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Reports have it that Elon Musk's electric vehicle and clean energy company – Tesla will "officially" launch the Model Pi phone sometime in the near future. Although it is not clear exactly when the company wishes to launch the Pi smartphones, but rumour has it that Pi smartphones by Tesla are in the works. According to news sources, each day in the month of September didn't pass without people ask search engines the question "Is Tesla releasing a phone?" Well the answer is yes, we will see Elon Musk's smartphone join the competition in the mobile device market sooner than you think.
Microsoft Launches New Model Of Surface Go 3 With LTE Connectivity
Samsung Confirms Exynos 2200 Launch Delay, New Smartphone Launch
Features of the mobile smartphone are described as enormous. Tesla's rumoured Pi Phone would be enabled with Starlink technology, implying that the phone would have capabilities that would make it perfectly functional anywhere on earth or even in Mars. The Tesla Company which so many would agree are known for futuristic ambitions and AI innovations will have satellite enabled smartphone that would work where traditional WiFi or 5G could not travel. This Tesla Model Pi is also rumoured to have four cameras, solar charging enabled and a skin that changes colour in a futuristic design.
The dream of accessing the internet no matter where you live on earth might soon become a reality using Pi smartphones. In 2015, SpaceX, the space company owned by technology billionaire Elon Musk, announced it was developing a service called Starlink. Ever since many have continued to ask what exactly is Starlink and what its stands for? Starlink technology is among the most important projects to Elon Musk, it has been deemed to be perfectly compatible with the next-generation smartphone. Now the most interesting part is that, once Starlink becomes fully operational, internet access will virtually be accessible from anywhere on the planet. As part of Elon Musk's effort to implementing Starlink, thousands of small satellites have been aimed to launch into low Earth orbit. This will be done in a bid to be able to transmit fast internet signals down to Earth.
Each satellite in the Starlink project has been reported will have a weight of about 573 pounds (260kg). The body of each satellite has been described to be flat, and up to 60 of them can comfortably fit into one of SpaceX's Falcon 9 rockets. Once put in orbit, a single large solar array is established to power the satellite. The central portion would include four powerful antennas with the responsibility to transmit internet. Each satellite relies on a set of lasers to connect with four others in the orbit. Finally, they have ion thrusters that use krypton gas. This allows them to stay in orbit longer, even at these lower distances from Earth.
According to a news source, Starlink satellites will stay in low orbit above the Earth, at about 350 miles. Although it has been revealed that is relatively short distance, SpaceX claims that the latency should be between 25ms and 35ms, fast enough to carry out most tasks on the internet. SpaceX has revealed that download speeds will be quick and at about 1Gbps, but the company is yet to confirm what upload speeds would be. According to tweets by the world billionaire, he has revealed that by the end of the year the Starlink internet service should be 'fully mobile.'
Report adds that the smart Pi phones would come with a brain-phone interface which would be designed by Neuralink – a neurotechnology company founded by Elon Musk and several others, known for developing implantable brain–machine interfaces which can be used as a connection between the human brain and technology. What this ultimately means is that people with paralysis can easily operate their phones and computer directly with their brain. This type of brain-phone interface and abilities are part of offerings which the smart Pi phones are rumoured to possess. For example, if you think while using the device I will enter YouTube, this device will do so instantly without your touch. The Musk controlled company is still in that stage of developing these ultra-high bandwidth brain-machine interfaces that could draw connections between humans and computers.
Another advance feature the Star-Link satellite enabled, Tesla Model Pi phone will have is the solar charging and a skin that changes colour to futuristic designs. The mobile device will possess a solar panel that can possibly charge up a phone in just about 30 minutes with the help of the sunlight. The unusual case cover also makes another interesting feature for the mobile device, reports say the device will be able to change color and designs with the words of mouth just like that. In addition to what's coming with the Model Pi smartphones is the ability to mine cryptocurrency. Users using this device will have the ability to mine cryptocurrencies supposedly called Mars Coin as the phone as reported will work as your crypto wallet.
Tesla is yet to release further details regarding the exact technical features the mobile gadget will possess. Technical features such as processor, screen size, RAM and battery capacity etc. However, we have learned that the Tesla model Pi will be a smartphone that will totally amaze people with its diverse functionalities and usher the next generations of smartphone. Due to its numerous features that are quite new to the market, the Model Pi smartphones have been reported will likely disrupt the mobile device market due to the very high desirability factor it will command. The device's high-speed connectivity anywhere in the world would be a very compelling gear to have it as it skips the need for terrestrial connection.
Another reasons is that it would be the first Satellite Phone available to the masses. No leading phone makers today has a satellite connectivity as a feature on its mobile device. We have heard satellite phone such as "Thuraya" and "Iridium" already available in the world, however, the Model Pi will debut as the first smart-satellite-phone compatible with Starlink and able to deliver high-speed internet even in the remotest part of the world, and which anyone can afford. The Smartphone is rumoured may be available at a starting price of $1200 USD.
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Boston Conservatory Class of 2019: Where Next?
Boston Conservatory is reinventing conservatory education, and its graduates are the proof. Here is a look at just a few of the diverse global adventures in store for the class of 2019.
PODCAST: For Alumna Ebony Williams, the Story is in the Movement
Dancer and choreographer Ebony Williams (B.F.A. '05, contemporary dance), noted for her work with Beyoncé, was a recipient of the 2019 Alumni Achievement Award. Listen as Williams discusses her path to a career in dance, and how she uses stories to inform her choreography.
Faculty Member Kurt Douglas Pays Homage to Dance Forebears in Limón Reconstruction
Each spring, the Boston Conservatory at Berklee Dance Division teams up with award-winning guest choreographers to stage world premieres and masterwork reconstructions in the school's annual spring dance concert, Limitless. This year, alongside five other works, Associate Professor of Dance Kurt Douglas shares a treasured piece of dance history with his students—a reconstruction of José Limón's A Choreographic Offering, originally performed by the Limón Dance Company in 1964.
PODCAST: 'Metallica Project' Answers Heavy Metal Hypotheticals
Bands ranging from Americana and jazz to Berklee's Balkan Choir and Indian Ensemble reimagined Metallica songs for Boston Conservatory at Berklee's Center Stage dance concert, Limitless, running April 11, 2019 through April 14, 2019.
Boston Conservatory at Berklee to Honor Sutton Foster, Leontyne Price at Commencement Ceremony
Boston Conservatory at Berklee Executive Director Cathy Young will present an honorary doctorate to Tony Award–winning actress, singer, and dancer Sutton Foster at Boston Conservatory's commencement ceremony on May 11. She will deliver commencement remarks for the Boston Conservatory at Berklee class of 2019 at the ceremony. Legendary American soprano Leontyne Price will be honored at the ceremony, where Dr. Laura Kafka-Price, a close relative, will accept an honorary doctorate on Price's behalf.
Boston Conservatory at Berklee Dancers Present Masterworks and World Premieres in 'Limitless'
Boston Conservatory at Berklee's 2018–2019 Center Stage programming concludes this April with the spring dance concert, Limitless. Performances will take place at Boston Conservatory Theater from Thursday, April 11 through Sunday, April 14.
Boston Conservatory Named a Best School for Aspiring Choreographers
Accolades are hardly new for Boston Conservatory at Berklee's B.F.A. contemporary dance program. Having already been named a top 10 program by Backstage and a top 25 program by OnStage, Boston Conservatory can claim yet another distinction as one of College Magazine's 2019 10 best colleges for aspiring choreographers.
Boston Conservatory Earns Several "Best of" Recognitions in 2018
From "Top 10" school rankings to "Best Performance" accolades, Boston Conservatory at Berklee is at the top of its game.
What a Conservatory Education Should Be: A Reflection by Cathy Young
Over the past 25 years, there has arguably been more change in the way we experience life than at any other time in history. Our art forms are not immune to these changes. In fact, technology has not only radically impacted how performances are disseminated and experienced by audiences, but it has also transformed the art forms themselves and the very ways art is created. How do we, as a performing arts conservatory, respond to this new world?
'Dance Magazine' Spotlights Boston Conservatory's Innovative Work on Inclusivity in the Classroom
Boston Conservatory at Berklee recently announced that select courses in its ballet curriculum will be renamed in support of an ongoing institutional effort to ensure inclusivity in the classroom. A bold first step in creating dialogue around gender constructs in traditional dance forms such as ballet, Executive Director Cathy Young sat down with Dance Magazine to talk about Boston Conservatory's focus on inclusivity and how its Dance Division curriculum—and the renaming of these courses—reflect this.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


This video workshop addresses critical topics in teaching reading for K-2 teachers. Boston University professor of education Jeanne Paratore moderates the eight sessions with practicing K-2 teachers, reviewing current research on reading instruction and drawing out how it can inform classroom practice. In this workshop, participating teachers can compare their experiences with the onscreen teachers and review the video clips of real reading classes as they discuss the challenges of developing the literacy skills of their diverse students. Using the video programs, Web site, and print guide, K-2 teachers and reading specialists will gain confidence to adopt new strategies and refine their current practices to meet the needs of all their students.
Produced by WGBH Educational Foundation. 2003.
A print-rich environment is essential to building emerging literacy skills. Just as important are literacy routines and classroom management. In this session, teachers will look at the big picture of building a learning community where reading and writing are the cornerstones of all learning and communication. Go to this unit.
This session explores how teachers can distinguish among and build upon the range of literacy skills English language learners bring to the classroom. Guest moderator Dr. Mileidis Gort explains how teachers can often address the needs of English language learners using the same instructional strategies and literacy routines used with general education students. Go to this unit.
This session examines the foundations of early literacy through a review of research-based principles for explicit and effective teaching of word study and fluency. Teachers will critique a word study lesson plan and compare approaches to teaching phonics. Go to this unit.
A solid foundation in reading comprehension is the key to success in all subjects throughout school as well as to the development of a lifelong love of reading. Teachers will review key comprehension skills and match them with explicit teaching strategies, learning how to help students build their own set of strategies to use on increasingly more difficult texts. Go to this unit.
Teaching writing is an important component in a comprehensive literacy program. In this session, teachers will discuss the stages of the writing process — planning, drafting, revising, and editing — and brainstorm ways to inspire their students' narrative writing. Go to this unit.
In this session, the effects of common classroom grouping practices on children's achievement in reading are discussed and scrutinized. Teachers will examine grouping practices in classroom video clips and discuss applications in their own practice. Go to this unit.
This session explores the types of assessment that lead to sound instructional decisions, showing the importance of taking multiple measures of student progress and embedding those assessments within daily instructional routines. Teachers will practice these ideas by creating an instructional plan based on the evaluation of a student's literacy portfolio. Go to this unit.
In this session, teachers will examine their beliefs on how parents contribute to students' literacy and their own roles in engaging parents as partners in student motivation and learning. They will discuss their own interactions with parents and explore ways they might build on existing practices. Go to this unit.


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The war in Afghanistan, world politics and the perspective for socialism
By Nick Beams
The following is the third and final part of a report delivered to a public meeting held in Sydney on May 12, 2002, organised by the Socialist Equality Party of Australia. Parts 1 and 2 were published on Wednesday May 22 and Thursday May 24 respectively.
The perspective of socialism
Our brief historical review has brought us to the following point: the great issues that confronted the international working class movement at the beginning of last century have returned, but at a higher level. To ensure the survival of civilisation itself, the working class must free the productive forces, which it has created, from the grip of the profit system, and open the way for the higher development of the whole of humanity.
The issue remains, as Rosa Luxemburg put it at the outbreak of World War I: either socialism is established on a global scale, with the world's productive forces democratically controlled by the producers themselves, or there will be a relapse into the most terrible forms of barbarism, of which we have seen, in the recent period, only the beginning. There is no third alternative.
The burning political issue at the beginning of the 21st century is how to organise this struggle. We can identify two great pillars upon which it must be based: first, the program of internationalism, based on the recognition of the historical bankruptcy of the nation-state system; second, the political independence of the working class, the world's producers, based on the recognition that it is only this social class which, by its very role in the capitalist economy, can construct a new and higher social system.
To illustrate and elaborate what these principles entail, I would like to refer to two decisive political experiences—the recent conflict in the Middle East and the presidential election crisis in France.
In the Middle East, one could say, brought together, as if in a tangled knot, are all the unresolved problems of the 20th century. Mr Mallaby, whom I quoted earlier, held up the system of mandates instituted following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire as his model for the "new imperialism". A rather unfortunate example, one would have thought, given that all the Middle East states, including Israel, are, in one way or another, a product of that system.
The founding of the state of Israel—the culmination of the Zionist project—is intrinsically linked to the history of the international workers movement. The rise of capitalism at the end of the 19th century brought with it the growth of modern anti-Semitism—the reaction of layers of the petty-bourgeoisie and peasantry to the capitalist transformation of the economy that was undermining the old societies. But this did not, of itself, bring the formation of Zionism—the movement claiming that the only solution to Jewish oppression was to establish a separate Jewish state.
Rather, the development of Zionism was a class response by sections of the Jewish bourgeoisie, and, above all, the petty bourgeoisie, to the development of the socialist movement among Jewish workers and intellectuals. The latter saw that the emancipation of the Jews was intrinsically bound up with the emancipation of humanity as a whole, through a socialist revolution carried out by the international working class. While Zionism attempted to give itself a socialist colouration, its differences with socialism were of a fundamental character. For the Zionist, anti-Semitism was a permanent condition, arising from human nature. This meant the only possible solution was the separation of Jews from Gentiles.
The socialists, however, understood that anti-Semitism was a product of the historical evolution of society, which could only be overcome through its further development. For a whole period, Zionism was a relatively isolated right-wing movement. It took the historic defeat of the working class in Germany, followed by the nightmare of fascism and the Holocaust—the destruction of European Jewry—for Zionism to acquire a mass following.
In an atmosphere of despair, Jews turned to the Zionist project in the aftermath of World War II, backing the drive to establish their own state. They believed it would uphold the principles of democracy and social equality. But the project was doomed from the very outset. It was an attempt to found a new state under conditions where the nation-state had already exhausted its progressive character. At the end of the 18th century, the formation of national states had been associated with the development of political and social equality. But in the 19th, the program of nationalism increasingly took on a reactionary character—associated no longer with progressive political ideals, but with race and ethnicity, based on exclusion rather than inclusion.
Today, the Zionist state's democratic pretensions are belied by its origins in the expulsion of the Palestinian population. Moreover, as a religious state, it is torn by an irreconcilable contradiction. One of the key issues on which attempts to finalise a peace agreement have foundered has been the "right of return". The Israeli state accepts as citizens Jews from all over the world. They have the right of return, even though they have never lived there. However Palestinians, who did live there, are not allowed back. There is a fear that if Palestinians do return they will outnumber the Jewish population. Democracy is incompatible with the religious foundations of the state.
Now, as they prepare attacks on Palestinian refugee camps and towns, Zionist military leaders, in a tragic historical irony, have openly discussed the need to study the methods used by the Nazis in the Warsaw ghetto. The Likud Party has decided it will never accept the establishment of a Palestinian state on the West Bank. The Palestinians must be driven out altogether.
Writing more than 40 years ago, the socialist historian and political writer Isaac Deutscher summed up what he saw as the crux of the Jewish tragedy and its paradoxical consummation in the embrace by the Jews of the nation-state.
"It is paradoxical," he wrote, "because we live in an age when the nation-state is fast becoming an archaism—not only the nation-state of Israel, but the nation-states of Russia, the United States, Great Britain, France, Germany and others. They are all anachronisms. Do you not see it yet? Do you not see that when atomic energy daily reduces the globe in size, when man starts out on his own interplanetary journey, when a sputnik flies over the territory of a great nation-state in a minute or in seconds, that at such a time technology renders the nation-state as ridiculous and outlived as medieval little princedoms were in the age of the steam engine?"
Four decades on, in the era of globalised production and communications, his analysis has even more force.
The decay of bourgeois Europe pushed the Jews into the embrace of the nation state. But, as Deutscher explained: "They did not benefit from the advantages of the nation-state when it was a medium of mankind's advance and a great revolutionary and unifying factory in history. They have taken possession of it only after it had become a factor of disunity and social disintegration."
The same issues emerge in regard to the Palestinians. At the conclusion of World War II, the prospect was held out to the peoples in the former imperialist colonies that they could advance through the medium of the nation-state. This has turned out to be a cruel joke. Everywhere, we see the decay of the post-colonial project of nation building.
Herein lies the heart of the issues confronting the Palestinians and the Arab masses. The perspective of the PLO was based on the belief that the Palestinians could establish their own nation-state. Now Arafat begs and cringes for favours from the imperialist powers—from the EU or the United States. The whole historical experience of the past 50 years in the Middle East has demonstrated one lesson: the emancipation of the Jewish people, the Palestinians and the Arab masses as a whole cannot be achieved on the foundation of the nation state, carved out of one or another corner of the world, but only through the perspective of international socialism, which understands that human emancipation must encompass the entire globe.
There are decisive global lessons here, as we witness capitalist politicians of all stripes rallying to the call of neo-fascists that immigrants and refugees be excluded in the defence of "our borders". In Australia, that bloodless bureaucrat, the Immigration Minister Philip Ruddock, brings to mind Hannah Arendt's famous phrase about the "banality of evil" as he explains how the Howard government's policy of mandatory detention of refugees has prevented the emergence of a Le Pen type movement. Such wisdom! To prevent the emergence of a right-wing neo-fascist movement, he tells us, one must carry out its policies.
But those who rightly react in horror at the policies of the Australian government must think through the issue to the end. Like the barbarism of Sharon, the brutality of Howard and Ruddock, supported to the hilt by the Labor Party, flows from a definite program—the defence of the nation-state and its borders and barriers. One must either accept the framework of the nation-state, and the horrors that flow from its defence, or strive for a new global framework for the development of humanity.
At every point in history, the socialist internationalists have always been opposed by the proponents of practical politics, who insist that programs and perspectives must be grounded in the existing reality of the nation-state. But, as Hegel put it, that reality has become irrational, it conflicts with the logic of economic and social development. Consequently, the practical politicians and their realistic programs can create nothing but a disaster. That, above all, is the lesson of the Middle East.
Political crisis in France
I would like to make a few comments, in conclusion, about the presidential election crisis in France and the policy advanced by the WSWS and the International Committee. For, in this experience, we have demonstrated in practice what is meant by the struggle for the political independence of the working class.
The first point is that the crisis in France was a particularly acute expression of what is becoming a global phenomenon—the decay and disintegration of the framework of official bourgeois politics. In 2000, the most boring US presidential election on record erupted in a major political crisis when it was hi-jacked by the Republican party, whose actions were given the rubber-stamp by the US Supreme Court as it awarded the election to Bush. Then, last year, we had the peculiar Australian election, where the ruling party put forward no policies but manufactured a crisis over so-called boat people, spending hundreds of millions of dollars to bring in the Navy, and issuing false reports and photographs to the media. Now the Dutch elections have been thrown into turmoil by a political assassination.
France was generally regarded to be heading for a presidential run-off between the right-wing Gaullist candidate Chirac and the Socialist Party prime minister Lionel Jospin. But the crisis and decay of the old order—the alienation of millions of people from the entire apparatus—expressed itself in the shock result of April 21, when Jospin failed to make the second round, running third behind Chirac and Le Pen, the candidate of the right-wing anti-immigrant and neo-fascist National Front.
Such was the collapse in support for the official parties of the bourgeois state that the run-off was conducted between Chirac, with some 19 per cent of the vote, and le Pen, with 17 per cent. In other words some 60 per cent of the electorate was effectively disenfranchised, left with a choice between the representative of corrupt bourgeois reaction in the shape of Chirac and right-wing anti-immigrant and neo-fascist demagoguery in the shape of Le Pen. But there was another significant factor. Some 10 per cent of the electorate, more than 3 million voters, cast their ballots for parties that claimed, in some sense, to be Trotskyist—the Lutte Ouvrière, the LCR and the PT.
Above all, the concern of the French political establishment was not so much with the emergence of Le Pen, but with the collapse of support for the official apparatus. As one commentator put it: "It is necessary to avoid a situation where the youth have to choose between Le Pen ... and Trotsky, who inspired so many of the candidates." Another lamented the emergence of "three Trotskyist parties in France at the beginning of the twenty-first century" and deplored the growth of a "Bolshevik and Trotskyist far left."
The value of every political crisis is that it reveals the real situation and serves to clarify the differences between political tendencies. The great issue in the second round of the election was how to advance the independent interests of the working class, under conditions of a deepening crisis of the bourgeois state, reflected in the loss of legitimacy of the parties that had formed its central props throughout the post-war period, and where a significant section of the population, comprising some three million voters, had made a sharp move to the left.
The International Committee advanced a clear tactic. We proposed a boycott of the election. That is to say, not a passive abstention from the poll, but an active boycott by the working class. The workers' movement could not give any legitimacy to Chirac on the basis that it was necessary to ensure the electoral defeat of Le Pen. Rather than supporting the decaying Fifth Republic, the only way of advancing the struggle against whatever regime came to power after the election, was the mobilisation of the working class on an independent basis. The Stalinist Communist Party, the Socialist Party and the Greens lined up with the bourgeois establishment to call for a vote for Chirac.
But they were not the only factor in the situation. Accordingly, we issued an open letter to the three so-called Trotskyist parties, calling on them to take up this policy. I urge that all of you here take the time to closely study our analysis of the election and our correspondence with the members of Lutte Ouvrière. This material constitutes a living handbook of the centrality of the struggle against all forms of opportunism in the development of the independent movement of the working class.
Many people, when approaching socialist politics and confronted with a range of parties and organisations, often ask: but why don't you combine? Surely, the historical issues that have led to your separate development are not so significant. The experiences of the French election, like so many others before it, have demonstrated that they are, in fact, the most decisive issues of all.
When we characterise these tendencies as centrist and opportunist, this is not some kind of epithet or swear word. It is, above all, a class characterisation, as can be seen from the record of the three "Trotskyist" parties.
The Parti des Travailleurs, whose candidate received 130,000 votes in the first round, completely abandoned any political responsibility. It issued no statements on its web site after April 20 and its paper virtually disappeared from view. Then, on the eve of the election, its candidate declared: "Workers and youth are now entering an incontestably difficult period. But we trust in their ability, on their own part, by means of their own mobilisation, to find all the means which permit them to find solutions." In another words, the PT refused to take any responsibility.
The LCR called for a vote for Chirac. Its candidate declared "We suggest all voters wash their hands on Sunday evening [that is, after voting for Chirac], and organise a third social round, by going into the streets in substantial numbers." Another leading member of the party declared: "On Sunday, we chase out Le Pen, and starting on Monday, we chase out Chirac."
Lutte Ouvrière spent the two weeks between the two rounds in a series of manoeuvres. Initially the candidate Arlette Laguiller made a statement that one could not combat Le Pen by voting for Chirac. This was interpreted as favoring an abstention and brought a furious reaction from the Stalinists, who equated the party with the fascists. Then a statement was issued the following day in which Laguiller insisted that she did not call for abstention in the second round. But she declined to give a concrete recommendation as to what should be done. The final statement issued by the party called for a blank paper in the ballot box. In other words, its attitude to the election was not a matter for the working class, developing its own independent attitude, but was really a private affair, decided in the privacy of the polling booth.
The only organisation that called on the working class to undertake an independent policy towards the election through the organisation of an active boycott was the International Committee of the Fourth International and the WSWS.
The lessons of the French elections must form part of an important discussion in the coming period. Firstly, the crisis itself revealed what has become a universal process: the decay and disintegration of the official parties and organisations. But this has brought to the surface a deep-going problem in the development of the working class that must be overcome. The decades-long domination of the workers' movement by the social democratic, Stalinist and trade union bureaucracies has led to a decline in political consciousness. That is the significance of the emergence of Le Pen. It is not so much that Le Pen heads a mass fascist movement—he does not. Rather, his emergence is the result of the long period in which an independent socialist movement of the working class has been absent from the political scene. Under those conditions, the anger, frustration and alienation of vast sections of the population can find no progressive outlet. It can even start to develop in a right-wing direction.
The key to the situation is the political re-education and rearming of the international workers' movement. There will be no shortages of opportunities. But the task must be tackled through the construction of a genuine socialist and international party. This is the task to which the ICFI and the WSWS is directed. We urge you to give it the most serious consideration: to undertake a study of our program and history and participate in the building of the party of world socialism.


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The Punisher #25, The Slavers, Part 1 (of 6)
From the first page, The Slavers is different. And not just because penciller Leandro Fernandez, inker Scott Koblish, and colorist Dan Brown turn in a splash page out of Sin City. No Frank, but a woman with a gun in the rain, screaming as she fires. Frank's narration—which is going to be near omnipresent in the issue, so everything is very pulpy—accompanies her. She's shooting at Frank's target, a drug guy. The narration is past tense, set a year in the future. Again, all very pulpy (down to when writer Garth Ennis stumbles in a first person, past tense pitfall). The narration mixes exposition about the target and Frank's arsenal. We're getting the thought process as he goes down from his rooftop perch to save the woman, surprised to find himself sympathetic to her.
All it takes is her mentioning a dead baby for Frank to decide to play "white knight," which he later remarks on. There are story ties between Ennis's Punisher MAX arcs—we find out from another character this arc takes place about a month after the previous one, depending on how long after death birds go for eyes—but Ennis doesn't talk about the character development or how he's changing up the narrative distance. This Frank is a lot more… human than he was in the first arc of the series.
So it's a shame Fernandez and Koblish manage to draw everyone fine except Frank. No more fifty-something Frank, just generic unwashed hair, steely-eyed Frank. It's unclear if Fernandez doesn't understand the way to draw the comic or if he just can't do it. Because Koblish's inks help with a lot. They help with the entire supporting cast here. Even on the woman Frank saves—there are these pages where the art's fine in half the panel, but then there's the weird, shadowy handling of Frank. It's too bad, but thank goodness Ennis is upping the narration to distract from the art.
It's not all Frank and the woman, Viorica, though. Ennis introduces a fairly big supporting cast (six characters). There are the two bickering (but about serious things) beat cops who happen across Frank's impromptu rescue; he disarms them, which leads to a dirty cop (beholden to two of the villains we also meet this issue) scheming with the beat cops' captain to use the incident to declare war on the Punisher.
Frank, meanwhile, is just finding out Viorica's story. Ennis hints at it on the last page, in Frank's narration—playing with the one year lead time and the past tense rather effectively—and ends the page on one hell of a dark, affecting mood. Because if it's enough to affect Frank… it's got to be something real bad. Especially if it's bad enough Frank's going to narrate about it.
It's a very strong issue. Even with Fernandez screwing it up. One page almost looks like Paul Gulacy came in to do the heads—no M. Hands credit though—and you wish he had done all of it….
Garth Ennis, Leandro Fernandez, Marvel Comics, MAX, Scott Koblish, The Punisher, The Slavers
The Seeker (2019)
Latest Garth Ennis Punisher
The Punisher Presents Barracuda (2007)
The Punisher (2004) #49, Widowmaker, Part 7 (of 7)
The Stringbags (2020)


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Home » Black Bottom Saints: A Novel (Hardcover)
Black Bottom Saints: A Novel (Hardcover)
By Alice Randall
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An enthralling literary tour-de-force that pays tribute to Detroit's legendary neighborhood, a mecca for jazz, sports, and politics, Black Bottom Saints is a powerful blend of fact and imagination reminiscent of E.L. Doctorow's classic novel Ragtime and Marlon James' Man Booker Award-winning masterpiece, A Brief History of Seven Killings.
From the Great Depression through the post-World War II years, Joseph "Ziggy" Johnson, has been the pulse of Detroit's famous Black Bottom. A celebrated gossip columnist for the city's African-American newspaper, the Michigan Chronicle, he is also the emcee of one of the hottest night clubs, where he's rubbed elbows with the legendary black artists of the era, including Ethel Waters, Billy Eckstein, and Count Basie. Ziggy is also the founder and dean of the Ziggy Johnson School of Theater. But now the doyen of Black Bottom is ready to hang up his many dapper hats.
As he lays dying in the black-owned-and-operated Kirkwood Hospital, Ziggy reflects on his life, the community that was the center of his world, and the remarkable people who helped shape it.
Inspired by the Catholic Saints Day Books, Ziggy curates his own list of Black Bottom's venerable "52 Saints." Among them are a vulnerable Dinah Washington, a defiant Joe Louis, and a raucous Bricktop. Randall balances the stories of these larger-than-life "Saints" with local heroes who became household names, enthralling men and women whose unstoppable ambition, love of style, and faith in community made this black Midwestern neighborhood the rival of New York City's Harlem.
Accompanying these "tributes" are thoughtfully paired cocktails—special drinks that capture the essence of each of Ziggy's saints—libations as strong and satisfying as Alice Randall's wholly original view of a place and time unlike any other.
Alice Randall is the Harvard-educated author of novels, including The Wind Done Gone, Pushkin and the Queen of Spades, Rebel Yell, and Ada's Rules. An award-winning songwriter, she co-wrote the #1 hit XXX's and OOO's which celebrates Aretha Franklin. With her daughter, Caroline Randall Williams, she co-authored the acclaimed cookbook Soul Food Love which won the NAACP Image award and the young adult novel The Diary of B. B. Bright, Possible Princess, which received the Phillis Wheatley Award. A Professor and Writer-in-Residence at Vanderbilt University, Randall teaches courses on soul food, African-American children's literature, and African-American film. A native of Detroit, she lives in Nashville, Tennessee.
"Lively, engaging, and often wise."
— New York Times Book Review
"Alice Randall's magical Black Bottom Saints evokes Detroit's legendary Black Bottom, one of America's most influential, artful Black communities. Her "Caramel Camelot" comes alive in the voice of Ziggy Johnson, whose School of the Theater extravaganzas were actually "citizenship schools" of self discovery, performance and celebration for Black girls. Ziggy's decades of who's who and what's what weekly columns for the Michigan Chronicle document the "Saints" whose lives and talents created "fifty-two paths from trauma to transcendence." Effervescent, tragic, proud, and immensely compelling, Black Bottom Saints is a must-read-now triumph."
— Jayne Anne Phillips, National Book Award/NBCC Finalist, author of Black Tickets, Machine Dreams, Shelter, Lark and Termite & Quiet Dell
"Black Bottom Saints is easily the most inventive and musical novel I've read in a decade. Alice Randall has rewritten and re-energized the rules of the American novel!"
— Kiese Laymon, author of Long Division and Heavy, Professor of English and Creative Writing, University of Mississippi
"Alice Randall's Black Bottom Saints arrives at a critical moment in our nation's history, and it's exactly the right book for our times—an entertaining and necessary act of hagiography and a singular hybrid of fiction, biography and history. I wish I could have seen Black Bottom in its heyday—and thrown back a cocktail with Ziggy Johnson--but reading Randall's latest novel makes me feel that, actually, I have."
— Jay McInerney, author of Bright Lights, Big City and The Good Life
"Alice Randall has done it again! Black Bottom Saints sneaks up on you--telling you the rich story of Black Michigan and Black Detroit in a way that has never been told before. Detroit is not just Motown. Detroit is a stronghold of black America and black culture. This book tells the story. The characters, so rich, the story so strong, so complex. This book is instantly an American classic. Randall is at the top of her form."
— Randall Kenan, author of A Visitation of Spirits, Professor of English and Comparative Literature, University of North Carolina
"Black Bottom Saints is a tour-de-force; a toast to a mystical, gritty place; a tableau of Black arts and culture centering on Detroit City. Within these finely crafted and luminous pages that readers will never want to leave, Randall has resurrected a lost glitter world. Here, Detroit's original and best Black neighborhood, with its brilliant, yearning, brave, maddening, and ultimately mortal residents, bursts to colorful life in a flash of incomparable style. This is a ritual calling forth of the blazing spirits of bygone breadwinners, reminding Detroiters, and all Black Americans, that 'Once upon a time, we did it.'"
— Tiya Miles, author of The Dawn of Detroit and Professor of History, Harvard University
Publisher: Amistad
Publication Date: August 18th, 2020
Fiction / Cultural Heritage
Fiction / African American / Historical
Library Binding, Large Print (March 10th, 2021): $37.19
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text:
The Race for What's Left: The Global Scramble for the World's Last Resources
Metropolitan Books
Maria Stadtmueller
". . . a compelling, even frightening book . . ."
Back when the theory of evolution was new and Western societies were reeling from the implications, Thomas Henry Huxley actively championed Darwin's new view of human origins. Asked why he prevailed in this distressing practice, he said, "We must know what is true so we may do what is right."
Michael T. Klare's latest book is a clear, measured, exhaustively researched declaration of what is true: The Industrial Age is at the critical point where the materials it requires are declining, the number of people demanding those materials is increasing, and both corporations and nations are preparing to go to extremes to source them, with frightening consequences. (As for doing what is right, more about that later.)
The Race for What's Left: The Global Scramble for the World's Last Resources delivers the breadth readers have come to expect of this veteran analyst of the global friction produced when growth-obsessed economies meet finite natural systems.
Dr. Klare, who is defense correspondent for The Nation and director of the Five College Program in Peace and World Security Studies at Hampshire College in Amherst, begins in the Arctic with a Russian submersible planting a titanium flag on the ocean floor—one of several questionable claims by nations with Arctic borders for the mineral riches that lie beneath the ever-more navigable pole.
By the end of the book he has taken the reader on a tour of industrial economies' contortions to secure critical—and finite—resources: deep offshore oil and gas (with sharp insights on the Gulf's Deepwater Horizon disaster); tar sands and "unconventionals," including overhyped shale gas from hypertoxic fracking; new extremes in mineral and rare earth element extraction (without which our techno world goes Amish); and agricultural land, now being snapped up by countries whose soils are less fertile than their populations.
Dr. Klare clearly states the pattern: ". . . the logic of depletion is unyielding. Every fresh advance in mining and drilling techniques leads to the exploitation of hard-to reach reserves, until those deposits, too are exhausted—and then the cycle of exploration and production begins anew in even more demanding circumstances."
Those circumstances, as he details throughout this compelling book, include not only financial costs and technical demands, but the consequences of wholesale ecosystem destruction, human rights violations, and armed conflict.
These limits have not affected "developing" economies' plans for growth but have instead packed the field with ever more aggressive players. For example, China and its companies are everywhere in this book, offering loans for favorable extraction deals in such diverse countries as Guinea (iron ore, bauxite); Niger (uranium) Afghanistan (untapped reserves of copper, iron ore, and rare earth elements), and Brazil (oil trapped under 1.5 miles of water and 2.5 miles of rock, salt, and sand).
Dr. Klare doesn't limit his examination to the declining feedstocks of fossil-fueled, climate-changing industries; many of the "green technologies" that could take their place use rare earth elements and critical minerals that are in short supply.
Electric and hybrid cars use lithium batteries; solar photovoltaic panels depend on gallium and iridium. Many of these substances are expensive and toxic to refine and are extremely vulnerable to supply chain disruption from countries holding major deposits—China and Afghanistan are two. Alternatives, Dr. Klare warns, have not yet been developed.
Unfortunately, like so many reports of resource and economic contraction, Dr. Klare treats global population growth as a problematic given, and instead of warning about this root of the "what's left" problem, starts the discussion with how nations can find enough stuff to supply more people with what they need and want.
A poignant case in point highlights the moral issues: Saudi Arabia, like many wealthier nations, is snapping up other countries' farmland to feed its own growing population (hello—you live in a desert . . .). Jets fly in fresh produce from Saudi-owned greenhouses and farms in Ethiopia while local people suffer malnutrition.
Dr. Klare advises a "race to adapt" to more efficient technologies with lower environmental and geopolitical impact.
"Eventually, continuing with current industrial practices will simply prove impossible. And precisely because implementing a whole new industrial order will be a lengthy task, any substantial delay in beginning that work will prove costly, as resources keep dwindling and prices continue to rise."
Whoever (nations, corporations) adapts quickly and well will benefit while others grind to a halt, he warns. Unfortunately, he is vague about what these adaptations look like, beyond mentioning "new technologies" and "efficiency."
Efficiency, by all means; but one hopes Dr. Klare is not one of those expecting an as-yet-unnamed techno-fix to our contraction problems (especially since he's explained how many current "green" technologies rely on rare earth elements and critical minerals).
If, however, he is using "technology" broadly—as in soil-building keyline plows and passive solar design—as part of his "new industrial order" –he'd pass Nobel physicist and polymath Richard Feynman's test: "For a successful technology, reality must take precedence over public relations, for nature cannot be fooled."
Even if Dr. Klare doesn't mark a clear course for the "race to adapt," The Race for What's Left is a compelling, even frightening book that deserves a wide and varied readership.
Maria Theresa Stadtmueller received an MFA from The University of Iowa Nonfiction Writing Program. She also participated in the Bread Loaf Writers' Conference. She's been a stand-up comic in New York, an environmental marketing writer in Seattle, and a chamber music impresaria in San Francisco.


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Seabrooke, L. (2012). Global Finance. In R. Devetak, A. Burke, & J. George (Eds.), An Introduction to International Relations (2. ed., pp. 360-371). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Seabrooke, L 2012, Global Finance. in R Devetak, A Burke & J George (eds), An Introduction to International Relations. 2. edn, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 360-371.
Global Finance. / Seabrooke, Leonard.
An Introduction to International Relations. ed. / Richard Devetak; Anthony Burke; Jim George. 2.ed. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2012. p. 360-371.
Seabrooke L. Global Finance. In Devetak R, Burke A, George J, editors, An Introduction to International Relations. 2. ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2012. p. 360-371.


NOYA by Riki Dalal is pleased to announce the debut of her "Shakespeare Collection" inspired by the writer's most powerful female characters.
With the strong and influential women of Shakespeare as Dalal's muse, she conceptualized each gown from her sketch to be worn by brides seeking to stand out and highlight their individuality.
The entire collection enables brides to combine romance with a bit of an edge. Shimmering tulles, luxurious laces, and stunning embellishments are used to spotlight the bride and certainly captivate a room. In keeping with classic Dalal style, her gowns uphold an elegant effortlessness with a modern twist.
The artful use of detailed laces and varying fabrics combined with extraordinary craftsmanship, attention to detail and modern cuts, have enabled Dalal to become distinguished by her stylistic inventiveness and fashion-forward thinking. Although each gown is fresh and contemporary, all of the styles have reminiscent qualities of the romantic impressions within Shakespeare's greatest works.
Riki said: "I wanted to make the Shakespeare Collection as sophisticated and luxurious as possible so brides could feel their absolute best." Dalal wants every woman to feel powerful and glamorous and to be able to feel as if there is no limit to her happiness for a memory as special as her wedding day.


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