text:
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


text:
Capitano di vascello della Royal Navy, veterano della seconda guerra mondiale dove prese parte a numerose azioni navali tra cui, l'evacuazione delle truppe anglo-francesi da Dunkerque (Operazione Dynamo) l'attacco alla nave da battaglia Tirpitz (Operazione Tungsten) e poi allo sbarco in Normandia, dove la sua unità coprì con il fuoco dei propri cannoni lo sbarco delle truppe sulla spiaggia "Sword". Nel dopoguerra partecipò, al comando del cacciatorpediniere Diana ad un esperimento di navigazione in acque contaminate dal Fallout nucleare di ben due esplosioni nucleari, le Operazioni Mosaic I e II. Dopo il pensionamento fu molto attivo nel tentativo di far riconoscere dal governo inglese ai propri uomini,  un indennizzo per la loro esposizione agli esperimenti nucleari.

Biografia
Nacque il 7 aprile 1912 a Nairobi (Kenya), dove il padre ricopriva a quel tempo l'incarico di giudice nelle colonie inglesi.
Si arruolò nella Royal Navy nel 1926 entrando come cadetto nel Royal Naval College di Dartmouth, imbarcandosi poi, tra il 1929 e il 1932, come guardiamarina sull'incrociatore pesante Shropshire, appartenente al 1st Cruiser Squadron della Mediterranean Fleet, e poi sul cacciatorpediniere Boadicea. Tra il 1932 e il 1933 seguì il corso ufficiali, da cui uscì con il grado di sottotenente di vascello per imbarcarsi sulla nave da battaglia Barham, dove rimase fino al 1935 quando si trasferì, come tenente di vascello, sulla nave da battaglia Queen Elizabeth, nave ammiraglia della Mediterranean Fleet. Nel 1937 fu assegnato come ufficiale divisionale, alla HMS St. Vincent, scuola di addestramento situata a Gosport, rimanendovi fino allo scoppio della seconda guerra mondiale, nel settembre 1939.

La seconda guerra mondiale
Nel giugno del 1940 prese parte all'evacuazione delle truppe inglesi e francesi da Dunkerque imbarcato sul dragamine Albury, passando quindi a prestare servizio a bordo della nave mercantile requisita  Mytilus. Questa era una delle quattro navi cisterna da impiegare nella prevista Operazione Lucid. Tali navi erano state caricate con tonnellate di combustibile e, dotate di esplosivi a tempo, dovevano entrare nei porti occupati della Francia e del Belgio, dove i tedeschi stavano allestendo la flottiglia d'invasione, per essere fatte saltare in aria nel tentativo di distruggere le chiatte già assemblate. Tra il 1941 e l'aprile 1942 fu imbarcato sul cacciatorpediniere Bedouin, passando poi al comando del cacciatorpediniere Winchester. Nel 1943 assunse il comando del cacciatorpediniere Swift, una unità armata con i nuovi cannoni da 114 mm,  inquadrata nella 23rd Flotilla, formata da navi inglesi e norvegesi, impiegata nella scorta ai convogli  diretti in Unione Sovietica attraverso il Mare Artico.

Nel febbraio 1944 partecipò alle ricerche del sommergibile Stubborn  lungo le coste della Norvegia. Il sottomarino era stato gravemente danneggiato mentre stava ricaricando le batterie in superficie, e dopo aver individuato l'unità egli riuscì a prenderla a rimorchio trainandola verso la Gran Bretagna. Nonostante gli attacchi aerei subiti l'operazione si rivelò un successo. Nel mese di aprile prese parte alla Operazione Tungsten, l'attacco alla nave da battaglia tedesca Tirpitz, che si nascondeva nei fiordi norvegesi.

Con la sua unità il 6 giugno partecipò alla fasi dello sbarco in Normandia,  bombardando obiettivi nemici sulla spiaggia "Sword", ma il 23 dello stesso mese, di ritorno da una missione di caccia notturna ad alcune S-Boot, lo Swift urtò una mina acustica che esplose provocando l'affondamento della nave in acque basse. Per le azioni compiute durante le fasi del D-Day fu insignito della Distinguished Service Cross. Assunto il comando del cacciatorpediniere Orvell  continuò a pattugliare il Canale della Manica, riprendendo poi a scortare convogli nel Mar Artico. Nel gennaio 1945 partecipò all'Operazione Spellbinder, il ritorno delle unità della Royal Navy nella acque meridionali della Norvegia, ancora considerate nemiche.

L'attività nel dopoguerra
Dopo la fine della seconda guerra mondiale servì come ufficiale di corso presso il Royal Naval College di Dartmouth, e poi a Eaton Hall, nel periodo 1945-1946. Tra il 1947 e il 1948 fu imbarcato sulle navi da battaglia King George V e Duke of York, divenendo poi vicecomandante dell'incrociatore scuola Devonshire tra il 1949 e il 1951, e comandante del Royal Naval College di Greenwich tra il 1951 e il 1953.

Fu direttore della Scuola addestramento motosiluranti di Portsmouth tra il 1954 e il 1955,  assumendo poi il comando del cacciatorpediniere Diana con un incarico speciale. In quegli anni la Gran Bretagna stava conducendo una serie di esperimenti nucleari nell'emisfero australe, compresi alcuni nelle isole di Montebello, ad ovest dell'Australia.  Per valutare gli effetti della navigazione sotto un attacco nucleare fu richiesto che il Diana entrasse nella zona di fallout radioattivo di ben due esplosioni atmosferiche, denominate in codice Operazione Mosaic I (16 maggio) e Mosaic II (19 giugno 1956). Le autorità inglesi avevano bisogno di tutte le informazioni possibili sugli effetti di un'esplosione nucleare all'idrogeno, e alla nave fu fornito il miglior materiale esistente all'epoca. Di ritorno dalla campagna le autorità australiane negarono al Diana il permesso di attraccare a Fremantle, in quanto consideravano la nave estremamente contaminata. Durante la crisi di Suez partecipò all'affondamento della fregata egiziana Domiat nel Mar Rosso, avvenuto il 1 novembre 1956.

Servì sul Diana, confinato nelle più remote stazioni navali britanniche, per altri due anni, e la sua carriera militare ne risentì. Ricoprì poi l'incarico di addetto navale all'Ambasciata britannica di Santiago del Cile (1958-1960) e comandò poi la scuola d'addestramento HMS Gange (1960-1962) di Shotley, fino a che si ritirò dal servizio attivo, il 28 agosto 1962.  Andò a vivere in Scozia, dove lavorò per sette anni con Sir Billy Butlin prima di aprire negozio di vendita caravan a Belmont, presso Ayr. Stabilitosi successivamente a Aldeburgh, Suffolk, si spense nel novembre 2007.

Nei media
Lo scrittore John Winton, vero nome John Pratt (1931-2001), un ex capitano di corvetta della Royal Navy che lavorò come necrologista presso il The Daily Telegraph per quattordici anni,  che fu allievo di John Gower, prese la sua figura a modello per il personaggio del Lieutenant-Commander Robert Badger, protagonista dei romanzi a fumetti della serie We Joined the Navy. Il personaggio di Robert Badger, nella trasposizione cinematografica di We Joined the Navy (1963), fu interpretato dall'attore Kenneth More. Tra il 1929 e il 1932 scrisse anche i tre volumi della serie Midshipman's journal's.

Onorificenze

Note

Annotazioni

Fonti

Bibliografia

Periodici

Ufficiali della Royal Navy
Decorati con la Distinguished Service Cross

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


ABC National Radio "Hits & Favorites"
and select "save target as"
What a wonderful guest you are — engaging, interesting and real! I really am inspired by you. You're welcome back anytime.
Jane, My gosh, I haven't had such a great interview in a long time. You're terrific. The book is great. Loved it and loved you. Good luck with everything.
It was a pleasure talking to you about your book. I was reeled in upon reading the opening pages. Good advice for all. Here's to affirmations!
You are such a class act! You really did a fantastic presentation.
I just had to tell you that Jane was FANTASTIC! She had such a great sense of humor and great information that made Ms. Straus the perfect fit for our show. Fred [Imus] just loved it. So, we would like to keep the invitation open for Jane Straus to appear on the program in the future if she would like to!
Tony [Cruise, Radio Host of WHAS Radio] just LOVED the interview!
Thank you for your time this morning. Your infectious, positive attitude made my day, especially knowing how early it was on the Left Coast. I hope that I have the opportunity to see you speak in person. Have a great day!
Would love to have you on again to share more of your insights - they were great!


text:
Witness for the Truth: Interview with Randy Wenger
Randy Wenger, Chief Counsel for the Independence Law Center, was recently interviewed by Joe Watkins, pastor and former White House aide who now hosts the program "State of Independence" on Lighthouse TV, where he discussed his journey and what led to the founding of the non-profit public interests law firm that offers pro-bono legal services.
Randy Wenger was prompted to become an attorney after hearing a Christian radio program featuring Jay Sekulow talk about the fight for religious liberty. His passion for defending religious liberty grew while attending law school at Penn Law. Years later, he founded the Independence Law Center, which has become one of the foremost legal firms involved with religious liberty, family and marriage, and human life cases.
America's courts are—in many ways—the last great battleground in America. As Lighthouse TV explains about this interview, the courts are where so many issues that are dividing communities, states, and the entire country are being settled. But are these issues being resolved or the court decisions just making America's divide even deeper? Are courts being respected as the final word?
"Consider the role of government over the past 200 years during the life of our nation," Wenger proposes in the interview. "The role of government was fairly small in the late 1700's and it kept growing over time so that the things the government is deciding at this point affect every single area of life…If there isn't some way to push back on that when our rights are in jeopardy, we're all in trouble."
The Independence Law Center is a public-interest civil rights law firm affiliated with the Pennsylvania Family Institute, a non-profit 501(c)(3) organization funded through tax-deductible contributions that works to preserve religious liberty, promote marriage and the family, protect human life, and improve education and policy for our clients.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Hair, Make up and styling by me. Photos by Mattias Swenson.
SUMMER. Here are a couple of pictures from a fun collaboration I did with mytheresa.com while I was in San Francisco earlier this summer. I did the styling + modelling and my boyfriend shot the pictures. We had a lot of fun taking the pictures and seeing them makes me miss San Francisco soo much!
This entry was posted in Collaborations by Carolina Engman. Bookmark the permalink.
I really like your style! Gorgeous pictures!!!
good job! you look fab!
. beautiful pictures, nice clothes, cool job.
. i really love the bag!!
I love this photos. Absolutelly great style. Love these bags and wedges.
Ahhhh you look phenomenal and i love everything you're wearing. Beautiful beautiful photos!
I love these shots! Your bf is an incredible photographer. I've been to San Fran, definitely nowhere else in the world like it.
oh my! you look absolutely gorgeous! i mean, just like… woah!
great job! you look so fab and adorable. love it.
you look so adorable and gorgeous :) stunning!!!
Where's the beautiful pink lipstick from?
I like the outfit in the first picture! Your lipstick colors are great and so our the accessories!
Stunning! The clothes, the atmosphere, the styling…Seriously some of the best outfit pics on fashionsquad.com! Oh and a truly amazing photographer:-)!
love that leather jacket and i love that last picture!! it would have been seriously tough to return the clothes!!
Great outfits that you styled. And I really like the different pics. My favourite outfit has to be the second, such a fabulous dress!
I like all your looks! but my favourite is 6ht photo! so cool!
magic and magnific style !
I love your thirth outfit.
I love them all!! Beautiful,beautiful,beautiful!!!
I like all your outfits!!!!!!!!! You look so great…….
How cool is this! I'd have such a hard time giving back those threads…especially from the last outfit. Amazing!
my heart stopped when i saw that proenza bag! how did you give it up?!? lol, anyway, you look freaking gorgeous.
Beautiful! Love the pictures and your outfits <3 What do you think about the clog fashion?
you did a really great job!
i love all your photos here.
you and yur bf are partners in crime, seriously!
OSLAGBARA BILDER! LOVE THE STYLES!
Dear you are amazing,love your blog congrats I'm following it too will follow my blog and comment too plis?
this alexander wang clutch … just the thing that I love the most !!!
Perfect layout! Great styling choices!
AMAZING PICTURES ! I really love them !
kimono sleeves and school girl innocence = tres bien from me!
Btw, du har grym stil.
REALLY LIKE THIS PICTURES, HOT STYLE!
Love this outfit and the photos. The black jeans you wore are amazing, I would like to know the brand who made it.
i love the outfit with the striped shirt !
love your style and all your shots!
Love everyone of these looks. Just perfect.
I love all the neon lippies! Great outfits and make up!
I absolutely love these shots!!
Your facial expressions totally vibe with your wardrobe, now THIS is styling!
your cloth and hair stylingis very nice but what i like the most is the makeup! especially the eyes… outstanding !maybe you should give us a tip!
You are perfect, girl. Your stile is wonderful. Kisses..
Você é perfeita, garota. Seu estilo é maravilhoso. Beijos..
love the floral printed dress!!!
God you are soo good with colors and their shades. You know EXACTLY which ones suit you. The last photo is perfect.


text:
Q: can an entity exist in isolation in ER diagram? can an entity exist in isolation in ER diagram? When this entity has no relation ship with other entities (they have relationship with others) in the diagram?
Will this diagram be a valid ER diagram?

A: There's no rule that all entities in an ER diagram must be related, but unrelated subgraphs of an ER model can be seen as logically distinct database schemas. I would question why you want to show them together in a diagram if they have nothing to do with each other.

A: I will assume that you mean entity type here. In the academic aspect of the ER diagrams, they represent a mini-world and there are no rules that entity types should be related in the mini-world. Example: in a "school" mini-world, you might have a student entity type and invoice entity type, they can't be related but they are parts of the mini-world school.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
South African Joshua Chetty gets lifetime ban for corruption
Reply Thursday, September 29, 2016 A+ A-
http://www.africaeagle.com/2016/09/south-african-joshua-chetty-gets.html
South African Joshua Chetty has been banned for life from professional tennis after being found guilty of match-fixing offences.
The 21-year-old admitted offering money to another player to underperform at an ITF Futures F1 tournament in his home country in November 2015.
The fellow player reported the approach to the Tennis Integrity Unit (TIU), which carried out an investigation.
Chetty is currently ranked 1,857th in the world, with a career high of 1,370.
The TIU said the identity of the player who was approached will remain confidential.
"The findings of a resultant TIU investigation were referred to independent anti-corruption hearing officer, Ian Mill QC, who considered the case and imposed the lifetime ban from all professional tennis," said a TIU statement.
"The lifetime ban from all professional tennis applies with immediate effect and means the player is not allowed to compete in, or attend, any tournament or event organised or sanctioned by the governing bodies of the sport."
Sports 5373108651008574351


There are people who love the NBA. There are people who love "Game of Thrones." There are people who love both. For the people who love both forms of entertainment, Sunday night is going to be a real tough choice for them. The ninth episode of this season of GoT is expected to be a doozy with an epic war happening. At the same time, we'll be right in the middle of Game 7 between the Golden State Warriors and the Cleveland Cavaliers as the championship for this season gets decided.
For the players in the game, they'll end up missing "Game of Thrones" on Sunday night. They can still watch it online after but spoilers will be everywhere. Kevin Love was asked about missing the highly-anticipated episode as he plays in Game 7. He joked that it will be tough but they've got some other things on their mind.
Luckily for everybody, they can watch the episode online after the game is over. If the Cavs win the championship, they'll probably be able to reconcile not seeing what happens on the show Sunday night and find time for it later in the week. If they lose Game 7, maybe watching it after will give them a little escape as they watch someone else (even if fictional) experience some pain and anguish.


1. The Paris Agreement needs to apply a more relevant and accurate application of sovereignty and CBDR to reflect state differentiation and responsibilities.
2. If INDCs are not legally binding in a new agreement, targets must be accountable through a comprehensive compliance system.
A hybrid approach of facilitative and enforceable compliance.
The objective of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is to stabilise "greenhouse gas concentration levels in the atmosphere at a level that would prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system". The Cancún Agreements, recognised this would require keeping the global average temperature rise below two degrees Celsius. To achieve these objectives and address the challenges of climate change, 'collective action' is required. Instruments of the UNFCCC have introduced different approaches to target setting over time through the Kyoto Protocol and intended nationally determined contributions (INDCs). The effectiveness of these targets, and the UNFCCC itself, depends on the system of compliance and review embedded in the Convention and its instruments, as adopted by the Parties.
This paper takes a conceptual, historical and solutions-focused analysis of compliance and review within the UNFCCC. Part one explores key concepts that influence state action: sovereignty and common but differentiated responsibility (CBDR); target setting and INDCs; and compliance and review. Part two examines the history and issues of compliance and review in the UNFCCC. Part three provides solutions for how the Paris Agreement can deliver a strong system of compliance and review. Embedding a robust, collectively agreed and enforceable compliance and review mechanism poses a great challenge; however, the consequences of failure to do so would undermine the UNFCCC and be catastrophic for the planet's future.
The UNFCCC (also 'the Convention') sets the international legal framework for combating climate change and is subject to international law principles. Core to the Convention are: sovereignty, a fundamental principle in the UN Charter and a tenet of Westphalian statehood; and CBDR, first acknowledged in international environmental law in the 1992 Rio Declaration and adapted to multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) such as the UNFCCC and the Kyoto Protocol. The operationalisation of these concepts has drawn intense debates around differentiation as it applies to state commitments and action.
Sovereignty is central to international law. Sovereignty is the 'supreme legal authority' of states to make and enforce their own laws, suggesting non-intervention by other states or the international community in the domestic affairs of a state. States have a duty to adhere to the obligations arising from international treaties and sovereignty is enshrined in the UNFCCC. The proscriptive approach of the Kyoto Protocol was seen to be 'overly taxing' on state sovereignty, meaning future approaches will need to give greater self-determination to states. INDCs are an attempt to achieve this. Important, but beyond this paper, is the question of whether sovereignty should even apply to ecological, environmental and climate change issues that are by their nature borderless, and do not respect state-centric sovereignty.
The responsibilities and contributions of different states are at the nexus of debate in UNFCCC negotiations since its inception. While there is no universally agreed definition, CBDR is 'soft law' that recognises the "historical differences in the contributions of developed and developing States to global environmental problems, and differences in their respective economic and technical capacity to tackle these problems".
CBDR suggests that developed countries should lead climate change action and developing countries can 'follow suit' as they develop economically and socially. This has led to CBDR being culpable for perpetuating the developed-developing country divide and, to a point, the ongoing political 'impasse' in negotiations, rather than a tool for burden sharing and equity as it was intended. CBDR remains relevant as a core principle, but if it is to be applied in future agreements it will have to be 'reframed and refined' to ensure global targets are inclusive, collective and achieve real emissions cuts.
'bottom-up' state-determined targets through INDCs as a result of the Cancún Agreements.
These approaches have influenced the compliance and review system and each approach is not without flaws.
The top-down Kyoto Protocol approach could be considered an imposition on sovereignty, though states are free to determine their domestic policy mechanisms to reach targets. The legally binding nature should make it more effective for reducing emissions in Annex I countries. The exclusion of major non-Annex I emitters undermines its potential.
The compliance and enforcement system is relatively underutilised and limited by the Annex system. Depledge & Yamin consider the system of annexation to be "the regime's greatest weakness". This is because it institutionalised CBDR to the extent that key emerging and transition economies were excluded (i.e. China, India and Brazil). These countries developed rapidly and carbon-intensively during the 1990s and first commitment period, leading to significant increases in global emissions. Another weakness was the ease of withdrawing at the threat of non-compliance (i.e. Canada). There was evidently need to refine and strengthen the approach to target setting to make it more inclusive, with greater state buy-in.
Parties to the UNFCCC have pursued an alternate method of target setting following the first commitment period of Kyoto and the failure of Copenhagen to secure a legally binding future climate agreement. The Durban Platform (ADP) was tasked with developing a new 'protocol, another legal instrument or an agreed outcome with legal force' by 2015, including actions to enhance mitigation efforts by Parties. At Warsaw, Parties were invited to submit INDCs, domestic contributions to meet the UNFCCC emission reduction objective.
INDCs take a bottom-up approach that emerged at Cancún, and evolved to be broad reaching (beyond mitigation) and flexible (all countries submitting targets, activities and policy measures). The submission of 'state-developed' rather than imposed contributions meant a more palatable approach to differentiation, greater ownership by states and limited impact on sovereignty. Target setting has the potential to be ambitious, but ambition will only be as strong as the compliance and enforceability measures that align with it.
Review and compliance has the capacity to give strength to, or weaken, agreements within the Convention. MEAs lack the punitive judicial compliance mechanisms of international trade or criminal law and sovereignty in enforcement remains relevant. The benefits of a strong compliance mechanism are to enhance trust among Parties, support effective implementation and protect against the impacts of free riding. Challenges to the efficacy of the Convention are whether review and compliance should be standardised across Parties and what system of enforcement or resolution for non-compliance should be introduced.
Like target setting, the approach to compliance has divided between top-down, rules-based international law and bottom-up, flexible state-sovereignty. Tanzi & Pitea suggest that the administrative procedure requirements under MEAs align with a system of formalized rules, as established under the Kyoto Protocol. In contrast, Chayes & Chayes favour a 'co-operative, problem-solving approach' to encourage compliance, aligning with the facilitative style adopted after Cancún. Setting a compliance agenda is evidently as contentious and politicised as the inextricable target setting process. Therefore, Parties need to agree on an approach that is appropriately flexible, discretionary yet enforceable.
The UNFCCC uses a variety of strategies under international law to create a system of compliance and enforcement and give effect its legally binding instruments. The strategies include: coercive measures, such as sanctions or loss of privileges; transparency methods, such as monitoring, reports and civil society participation; and positive incentives, such as technical and financial assistance, access to technology and training. These strategies are integrated in a system of compliance that helps maintain a dynamic balance between divergent Parties' interests and the legal rules in the instrument, to ensure the viability of the instrument in a changing international context.
The Cancún Agreement introduced a facilitative, two-pronged approach known as International Assessment and Review (IAR) for developed countries and International Consultation and Analysis (ICA) for developing countries (non-Annex I).
The Kyoto Protocol applies global administrative law to set monitoring, reporting and review requirements for Parties, grounded in notions of accountability, transparency and review. Articles 5, 7 and 8 of the Kyoto Protocol establish an approach to gathering and communicating performance review information to an independent body that is somewhat 'sophisticated' in comparison with other MEAs.
The Kyoto Protocol appears comprehensive, but relies on data gathering and centralised, institutional analysis for accountability. However, as Huggins suggests, the review process assumes the 'completeness and reliability' of data in national inventories. The quality and consistency of this reporting process therefore contributes directly to the efficacy of the UNFCCC and its ultimate objective – to reduce greenhouse gases.
Compliance is assessed centrally or self-regulated by states. If non-compliance is found, the matter will be sent to the Compliance Committee to resolve and allocated to the Facilitative or Enforcement Branches, based on the compliance procedure required. The Enforcement Branch has a quasi-regulatory role; the Facilitative Branch gives advice and facilitates implementation for all Parties. The Facilitative Branch is also tasked with taking into account CBDR as part of promoting compliance among Annex I Parties.
However, when non-compliance occurs actions are lightly punitive and do little to deter ongoing non-compliance. The Facilitative Branch can give 'soft' recourse, such as advice or recommendations. Options for the Enforcement Branch include requesting a 'compliance action plan' if reporting obligations are breached, suspension from participation in the flexibility mechanisms and deductions from future emissions allocations for exceeded emissions targets.
The practical experience of compliance has been more 'politicised' than punitive and expert review teams (ERTs) have struggled to maintain impartiality, with only eight matters facing non-compliance referral to the Compliance Committee during the first commitment period. As Huggins argues, 'politicisation' is partly due to the expectation of ERTs to respect state sovereignty and international diplomacy. This leads to negative outcomes for the reliability and consistency of the review process and an inability for ERT reviewers to be neutral as they are often involved in the negotiation and reporting tasks of their home states.
IAR and ICA emerged in the Cancún Agreement as tools to increase the transparency and review of mitigation targets of developed countries (IAR) and of mitigation commitments by developing countries (ICA). The distinction recognises CBDR between Annex I and non-Annex I countries. The first stage involves review of biennial reports submitted by the countries. The second stage involves a 'multilateral assessment' (IAR) or 'facilitative sharing of views' (ICA) conducted by the Subsidiary Body for Implementation, based on the first stage reports and reviews. This review process builds on the existing reporting and review guidelines, processes and experiences established under Kyoto and aims to promote the comparability of efforts among all countries.
The IAR and ICA processes are facilitative and have no mandate to issue findings or penalties for non-compliance. The focus is on increasing the transparency of mitigation, including implementation (IAR), actions (ICA) and their effects. Similar to the compliance mechanism in the Kyoto Protocol, the Cancún approach lacks substantive punitive measures in practice. As Oberthür identifies, this is further weakened by two shortfalls: "(1) the ability to address and follow up on identified problems…and (2) the institutional capacity to address problems in depth". While the Cancún approach has attempted to move away from the rules-based procedures of Kyoto, it seems many barriers to operational effectiveness remain.
The compliance and review system under the UNFCCC is analytically and procedurally evolved, yet its effectiveness has been highly politicised and few punitive cases have arisen. In practice, three issues limit the effectiveness of existing processes: capacity; differentiation; and enforceability.
Technical and financial capacities are essential to reliable and accurate reporting in the review process. Van Asselt et al. assess that "most technical review processes have been hindered by resource limitations and capacity constraints," which will continue to pose a challenge for review systems in the future. The Kyoto facilitative approach focuses on capacity building to improve technical reporting, yet technical capacity, particularly for developing countries will be determined by financial capacity.
The main mechanism for differentiation in the Kyoto Protocol is through Annex I and non-Annex I countries, each with a different process of target setting, review and reporting. Targets remain inherently differentiated between developing and developed countries, a divide that this paper and many commentators argue is too binary, out-dated and has lead to a bulwarked impasse in negotiations. Analysis by van Asselt et al. shows that some methods of differentiation can be applied between and within groupings of developed and developing countries (whether in Kyoto Annexes or other divisions). This could include differentiation in target setting for mitigation or adaptation, reporting, finance, technology transfer or review to encourage co-operation and drive collective ambition, rather than the 'you first' approach that has pandered progress in a race to the bottom not the top.
The UNFCCC and Kyoto Protocol have had limited success in driving compliance, suggesting better enforcement, or legally binding commitments are required. Rajamani observes that under these instruments, "the setting of a standard, a finding of compliance or non-compliance, and the resulting visiting of consequences [are] problematic tasks" due to the discretionary language of the text. The draft text of the Paris Agreement implies language similarly couched. It introduces a process that is "facilitative, non-punitive, non-adversarial and non-judicial," suggesting greater emphasis on facilitation than enforcement. Such language impacts effectiveness because interpretations are broad and context-specific, and have resulted in procedural breadth that drags out the enforcement process and creates options for states to avoid punitive action.
The efficacy of the agreement will be determined by the strength of the language of the compliance elements. If this framing is weak or ineffectual, it is likely a return to the non-committal, discretionary and contextual language that has undermined compliance and action within the UNFCCC so far will occur.
Compliance and review must be transparent, reviewable, encourage enduring capacity building and take a complementary approach that is both facilitative and enforceable. The strength, durability and robustness of how compliance is incorporated into the agreement are central. The Paris Agreement will seek flexibility as a priority to meet the differentiated capacities, targets, responsibilities and needs of all Parties. But will too much flexibility make it toothless, weak or unenforceable?
4. facilitative and enforceable compliance – through a hybrid approach.
The ADP draft text from the October 2015 final negotiation and drafting session in Bonn includes reference to each of these elements, as articles or in text. Whether the language achieves these goals will be determined in the final agreement and fought out at Paris.
A strong system of transparency can play a fundamental role in fostering and enabling ambition. Deprez et al. state: "By generating, reviewing, and disseminating information on countries' mitigation progress, the transparency of implementation system plays a critical role in building the foundations on which this trust in collective action can grow." In this way, transparency can act as the nexus between targets, compliance and review to drive ambition, prevent 'back-sliding' and finally drive the pursuit of a 'race to the top' towards which the UNFCCC process has lagged for two decades.
Transparency can also incorporate core principles in an adaptive way. It can address sovereignty by encouraging 'peer review' by other Parties or fostering self-reporting by states with adequate capacity. It can incorporate CBDR by facilitating Parties to adjust their self-determined targets in-line with comparative states, while facilitating knowledge-sharing and capacity building between developed and developing states. Such an approach recognises the centrality of these principles but applies them in a way that responds to changing economic and political contexts.
Transparency relates to differentiation to some extent. Compliance and review processes should be consistent and applied to all Parties, taking account of their capacities, to ensure transparency and political feasibility. Differentiation of commitments, or targets, reflects the principle of CBDR and further differentiation is not required at the level of compliance. However, future differentiation may result in convergence as review processes for developed and developing states become increasingly similar. The current ADP text suggests a transparency framework that is 'robust', applies to all Parties that may be self-differentiated and builds on existing arrangements. The Paris Agreement should establish a common framework that enables future convergence for all Parties toward the same requirements for review and compliance.
Both the UNFCCC and the Kyoto Protocol provide for a review of the adequacy of mitigation commitments. Regular review periods, or 'cycles of contributions' are a key mechanism for raising ambition. Cycles of contribution refer to the timeframe for Parties to regularly schedule future commitments.
Collective ambition can be used as a tool to complement individual efforts and enhance environmental effectiveness towards the UNFCCC objective. Building on the IAR/IAC approach from Cancún, this could incorporate a 'facilitative examination' or peer review process where other countries could review and inquire as to state-based progress, and potentially share knowledge on lessons learned from implementation. This would work towards achieving 'collective action' and encourage more meaningful 'buy-in' of Parties in a competitive, yet collaborative effort to reach mitigation goals.
Regular 'strengthening' of commitments to determine future commitments through a meeting or peer review by other Parties based on the current commitment, suggesting an extension of the INDC process.
In this way, reporting and review processes can be a mechanism for inclusivity to push real 'collective action'.
To increase accountability, time frame and requirements of review should be established in the Paris Agreement. According to Deprez et al., "depending on the approach, an appropriately designed cycle of contribution can create dynamism and shared expectations of continued, stronger collective action." The ADP draft text suggests review periods will be every five years, and submissions promote biennial reporting of progress and updates. If negotiation processes can be more efficient and less deadlocked than the past, five year review periods seem appropriate and achievable – the increasing impacts of climate change show there is no alternative but to act and raise ambition as quickly as possible.
The operationalisation of CBDR is illustrated in emphasis on 'national circumstances' and 'special capabilities' across the MEAs and the ADP draft text. The Durban Agreements introduced finance, technology transfer and capacity building in the decision to institutionalise assistance to developing countries based on their special circumstances. Capacity building is crucial to ensure developing countries can set commitments or actions and conduct monitoring, reporting and review to ensure goals are met.
Technical reviews can be, and are, increasingly combined with 'Party-to-Party interactions' (i.e. multilateral assessment under IAR and the facilitative sharing of views under ICA). This can encourage knowledge sharing, trust and transparency between Parties, but the reliability of this approach and its capacity to drive ambition as expected, remain to be seen.
Technical reviews can be 'streamlined' to limit overlap between review processes and address technical and financial constraints. This could allow consistency in reporting, centralise knowledge and data and create a more efficient process of review for Parties and compliance bodies.
Technical resources and capacity can be incorporated into technology transfer or finance commitments of developed countries to provide complementary support to domestic reporting efforts in developing countries. This practical sharing of skills will enable better participation of developing countries in the Convention and allow other finance flows to be redirected in the economy.
Capacity building is essential to ensure CBDR better reflects current dynamics and facilitates collective action through more efficient flows of resources from developed to developing economies. As Joffe et al. state the lack of sufficient human, technical and financial resources has hindered developing countries from achieving the full potential in the shift to both a low carbon and resilient economy. To collectively address climate change, this divide needs to be addressed. The current ADP text suggests capacity building could be facilitative and led by country-ownership of needs, with a focus on vulnerable developing countries. Effectiveness of addressing the capacity divide will be determined by the extent of financial flows to countries with the greatest need.
In terms of targets, it is unlikely that INDCs will be legally binding in the Paris Agreement. The efficacy of INDCs will be determined by the strength of the compliance mechanism, which is likely to be established in the text of the agreement itself. As Torney & Fujiwara write, "commitments and compliance could be seen as the two sides of one coin" suggesting a legally binding agreement in Paris will drive strong compliance, even if commitments are not enshrined.
A compliance mechanism for developed countries (to address non-compliance of commitments) and a facilitative mechanism for developing countries (to facilitate implementation and transparency of actions).
Inevitably, the compliance mechanism will incorporate elements of enforcement in Kyoto and facilitation in Cancún to introduce both top-down and bottom-up aspects to compliance. Bodansky & Diringer define this as an "emerging hybrid approach [that] seeks to balance national flexibility and international discipline to produce greater ambition." This hybrid model of climate governance encourages broad, lateral participation of states to define their own commitments, while transparency and accountability are driven by international rules to encourage action.
There is caution to be had when embracing flexibility and state-centred approaches – it risks the laggard, minimal effort approach of Kyoto and needs the right binding mechanisms to drive competitiveness, compliance and ambition.
Analysis of the compliance and review system under the UNFCCC must take account of core concepts that determine, or limit, its effectiveness: sovereignty, CBDR and the target-setting approaches within the Convention. The implementation of compliance and review reveals the challenges, issues and limitations to the current process. The UNFCCC process has evolved to deliver a hybrid top-down and bottom-up compliance approach of facilitation and enforcement, in an attempt to maintain accountability, political feasibility and effectiveness. A modified version of this flexible, quasi-rules based approach looks to be adopted in the Paris Agreement.


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I'm open to recommendations and if you listen to podcasts these ones are good. They're good if you're on the same wave length as me.


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UEFA Women's Champions League runners-up Olympique Lyonnais ensured they ended their season on a high by clinching their fourth straight French title.
Going into the final day of the season, Lyon needed a win at bottom side AS Montigny-le-Bretonneux to hold off the challenge of FCF Juvisy and duly triumphed 5-0, Lara Dickenman, Élodie Thomis and Katia putting them three up within 15 minutes. Katia added another before the break and Amandine Henry completed the scoring in the 88th minute as Lyon equalled the record of four French championships in a row set by Toulouse FC between 1999 and 2002, and took their goal tally for the season to 93 from 22 games.
Lyon, who lost the UEFA Women's Champions League final on penalties to 1. FFC Turbine Potsdam, will begin next season's competition in the round of 32. Juvisy, three points adrift, will play in the qualifying round after winning 1-0 at FCF Hénin-Beaumont to finish runners-up and hold off the challenge of Paris Saint-Germain FC, who finished third despite only conceding eight goals all season. Juvisy previously played in the UEFA Women's Cup in 2003/04 and 2006/07, both times falling in their group despite winning two of three games.
Meanwhile, in Sweden, the travails of the team Lyon beat in the semi-finals in April, two-time European champions Umeå IK, continued this weekend as they lost 2-1 at home to Jitex BK. Umeå, who will begin the 2010/11 UEFA Women's Champions League in the qualifying round after finishing second in Sweden last year, are now eighth in the 12-team table with four wins, two draws and six defeats. Unbeaten LdB FC Malmö lead the way by eight points from Göteborg FC, with titleholders and UEFA Women's Champions League entrants Linköpings FC in third.
Olympique Lyonnais captain Laura Georges told UEFA.com she was proud of the battling display from her beaten team-mates which showed the progress of women's football in France.


text:
U.S. Congress To Consider Reversing Biden Vac Mandate in Military
Public Advocate president Eugene Delgaudio says to supporters today "The Biden Administration has attacked Christians and other patriotic members of the Armed Services by removing them from active service to our nation. This new bill will reverse the cowardly backstabbing ways of Joe Biden."
Breitbart News reports:
Rep. Chip Roy (R-TX) introduced a bill on Tuesday that would allow servicemembers who were discharged over the Biden administration's military coronavirus vaccine mandate to be reinstated, Breitbart News has exclusively learned.
The bill, called the Service Restoration Act, would also prevent troops from facing punishment or any adverse treatment as a result of not wanting to get vaccinated. "Adverse action" would include retaliation, punishment, disparate treatment, a requirement to wear a mask or reside in sub-standard housing.
The bill would also allow reinstated service members to count the time they were discharged towards their retirement benefits and expunge from the service member's service record any adverse action that was based solely on not receiving the vaccine.
Roy said in a statement to Breitbart News:
Because of President Biden's power-hungry, anti-science COVID-19 vaccine mandate, hundreds of valuable American service members are being forced out of our military, taking with them years of subject-matter expertise, careers of selfless sacrifice, and lifelong dreams of military service. This is strategically foolish, profoundly un-American, and completely unacceptable.
I introduced the Service Restoration Act to ensure that the brave men and women of our armed forces are not fired over this wrong-headed mandate - whether it be for a medical, religious, conscientious or any reason - and that those already dismissed are able to get back to honorably serving their country with their time of service and records rightfully restored.
The bill so far has seven Republican co-sponsors, including Reps. Marjorie Taylor-Greene (GA); Michael Cloud (TX); Bill Posey (FL); Matt Rosedale (MT); Louie Gohmert (TX); Van Taylor (TX); and Bob Good (VA).
Photo credit to Forbes Youtube Interview


text:
800 million users isn't cool. Know what is? 7 billion
by Drew Olanoff — in Twitter
Twitter showed us its plans to become the social network for global communication. The company has decided to focus on scaling back its look and feature set, and wants to hone in on simplicity.
This is a huge turning point for Twitter, as it is now clear that the service is a fierce competitor to Facebook. Facebook is adding more features that could complicate things for the users it already has, while Twitter is focusing on making it simpler to use for "everyone".
I asked Twitter CEO Dick Costolo today if the integration with iOS 5 and its partnership with Apple had anything to do with the decision to scale things back design wise.
Costolo responded:
Apple is a mentor company to us, and it's really hard to edit down a product to make it simpler while you're innovating and adding functionality.
That's true. And things that are hard tend to pay off the most.
Recently, many of my friends have said that Facebook is becoming too difficult to navigate, and there's just way too much going on. The News Feed has been amped up, the Ticker is obnoxious to most, and with the introduction of Timeline, many users aren't going to know how to use Facebook at all anymore.
In steps Twitter.
When talking about its new direction today, Jack Dorsey spoke about powerful messages being sent in 140 characters or less. He mentioned Martin Luther King's "I have a dream" as an example. What Dorsey is really saying, is that to get everyone in the world using a service, let alone get their attention, you have to keep things short and sweet, and I think he's right.
This new direction shows a clear path for Twitter to become the defacto service for real-time communication. We know that Steve Jobs had hopes of killing off carriers while at the helm of Apple, and with Twitter integrated, its namespace could easily overtake phone numbers with such a powerful telephony partner.
Regardless of the rumblings that engineers have grown tired of refactoring the service instead of adding new features, Twitter has a real shot at taking out a few methods of communication. The only way to get there is accessibility via simple design and a clear proposition to new users. Basically, Mom has to be able to understand it.
Facebook's growth took off as soon as everyone's Mother, Uncle, and Aunt hit up existing users with friend requests. But with Twitter's focus on simplicity, it makes more sense for everyone to get on the service that lets you communicate the fastest and with the least amount of hand-holding.
Twitter is simple, and wants to remain simple. Its website and apps now reflect that simplicity for the first time since it launched in 2006. During today's press event, Dorsey mentioned that the world has 7 billion people, and while it's a bit crazy to set your sights on getting even half of the global population on Twitter, it takes crazier people to even attempt to hit those goals. Call me nuts, but if Twitter stays simple, it has a shot of becoming the preferred way to communicate. Forget SMS, forget Email, forget Facebook.
Just keep it simple, stupid.
Read next: The advertising SDK for Windows 8 'Metro' apps is now live
AppleFacebookJack DorseyTwitter


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Learning BGP in the Philippines works to your advantage as an IT professional. Border Gateway Protocol is an advanced course that includes an in-depth discussion of BGP. It emphasizes on the security and scalability of Internet protocol. Simply, without it, the Internet would not work.


text:
Indonesian Political Flags
Keywords: indonesia | political parties |
PDI-Perjuangan, Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (Democratic Party of Struggle of Indonesia)
PDI, Partai Demokrasi Indonesia (Democratic Party of Indonesia)
Partai Golkar (Golkar Party)
PPP (Party of United Development)
PAN, Partai Amanat Nasional (National Mandate Party)
PKB, Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (Party of the National Awakening)
Partai Kami
People's Democratic Party
PGI, Partai Gerakan Indonesia Raya (Greater Indonesia Movement Party)
Partai Keadilan (Justice Party)
Partai Keadilan dan Persatuan (Justice and Unity Party)
PKS, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party)
Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (United Development Party)
Partai Bulan Bintang (Moon Star Party)
MSYU, Partai Masyumi (the Masyumi Party)
Partai Masyumi Baru (the New Masyumi Party)
PUI, Partai Ummat Islam (the Islamic Believers Party)
Partai Republiku (Republican Party)
PDK, Partai Demokrasi Kebangsaan (Democratic Nationhood Party)
PKDS, Partai Kristen Demokrat Sejahtera (Welfare Democrat Christian Party)
PKPD, Partai Karya Peduli Bangsa (Concern for the Nation Functional Party)
PMB, Partai Matahari Bangsa (National Sun Party)
Indonesia - Index of all pages
An important note about Indonesian political flags: they usually have their polling number above the emblem on the flag. But since the number might change every five years (this number is based on the admission order to the General Election Commission), the numbers have been excluded from the illustrations here.
Democratic Party of Struggle of Indonesia (PDI-Perjuangan)
image by Sammy Kanadi
A nationalist party; in the last election held in Indonesia (mid-1999), the Indonesian Democratic Party (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia) was the winner, 153 seats. Its leader, H. E. Megawati Soekarnoputri, is the president of the republic. Here is one of her most generally seen campaign/political flags. It is still in use now and will likely be used again in the 2004 election.
Sammy Kanadi, 8 December 1999
The PDIP is indeed a split of the PDI. As said above, the PDIP won in 1999 33% of the votes and 153 out of the 500 seats (but there were still 38 seats allocated to the armed forces); in 2004, the PDIP won only 18.5 % of the votes and 109 out of the 550 seats. Megawati was defeated in the second round of the 2004 presidential election by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. According to photographs available on the party website, the flag is still in use. See for instance: http://www.pdi-perjuangan.or.id/gallery/func,detail/id,152/.
Ivan Sache, 24 November 2008
Flag not known. 3 seats in 1999 election.
image by Ivan Sache, 24 November 2008
120 seats in 1999 elections.
GOLKAR (Habibie's and Suharto's party) uses a white pentagon on an yellow background. A white scroll covers partially the bottom of the pentagon and carries the inscription "GOLONGAN KARYA". Inside the pentagon is a banyan tree (green leaves, brown trunk), surrounded by a "plant crown". The plants on the left are golden rice and on the right green by cotton. These are elements from the national emblem.
Jorge Candeias, 8 June 1999
Golongan Karya is the full name of the party, meaning "Functional Groups".
Former flag of Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (Party of United Development), now flag of Partai Persatuan
A Muslim party; 58 seats in 1999. The flag shown here is the pre-1999 flag of the party. This flag is now used by
another new party, PP or Partai Persatuan.
The current flag of the PPP is pale green, charged with the image of the Ka'bah, holy site of the Moslem. It was adopted in 1999.
A variant of this flag is predominantly black, with a rather squarish mosque in perspective, receding to the hoist, on a green field. The building has orange features and below the initials PPP are shown in black.
The emblem of the party is shown on Wikipedia Indonesia: http://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Berkas:PPP.gif
Partai Amanat Nasional (National Mandate Party)
35 seats in 1999. Rais' party - a white sun on a dark blue field with the blue initials on white below. I don't know if it means anything, but the sun has 32 rays. I think I've seen this symbol on a blue bedsheet in TV images. Without the party's initials.
51 seats in 1999 election.
A Muslim party. The flag of the PKB is a white or green (two color officially used) flag charged with the symbol of PKB, a globe showing Indonesian map and an Arabic inscription on it, surrounded by a circle of stars. This is the party of the former Indonesian president, Abdurrahman Wahid.
A variant of this flag shows the party symbol on a green field with the party name below in white. The symbol is a map of Indonesia on a schematic planet map (i.e. - a few parallels and meridians on a circle) in white, surrounded by 9 golden stars, the one at 0:00 h twice as large as the others. The symbol also brings the party's initials in black outside the green field.
PRD, Partai Rakyat Demokratik, Democratic People's Party
image located by Dov Gutterman
The flag-logo of The People's Democratic Party is taken from www.xs4all.nl/~peace/pubeng/mov/mov.html
Dov Gutterman, 11 March 1999
PILAR is the acronym of "Partai Pilihan Rakyat", the People's Choice Party.
6 seats in 1999 elections.
The Justice and Unity Party (Partai Keadilan dan Persatuan) was using an emblem, which is shown at: www.seasite.niu.edu/Indonesian/Indonesian_Elections/Indo-pemilu99/41pkp.htm. In 2004, it was reconstituted as the Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (Partai Keadilan dan Persatuan Indonesia), with a slightly different emblem, which can be seen here: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indonesian_Justice_and_Unity_Party. Both emblems are shown together at the Wikipedia page in Indonesian:
id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Partai_Keadilan_dan_Persatuan_Indonesia.
Tomislav Todorovic, 3 August 2009
1999 elections: 14 seats. /p>
Partai Masyumi Baru (the Masyumi Party)
MSYUB, Partai Masyumi Baru (the New Masyumi Party)
image located by Valentin Poposki, 12 August 2006
Source: http://www.partairepubliku.or.id/Contoh%20Bendera%20&%20Plang.htm
Red flag, with party symbol in center and party name below. The symbol consists of a red centered yellow rayed sun, surrounded by a wreath of a green and white plant on left and green and yellow on the right.
image by António Martins-Tuválkin, 16 April 2007
Partai Demokrat, #9 in this page, seems to have a dark blue and light blue horizontal tribar with party logo and name over all. The logo is a three-pointed star pointing up faceted in red and white; the party name, in white serif capitals, running along the bottom of the bottom stripe.
António Martins-Tuválkin, 16 April 2007
PDK, Partai Demokrasi Kebangsaan (PDK, Democratic Nationhood Party)
The "Partai Demokrasi Kebangsaan" (PDK, Democratic Nationhood Party) was founded in 2002 as the "Partai Persatuan Demokrasi Kebangsaan" (PPDK, United Democratic Nationhood Party). Chaired by Ryaas Rasyid, the party won 5 out of the 500 seats in the 2004 general election.
A photograph available on the party website shows the party flag behind the president of the party. The flag is white with the emblem of the party in the middle. The name of the party is written in black letters above the emblem; there is something written in black letters below the emblem. The party emblem is a white disk surrounded by a thick green ring charged with a yellow 17-linked chain and charged in the middle with a red star flanked by a rice panicle and a cotton branch.
http://www.pdk.or.id/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=14&Itemid=28
Partai Kristen Demokrat Sejahtera (PKDS, Welfare Democrat Christian Party)
The "Partai Kristen Demokrat Sejahtera" (PKDS, Welfare Democrat Christian Party) was founded in 11 October 2007 in Jakarta.
Photographs taken during a meeting held on 26 October 2007 show three section flags, as white with a blue fringe, the party emblem in the middle and the section name written in blue letters below the emblem:
- DPD DKI JAKARTA (Daerah Khusus Ibukota Jakarta, Jakarta Province)
- DPD JAWA BARAT (Province of West Java)
- DPD BANTEN (Province of Banten)
DPD stands for "Dewan Pimpinan Daerah". The party emblem is a light blue disk surrounded by the party name in red capital letters and charged with a sailing boat with a dark blue roof, a cross-shaped mast, a red sail and a white dove overall.
http://www.partaipkds.com/dpd_jakarta.htm
Direct links to the images:
http://www.partaipkds.com/DPD-JAKARTA.gif - Jakarta
http://www.partaipkds.com/DPD%20JAWA%20BARAT.gif - West Java
http://www.partaipkds.com/DPD-BANTEN.gif - Banten
PKPD, Partai Karya Peduli Bangsa" (Concern for the Nation Functional Party)
The "Partai Karya Peduli Bangsa" (PKPB, Concern for the Nation Functional Party) was founded in 2002 in Jakarta. Chaired by H.R. Hartono, the PKPB won 2 out of the 500 seats in the general election in 2004.
A photograph available on the party website shows the official stand during a party meeting flanked by party flags, white or green with the party emblem, and a possible writing below the emblem. The party emblem is a green pentagon charged in the middle with a yellow star, flanked by a cotton branch and a rice panicle, standing on the white letters "PKPB" and white steps reaching the bottom of the emblem.
http://www.pkpb.net/?Gallery_Photo&pic=11&page=0
image resized from id.wikipedia.org by Ivan Sache, 26 November 2008
"Partai Matahari Bangsa" (PMB, National Sun Party) is an Islamic political party founded on 16 December 2006, which plans to compete in the 2009 general election.
The party website shows a photograph of a rickshaw demonstration, with several party flags, which seems to be strictly equivalent to the party emblem. The party emblem is made of a red square charged with a 12-pointed, multifaceted white and red sun; below the square is a white rectangle charged with the red letters "PMB" above "PARTAI MATAHARI BANGSA". The whole is surrounded by a thin white and red border.
http://www.pmb.or.id/
http://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Berkas:Logopmb.jpg


text:
Kim K.'s BFF Jonathan Cheban Trashes Amber Rose & Blac Chyna, Says They're "Too Ghetto"
King Sukii	, Associate Entertainment Editor
Jonathan Cheban, Kim Kardashian's BFF, is weighing in on Kylie Jenner's feud with Blac Chyna and Amber Rose once again – but this time, his comments may have people raising their eyebrows.
While talking to RadarOnline, the entrepreneur and founder of TheDishh.com called Chyna and Muva "too ghetto" and "too street," while inserting his opinion that both women are bullies into the brewing beef.
Jonathan, who makes frequent appearances on Keeping Up with the Kardashians, commented:
"Kylie's young, they're not. They are bullies," Cheban told Radar about Rose and Blac Chyna, whom he admitted he and Kim used to be friends with.
"Both of them are kind of street. They take it to another level and they're always looking for a fight," he said.
Cheban, who said that The Dishh's 8 million unique viewers a month are obsessed with the young Jenner sisters and their contemporaries, said that he has no problem writing derogatory things about Amber and Blac Chyna.
No, he didn't stop there.
"I want to show them what it is like. I'm not taking sides. They're too ghetto, too street. They're bullies."
Cheban also said that if videos of them surfaced from their old stripper days he would be happy to post that on TheDishh.com.
"I'll put crazy videos of them up. People want to see them. It doesn't get any classier with these two."
But as far as any dating advice he has for Kylie…
"She's got sisters to tell her what to do," he insisted. "I'm just a friend."
Is it just us, or is there something really unsettling about him calling Amber and Chyna "too ghetto" and "too street?"
Weigh in below.
SOURCE: RadarOnline | PHOTO CREDIT: Getty, Splash News
12 Interesting Facts About Blac Chyna
amber rose	, Beef	, boac chyna	, Dating	, feud	, jonathan cheban	, Kim K.	, kim kadrashian	, KUWTK	, kylie jenner	, tyga


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text:
SOLIDARITY PARTY IS STILL ALIVE AFTER VETO
Jean Davidson and R. Bruce DoldCHICAGO TRIBUNE
Gov. James Thompson vetoed a bill Monday that would have merged the Illinois Solidarity Party into the state Democratic Party, leaving unresolved significant questions about the status of the two parties and their role in the state`s election machinery.
Thompson cited constitutional concerns in his statement vetoing a state Senate bill that united the parties, but the governor reserved judgment on another bill that contains an identical provision.
According a spokesman, Thompson concluded that any law allowing the elimination of a third party, such as the Solidarity Party, also could be used to wipe Democrats and Republicans off the ballot.
''Important questions regarding the rights to free association and ballot access guaranteed by the 1st and the 14th Amendments, as well as the Illinois constitutional prohibition against special legislation, are raised,'' Thompson said.
Democrats had sought to abolish the Illinois Solidarity Party, established last year by gubernatorial candidate Adlai Stevenson after he withdrew from the Democratic ticket, for fear it could be used to disrupt the state`s two-party system.
By winning more than 5 percent of the vote in the 1986 election for governor, Solidarity became an established political party, which could allow it to hold primary elections, nominate candidates for statewide boards and demand to appoint local election judges.
It is also generally easier for established parties to get on the ballot. It was for that reason that former 10th Ward Ald. Edward Vrdolyak borrowed the Solidarity banner earlier this year in his race for mayor against Harold Washington.
If the governor`s veto stands, the leftist New Alliance Party is ready to take control of the Solidarity Party, run candidates for local offices and use the party to gain ballot status in Illinois for a black presidential candidate. Its members argued before legislative committees that the Solidarity bills were unconstitutional.
It is the potential for just that kind of instant political power that prompted Democratic leaders to try to get rid of the Solidarity Party.
''We`re very gratified,'' said John Fraire, a New Alliance member who ran unsuccessfully in 1986 for the Cook County Board. ''The attempt to legislate the Solidarity Party out of existence is a cynical manipulation of the electoral laws.''
State Sen. Vincent Demuzio (D., Carlinville), state Democratic chairman, discounted suggestions that fringe candidates could wrest control of Solidarity from mainstream Democrats but agreed they could win the party nomination in primary contests.
Thompson said he will consider ''a different course of action,'' perhaps re-fashioning the second bill with an amendatory veto, and invited lawmakers to add their own amendments. He must act on the measure by Sept. 25 or it will become law.
Democratic political leaders said they will try to sway Thompson in order to preserve the second bill, which establishes the procedure for selecting delegates to the Democratic national convention.
''I`m going to be polite today and give the governor the benefit of the doubt,'' said Demuzio, who along with House Speaker Michael Madigan (D., Chicago) sponsored both bills.
''If there are any misgivings the governor may have about constitutionality we will continue to work with him to assure him that the bills are constitutional and it is in the best interest of the people of Illinois that he sigh it.''
If Thompson vetoes the second bill, preventing state Democrats from selecting delegates to the party`s presidential nominating convention next year, ''the result will be chaos,'' Demuzio said.
Scott Brown, a spokesman for Madigan, called the veto ''petty on the governor`s part'' and predicted that legislators stand a good chance of overiding his action in the fall veto session.
Michael Madigan


I am not much of a pet individual so when my landlady's canine died I used to be surprised to be invited to the funeral. Sometimes individuals would pet stage at Foggy for pets degree 11-40, then pet level in Mount Babel from forty one-60 (although it's not uncommon to search out individuals leveling pets in Foggy all the way to 60). No less than two observe up contacts (by cellphone, e-mail, or in individual) to confirm adoption goes well. You are proper-there are positively higher pets past those I instructed, especially in the case of the Veteran guide. Notes: Love pets (or Lily as they are generally referred to as) are essentially the most sought after pets in the game.
As for leaving pets with rescues or shelters – that's not always an choice, as rescues and shelters are perpetually full. Since your turkey is Flying, it is sturdy towards Aquatics, so that you wish to discover Aqautic pets to battle. It will not be low cost, depending in your server, however it's a fast method to get a decent army of pets prepared for Pet Battle content material. Throughout the road, no signal of photo voltaic panels however the barn seems to be in use for a gallery or gifts, nonetheless the field beyond is clearly beneath cultivation, as is the sector in front of the barn.
Like mentioned in the hub, maybe a good compromise can be to ask the adopter to make the donation to an animal rescue and convey the receipt as an alternative. From inserting crystals around your pet's mattress to creating collars for them that include therapeutic crystals, there are many alternative ways in which folks use crystals and stones to protect and heal their pets. There are a lot more people who want pets than are prepared to take excellent care of them. TURNER: This skittish black and white kitty spends most of her time searching mice within the barn.
For the previous 20 years, Petfinder has helped 25 million pets find their households by way of adoption. I feel the massive query for me can be whether the state will let me hold them with a USDA license if you happen to're open about preserving them as pets. Pets of the Homeless is the one national animal organization centered fully on feeding and providing emergency veterinary care to pets of the homeless. All the 501(c)(three) teams I work with have very related adoption procedures and requirements. In case you are farming animals for food the state is extra accommodating, they simply hate pets. Name your local emergency management workplace, animal shelter or animal management office to get recommendation and information.
If you want to preserve a fennec fox or domesticated skunk and not using a USDA license in North Carolina you're out of luck, as a result of the tiny animals are rabies vectors, despite these pets never having been discovered with rabies, however you possibly can have a lion, tiger, bear, and quite a few other species as long as you reside in a county that does not prohibit it.


"Enquire Within Upon Everything." Paris Review. 190 (Fall 2009). Reprinted in Switching Codes: Thinking Through Digital Technology in the Humanities and the Arts, edited by Thomas Bartscherer and Roderick Coover. University of Chicago Press, 2011.


text:
Q: Is there a way to refire a retention policy after a document has been updated. Scenario:

*

*Retention policy set on "Expiry Date" column. Starts a workflow that notifies a user.

*User updates the document (and expiry date)

*Retention policy no longer fires when the new expiry date is encountered.

I want users to be able to update their document and then receive a further email once their document next expires. However I don't want them pestered if they ignore the email.

A: In my scenario I needed to monitor a site's last accessed date, but with minimum overhead (so not on every page load in masterpage..) and then after a site was not accessed for 6 months - delete it. I've done that via custom list which had only one item and a retention schedule enabled. List would be created when the site is provisioned. And the retention policy is this: run the expiration action one day after Created date, and then recurrently run it every day. So in this way I have my custom expiration action run every day, and it's doing it's checking...
Hope this helps someone

A: The only approach I could come up with was to copy the list item, then delete the original as part of my workflow that gets kicked off by Policy.
Because it then becomes a new item that hasn't had the policy run on it, it will fire again.
I don't need to keep any history although I suspect it may even copy that, but I haven't checked.
I also have the Copy List Item Extended action which outputs the ID of the newly created item in the workflow.

A: I know this is an old thread, but I have to share with you guys. Maybe someone will benefit from my story.
If you think about it, Retention Policy is an if-statement.
So what I did was: set the retention policy to recur every day after the review date. However, inside the workflow, write an if-statement: If "today" is equal to the "expiry date".
If that is true, the workflow will continue running and do the actual workflow, send an email or whatever you want to do. If not, the workflow stops without doing anything else.
So, even though the workflow is recurring every day, it's actually running only on the expiry date. And even after that, it will keep on recurring every day and will send an email only when the if statement is true.
The steps:

*

*Retention Policy: Recurrence every 1 day

*Workflow: the first line should be an if statement. If Today is equal to "expiry date"
I know its a simple idea, but it works. I thought about it hard and continuously for 3 days, even before sleeping!! and I'm so happy right now :)

A: Have you set the Expiration Policy timer job to run regularly via Central Admin?  The expiration date is calculated immediately when the document is updated (or when the Information Management Policy timer job is run), but the action to be performed on the item is not run until the Expiration Policy timer job is run.

A: You could try using Microsoft Visual Studio to write an event receiver.  Every time the conditions are met (e.g. due date modified), the event receiver could stop the workflow and restart it.
Similar question on social.msdn.microsoft.com


text:
Arts & Culture » Culture
Books abound
Few spaces satisfy as wide a spectrum of curiosities and passions as a bookstore. Bird watchers, crime trainspotters, and art obsessives are rarely in the same building on a Saturday afternoon — except when they are scouring the aisles looking for that perfect book on exactly what animates them. Whether you are merely a bibliophile or an outright bibliotaph — a hopeless hoarder — you probably have a certain reverence for those hallowed places where you search for that next bound volume of aliment. A good bookstore is a symposium of human interests, beyond a simple offering of volumes for sale.
There is also the physical joy of the book, from the cracked spine to the crisp, starchy pages. You fall into a book and it becomes a part of your identity, just as it defines your living space by simply sitting on a shelf. Even people who claim they are not attached to possessions admit they cannot leave their books behind. So to in celebration of bibliophilia, here is a sample of the diverse bookstores that metro Detroit has to offer.
Cross Street Books
523 Cross St., Ypsilanti; 734-484-3000
Cross Street Books is the unknown, unkempt jewel of the Michigan bookselling scene. At first glance, it's a little overwhelming, a disheveled landscape of book piles and lumbering, overstuffed shelves. Fortunately, you have Sheridan, the shop's talkative and committed proprietor, to guide you. There is a method to the madness, and Sheridan knows what lies beneath every tower of books. The selection is genuinely impressive, with vintage and contemporary titles reflecting both the store's proximity to a major university (Eastern Michigan) and Ypsilanti's diverse population. The Black Studies section, though moderate in size, has a better per capita selection than even John King's big store in Detroit. You'll also find a bevy of philosophy texts, a lovely selection of novels and, frankly, just about everything else. Cross Street Books is a homey, unique browsing experience that is not to be missed.
Shaman Drum Bookstore
311-315 S. State St., Ann Arbor; 734-662-7407
Perhaps bookstores like Shaman Drum can only sprout up in the shadow of a major university, on streets lined with grad students. The store is one-of-a-kind in Michigan, specializing in scholarly and cultural titles as well as cutting-edge new releases. "Cultural studies," a designation that spans film criticism to avant-sociology, is a niche that Shaman Drum fills exquisitely. There is also an immodest selection of books on art history, religions big and small, and nontraditional poetry, as well as academic and art journals and magazines.
Black Star Community Bookstore
19410 Livernois Ave., Detroit; 313-863-2665
With a name that pays respect to legendary black nationalist Marcus Garvey, you better believe that Black Star Community Bookstore is imbued with an activist spirit. Detroit has a handful of places to find books related to the African diaspora, including a great bookstore connected to the Shrine of the Black Madonna also on Livernois Avenue, but Black Star is where you go to read up on political movements like the Black Panthers or indeed Garvey himself. Black Star is a bookstore that seeks to widen the discourse within Detroit's Black community, regularly featuring speakers, discussions and forums on issues from local politics to African history. Here's a place where the Pan-African spirit of W.E.B. DuBois and Kwame Nkrumah lives on and thrives.
Library Used Bookstore
169 W. 9 Mile Rd., Ferndale; 248-545-4300
The Library Used Bookstore is the perfect neighborhood bookshop for a diverse, socially progressive community like Ferndale. You can find everything from fine art monographs, cheeky old copies of Playboy, and an eclectic offering of everything from cookbooks to vintage Philip Roth novels. They also have an intriguing selection of rare books spanning the 20th century. They are picky about what books they will put on the shelves, and this model proves rewarding for the dedicated browser. Probably the best overall used book shop for its cozy size.
John King North
22524 Woodward Ave., Ferndale; 248-548-9050
This spacious, well-organized shop is the northern spin-off from the legendary downtown store. Not only is it easier to navigate than its big sister downtown, it's also less hectic and features a more personable, laid-back staff. The shop is like a biblio-magnet, with new titles streaming in and brisk turnover. The Women's Studies section is one of the best, and it sits alongside a fabulous assemblage of poetry books. This should be the first stop on your tour of the Woodward Avenue's "Used Book Corridor," which stretches through Ferndale and into Royal Oak to include Classic Books and Royal Oak Books.
Brian Russell Military Books
Somewhere on Fourth St., Royal Oak; 248-544-3373
Anyone with a passion for military history must seek out this by-appointment-only treasure trove of books and printed materials. The proprietor ran a traditional storefront for years, but now mostly sells his books out of a storage space, by word of mouth. His selection scales the heights of completeness and breadth. There simply is not a battle in history that goes unrepresented on these shelves, from Waterloo to Dien Bien Phu. Recent sightings include a book of Herman Melville's verse about the U.S. Civil War, a pictorial history of Prussian conflicts, and a leather-bound volume on guerrilla war against the Romans. The owner says he sometimes gets in hundreds of new titles a week, so rest assured there will be new bounty when you next return.
Truth Bookstore
Northland Mall, 21500 Northwestern Hwy., Southfield; 248-557-4824
Truth Bookstore aims to cater to all aspects of African-American life, from politics to nutrition. Located inside Northland Mall, Truth is an independent bookstore with a mission. One of its great services is the emphasis placed on African-centered materials for young people. Any parent who wants to expose their children to something besides mainstream, Eurocentric images will find plenty of choices for all reading levels. Also expect a well-stocked offering of books on the family, international politics, business and personal finance. If you're just looking for a beach book, they have those, too, sitting alongside books on sociology and theology. Brad Duncan is an encyclopedia of world history. Send comments to letters@metrotimes.com
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Leon Herbert has been in the business for over 20 years as a film and stage actor, with roles in Scandal, Aliens 3 and Batman and most notably as the first black Jesus Christ. After a successful acting career Leon turned to screenwriting and has written 11 feature film screenplays and directed several theatre productions. He headed up 'Corazon Visual Network' for 3 years, a filmmakers association set up to inspire and support young filmmakers. As a result, he has produced nine short films. In August 2005 he completed his first feature, 'Emotional Backgammon', a romantic thriller set in London.
The film was the first independent to premiere at Odeon's Leicester square cinema with 850 viewers. The making of the film was the subject of a Channel 4 documentary, 'Movie Virgins' where Leon was challenged to produce a film with no money and was pitted against another director who was given £3 million.
Through this exposure and personal savings of £6,000 Leon shot the film on deferred fees. He was supported in production through contacts that shared his vision such as major facility houses, Fuji film, Panavision, Lea Lighting, Soho Editors and Goldcrest Films. It took £1.5 million and 5 years to complete the project.
The team secured a major US distributor within 3 months of completing Emotional Backgammon. Leon joined his brother in creating their own distribution company, Buccaneer Distribution Limited. Following a successful UK regional release the movie has won 'Man of Merit' award from the Executive and Professional Network and scooped a Pan African Film festival 'Jury Award', Denver Independent Film festival 'Best Film' and Screen Nation Film and TV award for 'Outstanding achievement'. Most recently the Black Enterprise Awards nominated Buccaneer Distribution as 'International Business of the Year'.
A lack of positive role models in the media for black youth has had a disastrous social impact. Leon has shot a documentary about this issue, which reflects on the lack of support for new talent in the UK film industry. Leon has been approached many times to act as an inspirational speaker for the next generation of young filmmakers. In this industry success lies in self-belief and conviction. Leon can share his experience to show how films can be made using his practical hands on experience and sheer determination.


text:
April 03, 2012 By: NCVeditor Category: Culture, Ecology, Economy, Randall Amster
Averting the 'Total Ruin' of Institutionalized Injustice
by Randall Amster
As a parent, I tend to keep one eye on the present and another on the future. I also keep one (the third eye, perhaps?) on the past, since we need to know where we've been to know where we're going. Or so they say — I'm actually not convinced that history is an accurate predictor any longer in this brave new world we've created in relatively short order. Then again, we in the Western world have always perceived the inevitability of an apocalypse of our own creation, from the very moment we decided to flout natural laws in favor of our manmade shackles. So maybe the past does matter.
But it's the present and immediate future that most concern me these days. Or, more precisely, the ways in which the present is foreclosing, narrowing, and perhaps even mooting the future.
My children are growing up in a world of apparent plenty and wondrous stimulations, but it all comes at the cost of rendering the continued existence of the species — even possibly within the scale of their lifetimes — seemingly speculative at best. Their bubble of ostensible freedom and perceived luxury also comes at the expense of the wellbeing of most of the planet's inhabitants, including the children of other parents whose capacity to mask the mounting horror is likely far less than mine.
This isn't some alarmist, Chicken Little rant; it's the basic narrative we've been enacting for centuries now, if not longer. Modern society is built upon the tenuous foundations of a creation mythology that is also a prediction of ultimate demise, that the very things that make us special will also lead to our undoing if not kept in check; the line between inquisitiveness and hubris, between industry and irresponsibility, is incredibly thin. Drawing upon these civilizational planks, later treatments constructed an elaborate intellectual justification for seeing the project through to its inevitable end, all in the name of protecting us from the "law of the jungle" and promoting our rightful dominance.
For Thomas Hobbes, life before civilization was a state of perpetual struggle, conflict, and war, in which human existence was "nasty, poor, brutish, and short." John Locke offered the flipside, that humankind could only find its true purpose and highest expression through private ownership of that which sustains us, rather than being subject to the irrational whims and wasteful habits of nature. Charles Darwin observed a tendency toward relentless competition in which only the fittest would survive, perversely turning human attributes into the "natural order" of things. None of these men, nor those that followed, were sinister figures; they were describing the emerging world around them in terms that had been given from yore and that fit the tenor of the times in which they lived.
Today's logical inheritors, born of gatherings such as Bretton Woods in 1944 and solidified with the rise of corporate globalization, are of a similar ilk. Perhaps the clearest statement of elite ideology on these core matters of how we are to live in the world was delivered by Garrett Hardin in his famous 1968 essay, "The Tragedy of the Commons," in which he plaintively writes:
"An alternative to the commons need not be perfectly just to be preferable. With real estate and other material goods, the alternative we have chosen is the institution of private property coupled with legal inheritance. Is this system perfectly just? As a genetically trained biologist I deny that it is…. We must admit that our legal system of private property plus inheritance is unjust — but we put up with it because we are not convinced, at the moment, that anyone has invented a better system. The alternative of the commons is too horrifying to contemplate. Injustice is preferable to total ruin."
Injustice is preferable to total ruin. This is the false choice we've been presented with for centuries now, and the one that is holding the future hostage to the ravages of the present. The story essentially says that since we cannot have perfect justice in this world, better to create a system of controlled injustice rather than risk the potential ruination that would come with unbridled competition and the lack of coercive authority. Simply put, we humans can't be trusted to self-manage or to work well with others, unless we're made to do so. This coercion is unfortunate, yet necessary in order to keep us from destroying ourselves and everything around us, as was prophesied from time immemorial.
It's a seductive story, one that gets great buy-in — at least from those who are predestined to be on the winning side of the ledger, i.e., the side that gets to aspire to "justice" vis-à -vis the unfortunate multitudes who bear the disparate burdens of violence, inequality, and injustice. After all, if everyone was afforded true equality in terms of access to life's essentials and a share in the collective wealth of humankind, it would only lead to "total ruin" since there would be no limit to our unbridled, ruthless competition with one another over resources and power alike. The antidote, consciously chosen, is to adopt an inherently unjust system that skews its benefits in one direction and its burdens in another, in order to keep the entire operation afloat at all.
This is, of course, all demonstrably false. It isn't sharing the commons and existing within the delicate balance of natural systems that bring ruination: privatization and inequality do. It is precisely the prescribed antidote to "total ruin" that brings it about — indeed, that which we have been told will forestall our demise actually hastens it. Civilization didn't save us from the scourge of violence and the impetus toward self-destruction, it merely institutionalized these qualities and rendered them so pervasive as to be nearly imperceptible. It's a rigged game, a blind alley, a fool's errand, a course to oblivion. Always has been and always will be — and no degree of intellectual sophistry will save us.
But there is one thing that might: reclaiming, reinvigorating, and restoring the commons — the very alternative that Hardin says is "too horrifying to contemplate." I'll trade the hypothetical horror of equality and the uncertainty of negotiation among peers for the near-certitude of a managed apocalypse any day. The dominant solution of destroying the world in order to save it is nonsensical, no matter how much it is wrapped in the cloak of rationality. Rational beings do not practice self-interest to the exclusion of their communities and at the expense of the habitat that sustains them. The self-anointed "realists" are in fact the most quixotic ones of all, insisting despite all evidence to the contrary that more of what has pushed us to the brink will somehow guide us away from it. It's like offering water to someone who's drowning — and petroleum-packaged, bottled water at that.
Despite all of this, I believe there's still time to change course — but the window of time in which to do so is rapidly closing. It won't be easy, obviously, and hard choices will have to be made. On the other hand, great joys may be found as well, as humankind rediscovers its "unselfish gene." We can start by restoring collective interests in the essentials of life and those aspects of our shared existence that must be owned by none and enjoyed by all — namely water, food, air, energy, climate, home, health. If we still want to argue about who gets more gizmos and gadgets, then so be it. But the basics need to be taken off the table as bargaining chips, never to be used again as blackmail in nefarious structural adjustment schemes, nor withheld from some in the misguided view that injustice anywhere is tolerable if it serves the interests of another's self-fulfilling eschatology.
The vehicle we've been riding in for the past few centuries is going nowhere fast; it's horribly misaligned and continually pulling to the right. So let's grab the wheel, firmly and collectively, and chart a new course forward to the place from whence we came — or at least away from the precipice of institutionalized injustice masking as progress. No GPS is needed; we can just follow the signs and the natural contours of the open road before us…
Randall Amster, J.D., Ph.D., is the Graduate Chair of Humanities at Prescott College. He serves as Executive Director of the Peace and Justice Studies Association, and is the publisher and editor of New Clear Vision. Among his recent books are Anarchism Today (Praeger, 2012) and Lost in Space: The Criminalization, Globalization, and Urban Ecology of Homelessness (LFB Scholarly, 2008).
Tags: apocalypse, civilization, climate, commons, injustice, nature
0 Comments to "Course Correction"
NCVeditor says:
Appearing on Common Dreams today as well…
Thanks for your article. It clearly states the problems we face and the delusions that are fed to us.
I'm just wondering why (nearly) every author feels compelled to offer a solution? And if a solution must be given why something like take back the commons? How do we take back the commons?
The world is ruled by psychopaths who are unable to recognize the ramifications of their actions. They are indifferent to the destruction of the planet and the subjugation of the people.
The sooner we recognize that fact, the sooner we'll stop pining for solutions and get about the job of stopping the destruction.
Robert Riversong says:
Yes, "The vehicle we've been riding in for the past few centuries is going nowhere fast", but it's such an overweight and overbroad vehicle that has long since been guided by unconscious paradigmatic autopilot, that simply attempting to "grab the wheel" will almost certainly be an exercise in futility.
What we need to do, if we are to have any hope for another course, is to abandon the vehicle entirely (perhaps we can salvage some parts after the crash). What we need is not another trajectory, another road, but a return to a more sensible path – one on which we can feel our feet meet the ground, one on which we can greet those with whom we share this fragile and exquisite landscape, one that will require us to move at a pace and with a grace that will restore our sense of belonging to this world and our ability to receive its splendorous gifts in gratitude and awe.
Now appearing on Truthout today as well: http://truth-out.org/opinion/item/8332-course-correction-averting-the-total-ruin-of-institutionalized-injustice
And now over on ZNet today as well…
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The Mobile Marketing Association presented InMobi with an Innovation Award at the 7th Annual MMA Awards Ceremony in Los Angeles, California earlier this month. The award was given in recognition of InMobi's innovative and pioneering 3D ad campaign, created to promote the launch of the Samsung Galaxy SII smartphone in July. Built for full-service agency Starcom Media Vestusing award-winning 3D technology from Cooliris, the ad used innovative lighting, shading, parallax and motion effects to create a truly immersive, interactive and memorable experience, and was delivered across InMobi's extensive global ad network to achieve the maximum possible impact.