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A world to win and a planet to save
Left populism and socialist strategy under Corbyn – how could this prepare us for the Green New Deal? In response to Chantal Mouffe.
James Schneider
What is the left reply to Boris Johnson's green industrial revolution?
Offshore wind turbines, 2020, by Owen Humphreys/PA. All rights reserved.
UK Labour is not traditionally a populist party. The dominance of its parliamentary wing, wedded as it is to the pageantry and protocols of Westminster, militates against the construction of the sharp political divide that populism demands – and particularly the anti-systemic stance required by left populism. While the campaigns that achieved the largest increases in Labour's vote share – 1945, 1997 and 2017 – all involved forms of populism, these are exceptions rather than the rule.
Labour politicians are usually most comfortable speaking in terms of the "national interest" and then arguing that Labour, rather than the Conservative Party, is best placed to realise it. This approach structures Labour's political narrative: its parliamentary team is made up of good managers with good values whereas the Tories are bad managers with bad values. The object of the Party's traditional critique is not the capitalist system as a whole, nor even its more visible beneficiaries. Instead, the Party seeks to undermine the public's trust in the Conservatives' ability to manage the system effectively, while simultaneously building trust in Labour's ability to do the same.
One way to take stock of the Corbyn project, and to discover possible paths forward for the social forces that comprised it, is to chart its continuities and discontinuities with this traditional, non-populist Labourism. The best place to start is with the area to which theorists of left populism have given most attention: political discourse and communications strategy.
For the many not the few
The Labour Party's traditional technocratic tone – presenting itself as the only true guarantor of "the national interest" and studiously avoiding antagonism – stands in stark contrast to a left populist communications strategy, which deliberately generates conflict to construct a majoritarian political divide between particular social groups and a clearly defined enemy or set of enemies as part of an anti-systemic movement seeking state power.
This left populist approach, to be carried out comprehensively, would have required the Corbyn project to develop a simple story about itself and to repeat it relentlessly. This story would rest on the construction of the Many – a set of social blocs bound together in common interest – and its enemies, the Few: tax cheats, greedy bankers, dodgy landlords, rip off bosses, big polluters and the billionaire media.
Such an antagonistic approach would generate opportunities to dominate the news cycle in a way that reinforced Labour's central Many-Few framing. It would also lead to more sustained and targeted attacks on the project which could be turned against the attackers: the scale of attacks against the project would be presented as evidence of the real threat it posed to the ruling class, building public trust that the Party really was working for and with the Many to break the shackles of the Few.
Aspects of this approach may sound familiar as a version of it was, at times, pursued by Corbyn and his team. (I was part of the team: from 2016 to 2019, I was head of strategic communications and spokesperson for Corbyn and Labour.) For example, in Corbyn's first speech of the 2017 election campaign, he invoked a central antagonism between "the people" or the "true wealth creators" and the "powerful" or "cosy cartel."
He rose above the 'party versus party' frame and instead presented Labour as part of a movement that could beat the establishment. He named enemies: privatised rail, tax dodging multinationals, Philip Green, Mike Ashley and bankers. And he pre-empted the media's attacks by arguing that the "media and the establishment" said the election was a "foregone conclusion" because they "don't want us to win because when we win, it's the people not the powerful who win."
In the days following this speech, the slogan "For the Many, Not the Few" was adopted, which effectively encapsulated this left populist framing and placed it at the heart of the campaign. From this point on, every policy that Labour announced was presented as "For the Many, Not the Few" by taking on the rich to provide a universal benefit or service. These policies culminated in a manifesto, For the Many Not the Few, whose hostile leaking created precisely the attention-capturing controversy necessary to foreground Labour's central Many vs Few framing and the popular policies that gave it content.
The 2019 general election campaign began in a similar way. Corbyn's first speech took aim at dodgy landlords (represented by the Duke of Wellington), bad bosses (Mike Ashley), big polluters (Jim Ratcliffe), greedy bankers (Crispin Odey) and billionaire media barons (Rupert Murdoch). "Together," Corbyn told his audience, "we can pull down a corrupt system and build a fairer country that cares for all."
And he constructed an expansive 'we'.
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And he constructed an expansive 'we', claiming, "we're young, we're old, we're black, we're white, we're straight, we're gay, we're women, we're men, we're people of all faiths and none, from the North and from the South. We're from Scotland, we're from Wales, we're from every part of this country. And when Labour wins - the nurse wins, the pensioner wins, the student wins, the office worker wins, the engineer wins. We all win."
In his speech to launch the 2019 manifesto, Corbyn integrated the attacks he and Labour were receiving into his own narrative. "Labour is on your side," he declared, "and there could scarcely be a clearer demonstration of that than the furious reaction of the rich and powerful. If the bankers, billionaires and the establishment thought we represented politics as usual, that we could be bought off, that nothing was really going to change – they wouldn't attack us so ferociously... They know we will deliver our plans, which is why they want to stop us being elected."
The 'new mainstream'
One aspect of left populism, as laid out by Chantal Mouffe and practiced by parties like Podemos and politicians like Jean-Luc Mélenchon, is its transversal appeal. In Mouffe's formulations, this usually involves sloughing off much of the traditional symbols and language of the left. For new parties, such as Podemos or France Insoumise, who have national republican as well as socialist traditions to draw upon, this has worked up to a point. But Britain does not possess a republican tradition for Labour to tap into. What's more, it would be odd for Corbyn and his team to have captured the leadership of the Labour Party and then not use its brand, history and iconography, especially when it was theoretically possible to do so while drawing a big divide with its recent past.
But Corbyn's Labour could perform a related manoeuver by using relentless majoritarianism – and a consistent focus on building for and with that majority – rather than a technocratic paternalism focused on providing state support to those who most need it. This majoritarianism did not always come naturally to Corbyn or many of the Party's activists, who are motivated by a heartfelt desire to help those most in need. Effectively marshalling a left populist strategy would have required Corbyn to transform his moral outrage at issues like homelessness into a broader message about the brokenness of the system as a whole. Success could be measured, for example, by whether Labour's policy of ending rough sleeping was seen as evidence of the party's commitment to wider social change as well as the right thing to do.
Success could be measured, for example, by whether Labour's policy of ending rough sleeping was seen as evidence of the party's commitment to wider social change as well as the right thing to do.
At times, Corbyn and his team were able successfully to articulate this majoritarianism. For example, when laying out the party's 2017 tax proposals, Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell claimed, "the Labour party is now the party of low taxes for middle and low earners, while the Tories are the party of tax handouts for the super-rich and big corporations."
Corbyn ended the 2017 campaign by combining majoritarian self-confidence with an insistence on the Many vs Few antagonism. His final rally speech contained two set pieces. First, he declared that Labour now represented "the new centre ground." "This", he said, referring to manifesto policies, "is the new mainstream, and we have staked it out and made it our own – together."
Second, he read the closing verse of Percy Byshe Shelley's The Masque of Anarchy:
Rise like Lions after slumber
In unvanquishable number,
Shake your chains to earth like dew
Which in sleep had fallen on you -
Ye are many - they are few.
Corbyn returned to this theme of a new mainstream for the Many not the Few in his speech to the Labour Conference later that year. He argued that the neoliberal "economic model... doesn't work for most people" and as a result "Labour is now the new mainstream, developing a new consensus of how to run an economy for the many not the few."
This new consensus was not a new form of non-antagonistic politics or class collaboration, but one that overturned the existing system. Corbyn proudly declared that chancellor Philip Hammond was "absolutely right" to suggest Labour posed an "existential challenge to our economic model."
This self-confident assault on the status quo, the majoritarian appeal and Many vs Few framing were all repeated two months later after investment bank Morgan Stanley warned its clients about the dangers of a Labour government. Corbyn and his team produced a 90 second response video with the combative caption, "When bankers like Morgan Stanley say we're a threat, they're right. The next Labour Government is a threat to a damaging and failed system that's rigged for the few." The Labour leader combined majoritarianism with class antagonism by stating that "nurses, teachers, shopworkers, builders, just about everyone is finding it harder to get by, while Morgan Stanley's CEO paid himself £21.5m last year and UK banks paid out £15bn in bonuses."
"nurses, teachers, shopworkers, builders, just about everyone is finding it harder to get by"
The video was a highly effective piece of concentrated left populist communication. It was watched over 3.5 million times online and reported on widely in the media, including on the front page of the Financial Times.
Brexit and left populism
Brexit presented a significant challenge to this approach. The Leave-Remain divide cut straight through Labour's coalition, creating an alternative polarisation in which Labour could never gain a majority.
The vote to Leave was animated by cultural, economic and political concerns. No left populism could be found in the cultural dimensions, which had a profoundly reactionary flavour. But there was some possibility to engage with the economic grievances of a broad mass of Leave voters from areas that were seen as economically "left behind," alongside the economic grievances of the mass of Remain voters, often in bigger cities.
This was the strategy adopted in the 2017 General Election, as Labour effectively shut Brexit down as an axis of political contestation by respecting the result of the referendum and by centring the Many-Few axis as an alternative. But by the Labour Party conference in September 2018, this strategy was becoming stretched beyond its elastic limits, as Remain forces in the Party pushed hard for a second referendum and a winter of parliamentary Brexit showdowns loomed.
In response, Corbyn's team tried to frame the Conference around a plan for national, green renewal through the UK's towns, deploying the slogan Rebuilding Britain. A Green Jobs Revolution for the UK's post-industrial areas was the main policy announcement of Corbyn's speech. The conference's artwork showed semi-nostalgic, semi-futuristic scenes of towns revived with wind turbines and other signs of economic and social progress. It closed with a party political broadcast titled "Our Town," designed to appeal to town-dwelling Leave voters through a social democratic national-popular programme. It remains one of the Party's most watched videos online.
Unfortunately, the Party consistently failed to deal with the third pillar of the Leave vote: questions of political sovereignty and democracy. A bid to bring greater democracy to the UK at all levels of society, including reclaiming powers to upgrade the economy and expand public services, could have provided a political left populist locus, alongside the economic one, around which the Brexit-divided Many could have regrouped.
A bid to bring greater democracy to the UK… could have provided a political left populist locus, alongside the economic one.
The reality of the Brexit process, with its endless and obscure parliamentary manoeuvres, alongside the growing strength of the 'Stop Brexit' camp, meant that the reactionary, right-populist strategy employed by the Tories proved far more powerful at setting the political weather than Labour's insufficiently consistent left populist alternative. The clear victory of the Brexit antagonism over the Many-Few divide from the close of 2018 onwards further undermined the coherence of Labour's attempts at a left populist communications strategy.
The main voice of Labour's left populism, Jeremy Corbyn, was greatly diminished by the Brexit process. He was trapped in Parliament, as just another participant in a deeply unappealing set of parliamentary tricks and games which failed to satisfy anyone and enraged those who wanted to see Brexit through. From late 2018 through most of 2019, if Corbyn appeared on television, it would often come in the form of a short clip from a parliamentary intervention as part of a Brexit process that few in the country related to. And when his interviews were broadcast, much of the content would be about Brexit, with Corbyn stuck presenting an ever evolving, unappealing compromise struck internally within the party with little collective thought given to what would actually appeal to voters. The burnish of 2017, when Corbyn had appeared a politician apart, authentically himself, was painfully wiped off.
The Brexit situation also created a strategic argument against left populism, which while barely aired in this form was an unspoken motivating factor for some of the Corbyn team. With an election in 2019 likely, Labour needed to find a route to at least 40% of the vote, like that it had received in 2017 and was still polling after September 2018's party conference. With Brexit centre stage, this challenge was substantial.
If the Party had adopted a more pro-Remain strategy, it would accept Brexit as the main political divide and therefore would need to win the votes of the overwhelming majority of the 48% who voted Remain in June 2016. This task was Herculean given that the other parties occupying that space – the Lib Dems, SNP, Plaid and the Greens – had core votes, and that a stubborn portion of 2016 Remain voters were Tories whose objections to socialism or even social democracy outweighed their opposition to Brexit. To reach these non-Labour remainers, the Party would have had to shave off some of its edges, running on a more conventional offer and attempting to construct a majority around the cultural cleavage that separated Leave from Remain voters.
The other option would have been to adopt a more Leave-friendly position on Brexit and attempt to refocus the political debate around a different set of issues. Those in this camp saw the Conservatives' targeting of Leave voters who didn't usually vote Conservative as the biggest threat to Labour, both in the seats it held and the target seats it sought to gain. In order to keep both Leave and Remain voters in the Labour camp, the party would have had to overpower the Brexit divide with an alternative central antagonism, constructed through loud and effective left populism and a closing down of the Brexit debate where possible.
The strategy adopted ultimately fell somewhere in between. To overcome the Brexit divide, Corbyn insisted that he wanted "to bring people together." While a worthy sentiment, this was in effect an effort to deny animating political divides rather than to shift focus onto another one. Labour's approach began to seem like, at best, a confusing mix of contradictory approaches, and at worst, dissembling to win the election.
Labour's Green Industrial Revolution agenda might have offered an alternative route to displace the Brexit antagonism – and it receives a glowing review in Mouffe's recent essay on green left populism. She correctly states that these policies promoted "rapid decarbonisation of the economy, jointly with investment in sustainable, well paid and unionised jobs." But despite forming the opening section of the manifesto, the main source of spending and investment and the campaign's first major policy announcement, the Green Industrial Revolution was not the centre-piece of Labour's campaign. While it generated strong support from sections of the electorate – and is the most developed policy programme of its sort anywhere in the world – it wasn't articulated with sufficient real world meaning, and lacked the bite and political animus to catch the national imagination.
In the end, Labour pursued both populist and non-populist strategies simultaneously – and therefore neither effectively. While some set pieces, such as the revelation of the £500 million per weak threat to the NHS contained in secret UK-US trade talks, or the manifesto launch, were effectively delivered, the campaign failed to hang together.
The Green Industrial Revolution was not the centre-piece of Labour's campaign.
The story of this failure can be told through the campaign's slogan. 2017's iconic "For the Many Not the Few" was dispensed with, as was the 2018 Conference's "Rebuilding Britain." Instead the Party adopted the blander option of "It's time for real change." The slogan fell flat as the campaign lacked a clear sense of what "real change" might look like. It ran into the further difficulty that it rested on the idea that real change can happen through the ballot box, just not the "real change" voted for by 52% of voters three and a half years previously.
Despite the lack of a unifying slogan, the campaign began well, with Labour rising rapidly in the polls. However, by mid-November the gap between Labour and the Conservatives was not closing as Johnson's "Get Brexit Done" slogan and the Brexit Party's decision to not stand in any Tory-held seats allowed the Tories to capture the vast majority of the Leave vote. Searching for alternatives, the Labour campaign team changed slogan to "on your side" in an attempt to appeal to historic loyalties to Labour and suspicion of the Conservatives, as former Labour Leave voters seemed poised to join the Tory or Brexit Party camps.
In the dying days of the campaign, in a last-ditch attempt to close the persistent poll gap, "For the Many Not the Few" was reintroduced as a campaign slogan, but far too late to be noticed by the electorate or provide meaning to the campaign. In effect, Labour ended the campaign in the most boiled down, traditional Labour approach: claiming to be on people's side and asking them to vote Labour to save the NHS.
A more complete strategy
As we can see, this left populist communications strategy, incompletely implemented as it was, was not sufficient to achieve widespread social change in the interests of the majority. While theorists of left populism have developed an expansive theory of political discourse, they are relatively silent on such vital issues as: the importance of organising progressive social forces; the institutional vehicle(s) required to advance the project; its international alliances; and how to approach the state. All five elements are crucial parts of a counter-hegemonic socialist strategy.
This would have to include a movement strategy that aided the development, organisation, militancy and unity among various movements, including the labour, tenants, climate and anti-racist movements. The goal would be both to increase the autonomous power of those movements and provide them with a shared strategic horizon of a Labour government, which would champion their aims and assist in turning them into popular national demands.
The Corbyn years saw a revalorisation of trade unions in public debate and three years in a row of modest increases in total trade union membership, the first such sustained increase in four decades. The Party committed itself to community organising, with a new unit that sought to strengthen community campaigns and responded positively to movements, such as the Youth Climate Strikers and Extinction Rebellion. However, the party mainly failed directly to intervene to stimulate the organising of progressive forces, by, for example, organising a mass trade unionisation drive, setting up tenants' unions, or coordinating and cohering movement demands under a single banner.
The ideal movement-building approach would ally with a party strategy that aimed to transform Labour. This strategy, if successful, would turn Labour's "entire organisation into a gigantic lever of popular mobilisations, championing the causes of all sectors of the oppressed and offering a governmental perspective of real change." The party's practices, policies and personnel would have to be actively changed so that it could stimulate and promote popular demands and win elections, without being co-opted once it had. In short, the Party, at least in theory, could have combined the impact of left populist communications with a social base brought together under its banner and a party format capable of forcing through its demands.
Labour's transformation into a socialist movement-party was far from complete by the end of Corbyn's tenure as leader in 2020, as evidenced by the rapid reversals that took place over the course of the following months under the leadership of Keir Starmer. While party democracy was never the priority issue in practice for Corbyn's leadership, and the Democracy Review generated too few and too piecemeal changes, the direction of travel was towards change. From 2015 through to 2019, the party base had lagged behind the leadership, with Corbyn and his team breaching new political ground. But by Labour's 2019 conference, the party's grassroots were prepared to go beyond the leadership and confidently chart new ground themselves, winning substantial conference floor policy victories on a Green New Deal, abolishing private schools and setting up a National Care Service. This 'Corbynism from below' could have begun to initiate its own programme of party transformation had it not been for the election defeat and the change of leadership that followed.
'Corbynism from below' could have begun to initiate its own programme of party transformation.
Alongside building the movement and democratising the party, to mount a successful counter-hegemonic project Labour would also have had to combine the skilful development of international alliances alongside an understanding of the state as a site of class contest itself.
Despite Corbyn's historic focus on international issues, the rest of the world played a relatively minor role in the project. Two of Corbyn's most significant interventions as leader were about Britain's relationship with the rest of the world: his apology on behalf of the Party for the Iraq war and his speech about the failures of British foreign policy following the Manchester Arena terror attack. He gave a wide-ranging speech about 21st century internationalism to the UN in Geneva in December 2017 which went unnoticed by the corporate media, but was praised on the domestic and international left. He also exerted considerable time and energy on the misnamed Party of European Socialists, which brings together the EU's social democratic parties. However, on international issues, Corbyn was in a minority within a minority. Not only did the overwhelming bulk of Labour's MPs not share their leader's anti-imperialist politics, but much of his close team, both in the shadow cabinet and his office, did not either.
Preparations for government were limited in a different way. Plans for legislation were drawn up with the shadow teams, but the exercise was flawed. Despite John McDonnell's analysis of the need to be "in and against" the state and the ideological impact of Tony Benn, Ralph Miliband and Leo Panitch on some of Corbyn's team, preparations for government tended to treat the Party programme as something that could be implemented through existing state machinery, without mass mobilisations and with little establishment backlash. One senior member of Corbyn's team remarked after meetings with senior civil servants about Labour's 2019 policy programme that the civil service was "genuinely excited" about carrying out Labour's legislation. Such hopes would have melted on contact with reality had Labour entered government.
A left populist Green New Deal
This critical engagement with Corbynism should not simply be read as an assessment of the project's missteps and mistakes. While there was plenty that could and should have been done differently, it is important to remember that the terrain of struggle – the objective political situation, balance of forces in society and the party and level of pre-existing political development on the left – was weighted against Corbyn from the start. Those who want to take inspiration from the successes of Corbynism and apply its lessons to new projects ought to look at what could have been done to expand the project's available set of actions within this hostile context.
One such project is sketched out in left populist terms by Chantal Mouffe in her recent essay for openDemocracy. Mouffe rightly argues that the defeat or relative eclipse of various left populist or left populist adjacent projects does not mean that the systemic crisis of capitalism through which we are living can only be met with techno-liberal solutionism, state neoliberalism, authoritarian nationalism, centre-left managerialism or a return to twentieth century left approaches. If anything, the fracturing neoliberal hegemony, climate breakdown and the fallout from the pandemic both demand and create the conditions for an effective left populist response.
But assessing what this response might look like requires shifting from a narrow focus on communication to a more expansive analysis of all five areas of strategic concern necessary to building a counter-hegemonic project: communication, movement, party, international, state.
When it comes to communications, unfortunately a truly effective left populist approach is not currently a viable option in the UK given the political context. The effectiveness of a left populist communications approach rests on its capacity to shape the field of the political through discourse construction. Labour's potential to engage in and shape public debate far outweighs that of any other political actor. Despite a few senior figures, such as Ed Miliband, the shadow cabinet member responsible for much of this policy area, being personally committed to economic transformation coupled with environmental protection, plainly, under the leadership of Sir Keir Starmer QC, the Party will not adopt such an approach.
Starmer's allergy to left populism is violent. His approach to politics, shown by both his time as Shadow Brexit Secretary and as party leader, is firmly within Labour's traditions of progressive managerialism, parliamentary process, friendly gestures to the establishment and above all seeking a totalising "national interest" – a constant refrain in his public utterances. His method of politics is so traditional and anti-populist as to be parodic. As one satirical observer would have it, Starmer offers a "Prime Ministerial aesthetic, electability as a sort of cosmetic." Or, as Rory Scothorne elegantly argued in the London Review of Books, "The 'new management' has been single-minded in its attempt to return – and be seen to return – the party to 'loyal opposition', a supporting role in the maintenance of British order, where the price of the adjective is the meaning of the noun."
But despite the refusal of Labour's key spokespeople to advance it, a left populist Green New Deal is far from impossible in the UK. Such an approach could be adopted by the movements and institutions that formed the foundations of the Corbyn project, with the aim of both shifting the ground upon which politics sits and preparing the left for the next upsurge, whatever and whenever that may be.
At the level of communications, such an approach would require the development of the Green New Deal narrative, both to foreground a central antagonism and articulate multiple demands. Naturally, this development must start with the settling on a name. While Labour used the phrase Green Industrial Revolution, as a nod towards the UK's history as a pioneer of industrialisation and to emphasise the job creating aspects of the programme, it has now been adopted by Boris Johnson and his government. A coalition of activists and organisations without access to the media megaphone will not be able to compete with the government in shaping perceptions of that term.
Mouffe champions Green Democratic Transformation to stress the radical democratic dimension, which she insists upon in her work. However, I would settle on Green New Deal as the most effective term, despite it having greater historical resonance in the US than elsewhere. Not only are "new" and "deal" snappier words than "democratic" and "transformation," but the Green New Deal formulation both already has some purchase on the international left and is partly already inscribed with a class antagonism by US Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio Cortez's association of it with tax hikes for the rich and big corporations.
It is this class bite to the Green New Deal that needs to be developed most urgently. If the Green New Deal becomes a statist programme for environmental managerial reform, it loses its left populist potential. Rather it must pose itself as a threat to the forces represented by the Few, through attacks on their wealth, power and privileges and a benefit to the Many, through better jobs, health and society. To stand a chance of success, this left populist Green New Deal would require as much of the left as possible – in its grassroots, social movement, trade union and parliamentary forms – to be brought together to champion the narrative and its associated demands.
With the shared strategic horizon of a Corbyn-led Labour government gone, the combined articulation of diverse movement demands is substantially more challenging.
With the shared strategic horizon of a Corbyn-led Labour government gone, the combined articulation of diverse movement demands is substantially more challenging. For example, environmentalists and trade unionists will have less of an incentive – and face less cajoling from the party leadership – to agree on a Green New Deal programme and campaigns. But the vital work of building individual movements and bringing their demands together can, must and does still take place. Activists across movements will likely be the driving force of this work, hopefully assisted by a post-Corbyn left able to coordinate and unite its various grassroots, social movement, trade union and parliamentary strands.
While the Labour left is currently in retreat as Starmer and his team attack it to show their respectability to the establishment, both the prospects of a left populist Green New Deal and future party transformation can be kept alive. The relative democratic flowering within the party under Corbyn, culminating in grassroots policy victories at Conference 2019, has created skills and networks in the membership and trade unions that can be deployed both to resist the shift to the right and to propose and organise for progressive policies that the leadership will likely reject. Discovering that the leadership is not committed to the policies and politics that the overwhelming majority of members support could spur greater radicalism and educate members about the importance of party transformation.
One frequent and usually fair criticism of green politics is the technical or abstract nature of its policy proposals. This problem can intensify at the international level. A further criticism of progressive policy making is that it focuses too heavily on the state as the agent of policy transformation and too little on other forces that contribute to social change - and indeed to the balance of forces with the state.
The task of left activists, campaigners and strategists is to go further. We must develop a Green New Deal programme that concerns itself not just with the state but also can act at the site of production, distribution and exchange, in the labour process and relate to social reproduction while providing roles for a wide range of progressive forces, maintaining a strong central antagonism and relating the local to the global as it builds its demands.
To be able to make these demands a reality, substantial training and education of cadres is required. Despite having come so close to being in office, the strategic imperatives of transforming elected office into real political power remain too poorly understood on the UK left. Some of the Corbyn team's struggles against Labour's bureaucracy and constant establishment assaults could be instructive. The tacit knowledge about handling obstructive elements of the party machine, which rules of the political game do and don't apply to socialists, and how to build institutional counter-power needs to be passed onto the wider movement. But this knowledge must be coupled with an understanding of public policy not as a technocratic exercise undertaken by a neutral state but as a means to ultimately transform the state, which itself is a complex sight of class struggle.
A central focus on the Green New Deal would force the left to take internationalism more seriously. Global progressive forces are generally disarticulated by geography, language, tradition and focus of struggle. But these divisions can be overcome by building successful frames, stories and ways of understanding the world that link the national and the global without leaving behind a substantial section of either. Building connections between these movements and linking struggles together under common banners could strengthen the power of a left populist Green New Deal and many other campaigns and demands.
In the decade or so following the 2008 financial crisis, as neoliberalism's hegemony frayed, left populism came to be seen by many on the left as a shortcut to counter-hegemony. The Global North still faces a systemic crisis through which the ruling class has yet to chart a viable course. But while progressive forces are more powerful today than a decade ago in almost every sphere, they remain far from establishing an effective counter-hegemony. The promise of the moment is characterised more by the weakness of the ruling class than the organised strength of the masses.
The situation should lead neither to despair nor the disavowal of the basic tenets of left populist communications: maintaining a central antagonism through constructing a majoritarian political frontier between an 'us' and a 'them' to support an anti-systemic movement seeking state power. Left populist communications alone were never sufficient to build lasting counter-hegemony – such a victory would require the kind of expansive strategy laid out in this essay, and possibly much more – but the experiments with left populism in the UK and elsewhere have advanced progressive forces along the right path.
In the UK, the left found its leader and opportunity for advance by accident. Corbyn was elected leader of the Labour Party as an extreme outsider, at a moment of historic weakness for the organised left, through a selection process that had been designed to hurt the left but instead helped it. Achieving lasting victories for the left in this context would have required the Corbyn team to appeal to the public, hold its position in the party and stimulate progressive forces all at the same time. Put another way, they had to learn to drive, while competing in a Formula 1 race and building their own car. That he and his team got so far for so long in such inauspicious circumstances is a huge credit to them and the movement that powered them, as well as evidence of the weakness of neoliberal hegemony.
Today, the terrain is much clearer: there can be no shortcuts to lasting social transformation. Left populist communications are vital and extremely effective when the conditions are right for a rapid advance, but they must not be abandoned in the harder work of deepening and strengthening our capacities while we wait for our next opportunity. A left populist Green New Deal, when combined with strategic planks focused on movement building, transforming the Labour Party, deepening relations to the rest of the world and developing a plan to act in and against the state, could provide a path for the left to advance again. We can and we must. We have a world to win and a planet to save.
Published in: Rethinking Populism
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Nagarkot excels in offering Customs clearance services along with warehousing and forwarding of CBUs that are imported by global automobile manufacturers. We are the only Customs Broker in India to have handled more than 40000 CBUs over last 8 years, largest by any Customs Broker.
Our experienced and long serving personnel will guide you well with respect to mandatory legal requirements in advance so that you don't lose crucial time. Juggling several assignments at once is our forte without compromising on quality. Nagarkot deals in the registration of projects, reconciliation and special requirements on a case to case basis.


text:
The Haunted Mansion is an action-adventure video game released in 2003 from North America and 2004 in Europe and Japan by High Voltage Software. The game is based on the Disney ride of the same name, rather than the eponymous film, which was released shortly after the game. However, some elements and set designs from the film are incorporated into the game.

Plot
A Renaissance influenced nineteenth-century antebellum/Dutch colonial revival mansion located in a bayou nearby New Orleans, Louisiana was a happy home to a family (presumably the Gracey family) as well as friendly resident ghosts until evil forces known as the Order of Shadows, led by the evil Atticus Thorn, terrorized the mansion including the family, causing them to abandon the home and forcing all the resident ghosts of the mansion to serve his wills.

Renowned author Ezekiel Holloway (also known as Zeke), spent most of his life in orphanages after his father's death and his mother's disappearance during the Civil War. Sometime later, he went on his own to pursue a career; his true passion was writing as he always dreamed of becoming an author. His desperation in a search for a job to help finance his passion leads him to discover a misleading newspaper advertisement about being a caretaker for the aforementioned mansion.

Making the decision to take the job, he journeys to the mansion on October 17, 1879. Upon examining the mansion on arrival, he is greeted by six friendly ghosts, who are Atticus Thorn's slaves, causing him to faint in horror. When he awakes a spirit in a crystal ball named Madame Leota informs him that Atticus Thorn has trapped 999 souls in the mansion as part of his attempt to take over the Afterlife and should be sent into the Depths of the Afterdeath. She also informs him of how to use the Beacon of Souls: a magic lantern that fires bolts of light to fight off evil spirits. Leota also says that the Beacon is used to destroy the evil for good.

Despite his fears, Zeke agrees to help them and is given the weapon. He travels around the mansion, freeing shriveled ghosts and collecting legendary Soul Gems—the items that power up the Beacon—from the friendly ghosts. During the course of the events, Atticus Thorn, whom Zeke fights four times, watches with sadistic delight.

After fighting dozens of enemies, Zeke eventually gains a pirate's ring that unlocks a passageway to the Vault of Shadows, Atticus Thorn's secret lair behind a painting in the Foyer. Atticus reveals his plan to take over both the Afterlife and the Land of the Living, and he steals the Beacon of Souls from Zeke. Zeke and Leota then face off against Thorn's true form: a giant, worm-like creature. After Atticus dies, Zeke emerges victorious and is thanked by the friendly ghosts. The Haunted Mansion is finally returned to light, and the 999 spirits are set free and move on to heaven. Zeke is employed as the caretaker of the estate and continues to live in harmony with the remaining ghosts along with Madame Leota. He then pursues his dream as a writer and a recognized author under Leota's and the other ghosts' guidance later on.

Gameplay
The gameplay follows a fairly linear path in which the player must collect souls as they explore the mansion, with each room or door having a specifically required number of souls. The various hallways give the player access to a large number of rooms, as well as save points in the form of grandfather clocks. As the player traverses these hallways, they will always encounter enemies which opposes the player's ability to clear rooms permanently of enemies.

Once the player has found and entered a new room, the lights will be out and their main goal is to find the power switch and turn on the lights. Each room will offer a variety of challenges through fighting increasingly difficult enemies and providing unique problem-solving opportunities and puzzles. The enemies the player encounters begin as simple ghosts and small spiders, but will progressively become more difficult deeper into the mansion. Oftentimes, a new enemy is unlocked after having fought them as a "mini-boss" in a particular room. These enemies are extremely varied in style: a giant spider which will shoot webs and pull in Zeke, Banshees which scream and deal damage from a distance, Gargoyles which pull smaller skeletons out of the ground to swarm and defeat the player, and more.

Using their lantern, the player will fight the enemies with various attacks that they unlock from collecting the souls gems present throughout the mansion. Starting with a weak but fast attack, the player will slowly gain a charge shot, as well as an area of effect attack which are then all progressively upgraded a second time to more powerful versions. Additionally, the player has a "bravery" bar which represents their health, and throughout the mansion's rooms the player can find bottles of potions (called "Bravery Tonic") to restore it. Additionally, the player can collect permanent upgrades to their maximum bravery as well as playing cards which will provide one bonus life for every 10 collected. When the player's bravery bar is depleted, instead of returning a previous save, a life will be consumed and Zeke will be restored to full health.

The room design throughout the mansion uses a variety of mechanics, but is often rooted in a 3d platforming aspect. There are many examples of this, such as rooms where the bookcases will move around or float, and the player must make a series of jumps in order to successfully reach the light switch. A more unique example is seen in the Observatory in which the player looks through the telescope and is transported in to space, having to make a series of jumps in low gravity traversing various pieces of rubble.

When not focusing on platforming, the player can expect to see very unique puzzles or challenges such as being shrunk down and placed onto a billiards table, while a ghostly hand takes shots at them with the cue ball. The player then uses this to their advantage to successfully hit all the other billiards balls into pockets in order to escape this puzzle and continue on. Another example could be the kitchen, in which a stack of plates is steadily flinging themselves at the player. The player must then position themselves so the plates break various bottles of alcohol, at the end igniting and following the trail of alcohol to the fireplace which then lights the room.

The mansion is often set up in a way where the player can access up to 4 rooms at a time, and while collecting the souls from each room they will receive fragments of death certificates, which would be presented to the six friendly ghosts. After having collected all these fragments, they will then have enough souls to access a room in which they encounter a difficult puzzle or combat scenario. Upon completion of this scenario, the main villain will appear and fight Zeke, disappearing after Zeke has drained his health bar. After his temporary defeat of the villain, the friendly ghost will appear and Zeke will present the death certificate to them. A brief cutscene will then occur in which the ghost will present Zeke with a new soul gem, unlocking a new type of attack with his lantern and providing 100 extra souls.

This gameplay cycle will repeat until Zeke has collected all 6 soul gems (with the sixth being embedded in a ring), which allows him access to the final boss room. The final battle consists of 2 phases which function very similarly. As the main villain has turned himself into a worm-like creature by stealing the soul gems, Zeke puts his companion's crystal ball into the lantern and unlocks a special rapid fire shot which will fire just by holding down the attack button. The villain will steadily launch fireballs at Zeke, and lean down to bite him if the player comes within range. After taking enough damage, the villain will then begin to reveal the gem on his abdomen, which will begin to charge and fire a deadly beam attack that can deal more than half the player's health. In order to stop this the player must target the gem, dealing extra damage as well as preventing the damaging attack. After having depleted the villain's health bar, the floor will break and the player will find themselves in lava filled cavern, having to jump from platform to platform around the villain. Additionally, the villain now has 2 extra attacks: he has 3 large tentacles which he will raise up and then slam down, and a sweeping fire breath. After the player has successfully dodged the attacks, and destroyed the villain, a cutscene will ensue and the game ends.

Game Boy Advance Version
A Game Boy Advance version was planned for release around the same time as the console versions but, was scrapped for its poor quality and its publisher being bought out by Take-Two Interactive. The GBA version used 3D graphics and had the player explore the mansion Resident Evil style. Protagonist of the console versions, Zeke, is not present in this version whatsoever in his place is Yazz, a young woman who is searching the mansion for her lost friends Cyrus and Rikki. Though the game's release was cancelled, a casualty of the publisher buyout resulted in the games ROM making its way online.

Reception

The game received "average" reviews on all platforms according to the review aggregation website Metacritic. In Japan, Famitsu gave the PlayStation 2 version a score of three sevens and one eight for a total of 29 out of 40.

References

External links

Haunted Mansion
The Haunted Mansion video games
2003 video games
Action-adventure games
Cancelled Game Boy Advance games
Cancelled N-Gage games
GameCube games
PlayStation 2 games
High Voltage Software games
Video games developed in the United States
Video games set in Louisiana
Works set in country houses
Xbox games
TDK Mediactive games
Single-player video games

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Commission wants #EUGunban says Council
Tyvärr är denna artikel enbart tillgänglig på Amerikansk Engelska. For the sake of viewer convenience, the content is shown below in the alternative language. You may click the link to switch the active language.
Austrian Parliament published the latest news of the Council – we copied the sections regarding firearms and explosives. The most important sentences in red:
It is important to reach an agreement before the end of the year.
The Commission will continue to urge the colegislators to maintain the level of ambition, particularly the objective to ban the most dangerous semi-automatic firearms.
The document is titled:
First progress report towards an effective and genuine Security Union
II. STRENGTHENING OUR FIGHT AGAINST TERRORISM AND ORGANISED CRIME, AND MEANS TO SUPPORT THEM
a) Legal framework for combatting terrorism and cutting access to financing and firearms
The Commission has accelerated the implementation of its Action Plan of December 2015 on reinforcing operational cooperation at EU level against the illicit trafficking and use of firearms and explosives. Link
On 18 November 2015, in the wake of the Paris attacks, the Commission adopted an implementing Regulation on common minimum standards for deactivation of firearms. Link
The implementing Regulation entered into force on 8 April 2016 and provides that deactivated firearms are rendered irreversibly inoperable. The Committee responsible for implementation on deactivation of firearms met in September 2016 to assess the need for further revisions of the deactivation standards.
No word about poor wording, missing technical experience or the harsh critizm of the Committee IMCO.
The Commission also tabled a proposal to revise the Firearms Directive (Directive 477/91) to limit access to the most dangerous categories of firearms for civilian ownership. Link
The Council reached a general approach on the Commission's proposal on 10 June 2016, and the European Parliament Committee for Internal Market and Consumer Protection voted on the proposal on 19 July 2016. Discussions between the co-legislators began at political level on 27 September 2016, and are now being pursued in a series of technical discussions.
Terrorists have exploited homemade explosives to carry out attacks in Europe. The Commission is working actively to reduce access to precursors that can be used to manufacture homemade explosives, and to strengthen the detection capabilities of law enforcement and other personnel who secure public areas, mass transit, and critical infrastructures. This work has included the financing of a research project to neutralise the explosive properties of products available over the counter in hardware stores. The project led to the filing of patents to be used by industry. The Commission together with Member States need to look urgently at how to roll this research out to deny terrorists access to this potential source of bomb making ingredients.
So they want to ban hair bleach and nail polish remover – available retail ingredients for TATP used in Paris (FR) and Chemnitz (DE) ?
At the same time, policy action against explosives also needs to address the constantly evolving nature of the threat. In collaboration with Member States, the Commission has recently identified additional precursor substances of concern that should be subject to enhanced controls. In November, the Commission will adopt three separate delegated acts adding these substances to Annex II of Regulation on the marketing and use of explosives precursors.
The additions will require the reporting of suspicious transactions, disappearances and thefts involving these substances to law enforcement authorities. In parallel, the Commission is taking action to ensure the full implementation of this Regulation by the Member States.
On 29 September 2016, the Commission launched infringement procedures against Cyprus, France, Luxembourg and Spain as not all provisions of have yet been fully implemented by these Member States. The Commission will report in early 2017 on the implementation of and whether further strengthening of European rules is required.
Are there rational reasons for these countries not to follow a new legislative act? If you know the details – please comment.
Tags:Council, European Commission, gunban, trilogue
One Comment on "Commission wants #EUGunban says Council"
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Justin N
Come on! we all know that the excuse of the Paris attacks is pure and utter BS , being used in a most disgusting and low manner possible by these EU technocrat scumbags to disarm the European population in order to better control and oppress them. The sooner that we stand united and against the EU the better! My greatest wish is that the EU and its corrupt commission and parliament crumbles into dark history.
Docholiday om Studies: Lead in Ammunition
Filip Kwiatkowski om We invite you to join the Firearms United Network
Vítězslav Kot om We invite you to join the Firearms United Network
Henrik Bergdahl om We invite you to join the Firearms United Network
Jan Cerny om The Czech are taking EU to court – results out possibly already Q2/19

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Located in the heart of Austin, the Rosedale community is one of the smallest yet most desirable zip codes in Texas. This Gorgeous Duplex has been condo converted into two individual 3 bedroom, 3 full bathroom condominiums, both with garages in the rear.
Beautiful high-end, green-rated, condominiums with no HOA dues.
The Rosedale neighborhood is located in north central Austin, Texas. The neighborhood borders on 38th Street to the south, Shoal Creek to the west, North Loop / Hancock Drive to the north, and Lamar Boulevard to the east. Ramsey Park is located in the heart of the neighborhood, and has a swimming pool, tennis courts, playgrounds, and picnic areas. There are over 1200 homes in the area, a wide variety of businesses within easy walking distance, and an extensive network of medical services close at hand (including Seton Hospital, Austin State Hospital and Texas School for the Blind and visually impaired).
The Rosedale neighborhood began from farm and dairy land in the 1860s. In the 1900s, four florists and nurseries found their home in this area; much of the nursery stock planted during that time remains, as witnessed by the many large trees in the neighborhood.
The majority of the homes in the Rosedale area were built during the 1930s and 1940s. There are continually many renovation projects and new construction throughout the neighborhood, which lends a sense of vitality and renewal. The population of the neighborhood is a fabulous blend of young families, single professionals, and original owners who raised their children here and have many tales to tell.
Beyond the delightful charm of the area, the Rosedale neighborhood's location makes it one of the most desirable of Austin's neighborhoods. There is a close proximity to the Texas State Capitol, downtown Austin, and the University of Texas at Austin, as well as easy access to the main thoroughfares of the city.
Oh, and don't forget about SHOAL CREEK TRAIL, a scenic walk through Austin that meets up with town lake is very popular with bikers and dog walkers.
Living on Shoal Creek Trail is bragging rights and the price ceiling is much much higher than we have priced this high-end duplex.
Suite B $470,000 SOLD, but we have others, contact us.
2009 full remodel, home was taken down to foundation and partial 1st floor framing then built new from there.


At Convoy our brands define us. We have world class products from world class brands.
We are and alliance of audiophiles determined to introduce a wireless generation of music lovers to true high performance fidelity. We're engineers and individuals who have spent our lives in the music industry in search of perfection. We're not another computer company. We're all about sound.
NAD Electronics commitment to excellence extends well beyond the industry standard. We will surpass your greatest expectation of what home audio should be. Our roots run deep in stereo "Hi-Fi" heritage and using those basic principles for audio we expand into the realm of home theatre and custom installation. Our "Music First" mantra shows in everything we do!
IsoAcoustics Inc. is pleased to bring this specialised line of speaker stand products to the audio professional, music hobbyist, audiophile and music lover.
PSB always has and always will design loudspeakers that are true to nature. There is nothing added to what is in the music and there is nothing taken away that was intended in the music. And that's what a speaker should be.
Cary Audio has a passion for the finest possible reproduction of music and cinema. That passion drives us to develop the very best high-performance audio and video products in the world, utilizing the finest components available, maintaining the highest manufacturing and quality control standards, and remaining committed to the best in service and support to our customers and dealers worldwide.
We are dedicated to perfection.
JBL takes its decades of experience making audio equipment for music lovers around the world.
Music Hall has developed a cohesive and logical range of turntables, designed to extract a musical presentation from that fabulous medium we call vinyl.
Revel creates state-of-the-art loudspeakers that reveal every nuance in your music. Find out what it's like to discover yourself in sound.
Mark Levinson audiophile electronics have defined high-end audio since 1972. Designed and hand-built in the USA, Mark Levinson products continue to deliver inspiring performance and no-compromise build quality that you can hear in every note.


These Drill Brush Attachments are made from polypropylene nylon that is guaranteed not to scratch. This is not a test product, this product has been tested by professional cleaning companies and is proven to be an effective and efficient method of cleaning.
Applying the Bring It On Cleaner to the surface to be cleaned. Next, Attach the Drill Scrub Brush to any household drill and smear the product around using the drill brush before engaging the drill,( this will avoid flipping the product around). Next, use the 5 inch flat brush to clean all your horizontal and vertical flat surfaces. Once all the flat surfaces are cleaned, switch to the corner brush and begin to clean all your corners, edges, and hard to reach places. Once you feel the area is to your satisfaction, use water to wash off the Bring It On Cleaner.


text:
using BikeDataModels;
using Project_4_desktop.Graphs;
using System;
using System.Collections.Generic;
using System.ComponentModel;
using System.Data;
using System.Drawing;
using System.Linq;
using System.Text;
using System.Threading.Tasks;
using System.Windows.Forms;

namespace Project_4_desktop
{
    /// <summary>
    /// extra form needed to select the right neigberhood. Page normaly only accept objects inherited by PlotModel
    /// </summary>
    public partial class Question3NeighborhoodPicker : Form
    {
        IEnumerable<CombinationofTheftTrommelAreaMonth> data;
        Question3 question3;
        public Question3NeighborhoodPicker(Question3 question)
        {
            InitializeComponent();

            var loader = new QuestionDataLoader<IEnumerable<CombinationofTheftTrommelAreaMonth>>("questions/q3");
            loader.OnLoaded += Loader_OnLoaded;
            question3 = question;
            this.Deactivate += Question3NeighborhoodPicker_Deactived;
        }
        private void Question3NeighborhoodPicker_Deactived(object sender, EventArgs e)
        {
            this.Close();
        }
        private void Loader_OnLoaded(object sender, EventArgs e)
        {
            data = sender as IEnumerable<CombinationofTheftTrommelAreaMonth>;
            neigborhoodComboBox.DataSource = data;
            neigborhoodComboBox.Refresh();
        }
        private void viewButton_Click(object sender, EventArgs e)
        {
            var selectedRow = neigborhoodComboBox.SelectedItem as CombinationofTheftTrommelAreaMonth;

            question3.RefreshData(selectedRow);
        }
    }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Digital ads drive over 100 billion phone calls to U.S. businesses every year… Surprisingly, the marketers who paid for those ads typically have zero insight into these customer interactions and conversions. As the market leader in call analytics and customer experience optimization, DialogTech provides data-driven marketers with an end-to-end call attribution and analytics platform. This enterprise-class solution delivers transparency and control over every conversation, so companies can optimize lead generation, map the full path to conversion, and increase sales conversions.
We are looking for a Manager, Customer Support in our Chicago office to join the DialogTech team. This person will be responsible for leading, directing, motivating, and developing a team of Customer Success Specialists to deliver an extraordinary level of service to DialogTech customers.
Responsible for the performance and careers of all team members.
Craft and implement procedures for ensuring consistent performance.
Develop a method for tracking customer satisfaction metrics.
Build a customer focused, service driven environment, dedicatedly reviewing and acting on customer information to increase efficiency and effectiveness of the team.
Ensure customer issues are resolved promptly and successfully.
Maintain positive day-to-day working relationships with both internal and external contacts.
Conduct on site client visits to provide a direct relationship with our clients and the support team.
Ability to run Salesforce workflow, NPS/Survey tools, our public facing system status mechanisms.
Previous managerial experience in customer service field.
Previous experience with NPS and/or other customer service metrics heavily preferred.
Shown experience of leading, encouraging, and managing a team to achieve required business goals.
Detail oriented with excellent communication and organizational skills.
Ambitious, highly motivated, and passionate about technology.
3+ years of Managerial and Customer Service experience.
Excellent communication skills via email, phone, and client on sites.
Join us at one of the 101 Best and Brightest Places to Work in Chicago and nationally, 9 times running, Chicago Tribune's Top 100 Workplaces company and a 2017 Crain's Fast 50 company!
Right across the street from Willis Tower, we are easily accessible by CTA and Metra lines... and a ton of food trucks!
We have loads of weekly formalized social events, from Friday beer bashes to charitable initiatives (causes are chosen from a pool of topics near and dear to DialogTech team members' hearts. We also participate in intramural sports and have an active women's group.
My team is building a Sourcetrak offering that allows customers to use their own phone numbers and telephony while leveraging DialogTech's data and analytics. I'm excited to implement new serverless and scaling technologies to enhance Sourcetrak.
The most enjoyable part of working at DialogTech are the people and being able to work on cutting edge technologies. It's a collaborative environment. People take the time get to know you, both personally and professionally. Everyone is incredibly supportive of one another. The company is very focused and works towards their vision.
DialogTech offers three different plans to choose from: BlueCross BlueShield $250 deductible PPO medical, $2,500 deductible HSA plan (with employer contributions), and a BlueAdvantage HMO plan.
Dental insurance through Guardian Dental PPO plan and VSP Vision Insurance which provides the option of seeing any provider you choose within the network, without referral.
DialogTech's vision insurance plan provides the option of seeing any provider you choose within the network, without referral and a Wellness Exam Copay of $20.
DialogTech's 401(k) retirement plan offers investing into a Roth/Pretax retirement account.
We offer 100% paid maternity leave for up to 12 weeks and 3 weeks paid paternity leave.
At DialogTech we have unlimited PTO for all our employees.
We have weekly Beer Bashes in our office every Friday at 4 pm to start the weekend off right with our colleagues.
DialogTech provides free in-office premium beverages, fruit, cereal as well as healthy snacks.
At DialogTech we work to live, not live to work. It's why we have an unlimited vacation policy and other rich benefits like 100% covered, paid maternity leave. We believe hiring the right people is our most important job and we believe in rewarding you for your hard work.


Alan Henderson is back with the 76ers, team president Billy King said today.
Henderson was traded to Utah on Feb. 22 for cash and the rights for the teams to switch second-round picks in June's draft. Henderson was waived by the Jazz on March 2. He was signed by the Sixers for the rest of the season.
Henderson, a 6-9 forward, averaged 3.5 points and 3.1 rebounds with the Sixers before the trade.
The Sixers visit the New York Knicks on Wednesday night.


0 - 4 - 0 Buy this product to enhance your flower quality! The Roots Organics HP2 Liquid Bat Guano is perfect for horticultural hobbyists and professionals alike. This unique formula is a specially extracted source of natural phosphorous and is minimally processed to preserve all of the benefits and amazing synergistic qualities found in bat guano. For added convenience, HP² can be added to any fertilizer program in soil or hydroponics. Size: 5 Gallons. Additional Sizes Available.


Douglas Window & Door wants our customers to have the knowledge required to make a smart window purchase they can feel confident about.
Ask yourself a few questions: Do I want my windows to tilt in for easy cleaning?
Do I want one pane to open or both panes to open? Top to bottom or side to side?
There are many different window styles to choose from!
GLASS: Do you want a window that provides an unhindered view with clear glass? Or are you looking for a combination of natural light and privacy, which textured glass provides?
COLOUR & TRIM FINISH: The outside of your window can be one colour and the inside another.
Do you want a wood stain trim finish or will you be choosing one of the many vinyl colour options available?
This colour palette is a representation and is not an exact rendering of the true Strassburger colours.
Energy efficiency is built into all Douglas Windows. But the number of panes (that is, single-glazed, double-glazed, or triple-glazed), thickness and texture of the glass, and the film or coating on the glass are all factors in determining the energy efficiency or privacy of your new installation.
For instance, do you need your windows to allow heat from the sun into your home to save on your energy bill in the winter? Or are your windows transferring too much heat in the summer, increasing your air conditioner's burden? If privacy is important you will want to think about textured glasses or mirror tints.
Window frame material also affects energy efficiency. Insulation-filled vinyl frames and fiberglass perform better than wood, wood-clad and uninsulated vinyl frames.
Aluminum and steel framed windows are not energy efficient and are recommended to be replaced.
We're here to help! Do you have more questions and want to learn the finer details of window shopping and window care? Download our Window Buyer's Guide. Please Contact Us for a complimentary in-home estimate with one of our project consultants, scheduled at your convenience.


A 2015 study by the Produce for Better Health Foundation noted that overall intake of fruits and veggies has declined 7% over the past 5 years. As part of a healthy diet, the Dietary Guidelines recommends 4-5 servings of fruits and veggies daily, however many people fail to meet this goal. Read on for tips how you and your significant other can increase fruits and veggies throughout the day and during National Nutrition Month.


HomeConspiraciesExtra! Extra! Read All About It! African Muslims Invade and Riot at Fair In Minnesota! Somalis Crash Cop Confab!
December 12, 2018 Jeffrey A. Friedberg, AMAZON THRILLERS AUTHOR Christianity, Iran, Islam, Israel, Judaism, Middle East, National Security, War, World Comments Off on Jihad Watch: Muslims, Islam, Shariah Law, Jews, Iran, Israel, France, USA, and the World.