Abstract : In spite of the unprecedented amount of literature that has been produced on the events of May 1968 in France during the last forty or so years, many questions still remain. Whether one considers the events themselves, their consequences, interpretations or explanations, it is quite difficult, if not impossible, to find real consensus. This article will detail how, whilst agreement has been reached on many important areas, others remain open to debate and interpretation. It suggests that this lack of consensus amongst experts has affected the way the events are perceived today. It will be concluded that these lingering question marks have been a contributing factor in the continued debate surrounding 1968 as well as having been influential in the emergence of what Kristin Ross has defined as the 'official history' of May 68.
Résumé : Malgré la pléthore du matériel consacrée à l'analyse des événements de mai 68 en France, il reste – presque quarante ans plus tard – un grand débat sur plusieurs thèmes. Que ce soit les événements eux-mêmes, les conséquences, ou l'héritage, il est difficile, voire impossible, de trouver un consensus. Bien que les analystes soient d'accord sur la plupart des grandes lignes, d'autres questions importantes n'ont pas été vraiment résolues. Cet article suggérera que le manque de consensus parmi les experts a influencé la façon dans laquelle la crise de 68 est perçue aujourd'hui. Dans la conclusion le débat continuel sur mai 68 sera attribué à ce manque de consensus, qui est aussi responsable de l'émergence de ce que Kristin Ross a décrit comme 'l'histoire officielle' de mai 68.
The 40th anniversary of 1968 confirms the tradition of decennial commemorations whose contribution has been crucial in the vast coverage of the 'events'. However, and as Kristin Ross has argued, "C'est l'énorme littérature sur le sujet - et non son occultation - qui, paradoxalement, a favorisé l'oubli des événements en France."1 Whether one considers the upheaval, its consequences, interpretations or explanations, it is quite difficult, if not impossible, to find real consensus.2 As the years have gone by, opinions, influenced by ideas and portrayals that have become accepted or taken for granted, have developed and evolved. Ross observes : "Mai 68 a connu des fortunes diverses au cours des trente dernières années, ayant été tour à tour enterré, passé au crible, trivialisé ou encore présenté comme une monstruosité. [...] Un discours a été produit, certes, mais avec pour conséquence de liquider (pour reprendre une formule de l'époque), d'effacer ou, au mieux, de brouiller l'histoire de Mai 68."3 A certain mystery, therefore, continues to surround this much discussed 'May 68'.
This article will assess the reasons why, despite such unprecedented focus, periodic analysis and reassessment, '68 remains the subject of intense debate and to a certain extent can be termed as indefinable. It will be argued that this is due to the absence of agreement amongst analysts and commentators concerning several important aspects. However, first of all let us begin with an assessment of consensus areas that have been pivotal in shaping how 1968 is perceived today and have ensured the emergence of what Isabelle Sommier describes as an 'official history'. The absence of consent over certain facets, the continued debate and the enduring vague nature of the crisis has facilitated the dominance of this narrow representation. Its increasing prevalence, it will be argued, has been aided by those questions that are no longer the focus of any real discussion.
With the benefit of hindsight much consensus centres on the political, economic, social and international climate prior to May 1968 with the result that it is now possible to pinpoint the circumstances that came together to produce such an seminal set of events. However, this approach has helped mould the characteristics of the limited representation that prevails today. Such conclusions can equally be drawn from how the events themselves are analysed and recounted.
It is generally agreed that the events took place in three specific phases.17 Phase one, which has become known as the 'student crisis', runs from 3 to 13 May. It includes the period beginning with the police intervention in the courtyard of the Sorbonne on 3 May, the escalating violence and rise in support for the student movement culminating in the infamous 'Night of the Barricades' on 10 May. It was as a result of this night of terrible violence and extreme police brutality that the one-day strike (supported by all the unions) and the massive demonstration of the 13th were organized.18 The second phase, between 14-27 May, is known as the 'workers' crisis'. Throughout this stage, the one-day stoppage expanded to an all-out general strike in which France was brought to a complete standstill. It is characterised by the different attitudes of the two major unions, the CFDT (Confédération française démocratique du travail) and the CGT (Confédération générale du travail), and the inability of the communist-controlled union to stop the spreading of the strikes. The powerlessness of Pompidou and de Gaulle in dealing with the situation and the eventual rejection of the Grenelle agreements on 27 May gave the impression, briefly, that the state had exhausted all possible avenues to a resolution.19 The events then moved into their shortest, yet most critical, phase. The political crisis, from 27-30 May, saw France on the brink of an overthrow of the Gaullist regime. This chapter is distinguished by the President's mysterious trip to Baden-Baden, the failure of the Left to find common ground, the General's eventual return, his defiant address to the nation and the subsequent massive demonstration in support of him. It is widely recognised that the rise of the 'silent majority' on 30 May in support of de Gaulle brought the curtain down on the events of 1968.
Charting the amplification of the 1968 revolt using these three phases allows for an appreciation of the manner with which the upheaval spread so quickly across so many sectors of French society. However, by dividing the events into three separate crises, it is possible to glean the impression that there was no real convergence of participants and their ideas. The pre-eminent portrayal suggests that there was virtually no contact between workers, students and politicians. This notion has aided the concretisation of the belief that the student 'movement', incapable of providing a viable political alternative, was hijacked by a working-class movement that was only really ever interested in material gains. The possibility of the 1968 revolt posing any significant threat to the political status quo of the time is consequently undermined. The effects of this quite rigid, chronological overview are not restricted to undermining any possible interaction between the diverse participants. Limitations can also be perceived through the virtual absence of coverage of what took place in June 1968. As mentioned earlier, the majority of analyses regard the General's speech on 30 May as spelling the end of the crisis. What happened in the weeks that followed is little analysed. With such minimal coverage one could be forgiven for believing that what occurred in June was of no significance. This, of course, is not the case. The events leading up to the general election at the end of June could be considered as less exciting or romantic than what happened during May. However, this period was not without notable incident. After all, it was during June that '68 saw its first fatalities. The police cranked up the violence to bring the strike to an end and to ensure the smooth running of the election campaign. The Sorbonne, Théâtre de l'Odéon and other occupied buildings were cleared of demonstrators.20 It was then that the government implemented some of the most oppressive measures.21 Many left-wing groups were outlawed,22 the sale of their newspapers was forbidden, demonstrations were banned, and the government benefited from the help of groups like the CDR (Compagnies de défense de la République) and the SAC (Service d'action civique) to guarantee that there would no longer be any chance of the movement starting up again.23 Yet, as Capdeveille and Mouriaux point out : "Rares sont ceux qui parlent des événements de mai-juin 1968."24 One canonly speculate as to why this has become the case. It is arguably easier for all concerned to focus on the spectacular, romantic and positive elements of May as opposed to the more negative June 1968. In the light of the heightened degree of violence, the deaths and the realisation that the revolt was coming to an end, it is of no real surprise that June is increasingly absent from the focus of the 'May 1968 industry'.25 Whether calculated or not, the elimination of June 1968 does little to provide a complete picture of the events. The simple fact that what happened in this spring of 1968 is all too often described as the events of 'May 68' and not often enough the events of 'May-June 1968' only serves to underline the scant importance attached to a vital period of the overall crisis.
Analysts appear to concur as to the structure of how the events should be presented. However, as with the causes, the increasing dominance of a certain method to analyzing the crisis has arguably facilitated the emanation of a stereotypical image of it that has progressively minimised its seriousness and significance. Such a reductionist consequence is equally apparent when considering the level of consensus surrounding the role of some of the major protagonists.
It is commonly acknowledged that the policy of the French Communist Party and its trade union, over which it had supreme control, was fundamental to how the events unfolded. Much is made of the paradoxical attitude of the PCF. In name at least a revolutionary party, it is held up as one of the major reasons for the failure of the '68 crisis to become a revolution. From the outset, the PCF is portrayed as strongly opposed to the movement. This initial attitude is often summed up by an article in L'Humanité on 3 May 1968 by the future leader of the PCF, Georges Marchais, in which he attempted to differentiate his party from what it considered as irresponsible left-wing elements with which the working-class was advised not to become involved. When the events moved into the second phase, the PCF realised that they would not be able to stop the spread of the general strike. However, students were kept at a distance and the strike's aims were limited to purely material demands. The PCF/CGT did not wish to undermine an opportunity for such significant gains through fraternisation with elements beyond their control.26 It was not until 28 May that the PCF turned its attention, only very briefly, to the possibility of overturning the Gaullist regime.27 However, even then it was only half-hearted and they were partly responsible for the failure of the Left to provide a united front in a possible provisional government. The fact that when, on 30 May, de Gaulle proposed a General Election, the PCF was one of the first to accept the offer, thus ending any hope of a revolution, is often pinpointed to emphasise the PCF's desire to see a maintenance of the status quo.
The fact that the PCF was to prove one of the most formidable obstacles to a revolution in 1968 is no longer in question. However, the fact that so much attention is focused on pitting the communists against the students only serves to further strengthen the circumscribed image of the revolt. Excessive emphasis on the role of the PCF/CGT in rendering a revolutionary outcome of the crisis impossible anchors the impression that the majority of the 'movement' was made up of exclusively extreme left-wing elements intent on wreaking havoc with their utopian political agendas. As the years pass, the 1968 revolt is increasingly portrayed as an irresponsible, bon-enfant tantrum by a group of spoilt, Parisian students. The great diversity of participants, their ideas and motivations is ignored and subsumed into a certain image of what those involved were actually striving for, how they behaved and how their movements were organised. The fact that even the PCF was opposed has facilitated a further undermining of the credibility of the 'movement' - a term that in itself has its limitations. Just as the chronology of the events has been simplified with significant implications for how they are seen today so too has there been categorization of those who participated that has had a diminishing impact. When assessing 1968, many analyses allude to a 'movement'. This is particularly the case when describing the upheaval within the university world. One could consequently be forgiven for considering the upheaval as having been orchestrated by a single organisation with a common set of aims and objectives. Nothing could be further from the truth. The 'movement' was in fact an extremely diverse collection of groups and organisations with different ideologies and aims.28 There were Trotskyites, Leninists, Stalinists, Maoists, Situationists, Communists, and Anarchists all of whom, throughout the events, were continually in competition with each other.29 Furthermore, while such groups have become increasingly considered as typifying the entire 1968 upheaval, the truth is that they formed only a minority of one section of an entire society in revolt. In fact, most of those involved were non-militant students, not at all politically motivated.30 Many on the front line were simply protesting against the heavy-handed tactics of the police and the intransigence of the state. Cohn-Bendit, Sauvageot and Geismar are often considered as having been the leaders of the student movement. This, however, was not the case.31 It would be a misjudgement to declare that any of these media-chosen personalities were the leaders of a movement that prided itself on a deliberate absence of direction. The lack of attention afforded to the heterogeneous nature of the student 'movement' and the over-emphasis of the role of such a minority is symptomatic of the increasingly blinkered view that has come to dominate the history of the events in general.
That agreement has been reached over the role of the PCF has unquestionably aided an understanding of certain elements that rendered 1968 so exceptional. However, on the other hand, it has arguably paved the way for the dominance of the narrow representation mentioned above. Further contradictory implications of the events' history are evident in analyses of the part played by two other major figures.
The general consensus is that the events were extremely detrimental for de Gaulle while, at the same time, Pompidou's performance confirmed his credentials as a capable successor to the General.36 Much is made of de Gaulle's very negative approach, particularly in the opening weeks of the crisis. And while he was the focus of much opposition, portraying him as the source of most of the frustration is to further water down the diversity of the 1968 outburst. Grievances were numerous and varied across the nation and 1968 was much more than a simple desire to oust the President. Additionally, an over-emphasis on the individual errors of de Gaulle and Pompidou in some way obscures the precariousness of the situation. The escalation of the crisis could be interpreted as as much a result of clumsiness and miscalculation on the part of the President and his Prime Minister as it was of the existence of a determined movement striving for change. Finally, the real political impact of the General's departure is minimized as a result of two factors. Firstly, the sweeping majority obtained by Gaullists in the June 1968 general elections is seen as further proof of the inability of the '68 'movement' to harness the outpouring of rebelliousness and public backing in order to threaten Gaullist hegemony, thus confirming the irresponsible image largely propagated today. Secondly, although de Gaulle was forced to step down, it was not as a direct result of the '68 upheaval. And, in any case, the man who replaced him was none other than his dauphin, his very own choice and in many ways a continuation of his ideas, morals and concept of the nation. This is yet another example of a problematic area of the history of 1968. Paradoxically, it is areas such as these, upon which there is little debate, that have been decisive in laying the ground for the rise in a restricted depiction of the events.
This first section has flagged up the advantages and disadvantages of the unprecedented level of attention afforded to the 1968 events. On the one hand, consensus in many areas has facilitated a certain degree of understanding of the main themes and issues of the crisis. Whether discussing the causes, what actually happened or the leading players, there certainly appears to be agreement amongst analysts and commentators. However, while such consensus areas can perhaps explain why - even amongst young people today37 - 1968 appears to be generally well understood, it has been suggested that their impact has not been all positive. In fact, it is argued that principal areas that are no longer the focus of any real debate have been crucial in anchoring a specific representation of the events, one that does not tell the full story. The conditions from which the crisis is described as having erupted, the manner in which its unfolding is structured and confined to a specific time span, the categorization of its protagonists and the telescopic focus on only certain elements are all factors that have been fundamental in shaping the narrow image so prevalent today. As the second section will demonstrate, the rise and predominance of the 'official history' has been assisted and strengthened by the distinct lack of agreement in several other pivotal areas.
The issue of making sense of the 1968 events is not only multi-facetted. As society develops, the legacy and heritage of the crisis is adapted to fit in with new circumstances. The quest to define 1968 has created a situation whereby examinations of how the events are interpreted have become as prevalent as interpretations themselves.46 However, the sustained and varied debate surrounding this issue has done little other than to confirm this 'brouillage d'histoire' mentioned by Kristin Ross. As it remains open to discussion, there appears to be no limitations to the labels that can be attached to this extraordinary set of events. The more time passes the more it appears to be difficult to truly pin down what happened, why and what the consequences have been. The overall inconclusiveness as regards the interpretation of 1968 has meant that those notions that dominate the stereotypical picture of the crisis (e.g., Parisian, bourgeois, student, utopian, etc) are given increased credibility, mainly as a result of their prominence. Many factors can help explain just why 1968 is so immune to definition, including the lack of agreement over some important areas of debate.
All in all it would have been impossible for anyone to predict exactly what was going to happen. In no way could anyone have foreseen the tumultuous month of violence and uncertainty that was May 1968. However, what is clear is that there were indications of mounting tension that could have served as warning signs to possible future social unrest. The debate surrounding the predictability of the crisis is in keeping with the difficulties in coming to firm conclusions on important questions surrounding the events. The malleability of the history of 1968 is clear in this example. For those wishing to criticise the government of the time, certain areas can be pointed up in order to bemoan the state's inability to anticipate such obvious discontent. However, and as discussed earlier, highlighting such causes only serves to undermine the great surprise with which the events struck. On the one hand, the authorities can claim irresponsibility as a result of such unpredictable and exceptional circumstances. On the other, those wishing to lend credence the extraordinariness are bound to be weary of concurring on the existence of quite normal reasons for such a revolt. Finally for those who refuse to see the events as none other than a freak occurrence, they too can point to an unprecedented convergence of domestic and international factors as the main explanation for such an outlandish rebellion. In other words, whether or not the events can be considered as predictable or as a surprise is in fact dependant on one's appreciation of what 1968 means or meant in general. No consensus on interpretation leaves areas such as this, and discussions on the role of some of the important actors and turning points, open to discussion.
The problem is clear ; can the behaviour of the police be described as commendable as many pro-government or official texts claim ? Or, can we talk of excessive violence as some of the first-hand accounts and recorded images of the confrontations lead us to believe ? That an assessment of the role played by arguably one of the most important elements of the revolt remains so inconclusive is yet another example of the difficulty forming a complete picture of what happened in 1968. Due to the inconclusive nature of this debate, it would appear that those on each side of the barricades can interpret and recount what happened as they see fit. It is this adaptable manner of some pivotal issues that has prevented solid conclusions, encouraged varied and continued debate and facilitated the anchoring of the 'official', limited history. Important turning points in the unfolding events, such as the rejection of the Grenelle agreements or General de Gaulle's trip to Baden-Baden also remain open to interpretation and as such contribute to the pliable nature of the overall interpretation of the crisis as well as adding further layers of mystery and intrigue.
Yet another important factor of the '68 crisis appears clouded. Without agreement on explanations for such significant turning points in the crisis, complete understanding becomes very problematic. Furthermore, the rejection of the Grenelle accords becomes different things to different people. On the one hand it could be viewed as confirmation that the working-class was much more concerned with qualitative rather than quantitative demands. On the other, it could be argued that it was confirmation that the working-class were opportunistic and saw this as a chance to wrest as much material gain from the authorities as possible. Finally, the idea that the rejection was the result of a simple understanding sits well with those who are intent on playing down the significance of this rejection. This chapter of the crisis, even forty years later, is left with numerous possible interpretations and, as we will see, is not the only one. It was in the atmosphere of the working-class rejection of Grenelle that one of the most intriguing and highly debatable episodes of 'mai 68' would take place.
The mystery surrounding de Gaulle's disappearance on 29 May only lasted a matter of hours and there has never been any secret made of where he had been. The question however, remains, why did the General go to Baden-Baden ? Analysts are very much divided with three explanations in particular very common amongst those put forward. Firstly, there is the suggestion that de Gaulle left for Baden-Baden because he genuinely felt that he had no option other than to stand down. Such a scenario seems improbable for de Gaulle, particularly when we consider the difficulties that he had endured throughout his long and illustrious career. However, this hypothesis is backed up by several factors ; first of all, the fact that he asked his son to follow him along with his wife and children to Baden-Baden. Was the General seriously contemplating stepping down and therefore fearing for the safety of his immediate family ? This is not impossible, and is reinforced by the account of that day given by the man in question, General Massu who claims that de Gaulle arrived in a state of complete desperation.67 Massu goes on to describe how he persuaded the General that this was not the time to abandon France and that he should return to Paris. The second explanation for de Gaulle's visit to Baden-Baden concerns the army. Many believe that the General went to see Massu because he feared a coup d'état.68 If one considers that left-wing forces, and in particular the PCF, were beginning to realistically consider the possibility of seizing power, de Gaulle could be justified in fearing an imminent coup. Whether or not he really considered doing so, this visit might well have been enough to discourage the not so extremist elements on the left. This 'calling the bluff' hypothesis ties neatly in with the third explanation. Certain experts believe that this visit to Baden-Baden by the General was none other that a perfectly executed coup de théâtre.69 By disappearing as he did, the General hoped to create a sense of fear amongst his supporters who, up until this point, had remained silent. In his absence, even if it was only temporary, the general public would be forced to consider what would remain if he were really to leave. This hypothesis, however dramatic, would perhaps help explain why he informed nobody of his destination. In doing so not only did he create a sense of panic that became widespread, he was also able to expose the opportunism of those wishing to take power.
With his passing in 2002, 'l'ultime énigme Massu'70 will perhaps never be resolved. Although his own explanation remains dominant, others appear feasible. Just like the reasons explaining the rejection of Grenelle, the continued debate over the Baden-Baden episode allows for analysts and commentators to mould its significance in order to adapt it to their overall interpretation or view of the events. For example, those wishing to call into question the sang-froid of the authorities would endorse the idea that the President's visit to Massu was as a result of his inability to deal with what was happening. Intent on resigning or left with no other option than to call in the army, either way, it exemplifies the notion that he was out of his depth in 1968 and accentuates the precariousness of the situation. Conversely, it could be argued that de Gaulle was only right to verify that he had the backing of his army and that he knew exactly what he was doing in disappearing as he did. Finally, the idea that the President's brief absence was enough to bring the population back to reality lends weight to the notion that the revolt was for from being a serious, credible threat. As such, it becomes no more than a momentary blip, thus further undermining the significance of the crisis. At the time, de Gaulle's disappearance served to heighten uncertainty and the feeling that something extraordinary was unfolding. As such, it is yet another feature that renders the events so special. Furthermore, the fact that this episode, some 40 years later, remains unresolved is typical of the general elusive nature of the 1968 events and exemplifies the lack of consensus surrounding such crucial moments.
The continued debate surrounding the issue of interpreting the 1968 crisis reveals the sheer difficulty of getting to the bottom of a highly complex set of events. Such problems are further complicated by the lack of consensus on some critical features of the crisis. Were the events predictable ? How should the attitude and behaviour of the police be assessed ? What explanation can be given for the significant turning points that were the rejection of the Grenelle agreements and de Gaulle's trip to Baden-Baden ? All these questions, despite the plethora of material available and the great advantage of hindsight and perspective, still remain open to discussion. The fact that such pivotal questions remain unanswered has meant that numerous interpretations of the events appear feasible. Furthermore, the fact that some of the most compelling episodes of the crisis are still to be resolved serves to heighten the intrigue surrounding it and thus adds to the general mystification of 1968.
The constant presence of 1968 in topical debates, together with the now traditional decennial commemorations have ensured the iconic status of these events. However, despite such a positive impact of the history of 1968, this article has argued that its portrayal has not been without negative consequences. Characterised by consensus, limitations and disagreement, the sheer mass of coverage has given rise to a certain, restricted perception of the events. The possibility to shape and mould some important aspects has been crucial in the rise of the stereotypical and limited idea of 'Mai 68'. The popular history has been logically and increasingly based on those areas where consensus has been achieved. However, and as demonstrated in the first section, these do not exactly tell the whole story and, as a result, have facilitated the predominance of this limited outlook. Increasingly, the events are seen as no more than a tantrum by a spoilt generation that has gone on to create diverse problems for 21st century France. That such a perception exists is due largely to how the events have been analysed and represented. The overall impact of the nature of 1968's history can therefore be described as two-dimensional. While unquestionably essential in the acquisition of such a special place in the collective memory of the French, the dominant representation is, in my view, based on restrictive analyses. Such limitations stem from the fact that the portrayal from which perceptions are naturally formed stops short of presenting the complete picture. If anything like 1998, the 40th anniversary will confirm the dominance of such a narrow outlook on 1968. It nevertheless provides an excellent opportunity to re-examine those areas that remain shrouded in mystery and to undertake a much more holistic approach in order to overcome the aforementioned inadequacies of the 'official history'.
2 Joan Brandt, 'The Legacy of May 68 in the Era of Consensus', in 'L'Héritage de Mai 68', L'Esprit créateur, Vol.XLI, no. 1 (Spring 2001) p. 3.
4 Such texts include Jacques Tarnero, Mai 68, la Révolution fiction (Toulouse, Milano, 1998), Roger Martelli, Mai 68 (Paris, Messidor, 1988), Henri Weber, Que reste-t-il de mai 68 ? Essai sur les interprétations des « événements » (Paris, Seuil, 1988), Bernard E. Brown, Protest in Paris : Anatomy of a Revolt (General Learning Press, 1974), Daniel Singer, Prelude to a Revolution (London, Jonathan Cape, 1970) and many more.
5 Maurice Agulhon, André Nouschi, Ralph Schor, La France de 1940 à nos jours (Paris, Nathan/HER, 2001), p. 233.
6 Michel Winock, La Fièvre hexagonale : les grandes crises politiques 1871-1968 (Paris, Seuil, 1995), p. 345.
7 Jean-Pierre le Goff, Mai 68, l'héritage impossible (Paris, La Découverte, 1998) p. 33.
8 Alain Touraine, Le Mouvement de mai ou le communisme utopique (Paris, Seuil, 1968) p. 84.
9 G. Dreyfus-Armand, R. Frank, M.-F. Lévy, M. Zancarini-Fournel, Les Années 68 : Le temps de la Contestation (Paris, Complexe, 2000), p. 27.
10 Jean-Claude Guillebaud, Les Années orphelines 1968-1978 (Paris, Seuil, 1978), p. 17.
11 Danielle Tartakowsky, Le Pouvoir est dans la rue (Paris, Aubier, 1998) p. 166.
12 See Raymond Aron, La Révolution introuvable (Paris, Fayard, 1968), Edouard Balladur, L'Arbre de mai (Paris, Atelier Marcel Jullian, 1979), Le Goff, L'héritage impossible, Epistemon, Ces idées, Hervé Hamon and Patrick Rotman, Génération. 1. Les Années de rêve (Paris, Seuil, 1987), Guillebaud, Les Années orphelines and Weber, Que reste-t-il.
13 The call for papers for the 'May 68 : Forty Years On' conference to be held at the University of London in Paris features requests for studies of May 68 outside the capital. Also, the research group GERME (Groupe d'études et de recherches des mouvements étudiants) is participating in a study programme in the coming months that will feature analyses of 1968 in Dijon, Lyon and Amiens.
14 François le Madec, L'Aubépine de mai. Chronique d'une usine occupée. Sud-Aviation, Nantes 1968 (Nantes, CDMOT, 1988), Georges Chaffard, Les Orages de mai (Paris, Calmann-Lévy, 1968).
15 See Jacques Capdevielle, René Mouriaux, Mai 68 - L'Entre-deux de la modernité. Histoire de trente ans (Paris, Presses de la Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques, 1988). Joffrin, Histoire des événements, Philippe Labro, Les Barricades de mai (Paris, Seuil, 1968) and Martelli, Mai 68.
17 The majority of texts produced on the events split them into the three phases mentioned. Such texts include : Brown, Protest in Paris, Singer, Prelude to a Revolution, Alain Griotteray, Des Barricades ou des réformes (Paris, Fayard, 1968), Joffrin, Histoire des événements, Pierre Sorbon Lepavé, Le Journal insolite de Mai 68 (Paris, Raymond Castells, 1998), Winock, La Fièvre hexagonale.
19 Claude Fohlen, Mai 1968 : Révolution ou psychodrame ? (Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1973), p. 12.
20 The Odéon was evacuated on 14 June and the Sorbonne on the 16th.
21 See Maurice Rajfus, Sous les pavés, la répression (Paris, Cherche Midi, 1998).
22 On 12 June the newly appointed Minister of the Interior, Raymond Marcellin, outlawed eleven extreme left-wing organisations, including the JCR, the Mouvement du 22 mars, and the FER.
24 Capdevielle and Mouriaux, p 131.
25 Keith Reader, 'Joyeux anniversaire ! The May 68 industry,' Modern and Contemporary France, vol. 8, no. 2 (2000), pp. 249-252.
28 Epistémon (Didier Anzieu), Ces idées qui ont ébranlé la France. Nanterre, novembre 1967-juin 1968 (Paris, Fayard, 1969) p. 37.
30 Didier Fischer, L'Histoire des étudiants de 1945 à nos jours (Saint-Amand-Montrond, Flammarion, 2000) p. 396.
32 Agulhon, Nouschi, Schor, p. 233., Regis Debray, Modeste contribution aux discours et cérémonies officielles du dixième anniversaire (Paris, Maspero, 1978) p. 41.
33 Pompidou was not happy with de Gaulle's disappearance to Baden-Baden and was obviously in disagreement over the need of a referendum : 'Mon Général, le référendum a eu lieu hier. Vous l'avez emporté, il faut que je parte pour vous laisser les mains libres' (quoted in Balladur, p. 336.).
34 For a detailed analysis of the process leading Pompidou's replacement with Couve de Murville see see Jacques Foccart, Le Général en Mai : Journal de l'Elysée - II. 1968-1969 (Paris, Fayard/Jeune Afrique, 1998). pp. 245-285.
35 Agulhon, Nouschi, Schor, p. 249.
36 D.L. Hanley and A.P. Kerr, May 68 : Coming of Age (London, Macmillan, 1989), p.70.
37 Chris Reynolds, 'Current Attitudes to the 1968 'Events' : A Questionnaire' French Studies Bulletin, No. 98. Spring (March) 2006. p. 8-12.
38 Daniel Bensaïd and Henri Weber, Mai 68 : une répétition générale (Paris, Maspero, 1968).
39 Aron, La Révolution introuvable.
40 Touraine, Le Communisme utopique and Edgar Morin, J.-M. Coudray, Claude Lefort, La Brèche (Paris, Fayard, 1968).
42 Luc Ferry, Alain Renaut, La Pensée 68. Essai sur l'anti-humanisme contemporain (Paris, Gallimard, 1988).
43 Gilles Lipovetsky, L'Ere du vide. Essais sur l'individualisme contemporain (Paris, Gallimard, 1983).
45 François Goetz, Mai 68, une imposture qui nous a coûté cher (Paris, Editic, 1993), Laurent Guimier and Nicolas Charbonneau, Génération 69. Les trentenaires ne vous disent pas merci (Paris, Michalon, 2005).
46 Philippe Ardent and Olivier Duhamel, 'Mai 68', Pouvoirs, no. 39 (1986), Ph. Bénéton and J. Touchard, 'Les Interprétations de la crise de mai/juin 1968,' Revue française de science politique vol. 20 (juin 1970), pp. 503-544., Ferry and Renaut, La Pensée 68., Claude Fohlen, Mai 1968, Weber, Que reste-t-il de mai 68 ?
47 Capdevielle and Mouriaux, p. 10, Le Goff, p. 59.
48 Pierre Grappin, L'Ile aux peupliers. De la résistance à Mai 68 : Souvenirs du doyen de Nanterre (Paris, Presses Universitaires de Nancy, 1993).
51 Pierre Viansson-Ponté, Le Monde, 15 March 1968.
53 Jacques Kergoat, 'Sous la plage, la grève', in Retours sur Mai, ed. Antoine Artous (Montreuil, La Brèche-PEC, 1988), p. 53.
54 Maurice Grimaud, En Mai fais ce qu'il te plaît (Paris, Stock, 1977), p. 169.
56 For such footage see documentaries such as Claude le Brun, Mai 68 - 5 Ans après (1973), Lawaetz Guide, Mai 68 : Il y a 25 ans (Gaillon, 1993), Pierre-André Boutang, Histoire de Mai. Première Partie (1978).
57 UNEF/SNESup, Le Livre noir des journées de mai (Paris, Seuil, 1968).
59 David Caute, Sixty-Eight : The Year of the Barricades (London, Hamish Hamilton, 1988), p.190, Hamon and Rotman, Génération 1, p. 490.
60 A student, Gilles Tautin, drowned trying to escape from the CRS on 10 June. Two workers died in confrontations with the police at the Peugeot factory in Sochaux ; Pierre Beylot was gunned down by the CRS and Henri Blanchet died as a result of a CRS grenade bringing down a wall in the factory.
61 Michel Gomez, Mai 68 au jour le jour (Paris, L'Esprit frappeur, 1998) p. 76.
62 The principal concessions gained included a 35% increase in the SMIG (Minimum wage), a 10% rise in salaries, the recognition of trade unions within the workplace, and a two-hour reduction in the working week. These concessions were considered as a victory by the unions.
63 Singer, p. 184, Gretton, p. 190.
64 CGT secretary from 1967 to 1972.
67 Général Massu, Baden 68. Souvenirs d'une fidélité gaulliste (Paris, Plon, 1983), p. 79-88.
68 Daniel Cohn-Bendit, Le Grand Bazar (Paris, Pierre Belfond, 1975) p. 98, Ross Mai 68 et ses vies ultérieures, p. 62.
69 Henri Lefebvre , Mai 68 - L'Irruption... (Paris, Syllepse, 1998) p. xiii., Winock, La Fièvre hexagonale, p. 355.
70 Alexandre Duyck, Le Journal de Dimanche 27 October 2002.
Héritages de Mai 68 ?
Mouvement étudiant mexicain de 1968 : que s'est-il passé au Yucatan et quelles furent les réactions de la presse ?, de Pedro Echeverría V.


'It's a waste of space!' Those were my mother's words when I was leaving my home for good to seek out my fortunes in a different city. She was speaking, of course, of an innocent pair of slippers. Now, those words may seem a bit harsh for a perfectly sensible item of utility–slippers.
Except the fact that they were almost six years old, faded and utterly worn out. So, practically makes no sense to carry them 2500 kilometres away! But the thing with certain things is, how do you say it? Inexplicable. Especially with girls, they form a meaningless bond with items of clothing, accessories, stationery,etc.
The pair, in question, is a sea-green and black Hawaiian style slippers, very trendy during my teenage years. Girls would wear them all the time with jeans and tee, skirts, shorts just to complete the carefully sorted out 'casual' look. I wanted to own such a pair in school having only normal closed shoes and 'ballerinas'. Funnily enough, you would think, now what the fuss about slippers was, you find them everywhere, and all the shoe brands have them. Back in the late 90's, slippers weren't thought of as a potential high-selling variant.The only available ones in the local stores would be plain and boring bearing the sole purpose of footwear at home. So, after a long search for a colourful pair within a reasonable range (high-end sports brands were out of the question for me those days!), I finally found this very pair from a good, old, trusted Bata outlet. I would wear them everywhere, going out with school friends, then moving on to college and even on the university campus. Hence, when the time came for me to leave my hometown, I couldn't imagine leaving them behind. Although they were no longer a fashion statement or an accessory required to fee la part of the then 'in' crowd, they had become a companion beyond words.
So, those faithful slippers found their way to the streets of Bangalore, a foreign city to them. Having shared quite some years with them as my feet's one-true companion, a time came when they found a permanent residence in the shelf of my shoe rack. You see, you can't always wear slippers to work or at times when you let your hair down. On one such occasion, I had fancied a pair of grey stilettos to wear at a party. Again, after a careful survey, my friend and I sought out good looking shoes at affordable prices which were obviously non-branded. On the night of the party, during our second drink and the second hour of the evening, I suddenly went off-balance on the way to the washroom. To my utmost horror, the heel of the left shoe snapped off as if made of wax, leaving me standing with one foot on the ground and the other, two floors up.
I rushed to the restroom in panic worrying about how I'd make it through the evening hobbling all over the dance floor with a horrible limp. Suddenly, just as a fairy godmother makes an appearance, I remembered to open my bag and out came, my ever-faithful friend, those slippers! They were in the bag for some random reason which later I didn't bother to remember, probably because I was staying the night at my friend's. But at that moment all I could remember was a feeling of such gratitude towards something so simple which I would have never imagined before. So, in my LBD and heavy earrings, I walked out wearing a pair of ragged slippers and a huge grin of relief on my face.
Incidents like these make you ever so attached to things more than people. The comfort you receive probably has more warmth than any words of a person or hugs from a loved one. The mute support from these belongings says a lot. I have never thrown out my faithful green and black slippers ever since even though they are now at the fag end of their life. They look up at me every day from their designated shelf with their warm worn-out eyes carrying no expectation, any longer, to be picked up for wear. And, I live in a happy buzz surrounded by things that always make me feel at home no matter where I am.


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Maati is a 2018 Indian Bengali-language drama film directed by Saibal Banerjee and Leena Gangopadhyay and starring Adil Hussain & Paoli Dam in the lead role.

Synopsis
Meghla finds out her grandmother had been killed in her ancestral home in East Pakistan by a trusted retainer of the family. Many years after the tragedy, Meghla goes back to Kutubdia to trace her roots and faces the murderer's family who now occupy her house.
'Maati' traces Meghla's trials with truth and humanity, while tackling issues of migration, human displacement and relationships.

Cast
Adil Hussain as Jamil Hussain
Paoli Dam as Meghla Chowdhury
Sabitri Chatterjee as Amina, Jamil's mother
Shankar Chakroborty as Meghla's father
Laboni Sarkar as Meghla's mother
Chandan Sen as Satyabrata Chowdhury, Meghla's grandfather
Aparajita Adhya as Kumudini Devi, Meghla's grandmother
Koushik Roy as Jigir Ali
Monami Ghosh as Jiniya
Anusuya Majumdar as Dadi, Jiniya's grandmother
Rishi Koushik as Angshu, Meghla's boyfriend
 Bharat Kaul as Celina's father
 Sagarika Roy as Bina
 Goutam De as Jiniya's father
 Maya Ghosh as Jiniya's mother
 Suman Banerjee as Asif, Jiniya's husband
 Diganta Bagchi as Ranjit's father
 Rupsha Bhaduri as Celina
 Aniruddha Ghosh as Ranjit
 Manjushree Ganguly as Jamil's sister
 Debolina Mukherjee as Jiniya's friend
 Prapti Chatterjee  as Jiniya"s friend
 Debjani Chakraborty as Jiniya's friend
 Sonal Mishra as Jiniya's friend

Music

The music and the background score is by Debojyoti Mishra.
The film comprises 7 tracks and the lyrics are written by Debojyoti Mishra, Anirban Mukhpadhyay, Rabindranath Tagore and Hason Raja. The album rights of the film were acquired by Zee Music Bangla.

References

External links

2018 films
Bengali-language Indian films
2010s Bengali-language films
Indian drama films

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Question: What Do You Need To Sell A Car Privately In Illinois?
How do you write a handwritten bill of sale?
What's the difference between a title and a bill of sale?
What makes a bill of sale valid?
Do you pay tax when buying a car from a private seller?
Do you pay sales tax on a private car sale in Illinois?
How do I sell my car to a private party in Illinois?
Is a handwritten bill of sale Legal?
How much is tax title and registration in Illinois?
Can you sell a car to a family member for $1?
Do I need a bill of sale to sell my car in Illinois?
How do you sign over a car title in Illinois?
Who pays sales tax when selling a car privately in Illinois?
A bill of sale for a car should include:The date of the sale.A description of the car, including its: Year, make and model.
The selling price of the car.
If the car is a gift or partial gift, you should still create a bill of sale.
Warranty information.
The full names, addresses and signatures of the buyer and seller..
A vehicle bill of sale is not required in all states. … Keep in mind, however, that a bill of sale does not prove ownership — only a title transfer does that. A bill of sale is only a record that a sales transaction occurred between two parties.
When writing a bill of sale, be sure to include: The seller's name and address. The buyer's name and address. A description of the item being sold, including serial numbers, identification numbers, make, model, size, color, design, any distinguishing marks, features or faults [source: Cooper].
When you purchase a vehicle through a private sale you must pay the associated local and state taxes. … In most cases, that will fulfill your tax obligation. However, if you do not bring sufficient documentation, they may ask you to pay sales tax in your state, too.
Illinois private party vehicle use tax is based on the purchase price (or fair market value) of the motor vehicle, with exceptions noted on the right (i.e., for motorcycles and specific situations). … The fair market value may be obtained from a licensed dealer. Note: A trade-in deduction is not allowed on this tax.
What buyers need to doMake sure you receive the completed title from the seller. … Complete the Application for Vehicle Transaction(s).Obtain and complete the Private Party Vehicle Tax Transaction form, which can only be found at a local SOS office.Pay the $95 title transfer fee. … Name changes: $15 per name.More items…•
A bill of sale is a document that verifies your purchase, and therefore your ownership of, a valuable asset such as a car, a TV or other large item. You can also write out your own bill of sale. When writing a bill of sale, be sure to include: The seller's name and address.
How much does it cost to title and register my vehicle in Illinois? The total fee for a standard vehicle is $301 ($150 vehicle title + $151 registration/license plates). If there are two names on the back of the title, do both parties have to sign title and registration applications? Yes.
During the transfer of ownership process, you won't have to pay any capital gains tax since you're not likely selling the car for a profit at $1. However, your daughter will have to pay whatever rate of sales tax your state charges on used vehicles when she goes to transfer the title.
In Illinois, when you sell a car, you are required to remove the license plates and submit a valid title to the buyer that is signed and dated. … In Illinois, there is no official bill of sale, so you can make your own. It should contain the name, address and phone number of both the buyer and seller.
Where Do I Sign an Illinois Title? Sign on the front of the title on the lower left side where it is marked "Signature(s) of Seller(s)". Print your name on the front of the title above "Printed Name(s) of Seller(s)." Remember to always sign your title in blue or black ink.
The buyer must pay $95 to the Secretary of State, and a tax to the Department of Revenue. For vehicles worth less than $15,000, the tax is based on the age of the vehicle. It starts at $390 for a one-year old vehicle.
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The Airbus A380 at a crossroads
(Published in Aviation Business ME Magazine - Issue April 2017) www.aviationbusinessme.com
In the low yield predicament that aviation finds itself, the market has been rife with speculation about the future of the A380...
Since it entered commercial service with MSN003 in October 2007 with Singapore Airlines, the Airbus A380-800 has brought a long-lost sense of glamour back to travel. Its three-room suites feature private showers and buttery leather armchairs. It sports in-flight lounges where bartenders mix bespoke cocktails. A broad staircase reminiscent of a 1920s ocean liner links the two decks. Some airlines even made outlandish promises of kitting out their new superjumbos with casinos and gyms, although none did so far. Incontestably the Superjumbo draws passengers, but will it draw more airlines, that the remining question and so far, financially speaking, it's a disaster of similarly grand proportions, without to mention carriers finding it tough to fill in turbulent economic times.
An initial flood of interest from airlines has turned into a slow drip, and Airbus is leaning heavily on one customer, Emirates, for sales with almost 50 percent of the firm orders. Not a single U.S. carrier has bought one, and Japanese airlines, among the biggest cheerleaders for huge planes, have taken just a handful. Airbus has delivered 208 A380s. Early on with its credible proposal for the Very Large Aircraft (VLA) market, it predicted airlines would buy 1,200 Superjumbo over two decades, but has only 121 in its order book, to be built over the next five years or so. Worse, many orders appear squishy, because airlines are shifting away from VLA. In the context of a white-hot market for next-generation largest twinjets like the Boeing 777-9X with 400 seats and Airbus A350-1000, both with much better economics, is there a future for the A380 - including the notional re-engined A380neo and stretched A380-900?
Already before the A380 first lifted off the runway as 50,000 people looked on at France's Toulouse-Blagnac Airport on April 27, 2005, there were questions about the A380's viability, and the bottom line remains actual: Singapore Airlines' opting not to extend the lease for its first early-build Airbus A380 after only 10 years of flying it.
Malaysian Airlines not able to draw enough traffic to fill the half-dozen A380s it had bought put on light something long dreads: the lack of second hand market for the VLA despite moves to make them more commercially viable, a 700-seat dedicated to transporting Muslim travelers on the annual Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca, basically squeezing extra seats into a cabin that once set new standards of spaciousness. On top of that, leading legacy carriers are not considering more orders, if they are not reducing the initial order. Last but not least, if Iran Air order for the superjumbo grabbed attention last year, it was most probably only hailed as a symbol of Iran's determination to compete economically, with no tomorrow. Overall, they are terrible news for Airbus and the lessors having the A380 in their portfolio.
Certified by regulators to carry up to 856 passengers in a single class layout - although the average is closer to 550 - the superjumbo was the European aerospace group's multibillion-dollar bet on the future of air travel. Airbus concedes its timing was off with the A380, which lists for $433 million but almost always sells at a discount. The financial crisis hit just as production was picking up in 2008, and soaring oil prices made airlines reluctant to buy the four-engine behemoth. Perhaps the biggest Airbus success with its plane was to largely sucked the life out of "The Queen Of the Skies", Boeing's jumbo and its last update "-8". In many occasions, Airbus group acknowledged it will never recoup the $32 billion it spent on development. The next concern is when Airbus will reduce monthly production from the current 2.5 per month to one, the program will fall back into the red even slashing the production rate will buy it time for a reinvention: As usual in the business, "The crying happens when it's losing money". Axing the A380 outright is hard to do, 10 years is perhaps a too short time to determine its fate. Besides the embarrassment of admitting defeat on the program, Airbus would need to write off factories across Europe and redeploy thousands of workers. Airlines and lessors would see the resale value of their A380s plummet, and the plane's demise would leave airports worldwide questioning the wisdom of facilities constructed to accommodate it.
A decade after it first took to the skies with the promise of revolutionizing commercial aviation, and even passengers are fascinated by this giant of the skies with the strangely graceful "whalejet" still turning heads when it flies overhead or taxis past, the Airbus A380 has so far failed to deliver and speculation will continue to mount about whether Airbus Group can continue to produce it from a shareholder value stand point as the quarterly results are the subject of increasing scrutiny... Overall, since the initial A3XX feasibility study back in 1993, the manufacturer continuously faced 'a decision over the near to midterm on the future of the A380'. Even customers are prepared to pay a premium or its cabin layout potential almost unlimited, the A380 was clearly not a game changer what the recent twinjets are to bypass many of the traditional airline hubs with ultra-long non-stop flights…
At the end of the day, one serious option could be to "discontinue the product" to anticipate the global needs of a better-connected and more sustainable world, to lead the air transport in the year 2050 and beyond. If still convinced that the cycle will turn 'one day', the only remaining option is to invest further in an even more larger version, capable of supporting a larger payload through newer, more efficient engines, and redesigned wings. The A380-900 NEO will not be a nice to have but a necessity considering only the growing population and its demographic profile, and to respect all aspects of the environment. But would it be money well spent? As the industry leader, Airbus Group will have to pave the way and the A380 was for sure a key learning curve to be ready for the next generation of aircraft. In other words, the legacy of the A380 and what is inspires in the future is a real measure of how profitable it is for the entire industry...


I know Hoods and Land o' Lakes are, but I don't have a store near me that carries either of those.
My choices are ALta Dena ( local SoCAl Dairy, hard to get ahold of,) and Albertsons, which someone said was a "good" label company, but I haven't been able to confirm that.
So long as the ingredients are your basic cream, sugar and egg, any brand should be okay.
Fold white lightly into other ingredients. Transfer mixture to glass.
Or go to allrecipes.com and see what you find there.
If you can have soy there is a Silk brand eggnog...its free of Gluten, Casein, lactose and a bunch of other stuff....but it does have soy. I drank it and it was yummy.


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Reprezentacja Korei Południowej na Mistrzostwach Świata w Narciarstwie Klasycznym 2005 w Oberstdorfie liczyła sześcioro zawodników, którzy wystartowali w biegach i skokach narciarskich. Najlepszy indywidualny wynik uzyskał Choi Yong-jik, który w skokach na obiekcie HS 100 zajął 22. miejsce.

Wyniki

Biegi narciarskie

Mężczyźni
15 km stylem dowolnym
 Jung Eui-myung - 78. miejsce

Kobiety
10 km stylem dowolnym
 Lee Chun-ja - 48. miejsce

Skoki narciarskie
Konkurs indywidualny na skoczni HS 100
 Choi Yong-jik - 22. miejsce
 Choi Heung-chul - 43. miejsce
 Kim Hyun-ki - 46. miejsce

Konkurs indywidualny na skoczni HS 137
 Kim Hyun-ki - 38. miejsce

Konkurs drużynowy na skoczni HS 100
 Kang Chil-ku, Choi Heung-chul, Kim Hyun-ki, Choi Yong-jik - 10. miejsce

Konkurs drużynowy na skoczni HS 137
 Kang Chil-ku, Choi Yong-jik, Choi Heung-chul, Kim Hyun-ki - 13. miejsce

Przypisy

Korea Południowa
Narciarstwo w Korei Południowej
2005 w Korei Południowej


The Window.getSelection() method returns a Selection object representing the range of text selected by the user or the current position of the caret.
When cast to string, either by appending an empty string ("") or using Selection.toString(), this object returns the text selected.
When called on an <iframe> that is not displayed (eg. where display: none is set) Firefox will return null, whereas other browsers will return a Selection object with Selection.type set to None.
selObj is a Selection object.
selectedText is a string (Selected text).
You can call Document.getSelection(), which works identically to Window.getSelection().
It is worth noting that currently getSelection() doesn't work on the content of <input> elements in Firefox. HTMLInputElement.setSelectionRange()) could be used to work around this.
Notice also the difference between selection and focus. Document.activeElement returns the focused element.
The definition of 'Window.getSelection()' in that specification. Working Draft New spec.
Notes No support for selection events.
Notes No support for selection start.


After the decent 2013 feature film (Dragon Ball Z: Battle of Gods) which enjoyed the original creator of the manga Akira Toriyama as the adviser, he was invited to be more heavily involved for this latest feature film and this time, for more than just his advise. With Toriyama as the screenwriter, character designer, concept contributor and apparently a strict supervisor in the entire production as well, there was just no way that Resurrection 'F' is going to fail the fans of the franchise.
The story takes place after the events in Battle of Gods and the Kid Buu Saga in the original manga series, making this film the genuine followup to the original series that all fans of the franchise has been hoping to see. The familiar supervillain Frieza is brought back to life (again), this time by his loyal army using a wish granted by Shenron summoned from the Dragon Balls. That alone is sort of a plot hole as Frieza was not only chopped into pieces by Trunks but also blown into ashes immediately after, and Shenron aren't supposed to fix either one of that in a single wish. But then again, no animes are without a handful of forgivable flaws. Anyway, Frieza trains himself for the first time in his existence to hopefully get his revenge on every guy's favourite iconic manga/anime hero, Son Goku, who's the first being to have ever defeated him. Frieza brings along his loyal army of 1,000 minions to Earth and it's up to Goku and his friends to stop him.
Resurrection 'F' is Dragon Ball Z in its authentic form that longtime fans like myself have been missing so badly. The film's script is well written, the tone is spot on, the humour works surprisingly even on adults like myself, and the action is not only sufficient, but it's exciting and engaging as well. With the cool fight sequences tightly thought out by Toriyama, the audience will not only get to see lightning fast exchanges. The film does not have any overly dramatic slow scenes. Thankfully, Goku does not need to borrow energy from everyone again. Although it is still guilty with a couple of cliches, at least Toriyama acknowledges it by mentioning about Goku's bad timing whenever the planet is in danger.
The film features some recently added new characters like Beerus, Whis and Jaco the Galactic Patrolman, and the new Super Saiyan God form, which looks pretty much the same as Super Saiyan 1 or 2 but with blue hair and aura instead of gold. With this new form, we can all assume that the Dragon Ball GT series will be completely ignored and the Super Saiyan 4 form will likely not be a part of the upcoming Dragon Ball Super series at all. As for Frieza's new final form, it is rather similar to his original final form but with the white parts of his skin replaced with gold instead. Some may say that Toriyama's lazy with these new designs, but I'd prefer simplistic amendments rather than the awful ugly designs seen in Dragon Ball GT.
The animated 2D visuals are improved with a bit of noticeable 3D depth for IMAX and 4DX release in Japan. The rock music certainly helps pump up the scenes as well, featuring a catchy rap metal theme song for Frieza. I guess my only complaint is that many characters, like Trunks and Goten, they do not make an appearance at all here. It could've also been even more epic if it was dragged to several episodes like it does in the series but I do not disagree with the logic approach of making Frieza this logically beatable. All in all, Dragon Ball Z: Resurrection 'F' is a very solid entry to the original franchise and is perhaps even greater than some of the previous feature films.
Post-credit scene: A brief scene of the antagonist back in "hell".
Malaysia censorship: No awkward jumps at the press screening. I doubt there's anything to cut anyway. No overly violent action sequences and Master Roshi's surprisingly very discipline as well.
Second opinion: My girlfriend liked the film very much and could only describe it with sound effects this time.
Verdict: Way more entertaining than longtime fans like myself would expect, proving that there's more that this old iconic franchise could continue to offer when the original creator is on board.


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Home » Retail News
Hubtiger apps connects retailers with cyclists, tracks bike service intervals
A version of this article appeared in the August issue of BRAIN.
JOHANNESBURG, South Africa (BRAIN) — From GPS units, training and tracking apps, to social media, cyclists have become living software interfaces. Stuart Blyth developed Hubtiger to tie those connections with bike shops and clubs in one mobile and desktop platform package.
In development for 2½ years, Hubtiger launched last year in South Africa and is available in six countries, including the U.S., where it is being marketed extensively this year to bike shops and cyclists.
"Cyclists are tech-savvy and they love their bikes," Blyth said. "They've got multiple bikes usually; they've got expensive bikes; they've got wearables; they've got computers; they've got a whole bunch of things. And they love Strava."
To add to that, Blyth said a lot of bike shops don't do a good job tracking service and bike and component mileage for maintenance, which is another benefit to Hubtiger.
For retailers, the platform integrates into several point-of-sale systems, including Lightspeed and Vend. As a point-of-sale add-on, the average cost is $60 a month, depending on the size of the shop and number of mechanics' stations.
"Then you look at races and trails and cycling clubs," he said. "I thought to myself, 'If you could connect cyclists to each other and then cyclists to bike shops and races and trails, an entire ecosystem can win.'"
For cyclists, the free app will link to a personalized feed of what's happening in the area, including club rides and races, which can be entered and paid for by the user's stored credit card information.
Blyth said the retailer can offer service packages tied to the race, which notifies the entrant after registration.
Cycling clubs can create events and communicate with members.
"Everyone is benefiting," he said. "My bike shop is benefiting because I'm going to give them service. My friends are benefiting because they'll also want to enter the race and just because you're connected, the value of the ecosystem increases. And then the bike shop is fully digital from online bookings to the calendar, automated communications and then ratings at the end."
Hubtiger has facilitated more than 32,000 service requests worldwide. In a June blog post, Lightspeed recommended the app for shops reopening during the COVID-19 pandemic.
The pandemic hampered plans for a major rollout in the U.S., but Specialized is testing the platform in several Los Angeles-area bike shops. Only two other U.S. shops were using it full-time as of June.
"We worked really hard in December and January and February on the infrastructure to be sure we could handle thousands of bike shops," Blyth said.
"So we didn't do any marketing or pushing of sales because the Specialized deal came through and that could lead to 50, then a few hundred and then a few thousand quickly. And then corona hit just as we were ready to push, so it's been a few months' delay, and we're starting to do the marketing now."
Blyth said there are "a couple bigger bike shops in L.A. that aren't Specialized that are waiting to come on board."
The company planned to start marketing its app in earnest in July. He added forming partnerships with bike retailer associations with access to hundreds or thousands of bike shops is key.
"For the big sophisticated forward-thinking bike shops, it's a no-brainer for them," he said.
Blyth's goal is to have Hubtiger in 250 shops worldwide this year.
"We need to drive hard," he said. "We just demoed to the Lightspeed sales team. Lightspeed is the biggest point of sale for bike shops in the U.S. They love it. We're getting contacted at least once a day."
Hubtiger entered the Australian market in June with seven bike shops coming aboard. About the same time, Hubtiger was introduced in the United Kingdom, and at the beginning of July, it secured Sprockets Cycles, one of the largest bike shops in Glasgow; Handlebars, a growing bicycle repair chain; and Pure Electric, a growing e-bike and scooter retail chain.
More information: hubtiger.com.
Topics associated with this article: Mobile bike apps


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Flyers Reluctance to Play Kids Concerning for Hakstol's Future
Kevin Durso
(Patrick Smith/Getty Images)
Ron Hextall said it once. Then he said it twice. And the second time, he said he wouldn't say it again.
"Dave Hakstol is our coach and will remain our coach."
While the Flyers GM wasn't very specific about how long he would be allowing Hakstol to "remain" head coach should things continue to turn south, despite the Flyers snapping a 10-game losing streak on Monday, it was another poignant vote of confidence for the head coach he selected over two seasons earlier.
Hakstol's future may be safe for now, and from Hextall's standpoint, that's certainly understandable. While fans are grumbling for the coach's head, Hextall in his own right probably doesn't want to admit defeat or failure with his choice for coaching hire so quickly, especially with so many prospects in their rookie year or with under three years of NHL experience.
But it is the very management of these players that is serving as a head-scratcher and should be a big concern as long as Hakstol is at the helm.
Among the forwards, there are the obvious core players that are going to see the ice regularly. Claude Giroux, Jake Voracek, Wayne Simmonds and Sean Couturier earn the ice time on merit alone. The top trio of Giroux, Voracek and Couturier, though split in Monday's win, have been the Flyers most productive and consistent line this season.
But beyond that, there is a trio and then some of youngsters. Scott Laughton and Taylor Leier have their roles and are well-acclimated to them, so they aren't the focus of this discussion.
It is the trio of Jordan Weal, Travis Konecny and Nolan Patrick that are the players of focus.
In a game where the Flyers had played rather uninspired hockey for the second straight outing on Saturday, Hakstol essentially benched the trio of kids.
Patrick took four shifts in the third period, one that lasted the length of the Flyers final power play with the goalie pulled. That shift lasted 3:01. There were six seconds left in the game when Patrick headed to the bench. He played a total of 2:42 before that.
Weal was in his first game back in the lineup, so perhaps you could say he was being eased back into things. Weal had three shifts in the third period of Saturday's game, totaling 2:10.
Konecny's treatment was the worst of them all. Konecny had two shifts in the third period. One came 43 seconds into the period and lasted 30 seconds. The other: the final six seconds of the game. That was it. Just 36 seconds of ice time.
Hakstol was asked after the game if Konecny had been benched.
"He wasn't benched, he did get on the ice," Hakstol said. "But that ice time is a little bit earned as well in terms of, we put together a unit that could allow us to switch up the matchup against Bergeron, obviously to free up Coots' line a little bit more on that. The mix was put together after that with kind of a top nine in mind and a bottom three and TK was in the bottom three at that point in time."
Playing matchups is one thing. But to say ice time is earned is another. Through two periods, Konecny had led the team in shots with four. If that doesn't earn some ice time, I don't know what does.
Now you could look at this and think that perhaps it was a one-off, something that would change in the next game. But alas, even with a 5-2 lead in the third period against Calgary, things remained the same.
Patrick had just two shifts totaling 1:33. Konecny didn't have a shift at all in the period. Even defenseman Travis Sanheim saw just one shift for 18 seconds.
With the exception of Dale Weise, who left with an injury at 1:58 of the third period, the only players with less than 10 minutes of ice time for the game were Patrick, Konecny and Sanheim. Patrick had 8:22 total. Konecny had 7:56. Sanheim had 9:24.
These are supposed to be key players to the future of the franchise, and rather than give them extended ice time and allow them to try to get the on-ice experience, they are literally watching from the bench.
It would be one thing if these players were fourth-line forwards getting their feet wet while the rest of the team was successfully driving scoring. Teams that are winning sometimes have the luxury to ease young players into more ice time, especially depending on how the game's flow develops.
But on a 10-game losing streak, there is no excuse for essentially sheltering your young players that supposedly earned their roster spots.
It's not like Dale Weise or Jori Lehtera are producing on the scoresheet or making a huge impact that they have "earned" more ice time than the kids. Weise would have certainly seen the ice more in the final period on Monday if not for the injury. Lehtera was a healthy scratch on Monday, but played 12:03 in Saturday's loss, including 2:41 in the third period. Weise played 13:01 in Saturday's loss, including 4:03 in the third period.
The Flyers won't call it a rebuild, but the truth of the matter is that with so many young players on the roster with not much experience, it is a building and growing process. And the only way to grow is to get the kids on the ice.
No doubt, the Flyers and their young players have had to learn lessons the hard way, right down to Monday night when a turnover by Patrick led to the second Calgary goal.
But that's part of the process, and it can't be impeded for the sake of trying to win games. There was no reason to leave these players on the bench in the third period of a three-goal game. It's not the right message for kids who were told to earn their spot on the roster. Maybe it's the change the Flyers need.
Kevin Durso is Flyers editor for SportsTalkPhilly.com. Follow him on Twitter @Kevin_Durso.
Filed Under: Dale Weise, Dave Hakstol, Flyers, Jordan Weal, Jori Lehtera, Nolan Patrick, Ron Hextall, Travis Konecny, Travis Sanheim
Categories: Articles, Flyers, NHL, Philadelphia Sports


TORONTO — The vast majority of Ontario's Grade 10 students passed the province's standardized literacy test this year.
The Education Quality and Accountability Office says 81 per cent of eligible students who wrote the test were successful.
That rate has been more or less the same — between 81 and 83 per cent — for the past five years.
However, of the students enrolled in the applied course, 44 per cent were successful, which is a decline of seven percentage points over five years.
An online trial of the test in October was hit by a cyberattack and the EQAO was forced to cancel it, and instead administered it using pencil and paper in March.
The EQAO says it used quality-assurance measures to ensure the cyberattack didn't affect the reliability of the results.
Academic courses focus more on abstract applications of concepts, while applied courses focus on the practical.


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Start Over You searched for: Formats Text ✖Remove constraint Formats: Text Copyright Public domain ✖Remove constraint Copyright: Public domain Genre Popular Works ✖Remove constraint Genre: Popular Works Dates by Range 1800-1849 ✖Remove constraint Dates by Range: 1800-1849
1. Diseases of the chest: a treatise on the uses of the lungs and on the causes and cure of pulmonary consumption : designed for general as well as professional readers
Fitch, Samuel Sheldon, 1801-1876
Philadelphia : Hooker and Agnew, 1841
Tuberculosis, Pulmonary -- therapy
2. A domestic medical treatise on the nature, causes, and cure of dyspepsia and liver disease: intended for the perusal and guide of every dyspeptic individual
Ralph, Joseph.
New York : [J. & W. Sandford, printers], 1835
3. Practical observations on some of the diseases of the rectum, anus, and contiguous textures: giving their nature, seat, causes, symptoms, consequences, and prevention, especially addressed to the non-medical reader
Bodenhamer, William, 1808-1905
Cincinnati : Printed for the publisher by A.G. Sparhawk, 1847
Rectal Diseases
Anus Diseases
4. Woman and her diseases: from the cradle to the grave : adapted exclusively to her instruction in the physiology of her system and all the diseases of her critical periods
Dixon, Edward H., 1808-1880
New York : Published for the author by C.H. Ring, 1847
Genital Diseases, Female
Menstruation Disturbances
5. Practical treatise on diseases peculiar to women and girls: to which is added an eclectic system of midwifery : also, the treatment of the diseases of children and the remedies used in the cure of diseases, particularly adapted to the use of heads of families & midwives
Eastman, Buell.
Cincinnati : Cropper, 1848
6. Woman's medical guide: being a complete review of the peculiarities of the female constitution and the derangements to which it is subject, with a description of simple yet certain means for their cure : also, a treatise on the management and diseases of children, with a description of a number of valuable medicinal plants and compounds for domestic use, and a glossary
Hard, M. K. (Moses Knapp), 1818-1890
Mt. Vernon [Ohio] : Printed by W.H. Cochran, 1848
7. Diseases of woman: their causes and cure familiarly explained, with practical hints for their prevention, and for the preservation of female health
Hollick, Frederick, 1818-1900
New York : American News Co., c1849
8. A plain account of the application and uses of Doctor A.G. Hull's utero-abdominal supporter: accompanied by the opinions of the faculty in London and New York, and a unanimous vote of the Medical Society of the State of New York in its favour : designed for patients
New York : W. Plows, printer, 1839
Uterine Prolapse -- prevention & control
9. The lady's medical guide: being a popular treatise on the causes, prevention, and mode of treatment of the diseases to which females are particularly subject
Reece, Richard, 1775-1831
Philadelphia : Carey, Lea and Blanchard, 1833
10. The domestic instructor in midwifery: containing directions for the proper treatment of sexual diseases of women, for the management of pregnancy, labor, & child-bed : also, for the treatment of new-born infants : compiled for the advantage and use of such as have not access to a physician
Denig, George.
M'Connellsburg, Pa. : [s.n.], 1838
11. The mother's book of hygeian midwifery: being a familiar treatise on the security of health to females, during that most interesting period of their lives, the state of pregnancy : with remarks on the management of infants : founded on the doctrines of the British College of Health
Moat, H. Shepheard.
New-York : D. Mitchell, printer, 1837
Delivery, Obstetric
12. Preservation of the teeth: a family guide, being familiar observations on their structure and diseases : embracing the modern improvements in dentistry
Hitchcock, David K. (David Keyes), 1813-
Boston : Ives and Dennet, 1840
Tooth Diseases
13. A popular treatise on the human teeth and dental surgery: being a practical guide for the early management of the health and teeth of children, the preservation of the adult teeth, causes of their diseases, and means of cure : with brief observations on artificial teeth
Kelley, E. G. (Elbridge G.)
Boston : Munroe, 1843
14. A popular treatise on the teeth: containing a history of the dental art : with anatomical descriptions of the mouth and its appendages, and accounts of chemical and physiological experiments on the teeth : also a full and accurate account of the history of ether or lethean, for the prevention of pain, with directions for use : designed for the use of families, annd as a manual for the student and the practical dentist
Smith, Mayo G.
Boston : Jewett, 1848
Dentistry, Operative
15. Guide to sound teeth: or a popular treatise on the teeth, illustrating the whole judicious management of these organs from infancy to old age : in which the author will attempt to show that the teeth of all persons which are constitutionally well formed, and who enjoy good health may, by proper management and care, be preserved to the end of life
Spooner, Shearjashub, 1809-1859
New-York : Wiley & Long, 1836
16. Medicine chests of all kinds: with directions suitable to their contents
Blasland, William.
Boston : Edgar W. Davies, 1828
Nonprescription Drugs
17. The family guide to health: containing a description of the botanic Thomsonian system of medicine : with a biographical sketch of the author
Brown, John A., 1810-
Providence [R. I.] : B. Albro, printer, 1837
Thomson, Samuel, 1769-1843.
18. Every man's doctor, or, Family guide to health: containing a condensed description of the various causes and symptoms of diseases : with an appendix showing the medical properties of the most valuable roots and herbs : to which is added 150 recipes
New York : J.K. Wellman, 1845
19. The young mother, or, Management of children in regard to health
Alcott, William A. (William Andrus), 1798-1859
Boston : Light & Stearns, 1836
20. On the management of children in sickness and in health
Ackerley, G. (George)
New York : Published for the author by Bancroft & Holley, 1836
Boston : George W. Light, 1839
22. Infant treatment, with directions to mothers for self-management before, during, and after pregnancy: addressed to mothers and nurses
Barwell Mrs. (Louisa Mary), 1800-1885
New-York : Mowatt, 1844
23. Lessons in botany, designed for the use of schools and academies
Davis, Emerson, 1798-1866
Westfield, Mass. : J. D. Huntington, 1829
24. The philosophy of mesmerism, or animal magnetism: being a compilation of facts ascertained by experience, and drawn from the writings of the most celebrated magnetisers in Europe and America : intended to facilitate the honest inquirer after truth, and promote the happiness of mankind, by diffusing the knowledge of one of nature's wisest laws and most benevolent institutions
Dickerson, K.
Concord, N. H. : Morrill, Silsby & Co., 1843
25. Geography made easy: being an abridgement of the American universal geography : to which are prefiexed elements of geography : for the use of schools and academies in the United states of America
Morse, Jedidiah, 1761-1826
Boston : Published by Thomas & Andrews, sold at their bookstore ... , Ezra Lincoln, printer, Sept. 1816
26. The medical companion, or, Family physician: treating of the diseases of the United States, with their symptoms, causes, cure, and means of prevention : common cases in surgery, as fractures, dislocations, &c. : the management and diseases of women and children, a dispensatory, for preparing family medicines, and a glossary explaining technical terms : to which are added a brief anatomy and physiology of the human body, shewing, on rational principles, the cause and cure of disease : an essay on hygieine [sic], or the art of preserving health without the aid of medicine : an American materia medica, pointing out the virtues and doses of our medicinal plats ; also, the nurse's guide
Ewell, James, 1773-1832
Baltimore : Printed for the proprietors, by B. Edes, 1822
27. Aristotle's master-piece: completed in two parts : the first containing the secrets of generation, in all the parts thereof ... : the second part being a private looking glass for the female sex
New-York : Printed for the Company of Flying Stationers, [1811?]
28. Aristotle's master-piece, or, The secrets of nature displayed in the generation of man: complete in three parts : to which is added, A treasure of health, or, The family physician : being choice and approved remedies for all the several distempers incident to the human body : the whole being more correst than any thing of the kind hitherto published
Worcester [Mass.] : Printed by Daniel Greenleaf, 1801
29. Domestic medicine, or, A treatise on the prevention and cure of diseases by regimen and simple medicines: with an appendix, containing an dispensatory for the use of private practitioners : to which are added, observations on diet : recommending a method of living less expensive and more conducive to helath than the present
Buchan, William, 1729-1805
New York : Published by Samuel A. Burtus ..., 1813
30. Domestic medicine, or, A treatise on the prevention and cure of diseases by regimen and simple medicines: with observations on sea-bathing, and the use of mineral waters, to which is annexed a dispensary for the use of private practitioners
Exeter [N.H.] : J. & B. Williams, 1832
31. Der lange verborgene Freund, oder, Getreuer und Christlicher Unterricht für jedermann: enthaltend wunderbare und probmässige Mittel und Künste, sowohl für die Menschen als das Vieh ; mit vielen Zeugen bewiesen in diesem Buch, und wovon das Mehrste noch wenig bekannt ist, und zum allersten Mal in America im Druck erschient
Hohman, Johann Georg.
Reading [Pa.] : Gedruckt für den Verfasser, 1820
32. The New-England farriery, or, A compendium of farrier: in four parts, wherein most of the diseases to which horses, neat cattle, sheep and swine are incident, are treated, with medical and surgical observations thereon ... : intended for the use of private gentlemen and farmers
Jewett, Paul.
Hudson [N.Y.] : Printed by A. Stoddard, 1806
33. A guide for young sheperds, or, Facts and observations on the character and value of merino sheep: with rules and precepts for their management, and the treatment of their diseases
Bard, Samuel, 1742-1821
New-York : Printed and sold by Collins ..., 1811
Sheep Diseases
34. The nurse's guide, and family assistant: containing friendly cautions to those who are in health : with ample directions to nurses and others, who attend the sick, women in child-bed, &c
Johnson, Robert Wallace, 1719 or 1720-
Philadelphia : Published by Anthony Finley, north east corner of Chesnut and Fourth streets ; A. Small, printer, 1818
35. Kurzgefasstes Weiber-Büchlein: welches sehr nützlichen Unterricht für schwangere Weiber und Hebammen enthält : wie auch die auserlesendsten Arzney-Mittel für aller Arten Krankheiten beyderley Geschlechts
[Ephrata? : s.n.], 1818
36. Bathing and the bath: simple and medicated : its history, effect and mode of application, with a particular description of the patent "toilet bath"
Lambert, T. S. (Thomas Scott), 1819-1897
Troy, N.Y. : Press of J.C. Kneeland, 1845
37. Aristotle's Master piece
New York : Published for the trade, 1846
38. The family dentist, or, A familiar treatise on the art of securing a beautiful set of teeth
Bostwick, Homer.
New York : G.P. Scott and Co., 1835
39. Curiosities of medical experience
Millingen, J. G. (John Gideon), 1782-1862
Philadelphia : Haswell, Barrington, and Haswell, 1838
40. Kurz gefasstes, Ross-Arzney Büchlein
Ephrata : Zum zweyten mal gedruckt bey J. Baumann, 1803
41. Kurzgefasstes Weiber-Büchlein: welches sehr nützlichen Unterricht für schwangere Weiber und Hebammen, enthält ; wie auch die auserlesendsten Arzney-Mittel für aller Arten Krankheiten beyderley Geschlechts : ferner, eine Anweisung zur Färbe-Kunst, blau, roth, &c. &c. zu färben
[Reading] : Gedruckt [bey Gottlob Jungmann und Carl Andreas Bruckmann], im Jahr 1802
42. A new and improved system of medical botanical practice: also, a concise view of anatomy and surgery, containing a medical classification of the best vegetable productions, with the better mode of compounding and administering in the treatment of disease : to which is added a short treatise on obstetricks, and a medical glossary
Miles, Charles, medical botanist
Cleaveland : Printed for the author, 1829
43. The family physician and the farmer's companion
[New York? : s.n., ca. 1840]
44. Marrow of practical medicine, and family guide: containing a brief and accurate description of the character, causes, and symptoms of the diseases of men, women, and children, with the most appropriate treatment, without poison or bloodshed ; to which is added a description of medicinal plants and herbs, their medicial qualities, and appropriate doses, with plain and full direction for making the various compound medicines recommended for the cure of diseases, &c
Mills, William, doctor
St. Clairsville, O. : Published by the author : William Brown, book and job printer, 1848
45. Doctor William Stoy's untrügliche Kur für den Biss eines tollen Hundes: Anweisung um den Trank zu gebrauchen
[Pennsylvania : s.n., ca. 1840]
Rabies -- drug therapy
46. Gunn's domestic medicine, or, Poor man's friend, in the hours of affliction, pain and sickness: this book points out, in plain language, free from doctors' terms, the diseases of men, women, and children, and the latest and most approved means used in their cure, and is expressly written for the benefit of families in the western and southern states : it also contains descriptions of the medicinal roots and herbs of the southern and western country, and how they are to be used in the cure of diseases : arranged on a new and simple plan, by which the practice of medicine is reduced to principles of common sense
Gunn, John C.
Springfield, Ohio : John M. Gallagher, printer, 1835
47. New England popular medicine: a work in which the principles and practice of medicine are familiarly explained : designed for the use of families in all parts of the United States
Capron, George, 1802-1882
[Boston] : Stereotyped by George A. Curtis, Boston ..., 1849
48. The homoeopathist, or Domestic physician. First part
Hering, Constantine, 1800-1880
Philadelphia : Sold by J.G. Wesselhoeft, 1835
49. The peoples' book: an address to the citizens of Boston, and the people of the United States, on poison, health, disease, vegetable medicine, and manner of curing the sick
Smith, Elias, 1769-1846
Boston : Benjamin True, printer, 1836
Religion and Medicine
50. The mother's medical guide in children's diseases
Boston : Published by T.R. Marvin, 1842
Medicine in the Americas, 1610-1920460
Cholera Online, 1817 to 190037
Unique English Imprints, pre-18004
Medicine157
Phytotherapy47
Therapeutics33
Materia Medica30
Buchan, William, 1729-180521
Willich, A. F. M. (Anthony Florian Madinger)19
Gunn, John C.14
Thomson, Samuel, 1769-184310
Ewell, James, 1773-18329
Homoeopathic domestic medicine3
An analytical view of the animal economy: calculated for the students of medicine, as well as private gentlemen : interspersed with many allegories, and moral reflections, drawn from the subject, to awaken the mind to an elevated sense of the Great Author of nature2
Anatomy and physiology: designed for academies and families2
Conversations on chemistry: in which the elements of that science are familiarly explained and illustrated by experiments and plates : to which are added, some late discoveries on the subject of the fixed alkalies2
Domestic homoeopathy, or Rules for the domestic treatment of the maladies of infants, children, and adults: and for the conduct and the treatment during pregnancy, confinement, and suckling2
Text✖[remove]490
Popular Works✖[remove]490
Handbooks33
Advertisements20
Encyclopedias15
Broadsides7
Public domain✖[remove]490


text:
El Festival de Cine de Ann Arbor es un festival anual de cine que se celebra en Ann Arbor, estado de Michigan, Estados Unidos.

Historia
Establecido en 1963, es el cuarto festival de cine más antiguo de Norteamérica (después del Festival de Cine de Yorkton, 1947; el Festival Internacional de Cine y Video de Columbus, 1953; y el Festival Internacional de Cine de San Francisco, 1957); y el festival de cine experimental más antiguo de la historia.

Se ha convertido en uno de los festivales de cine más importantes para que los cineastas independientes y, en especial, los experimentales, muestren su trabajo. En su edición número 55, el Festival de Cine de Ann Arbor atrajo más de 3000 entradas de cineastas de más de 60 países y distribuyó más de 20000 dólares en premios en metálico. Como pionero del concepto de festival itinerante en 1964, cada año la gira del Festival de Cine de Ann Arbor continúa presentando una colección de cortometrajes en más de 30 teatros de casas de arte, universidades, galerías y cinematecas de todo el mundo.

Propósito
Creado como una alternativa al cine comercial, el festival anual de una semana de duración sigue siendo fiel a su misión original de promover el cine como forma de arte. También fomenta el crecimiento de realizadores de cine y vídeo emergentes y establecidos. El festival está abierto a películas y vídeos de todos los géneros y duraciones, incluidos los híbridos experimentales, narrativos, de animación, documentales y de género. La misión del Festival de Cine de Ann Arbor es promover cineastas audaces y visionarios a través del avance del arte cinematográfico y de los nuevos medios de comunicación, e involucrar a las comunidades con experiencias cinematográficas notables.

Referencias

Enlaces externos
Página oficial del festival

Festivales internacionales de cine
Festivales de cine de Estados Unidos


text:
Il Canto dei battellieri del Volga è stato realizzato da Igor' Fëdorovič Stravinskij nel 1917; si tratta  di un'orchestrazione per complesso di fiati e percussioni di un antico e celebre canto tradizionale russo.

Storia
Nel mese di marzo del 1917 Stravinskij raggiunse Sergej Djagilev a Roma dove era programmata una stagione dei Balletti russi al Teatro Costanzi nell'ambito della quale il musicista aveva l'incarico di dirigere due sue composizioni, L'uccello di fuoco e Feu d'artifice. La serata inaugurale era a favore della Croce Rossa Italiana. Uno spettacolo di gala russo avrebbe dovuto tradizionalmente essere introdotto dall'inno nazionale, ma nel febbraio di quello stesso anno lo zar aveva deciso di abdicare e in Russia si era instaurato un Governo Provvisorio; non poteva ovviamente essere eseguito Dio proteggi lo Zar e si doveva trovare qualcosa di alternativo. Djagilev pensò allora di introdurre la serata con un canto popolare, il Canto dei battellieri del Volga, un antico e anonimo canto di fatica russo e ne affidò l'orchestrazione a Stravinskij. L'incarico era urgente visto i tempi strettissimi; il compositore lavorò tutta la notte fra l'8 e il 9 aprile, giorno della rappresentazione, nell'appartamento messo a disposizione da Lord Berners; con l'aiuto di Ernest Ansermet che, accordo per accordo, scriveva la partitura dettatagli da Stravinskij che la realizzava al pianoforte, il lavoro fu terminato in tempo. La mattina seguente fu eseguita la prova generale con l'orchestra diretta da Ansermet. Stravinskij intitolò l'opera Hymne à la nouvelle Russie, ma quando il governo sovietico decise di adottare come inno L'Internazionale, il musicista la pubblicò con il titolo oggi conosciuto. La sera del 9 aprile lo spettacolo di gala venne inaugurato con l'Inno italiano e quello orchestrato da Stravinskij. Il compositore diresse quindi L'Uccello di fuoco e Feu d'artifice per cui Giacomo Balla aveva realizzato delle scene decorative con effetti luminosi.

Organico
Ottavino, flauto, due oboi, due clarinetti, due fagotti, quattro corni, tre trombe, tre tromboni, basso tuba, timpani, grancassa.

Note

Composizioni di Igor' Fëdorovič Stravinskij


text:
Home / News & Speeches / ICC partners with the Business and Climate Summit
ICC partners with the Business and Climate Summit
News • Paris, 27/03/2015
The International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) will join forces with major business networks for the Business and Climate Summit, a two-day meeting taking place at the UNESCO headquarters in Paris 200 days before landmark UN climate talks – known as COP 21 – are due to kick off.
Business is ready to contribute to meeting the climate challenge
Responding to call from UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon for the private sector to take a more active role in the decarbonization process, ICC will join a host of global business leaders at the Business and Climate Summit in Paris on 20-21 May, 2015.
Terry McGraw, ICC Chairman and Chairman of McGraw Hill Financial and John Danilovich, ICC Secretary General, will be speaking at the Summit alongside leading international business players from all sectors, policymakers and top government officials.
ICC's engagement in the run up to COP21 will ensure that the international business community has a voice in the development of a new climate treaty.
Mr Danilovich said: "Throughout the world, businesses of all sizes are implementing climate solutions. The Summit will showcase the progress made by the private sector in developing innovative technologies, processes, products and services to foster green growth. It's now vital that business and governments work together to shape the right frameworks to help scale up these solutions."
The role of business in shaping effective solutions
ICC's involvement in the Business and Climate Summit forms part of ICC's active involvement in the run-up to COP-21, at which a new global treaty on climate change is expected to be agreed.
Mr Danilovich added: "ICC's engagement in the run up to COP21 will ensure that the international business community has a voice in the development of a new climate treaty. We also want to encourage the creation of effective engagement options for the private sector in the Paris 2015 outcome to help design and implement the new global climate framework."
The Business and Climate Summit will be the cornerstone event of the Paris Climate Week (May 19-22), focusing on how to work together towards a low-carbon, prosperous and safer future for all.
Mr Danilovich will be available to respond to questions on the role of business in addressing the climate challenge during a live 'webchat' on climate policy hosted by the Climate Group. Scheduled to take place on Monday 11 May at 3.30pm Paris time, the chat will be conducted via the Climate Group's twitter page using the hashtag #CWParis.
For more information about the Business and Climate Summit, please visit: www.businessclimatesummit.com
Follow the @BClimateSummit on Twitter and via the hashtag #BusinessClimate
Learn more about the ICC Commission on Environment and Energy.
Save the date: The Business and Climate Summit takes place on 20-21 May, 2015 at the UNESCO headquarters in Paris. Ahead of Climate Week Paris, join @ClimateGroup for a live Twitter Q&A with John Danilovich @johndanilovich on Monday 11 May at 3:30 pm Paris time.
Business and Climate Summit
Global Pact for the Environment: Letter from ICC Secretary General to UN Member Environment Ministers
Climate change and trade agreements Friends or foes?
ICC Statement on Sustainable Consumption and Production
Towards a Global Pact for the Environment
ICC principles for a just transition
Article 6: What is it and why is it important?
Global chambers mobilise for ambitious climate action
Here are 10 things you helped us achieve at the 11th World Chambers Congress
Leading global organisations join forces to elevate the business call to protect and restore nature
World business calls on G20 leaders to act with greater urgency