblages' (distinction 2014).


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IIUSA Data Report: Form I-526 Statistics for Q4 Fiscal Year 2021 and Full-Year Review
12.22.21 | Research & Analysis | USCIS Adjudications
USCIS published quarterly statistics for all application and petition form types for the fourth quarter (Q4) in fiscal year (FY) 2021, including the latest data between July 1st and September 30th for Form I-526, Form I-829, Form I-924, and Form I-924A.
With this new dataset, we are now able to review the trends of Form I-526 statistics for the entire FY2021, which was a year filled with significant developments for the EB-5 industry, including the vacation of the new EB-5 regulations and the lapse of the Regional Center Program.
IIUSA produced a comprehensive data report (members-only) to inform our stakeholders of the latest trends for Form I-526, including the demands for EB-5, the adjudication of I-526 cases, the average approval rates, and the current I-526 case backlog at USCIS.
Download the Full Data Report (Members-Only)
(Form I-526 Statistics by Fiscal Year)
KEY DATA HIGHLIGHTS
Form I-526 Filings:
A total of 814 EB‐5 investors filed their I‐526 petition in fiscal year (FY) 2021 (October 1st, 2020 – September 30th, 2021), down by 81% from the last fiscal year. In particular, USCIS received 456 I-526 petitions in Q4 (July 1st – September 30th) during the lapse of the Regional Center Program.
Form I-526 Adjudications:
USCIS adjudicated only 3,048 I-526 cases in FY2021, a 11% decline from the last fiscal year. The volume of I-526 completion in FY2021 was at its 10-year low.
Form I-526 Approval Rate:
The average approval rate of I-526 petitions dropped significantly in Q4, down to 16% in the last quarter of FY2021. That means, IPO has denied 84% of the I-526 cases that the agency adjudicated in Q4 FY2021.
It's unclear whether or not the historical low I-526 approval rate in Q4 was because USCIS was denying new I-526 cases that were associated with an approved regional center and filed during the lapse of the Regional Center Program.
Form I-526 Backlog:
At the end of FY2021 (September 30th, 2021), more than 13,000 I-526 cases were still pending at USCIS and awaiting adjudication.
For more in-depth data analyses, download the full report here (Members Only)
BOOKMARK THE I-526 DATA DASHBOARD
Key I-526 statistics and data trends, all at your fingertips
In 2021, IIUSA launched this new interactive I-526 data dashboard: https://iiusa.org/i526data/
This new online tool features historical trends of the demand for the EB-5 Program and the most up-to-date statistics on Form I-526 petitions, including:
Estimated amount of EB-5 investment inflows to the U.S. economy;
Number of I-526 petitions filed by EB-5 investors;
USCIS's productivity in processing I-526 cases;
Average approval rates for I-526 petitions; and
The latest news and analyses regarding USCIS adjudication trends;
Add this new interactive I-526 Data Dashboard to your bookmark and stay up-to-date with the key statistics most relevant to EB-5 investors.
Explore the I-526 Data Dashboard


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Marjoram Sweet has a spicy, warm, woody scent. It blends well with most other herbs, and also with lavender, bergamot, cypress, chamomile, juniper and eucalyptus.
It has analgesic properties and helps to relax stiff muscles.
Marjoram is a warm and comforting oil. It helps with all kinds of pain, including grief. It can numb the senses and should not be used for too long.
Marjoram is useful to relaxing tight and stiff muscles in a massage.
In a hot compress, marjoram can help relieve menstrual cramps.
Psychologically, marjoram calms over-sensitivity and eases stress and anxiety.


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Salinas Valley Memorial Hospital nurses march in protest
Updated: 11:16 AM PDT Apr 24, 2015
Lauren Seaver
More than 100 Salinas Valley Memorial Hospital nurses and supporters marched along East Romie Lane Thursday evening, chanting and holding signs, hoping to send a message."It is not OK that the staffing is as short as it is," said SVMH staff nurse Molly McCarty. "That the proposed take away of the charge nurse on every unit, on every floor, will only lead to poor patient outcomes."VIDEO: Salinas Valley Memorial Hospital nurses marchMore than a year has passed since the contract negotiations began between SVMH and the California Nurses Association. Charge nurses are the main change the nurses said they can't live without. But Salinas Valley Memorial Hospital board members said the nurse restructuring proposal is necessary."The sergeants are in charge of the floor, but we want to put captains in. Someone with a commissioned authority to make sure everything happens," said board member Chris Orman.The hospital's proposed changes have been backed by the SVMH Medical Executive Committee. They've even taken out ads in the Monterey County Herald and Salinas Californian."We're quite convinced that the changes that are being made by the administration are really what's best for patient quality and the best care possible," said Vice Chief of Staff Orlando Rodriguez.Since it's been more than a year since contract negotiations started, a mediator has stepped in to help. A fact-finding report is due out next week and will offer recommendations for both sides.If SVMH and the nurses still cannot come to an agreement, both have plans in place for what comes next."We'll have the opportunity to take a look and maybe one last chance to come together, and if not, ultimately the last final best offer could be implemented," Orman said."We're going to do whatever it takes to keep our patients safe. And if it means strike, we are going to strike," Sarratt said.The hospital and California Nurses Association will meet again Monday to continue negotiations. That will be the last time before the fact-finding report results come out on April 29.
SALINAS, Calif. —
More than 100 Salinas Valley Memorial Hospital nurses and supporters marched along East Romie Lane Thursday evening, chanting and holding signs, hoping to send a message.
"It is not OK that the staffing is as short as it is," said SVMH staff nurse Molly McCarty. "That the proposed take away of the charge nurse on every unit, on every floor, will only lead to poor patient outcomes."
VIDEO: Salinas Valley Memorial Hospital nurses march
More than a year has passed since the contract negotiations began between SVMH and the California Nurses Association. Charge nurses are the main change the nurses said they can't live without. But Salinas Valley Memorial Hospital board members said the nurse restructuring proposal is necessary.
"The sergeants are in charge of the floor, but we want to put captains in. Someone with a commissioned authority to make sure everything happens," said board member Chris Orman.
The hospital's proposed changes have been backed by the SVMH Medical Executive Committee. They've even taken out ads in the Monterey County Herald and Salinas Californian.
"We're quite convinced that the changes that are being made by the administration are really what's best for patient quality and the best care possible," said Vice Chief of Staff Orlando Rodriguez.
Since it's been more than a year since contract negotiations started, a mediator has stepped in to help. A fact-finding report is due out next week and will offer recommendations for both sides.
If SVMH and the nurses still cannot come to an agreement, both have plans in place for what comes next.
"We'll have the opportunity to take a look and maybe one last chance to come together, and if not, ultimately the last final best offer could be implemented," Orman said.
"We're going to do whatever it takes to keep our patients safe. And if it means strike, we are going to strike," Sarratt said.
The hospital and California Nurses Association will meet again Monday to continue negotiations. That will be the last time before the fact-finding report results come out on April 29.