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St Margarets
Top 20 Historical Artists
The inspiring landscape around St Margarets has for centuries inspired writers, artists and musicians to take up residence. Here's a list of Top 20 historical artists from 20 The Barons, arranged in chronological order:
1. Geoffrey Chaucer (1343–1400), author of The Canterbury Tales, served in Richmond as the Yeoman of the King's Chamber.
2. Alexander Pope (1688–1744), poet and satirist, from 1719 lived in Twickenham Park where he built a famous grotto.
3. James Thomson (1700–1748), poet, writer of The Seasons, lived from 1736 in a cottage in Kew Foot Lane, Richmond.
4. Henry Fielding (1707–1754), author of Tom Jones, in 1747 took lodgings in Twickenham.
5. Kitty Clive (1711–1785), comic actress, retired in 1769 to Little Strawberry Hill House, Twickenham.
6. Horace Walpole (1717–1797), author of The Castle of Otranto, in 1747 began developing his Gothic castle at Strawberry Hill.
7. Sir Joshua Reynolds (1723–1792), painter, lived from 1772 at Wick House, Richmond Hill.
8. J. M. W. Turner (1775–1851), painter, from 1807 commissioned the building of Sandycombe Lodge, Twickenham.
9. Edmund Kean (1787–1833), actor, in 1831 rented the Richmond Theatre and the house next door.
10. Alfred Lord Tennyson (1809–1892), Poet Laureate, lived from 1851 in Chapel House, Montpelier Row, Twickenham.
11. Charles Dickens (1812–1870), writer and social critic, in 1838 rented a house in Ailsa Park Villas near present-day St Margarets station.
12. George Eliot (1819–1880), author of Middlemarch, lived from 1855 at Park Shot, Richmond.
13. Sir Richard Burton (1821–1890), writer and explorer, was schooled at the Richmond Academy, on the corner of Little Green and Duke Street, Richmond.
14. Mary Elizabeth Braddon (1837–1915), writer of "sensational" fiction, lived from the 1860s in Lichfield House, Sheen Road, Richmond.
15. Bertrand Russell (1872–1970), philosopher and writer, grew up at Pembroke Lodge, Richmond Park.
16. Walter de la Mere (1873–1956), poet and author, lived from 1940 at Southend House, Montpelier Row, Twickenham.
17. Gustav Holst (1874–1934), composer of The Planets, lived from 1903 on Gretna Road, Richmond.
18. Flora Thompson (1876–1947), author of the Larkrise to Candleford trilogy, worked in Twickenham post office in 1902, today the Oxfam shop on King Street.
19. Virginia Woolf (1882–1941) lived from 1915 in Hogarth House, Paradise Road, Richmond.
20. Noel Coward (1899–1973), playwright and actor, born in Teddington in 1899, at 131 Waldegrave Road.
Filed Under: 20 The Barons, History, Music and Art, People and Places Tagged With: Alexander Pope, Charles Dickens, Chaucer, George Eliot, Gustav Holst, Horace Walpole, J.M.W Reynolds, Lord Tennyson, Musicians, Noel Coward, Sir Joshua Reynolds, Sir Richard Burton, St Margarets, Top 20 Artists, Virginia Woolf, Walter de la Mere, writers
Hanworth Villa
Staying at 20 The Barons, one feels instantly part of a vibrant community. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the crackling atmosphere surrounding the local sporting events on any given Saturday. Last Saturday was a case in point. Setting off from the tranquil surroundings of St Margarets, The Baron could hear the roar of the crowd from nearby Twickenham (a brisk 20-minute walk away) as England's Rugby Union team battled back to beat the Wallabies 20-13 in the first of three November internationals. He considered taking a 20-minute taxi ride north-east to Craven Cottage to indulge in some Premier League football, but anticipated Fulham's resounding 1-3 defeat by Manchester United. Instead, The Baron took a 40-minute bus ride south-west to Rectory Meadow to support his favourite local football team. Hanworth Villa were formed in 1976 and have since scaled the league ladder to compete at the top of the Combined Counties Premier Division. At a time when another local club, Chelsea, failed to field a single English player under the age of 21 last season and pays its players a weekly salary far exceeding most supporters' annual income, The Baron enjoys getting back to the traditional values of non-league football. Kick-off at 3 o'clock, tickets a pensioner can afford, standing up to cheer on local players, it's like travelling back in time. Hanworth Villa's clubhouse, The Ranch, is a focal point for the community when many public houses are closing down. There is an academy scholarship scheme, a Ladies team, and first-team goalkeeper Terry Buss has just made his 500th appearance. There's also no lack of drama. Yesterday, Hanworth played Epsom & Ewell ("The Villains" versus "The Salts"), scoring twice in injury time to salvage a 3-3 draw. As FA chairman Greg Dyke's new commission explores ways to create more players for the England team, he could do worse than to join The Baron at Rectory Meadow and discuss the club's aim of: "Providing facilities for all local people, regardless of gender and age, to be able to play football at whatever level."
Filed Under: 20 The Barons, Football, Local News, Sports Tagged With: England's Rugby Union, Football Team, Hanworth Villa, Hanworth Villa's Clubhouse, Local Sporting Events, St Margarets, The Ranch, Twickenham
St Margaret's Pumpkin Pie
At 20 The Barons, if it's Halloween, it's all about the pumpkins. While The Baron favours a traditional diamond-toothed interior decoration (dimly lit, so as not to attract the trick or treaters), St. Margaret sees All Hallows as the ideal time to display her artistic nature.
Whether you have children or not, there are all manner of pumpkin attractions in the local patch. Kew Gardens is the leading light, with master vegetable grower Tony Finch demonstrating his pumpkin-carving skills; carved and uncarved pumpkins for sale; plus the magnificent Pumpkin Pyramid in the Waterlily House. This tower of squash rises 4 metres out of the pond and features 75 varieties in an awe-inspiring autumnal display from blacks and greys to oranges and yellows.
At the National Trust's Osterley House, where the autumn colours are even more dazzling than around the Barons, there is a Pumpkin Festival on 26-27 October, with giant pumpkins and pumpkin carving.
If you prefer to choose your own pumpkins, you can head south-west to Garsons Farm, Esher, or to Crockford Bridge, near Weybridge. For Halloween decorations on a smaller, sweeter scale, you can pop down to Sweetie Pies Boutique Bakery, on Church Street, Twickenham, for a box of cupcakes with perfect pumpkin decorations. You may wish to offer these to visiting trick or treaters, or follow The Baron's lead by turning off the lights, opening the cupcake box, and indulging in your Halloween celebrations undisturbed.
Filed Under: 20 The Barons, Halloween Tagged With: Crockford Bridge, Garsons Farm, Halloween Celebrations, Kew Gardens, Osterley House, Pumpkin Carving, Pumpkin Festival, St Margarets, Sweetie Pies Boutique Bakery, Trick or Treaters, Twickenham
A Taste of Eel Pie
Behind St Margarets' genteel and gentrified façade, there beats a rock 'n' roll heart. Richmond was the cradle where the jazz baby of the '50s grew into the rebellious rhythm and blues child of the '60s, a fact currently being celebrated at the Stables Gallery, Orleans House. The gallery is set in tranquil wooded gardens across the river from the eastern point of Eel Pie Island, and thus a Rolling Stones' throw away from the island's legendary R&B venue, the Eel Pie Hotel. This iconic setting, with a wooden floor that bounced beneath the dancing crowds, played a key part in the cultural history not just of Richmond and Twickenham, but of the world. The nineteenth-century building had hosted ballroom dancing in the Roaring '20s, and in the '50s local trumpeter Brian Rutland began running jazz sessions there. These laid the foundations for the R&B gigs of the next decade, which are still spoken of in reverential tones. Bowie, Clapton, The Who, Pink Floyd, The Kinks and the Rolling Stones all performed at the Eel Pie Hotel before it closed its doors in 1967, unable to meet a £200,000 bill for improvements demanded by the police. It finally left the stage in suitably rock 'n' roll style in 1971, consumed by a mystery fire. The Stables Gallery exhibition features photographs, artwork and memorabilia from the hotel's heyday, and is curated by island resident and author of the book Eel Pie Island, Michelle Whitby. It includes first-hand accounts from musicians and concert-goers, original passports to what was known as "Eelpiland", and the earliest known colour photographs of the island. Documentary movies narrate a truly unique time and place in London's history, and you can select your own musical memories on an original record player. Photographs include Cyril Davies, The Yardbirds, Rod Stewart; plus the impossibly youthful-looking Rolling Stones who back then had a Wednesday residency and this summer, 50 years later, were still raising a Crossfire Hurricane in Hyde Park.
This weekend is your last chance to see the exhibition The Birth of Rhythm and Blues. Orleans House is less than a 20-minute walk from 20 The Barons. Just head south to the banks of the Thames to taste a historic slice of Eel Pie. Entry is free.
Filed Under: 20 The Barons, Local News, Music and Art, People and Places Tagged With: David Bowie, Eel Pie Island, Eric Clapton, Free Entry, Local News, Orleans House, People and Places, Pink Floyd, Richmond Upon Thames, Rolling Stones, St Margarets, The Birth of Rhythm and Blues, The Kinks, The Who, Twickenham
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RT @nationaltrust: Even staying close to home, stretching the legs in the brisk winter air can energise us for the day ahead.… https://t.co/6vdXFUGOiI


Sharon June Anderson, 72, of Sunman, Ind., died April 4 at Margaret Mary Hospital in Batesville, Ind.
A daughter of the late Navire and Grace Cornett Ison, she was the widow of Billy Ray Anderson.
Mrs. Anderson was the mother of the late Billy Michael Cornett and a sister of the late Terry Brown. She was also preceded in death by three grandchildren, Michael, Christina, and Matthew.
Surviving are two daughters, Donna Anderson and Regina Wall, both of Sunman, Ind.; three brothers, Gary Brown of Dry Fork, Randy Frazier of UZ, and Tony Brown of Everton, Ind.; four sisters, Janice Sue Whitaker of Dry Fork, Barbara Lawson of Dryden, Va., Rita Warden of Huntingburg, Ind., and Deloris Lykins of Sunman, Ind.; and two grandchildren, Jacob Anderson and Kathy Anderson.
Funeral services for Mrs. Anderson were held April 7 at Letcher Funeral Home in Whitesburg. Burial was in the family cemetery at Dry Fork.


Little City Pictures are Christopher L Cook and Steven Cook who work alongside a host of talented collaborators and freelancers.
We are an award nominated* visual company who started out as a creative collective in 2010 We are emerging talents and set out with the aim to work collectively, supporting one another to learn our craft and produce high quality story driven films, photography and music videos with passion and ambition.
*(Best Scottish Short Documentary, Edinburgh International Film Festival 2010).
We continue to independently produce shorts films, music videos and fashion films as well as worked freelance on corporate and broadcast content, with the goal to develop our skills with each project.
We are always looking for talented and passionate people to work with and would be delighted to hear from you if you think you share our vision.
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Writing these tricky words over and over will help you remember how to spell them.
This 'Tricky Words 5' spelling quiz tests KS1 children on words taken from the National Curriculum. All these words are tricky to spell because they are exceptions to the rules or consist of rarely-used sounds.
This quiz is on words that don't necessarily follow sound patterns and so can't be sounded out. Improve your spelling of tricky words in this quiz.
Do you know ____ facts about turkeys?
I do - the wobbly bit under a turkey's chin is called a caruncle.
Don't let go! ____ on tight!
Roller coasters can be made from wood or steel.
Have you lost your ____?
This is something people say when they are shocked at another person's actions or behaviour.
Can you ____ your identity?
If you want to travel to a different country you have to show proof of who you are, usually in the form of a passport.
____ you like to come on holiday with me?
The first two answers are real words - can you put them into two different sentences?
This little girl is not my ____.
Normally, for an 'i' to make it's alphabet name it needs to be joined by another vowel or followed by a magic e but not for this word as it's an exception!
They loved their gym ____.
You have to be over sixteen years old to join a gym.
____ can name a country and an animal by saying one word?
Turkey! It's an animal and a country!
Would you like some of my ____?
This meal is called a 'surf and turf' because the prawns are from the sea (surf) and the steak is from the land (turf).
This is a statue of Alexander the ____.
The letters 'ea' sounds the same as 'ee' but for this word it makes an 'ai' sound. Very tricky!


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Lucky's Market closures part of company's 'restructuring efforts'
Two days after news broke that Niwot, Colo.-based Lucky's Market planned to shutter 32 of its 39 stores, the company has confirmed the closures and described them as "part of its restructuring efforts."
"After exploring multiple alternatives, the decision was made to close various stores, in addition to a reduction in staff at the company's support office in Niwot, Colo.," the company stated in a news release.
Some locations began closing Jan. 22, and the company expects the closing process for the remainder of the selected stores will happen over the next three weeks.
"Deep discounts on in-store merchandise during that time will allow customers to stock up on some of their favorite Lucky's products before they are sold out," the company stated in the release.
Stores in Traverse City, Mich.; Cleveland, Ohio; Columbus, Ohio; Columbia, Mo.; Melbourne, Fla.; North Boulder, Colo., and Fort Collins, Colo., will remain open.
The company is also closing its new distribution center in Orlando, Fla., according to a person with knowledge of the matter.
The news of the closures comes less than two months after Kroger announced it would divest its stake in the organic-focused, fresh produce-forward retailer. Lucky's had entered into a partnership agreement with Kroger in 2016, an arrangement designed to allow Lucky's to improve product quality and reduce prices on numerous items.
In late August, the retailer began carrying Simple Truth products — Kroger's private organic label — in all 39 of its stores. In December, Kroger revealed that it would divest its stake after a portfolio review.
Florida had been an area of significant growth for Lucky's — according to the company's website, the retailer planned to open stores this year in Port St. Lucie, Lake Mary, Bonita Springs, Cape Coral, Fort Myers, Port Charlotte, Venice, Brandon, Clearwater, Boca Raton (Spanish River Rd), Boca (Glades), Dania Beach, Del Ray and Miami.

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The modern and functional Plus+Ton ceramic shower trays from Simpsons bring a completely new meaning to showering comfort. Manufactured from fine fire clay, the tray is almost 30% lighter than a stone resin tray. Its non-porous properties makes it limescale resistant and virtually stain proof, any stains can simply be removed with water. Although the tray has a silky smooth finish it has slip-proof qualities thanks to a unique manufacturing process.
All Plus+Ton trays are 100% scratchproof and have been rigorously tested against abrasion and scratching and come treated with a non-toxic antibacterial treatment. Each tray features a sleek ceramic waste cover that sits flush with the tray. A high flow waste is included delivering up to 33 litres a minute drainage.


Arguments that speak for the analysis of games of the past world champions were brought by the speaker for competitive sport of the German Chess Federation himself: One could understand how the chess game had changed over the decades, first all victims were accepted, then one trained the individual phases of the game and finally every chess player can report on how the training is structured.
After this little preface, he went straight to work and analyzed a chess game of Lasker against Tarrash. For this he asked the question whether Lasker had been a good psychologist.
In the course of the analysis he came to the conclusion that Lasker did not have a particularly pronounced opening knowledge. No other player gives his opponent as much after the opening as Lasker. However, Lasker was, in his opinion, an excellent tactician who, like any good player today, is. Lasker managed to complicate it if he had a worse position and made it as difficult as possible for his opponent.
Ann-Marie Mütsch won a book for the right move. And Jagodzinsky's son wanted another raffle because he also wanted to win something. However, this proposal was not adopted. And so he finished his presentation and wished all the present and absent players much success in the tournament.


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Sierra Leone News: ACC Boss Honoured in Egypt
Francis Ben Kelfala, Commissioner for Sierra Leone's Anti Corruptions Commission (ACC),
The Commissioner of the Anti-Corruption Commission, Francis Ben Kaifala, was part of participants present at the 1st African Anti-Corruption Forum in Sharm El Sheikh where he delivered a very incisive and comprehensive speech which touched on sensitive thematic aspects bordering on what should be done to combat graft in Africa. Below is Ben Kaifala's speech that left a deafening applause in its wake.
He said, I bring you greetings from Sierra Leone; a country that that epitomizes the full brunt of decades of corruption; but is now more determined than ever to fight corruption under the leadership of, His Excellency, President Rtd. Brig. Julius Maada Bio, whose roadmap to victory against corruption, and economic development blueprint are predicated on the pillars of conscientious anti-corruption reform and campaign.
He added that Corruption, mostly defined as the abuse of public office for private gain, has long been a concern for many countries around the world; more so in Africa. By its very nature, corruption can undermine the efforts of Governments to bring prosperity to their countries and promote violent conflicts, poverty, and underdevelopment, in many countries, and for too many decades.
He went on to state that this, in very many situations, including Sierra Leone, led to the breakdown of law and order, thereby lowering the GDP of countries, with poor States particularly suffering. Dreher and Herzfeld (2005) estimate that an increase in corruption by about one point reduces GDP growth by 0.13 percentage points; and GDP per capita by US$425. Evidently, corruption damages the economy of States, its political system, processes and institutions.
He added that the socio-economic and political cost of corruption in Africa is tremendous. The Control Risk Group estimated in 2011 that developing countries lost close to US$1 trillion to fraud, corruption and shady business transactions
He maintained that according to the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, corruption costs Africa over US$148 billion per annum – 'equivalent to 50% of tax revenue and 25% of African GDP.' In addition, illicit financial flows – especially via multinational corporations and mostly through corrupt practices – continue to deprive countries of much-needed financial resources.
He explained that Anti-Corruption measures are critical elements to the operation of the Rule of Law. The lack of same always breeds bad international governance ratings and undermines opportunities for economic cooperation with international financial institutions, development agencies, and donor States, no matter the scores for other indicators.
However, he said that sadly, the spread of corruption has been unrelenting. According to the World Bank, corruption is pervasive across Africa and is having a disproportionate effect on the poor, with long-term consequences for development.
He went on to say that in the late '90s, Western stakeholders became significantly more active in Africa's fight against corruption. In 1996, former World Bank President, James Wolfensohn, and International Monetary Fund (IMF) Managing Director, Michel Camdessus announced that donor leverage would be used to eliminate corruption. This gave many anti-corruption campaigns a Western, rather than local, identity, which partly explains the failure of some commissions and anti-graft institutions.
Going forward, he said, this calls for a participatory evaluation of commissions/agencies, as well as an inclusive decision-making process. This is crucial if Africa is to grow and nurture its own ideas, processes and mechanisms to deal with the corruption.
He added that in many corruption perception surveys, Africa remains perceived as the most corrupt continent and correspondingly, the poorest and most underdeveloped. Hence, addressing the problem of corruption in a strategic and comprehensive way is of paramount importance as a development priority for Africa.
He added that successful national anti-graft campaign amounts to remarkable transformation of countries like Singapore and Malaysia from little more than fishing villages in the 1960s to industrial metropolis and economic gateways to the Asia-Pacific sub-region today. We can say same for Botswana, The Seychelles, Rwanda, etc.
The fight against corruption is the proximate causal factors that will incentivize human agency, and enable ordinary Africans to reach their full economic and human potentials.
Sustain the resources of the continent to serve the goals of sustainable development.
Almost everywhere in Africa, corruption continues to be the biggest inhibitor of development and growth: In Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Guinea, and Liberia, corruption continues to negatively hamper efforts aimed at promoting democratic governance. In South Africa, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Uganda, and Malawi, corruption continues to undermine socio-economic transformation; In Nigeria, Somalia, Central African Republic, Cameroon, Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Chad, Mali, and the DRC, corruption continues to undermine the peace and security of our people.
From Gabon in the West to Kenya in the East, corruption continues to degrade Africa; from Uganda in the East to Senegal in the West, corruption, and its effects, continues to promote conflicts and sow the seeds for disunity and national discord.
The seriousness and complexities of the problem are aptly captured in the Africa Progress Report; otherwise known as "the Mbeki Report". This High-powered Panel on Illicit Financial Flows from Africa revealed that Africa loses over US$50bn annually through illicit financial flows and tax evasion. This is far more than what Africa receives in either international aid, or foreign investment. I hope you noticed the distinct irony. The report also estimates Illicit Financial Flow from Africa between 1970 – 2008 at nearly $900 billion. That money is not simply disappearing into the wind like magic – it is mostly going into the pockets of individuals and groups, thereby depriving parents of food for their families, medicines for children, classrooms, and portable water for communities, etc.
The late Kofi Anan (RIP); succinctly captured this when he said: "While personal fortunes are consolidated by a corrupt few, the vast majority of Africa's present and future generations are being deprived of the benefits of common resources that might otherwise deliver incomes, livelihoods and better nutrition. If these problems are not addressed, we are sowing the seeds of a bitter harvest." He added that as part of that 'bitter harvest,' Africa imports $34bn worth of food. We have hungry stomachs everywhere walking on fertile soils, even though we have potentials to feed ourselves within five years if agricultural productivity is improved. We need an estimated US$50bn annually to do our roads, railways, and other public investment projects. So, if the leakages are properly plugged, we would not need aid and/or loans from our competitors to effectively deliver service to the public.
The Africa Progress Report also estimated that Africa losses about US$17bn annually from illegal logging; while fishing fleets flouting international conventions are costing West Africa alone $1.3bn annually. These costs are driven by corruption in most parts.
In a report titled "Western Africa's Missing Fish," Britain's Overseas Development Institute, reported that Africa loses billions of Dollars because corrupt African state operatives enter into shady deals with foreign countries. The FAO even went further to reveal that the sale of fishing rights to foreign operatives netted Africa $US400m in 2014, but could in theory generate US$3.3bn if Africa exports its own catch instead.
He said that he believes, these revealing statistics are enough to help you all picture how we are complicit in undermining efforts aimed at attaining the Global Sustainable Development Goals; and Agenda 2063 – Africa's 50-year developmental blueprint.
On a progressive note, however, as more and more African countries realize that their development will be stunted if they fail to root out corruption, a wind of change is blowing across Africa, and it is in the interest of well-meaning citizens to join in to help create a society where everyone has equal rights to public goods.
Many States have instituted accountability measures and created Anti-Corruption Agencies to ensure that resources trickle down to their people. Cape Verde, Mauritius, Rwanda, Botswana, etc. are among countries that occupy respectable positions in the Control of Corruption indexes. Similarly, the African Union Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption has provided a continental backbone to the efforts of member states in our fight against corruption. Of course, many African States are also party to the United Nations Convention Against Corruption – A united front against corruption is getting more and more formidable.
Critical to providing authoritative responses to the questions from the objectives of this consultative conference, is the institution and propagation of proper and sustained state-of-the-art education on corruption; backed by an unflinching commitment by all to refuse, reject, and suppress corruption at all levels; and in all jurisdictions of the continent.
Such education should be well targeted for the future of the continent. Africa is home to over 1.2 billion people; over 60% of its population falls under the age of 35. It should therefore target primary, secondary schools, colleges, and universities. Anti-corruption policy-making should improve youth capacity to unveil and oppose corruption. Relevant youth organizations should contribute to framing and implementing anti-graft policies. The overall objective is to achieve quality education that is aimed at effectively addressing corruption. Relevant sectors of society should be targeted to fully commit to fundamental ethical principles for public and professional life.
The AU Advisory Board on Corruption should take the leadership in defining the broad educational policy framework and setting the blueprint. To this end, it is highly important to develop appropriate strategies to raise awareness and understanding of the undermining effects of corruption; and at the same time, build countries' capacities to stand up against it.
The evidence is glaring! Africa loses too much to corruption; sustained and perpetuated by bad governance, lack of accountability, and transparency; a staple for Africa. Resources meant for the people of Africa, but stolen and pocketed by corrupt actors, would have gone a long way to reduce infant mortality, maternal mortality, infections like malaria, cholera, among others; and the provision of vaccines for deadly outbreaks like Ebola.
Despite the potentials in our human and natural resources, the poverty rate in Africa is alarming. The irony of Africa is best illustrated in the axion "poverty amongst the plenty"; the richest, yet the poorest continent. Various studies have supported the position that if we seriously maximize our revenue mobilization; utilize our resources judiciously by negating corruption and corrupt practices of all kinds; it would be extreme for Africa to need foreign loans and donations.
We can build our own schools; equip our own hospitals, with the best brains, best equipment, and medicines available without waiting for China or begging the West. We can transform Africa into the paradise it truly ought to be. Now is the time to make that positive difference. I call on all of us to push for that difference. Let us make it happen. Where else can victory be harvested; if not from us? We have to make it happen. The positive difference Africa has been yearning for can be realized through us.
Commissioner of the Anti-Corruption Commission Francis Ben Kaifala
President Rtd. Brig. Julius Maada Bio
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The Tragic Community
Notes on Badiou's 'Affirmative Dialectics'
Posted on June 2, 2014 by youandwhosearmy?
The fundamental problem in philosophy today, for Alain Badiou, is the creation of a new logic "or more precisely, a new dialectics" (1). It is this new logic that precedes any considerations regarding "politics, life, creation, or action" (1). For Badiou, the two main problems that Marx dealt with (revolutionary politics and a new dialectical framework) are our problems today. Thus, Badiou's search for a new form of dialectics is characterized by his concern with rectifying revolutionary politics "after two centuries of success and failures in revolutionary politics, and in particular, after the failure of the State-form of socialism" and by articulating a new logic which corresponds to "a new philosophical proposition adequate to all forms or creative novelty" (1). This can be summed up, as Badiou himself does, in one word: negativity. "If you want, our problem is the problem of negativity" (1).
For Badiou, when we think of political action in a dialectical manner, we find ourselves already immersed and committed to the classical dialectical logic which privileges negation and understands novelty to arise from this process. In this framework, "The development of the political struggle is fundamentally something like 'revolt against', 'opposition to', 'negation of', and the newness – the creation of the new State, or the creation of the new law – is always a result of the process of negation. This is the Hegelian framework; you have a relation between affirmation and negation, construction and negation, in which the real principle of movement, and the real principle of creation, is negation" (1-2). If we commit ourselves to the classical dialectical logic, then we are necessarily committed to understanding "the very definition of the revolutionary class" as that which is "against the present State or against the present law in the precise sense that revolutionary consciousness, as Vladimir Lenin would say, is basically the consciousness that one stands in a relation of negation to the existing order" (2). Therefore, in classical dialectical logic, negation is the principle of creativity, novelty, and political action is characterized by the oppositional manner in which the proletariat engages with the bourgeois state.
For Badiou, the classical dialectical logic "cannot be sustained today" (2). The crisis of the 'trust in the power of negativity' is characterized by a critique which claims, on the one hand, Hegelian dialectics being too affirmative (e.g., Adorno), and on the other, Hegelian dialectics being too negative (e.g., Negri and Althusser). The crisis, then, is characterized by either side that Hegelian dialectics goes too far in either the direction of negativity or affirmation: one either risks submitting to "the potency of the Totality and of the One' or one risks forgoing the model of philosophy set forth by Spinoza, who is the main source of the anti-Hegelian critiques of Negri and Althusser. With the latter group of neo-Spinozists, Badiou writes "They find in Spinoza a model of philosophy which is finally without negation. We know today that in this way, we have an accepting of the dominant order, through the conviction that this order is full of newness and creativity, and that finally modern capitalism is the immediate strength which works, beyond the empire, in the direction of a sort of communism" (2). While not the most accurate of portrayals of the positions taken by Negri and Althusser, what is essential for Badiou is underscoring the full affirmation, the abandoning of the role played by negation, in analyzing and making sense of contemporary capitalism. It is true that both Negri and Althusser opt for Spinoza's substance in opposition to Hegelian dialectics, and for this, Badiou remains skeptical since he remains convinced that the role of the negative retains a certain importance in thinking revolutionary politics and a new form of dialectics which can account for creative novelty without relying on negation pure and simple. To choose the paths of Adorno, or Negri and Althusser result in either "the aesthetics of human rights" or a "Nietzschean 'Gay Science' of History" which destroys all forms of dialectical thought, respectively (3).
Given the crisis of our trust in the power of negativity, Badiou writes, "I think the problem today is to find a way of reversing the classical dialectical logic inside itself so that the affirmation, or the positive proposition, comes before the negation instead of after it. In some sense, my attempt is to find a dialectical framework where something or the future comes before the negative present. I'm not suggesting the suppression of the relation between affirmation and negation – certainly revolt and class struggle remain essential – and I'm not suggesting a pacifistic direction or anything like that. The question is not whether we need to struggle or oppose, but concerns more precisely the relation between negation and affirmation. So when I say that there is something non-dialectical…formal it's the same idea" (3). Ultimately, for Badiou, the answer to this crisis in the negative is the understand that it is, what he calls "primitive affirmation" that comes before negation and therefore, the principle of change and novelty is not negation (although it has its role to play) but rather affirmation (Affirmative Dialectics) (3).
Affirmation Precedes Negation: From St. Paul to Democracy
In order to understand how positivity precedes the negative, Badiou relies on his vocabulary of Event and Subject. So, how do we account for how affirmation precedes negation? For Badiou, it begins with understanding how Events transpire in Worlds. For Badiou, it is with an Event that we can begin to understand how affirmation precedes negation. As he writes, "an event is not initially the creation of a new situation. It is the creation of a new possibility, which is not the same thing. In fact, the event takes place in a situation that remains the same, but this same situation is inside the new possibility" (3).
Thus, with an Event we have the existence of a new possibility within a world, while at the same time having that world remain fundamentally unaltered by the event. These are the Events two defining characteristics, for Badiou. Second, and following from this definition of an Event, we have the understanding of the subject, or a "new subjective body:" "A new subjective body is the realization of the possibility that is opened by the event in a concrete form, and which develops some consequences of a the possibility. Naturally, among these consequences there are different forms of negation…but there forms of negation are consequences of the birth of the new subjectivity, and not the other way around; it is not the new subjectivity that is a consequence of the negation. So there is something really non-dialectical – in the sense of Hegel and Marx – about this logic, because we do not start with the creativity of negation as such, even if the site of negativity is certainly included in the consequences of something which is affirmative" (4).
This idea, that affirmation and the positivity of an event precedes the various forms of negation is what Badiou understands to be at stake in figures like St. Paul. As Badiou writes, "what is interesting in the example of Paul is that the very beginning of something new is always something like a pure affirmation of the new possibility as such. There is a resurrection; you have to affirm that! And when you affirm the resurrection, and you organize that sort of affirmation – because affirmation is with others and in the direction of others – you create something absolutely new, not in the form of a negation of what exists, but in the form of the newness inside what exists. And so there is no longer negation on the one hand and affirmation on the other. There is rather affirmation and division, or the creation that grounds the independence of new subject from within the situation of the old. This is the general orientation of the new logic" (5).
Paul, by virtue of the fundamental change instituted by the resurrection regarding his own existence, becomes the figure of Badiou's affirmative dialectics: the principle of change is affirmation, whereby negation takes a secondary role. The example of Paul, because he is the figure of this new logic, is exemplary of a new relationship to Power and a new conception of resistance. As Badiou goes on to inquire, "is there today a possible good use of the word 'democracy'?"(5). This simple question is what allows Badiou to unfold the difference between classical Hegelian and Marxist dialectics and Badiou's affirmative dialectical logic. The further we begin to inquire into the debate between the good and bad use of the word democracy, its political relevance and the debates political importance, we may often find ourselves in a particularly defensive position, if we want to retain the word 'democracy' in our political vocabulary. Badiou opts for this position, while outlining the possible trap laying at the end of the road for those who remain committed to the classical version of dialectical thought:
"I have decided ultimately to keep the word, 'democracy'. It's generally a good thing to keep the word, because there is something problematic about leftists saying, 'I am not interested in 'democracy' at all, because it has become practically meaningless'…The situation is difficult because we have to criticize the actual 'democracies' in one sense and in a different sense we have to criticize the political propaganda made today about the term 'democracy'. If we do not do this we are paralyzed. In this case we would be saying 'yes, we are in a democracy, but democracy can do something else' and we would ultimately be in a defensive position. And this is the opposite of my conception, because my position is to begin by affirmation, not at all by a defensive position. So, if we keep the world, we must divide the signification of the world classically and differentiate between good democracy and bad democracy, between the reactionary conception of democracy and the progressive conception of democracy" (6).
Thus, everything rests on the division: the division between good and bad democracy, between reactionary and progressive democracy, etc. While in the traditional Marxist framework this division is grounded on class divisions, which then allowed on to understand popular democracy as distinct from bourgeois democracy. However, for Badiou, "this strict duality, however, is not convincing in the framework of a new dialectical thinking; it's too easy to determine negatively the popular democracy as being everything the state democracy is not" (6-7). In order to evade the trap and the inefficient logic of Hegelian dialectics, Badiou offers "three understandings of democracy" (7). These 'three understandings of democracy' are all rooted in this new logic which has four terms, instead of Hegel's three: "Hegel has three terms, because after the negation and the negation of negation, he has the totality of the process, the becoming of the absolute knowledge as a third term, but for me, after two different affirmation [Event and Subject], the conservative one and the affirmation of the new possibility, I have two different negations. It's because the conservative negation of novelty by the reaction is not the same as the negative part, against the conservative position, of the new affirmation" (7).
Thus the three understandings of Democracy: 1) Democracy = a form of State (representative or parliamentary). 2) Democracy = "movement…which is not democracy directly in the political sense, but perhaps more in the historical sense." So when democracy takes place, it is democracy in the form of an event. This is the sense of democracy in the work of Jacques Rancière, for example. For Rancière, as for me, democracy is the activation of the principle of equality. When the principle of equality is really active, you have some version of our understanding of democracy: that is, democracy as the irruption of collective equality in a concrete form, which can be protest or insurrection or popular assembly or any other form in which equality is effectively active" (7).
Badiou notes that this second definition of democracy is less understood as a system of governance than a "form of a sudden emergence in history, and ultimately of the event" (8). That is to say, when democracy signals collective equality within a situation understood as a movement, democracy is present insofar as democracy means, in this instance, "collective equality in a concrete form" (7). However, the third form of democracy is still different from these two understandings. As Badiou writes, "we have to find a third sense of democracy, which is properly the democracy of the determination of the new political subject as such. This is my ultimate conception. Democracy for me is another name for the elaboration of the consequences of collective action and for determining the new political subject" (8). It is from these three articulations of democracy (State, political action in relation to an Event, and Determination of New Subjects) that Badiou arrives at his 4 terms:
i) classical representative democracy (form of State power)
ii) mass movement democracy (historical)
iii) democracy as a political subject
iv) Communism (vanishing of the State, which is the historical and negative inscription of politics in History).
Badiou provides another example – the relationship between politics and power – to illustrate how affirmation precedes negation in his affirmative dialectics. Here Badiou takes as an example his own political activism regarding sans papiers and one's relation to the State in this circumstance. If we are to struggle for the livelihood and political power of immigrants coming into France, "we will have to confront new laws and decisions of the State, and we will have to create something that will be face to face with the State-not inside the State, but face to ace with it. So, we will have a 'discussion' with the State, or we will organize various forms of disruption. In any case, we will have to prescribe something about the State from outside" (9). Here we see the role of "struggle" as it appears in affirmative dialectics: in confronting State power, and particularly, a State which excludes and perpetuates violence against a portion of its population, what is necessary is not simple negation, mere opposition to the State. Rather, Badiou claims, resistance to State power begins with a prescription, from those who resist and addressed to the State, all from the outside. Here we are reminded of what Badiou writes in his text Metapolitics regarding the relationship between the power of the State and the truth procedure of politics, which alludes to the same thought: "The real characteristic of the political event and the truth procedure that it sets off is that a political event fixes the errancy and assigns a measure to the superpower of the State. It fixes the power of the State. Consequently, the political event interrupts the subjective errancy of the power of the State. It configures the state of the situation. It gives it a figure; it configures its power; it measures it" (Metapolitics, 145).This is, for Badiou, what characterizes politics: the prescription and measure of the power of the State by a mass or movement which has "collective equality in a concrete form" as its axiom.
If struggle, in accord with this new dialectical framework with two affirmations and two negations, does not privilege negation as its creative principle, it is because, as Badiou writes, "to be somebody is to be inside the State, otherwise you cannot be heard at all. So there are two possible outcomes. Either finally there is a discussion and some political results or else there is no room for discussion because we are nobody. It is once more the precise question of affirmation: how can we be somebody without being on the inside? We must affirm our existence, our principles, our action, always from outside" (10). That is to say, there is a 'primitive' affirmation which precedes negation when we understand political activity as finding its place outside of the State. It is outside of the state that characterizes Badiou's conception of 'class struggle.' For Badiou, class struggle is no longer internal to State power, and therefore the contradiction of bourgeois society is not between Labor and Capital. Rather, for Badiou, if resistance always begins, and comes from, the outside, this new logic must articulate the relationship between the State and those who resist the state. Articulating the logic of resistance as first, beginning with affirmation which precedes all negation, and second, operates as an 'outside' to Capital can be seen in the passages of Tiqqun, which seems to dovetail nicely with Badiou's project to think beyond the Hegelian-Marxist dialectic:
"…under Empire, negation comes from outside, that it intervenes not as heterogeneity in relation to homogeneity, but as heterogeneity itself, as heterogeneity in which the forms-of-life play in their difference. The Imaginary Party can never be individuated as a subject, a body, a thing or a substance, nor even as an ensemble of subjects, bodies, things and substances, but only as the occurrence of all of that. The Imaginary Party is not substantially a remainder of the social totality but the fact of this remainder, the fact that there is a remainder, that the represented always exceeds its representation, that upon which power exercises itself forever escapes it. Here lies the dialectic. All our condolences."
In the end, Badiou's article provides one with many starting points, and various ways to begin to pose the question according to his 'affirmative dialectics,' and allows us to understood what is at stake and how processes of truth relate to Events on account of the affirmation which precedes negation.
Tagged Affirmation, Alain Badiou, Badiou, Dialectics, Event, Negation, Political Theory, Resistance, Rupture, Spinoza, Tiqqun1 Comment
No Dialogue Is Possible: Badiou, Vergès, and the Question of Rupture
Posted on January 12, 2014 January 12, 2014 by youandwhosearmy?
(This post is a continuation of some previous thoughts on Badiou's essay 'The Three Negations,' which can be found here)
Perhaps one of Alain Badiou's strongest allies in his articulation of the Event is an anachronistic one. Jacques Vergès, French-Vietnamese lawyer, was made famous by his defense of Djamila Bouhired, Algerian nationalist and fighter in the National Liberation Army in Algeria in the late 50's. Using the 'rupture defense,' Vergès claimed that the French State had no grounds to try Bouhired due to its history of colonial violence against the Alergian people. Thus, instead of defending Bouhired in terms of the French legal system, Vergès approached the trial from the 'outside.' As he stated in an interview with Der Spiegel,
The other French attorneys who had taken over the defense in Algiers tried to begin a dialogue with the military judges there. The judges saw the FLN as a criminal group. But the Algerian defendants saw their attacks as a necessary act of resistance. In other words, there was no consensus over the principles that were to be applied in reaching a verdict. For me, it meant that I had to shift the events to outside the courtroom and win over public opinion for the defendants.
This lack of consensus marks the paraconsistent nature of the trial: it is both the case that Bouhired was guilty and innocent; guilty from the point of view of the State and innocent from the point of view of the FLN. It is this confrontation of view points that Vergès brought to the forefront of the trial. As critical legal theorist Emilios Christodoulidis writes, "the defense of 'rupture' aims at a confrontation with the system that is represented by the prosecution's case. In its confrontation with the law of the State, its main aim is to derail the process all the time both using and contesting it…"(SR). Or as Vergès himself writes "rupture traverses the whole structure of the trial. Facts as well as circumstances of the action pass onto a secondary plane; in the forefront suddenly appears the brutal contestation with the order of the state"(SR). Ultimately, the strategy of rupture aims at a confrontation between defense and prosecution that, "excludes all compromise"(SR). It is here that we arrive at the classical logic that underpins Vergès approach: in defending Bouhired through the contestation of the legitimacy of the French legal system, by putting their judgment of Bouhired into contrast with France's history of colonialism, and their use of torture on Algerian's despite the State's acknowledgment of the rights of the subjects of French colonies, Vergès disrupts the State's legitimacy by positing its actual illegitimacy. That is to say, either France is guilty of ongoing colonial violence and thus revokes its legitimacy as a supposed, neutral, judicial third party; or France is not guilty of ongoing colonial violence and retains its authority, with no third possibility. The rupture defense, then, is an Event in the classical sense.
This defense which constitutes a rupture, is only a rupture (or an Event), since it achieves a critique which contests and posits "new rules of appearing"; since for Badiou, "an event is a sudden change of the rules of appearing; a change of the degrees of existence of a lot of multiplicities which appear in a world" (TTN). As seen above, Vergès led a defense of Bouhired not on the terms articulated by the court, but on the grounds of the principles which defined the legitimacy of the court itself. That is to say, what Vergès sought was a new set of 'rules of appearing.' Instead of terrorists, Bouhired was part of the resistance against colonialism; instead of a criminal, Bouhired was a revolutionary; instead of a murderer, she executed a traitor. And here we can see Vergès, and Badiou after him as an articulation of Fanon's decolonial principle that "challenging the colonial world is not a rational confrontation of viewpoints. It is not a discourse on the universal" (WE). By establishing the incommensurability between the lives of colonized peoples and the legal structure of the French state, Vergès showed how the tactics of the FLN "could no longer be rationally contained within the context of the operations of the French municipal system of justice," once France was seen for what it was: "a facilitator of the colonial brutality against an emergent people no longer subsumable to 'le peuple' (SR). Thus, Fanon's argument about race and class relations in colonized Algeria takes on a new meaning: not only is one rich because one is white, and white because one is rich; within the French system of justice, one is just because one is white, and white because one is just. Within this logic of colonialism, there is no category by which the Algerian resistor can be recognized by except by the notions of an irrational 'animal,' a 'terrorist,' and a 'criminal.'
Tagged Badiou, Decolonialism, Event, Fanon, Law, Rupture, VergèsLeave a comment
Policing The Simulacra: Between Events and Non-Events
Posted on December 19, 2013 July 22, 2017 by youandwhosearmy?
"There is a sort of univocity of being, but an equivocity of existence."
– Alain Badiou, 'The Three Negations'
In a lecture delivered at the Cardozo Law School in New York City in 2008, Alain Badiou recapitulated his understanding of Being, Event, and Simulacrum in relationship to Logic and Law. With an incredible power of precision, Badiou recapitulates Aristotle's three main pillars of the process of thought (Identity, non-contradiction, and the excluded middle), which he then uses to delineate the three kinds of negation he understands to be at work: classical, intuitionistic, and paraconsistent. With the "three kinds of negation," Badiou aims to underscore how Events transpire in a world; and what the impact of an Event, according to each kind of negation, actually means.
In Classical logic, negation obeys Aristotle's principles of non-contradition and the excluded middle. That is to say, the relationship between P and non-P is that either the former is true, or the latter is true, but not both simultaneously. Additionally, there is no third term available in this truth relation. All throughout Badiou's lecture, he provides us with examples of such a logic. For Badiou, the most common understanding of how classical logic defines a certain kind of negation is seen in the concept of God: "Certainly, God as such pertains to classical logic: between his existence and his non-existence, there is no third possibility" (TTN). Badiou makes it explicit that classical logic pertains to God, only because the concept of God itself is an ontological concept. Thus we arrive at the first of Badiou's main themes: Being (which operates according to classical logic and it's specific kind of negation).
In Intuitionistic logic, negation obeys the law of non-contradiction but does not obey the law of the excluded middle. So according to intuitionistic logic, the relation between P and non-P does not excluded any number of intermediary possibilities between those two extremes. Now, intuitionistic logic, as one might be able to already see, cannot pertain to be Being qua being (either God exists or does not exist, and it cannot be said that God exists between those two claims). However, Badiou finds intuitionistic logic useful ("valid") when it comes to making claims about concrete worlds. Thus, keeping in mind his audience is a room full of law students and professors, he gives an example through the institution of law as to how intuitionistic logic allows us to comprehend the world:
So, if the great field of the law is always a concrete world, or a concrete construction, its logic is not classic. If we take "law" in its strict legal sense, we know that perfectly well. If the sentence P is "guilty," and non-P "innocent," we have always a great number of intermediate values, like "guilty with attenuating circumstances," or "innocent because certainly guilty, but with insufficient proof," and so on. (TTN)
Thirdly, in Paraconsistent logic, negation obeys the law of the excluded middle but not the law of non-contradiction. This is defined by Badiou as "non-perceptible change at the level of the inexistent." However, in order to get a better understanding of how paraconsistent logic fits into the 'three kinds of negation' Badiou is articulating, it's helpful to turn to his own example which he believes spells this out more clearly. Regarding Events occurring in a world, Badiou claims that we have the twofold task of defining the event ontologically (abiding by the rules of classical logic) and existentially (abiding by the rules of intuitionistic logic):
To be complete, we must define first an event at the ontological level: what sort of multiplicity is an event? And after that, we must define an event at the phenomenological or existential level: how does an event appear in a determinate world? Today, and for you, I simplify the matter. I suppose that an event is a sudden change of the rules of appearing; a change of the degrees of existence of a lot of multiplicities which appear in a world…For example, the political existence of poor workers in a revolutionary event…The question for an event is: what is the destiny, after the event, of an inexistent of the world? What becomes of the poor worker after the revolution? (TTN)
In order to account for the nature of an Event in a world, Badiou redeploys the three kinds of logic in order to trace an Event in its most effective form (classical) to an Event in its least effective form, that is to say as a non-Event (paraconsistent). If the most effective Events are those which operate under Classical Logic it is because the Event, as that which institutes a disruption of the reason or conventions of a world, brings about the strongest contrasts between existents and inexistents in this world:
The test is that among the consequences of this change, we have the maximal value, the maximal intensity of existence, for an object which was an inexistent, which appeared with the minimal degree of intensity. The poor worker, who before the revolution appears as nothing in the political field, becomes the new hero of this field. The abstract painting, which was purely decorative before an artistic revolution, becomes an essential trend of the history of the arts, and so on (TTN).
Thus, for Badiou, the Event which is most effective in disrupting the conventions and rationale of a world is that which can reduce the world into a duality between minimal intensity (or inexistence) and maximal intensity (or existence): "And that sort of world, with only two degrees of intensity, is always classical. We shall say in this case that the change is a true event, simply, if the context is clear, an Event." Now, the Event which accords to Intuitionistic Logic is the second possibility of an Event's occurrence in the world. This type of Event institutes neither maximal nor minimal change, but rather intermediate changes in the world.
"The poor worker appears in the political field, but it is not at all a new hero of the field. The abstract figures can be used in painting, but they are not really important. In this case, the logical framework of the event, and of its consequences, is clearly intuitionistic. There is no obligation for the event to be of maximal intensity" (TTN).
This type of Event, which institutes changes in a world that does not cause fundamental breaks, ruptures, or novel ways of doing art, politics, or science, abide by the principle of non-contradiction but not by the law of the excluded middle. It is a form of change that maintains that either P or -P, while also maintains that this form of change takes place between P and -P, it is a form of change that instantiates the transformation of a world by degrees and rather than in kind. It is for this reason that an event that accords to intuitionistic logic is said to be less effective than its classically logical counterpart for it denotes a form of change that realizes a relative degree of modification within a specific world. And finally, we arrive at the Event which corresponds to Paraconsistent Logic. This kind of event is characterized as the indecidability between event and non-event.
"Yes, something happens, but, from the point of view of the world, everything is identical. Se we have event and non-event simultaneously. And there are no new values between affirmation and negation, because the world is exactly the same. The principle of excluded middle is true, the principle of contradiction is false; so we have a paraconsistent logic. We say then that we have a false event, or a simulacrum" (TTN, my emphasis).
Thus, for Badiou, true change only occurs in a world when the Event alters or interferes with the rules which govern a world – hence why he still claims that change occurs when Events abide by classical and intuitionistic logic (the former being a radical change, the latter being reformist). It is because of this that Badiou ends his lecture with this statement: "The lesson is that, when the world is intuitionistic, a true change must be classical, and a false change paraconsistent" (TTN). Now, while there is much to point out regarding Badiou's work on these three understandings of negation and how they relate to Being, Event, and Simulacrum, I would like to make a gesture toward another thinker who highlights an important aspect of the relationship between the World and Simulacrum: Jacques Rancière. In his text On The Shores of Politics Rancière underscores the police as the exemplary aspect for present day society to ensure the continued existence of 'non-events,' or simulacra.
Police intervention in public space is less about interpellating demonstrators than it is about dispersing them. The police are not the law that interpellates the individual (the "hey, you there" of Louis Althusser) unless we confuse the law with religious subjection. The police are above all a certitude about what is there, or rather, about what is not there: "Move along, there's nothing to see." The police say there is nothing to see, nothing happening, nothing to be done but to keep moving, circulating; they say that the space of circulation is nothing but the space of circulation. Politics consists in transforming that space of circulation into the space of the manifestation of a subject: be it the people, workers, citizens. It consists in refiguring that space, what there is to do there, what there is to see, or to name. It is a dispute about the division of what is perceptible to the senses." (Aux bords du politique, 242)
And there, in the ending of this passage, Rancière meets with Badiou: with Badiou we understand the existence of a simulacrum by its logical function; by its being the non-event par excellence. With Rancière, we understand the non-event, the simulacrum, as being guaranteed by the police. The power of the police, according to Rancière, is to render what is sensible, existent, and manifest in public space, imperceptible, inexistent (Badiou), and silent. However, if we accept the similarities and productive relations between Badiou and Rancière, we are obliged to re-write Badiou's summary lesson from his lecture. Now, it is not only that the world is intuitionistic, true change classical, and the false change paraconsistent. Rather, the lesson is that, when the world is paraconsistent, a true change must be classical, and a false change intuitionistic.
Tagged Badiou, Event, Law, Philosophy, Police, Political Theory, Politics, Ranciere, Rupture1 Comment
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text:
Fleetwood Mac's "Dreams" Is Back on the Charts Because It's a Timeless Jam
The band's iconic 'Rumours' cut didn't need a Twitter meme to tell us that it's always been relevant.
by Phil Witmer
April 4, 2018, 3:45pm
Photo by Michael Ochs Archives for Getty Images
One band that's seemingly escaped the music internet's frequent reappraisal (Migos is better than the Beatles, 2Pac actually sucks, etc) is Fleetwood Mac. FM is truly timeless, thanks to their tough-to-pin-down but supremely appealing sound, Lindsay Buckingham's studio sheen, and Stevie Nicks' hugely influential witch-sona. It's that longevity that may have helped a Twitter meme to send one of the Mac's mightiest classics back onto the Billboard charts more than 40 years after its release.
On March 22, Twitter user @bottledfleet posted an edited video of cheerleaders doing a dance routine to Fleetwood Mac's "Dreams" as a punchline to a joke about the band's music being "boring."
Toto's "Africa" Hit Number 1 Exactly 35 Years Ago, May It Live Forever
Phil Witmer
The tweet went viral and "Dreams" re-entered Billboard's Hot Rock Songs at number 14 this week. According to Billboard, the song's album Rumours also reappeared on the Top Rock Albums Chart. It's been a long time since both works originally topped both the Hot 100 and the Billboard 200 back in 1977, but their recent ascendancy is similar to the recent resurgence of Toto's "Africa." The resonance of this meme is a testament to the longevity of a supposedly passé boomer relic among younger generations. "Dreams" is not the greatest song of all time or the biggest hit ever, but it's a big song in the sense that it has an immediate effect on pretty much any audience.
The beguiling simplicity and tenderness of "Dreams" helps it succeed where other classic rock songs have failed. There's no big fuck-yeah guitar riff or titanic drum beat or shout-along group chorus. It's essentially just two chords, an F major and a G major, with an A minor that I think only shows up once during the bridge. The chords communicate constant movement, with no resolution to the song's home key of C major. Couple that with an easygoing but relentless pulse that finds the halfway point between R&B and country, and the arrangement is already magical before Nicks even opens her mouth. Of course, "Dreams" belongs to her completely once she does so, and the moment when the rest of Fleetwood Mac joins her on the chorus is on par with "Africa'"s key change in its ability to coax a drunken (or totally sober) singalong out of whoever's in the vicinity. "Dreams" is unquestionably huge in ways that charts can't measure, and will likely stay that way for the rest of time.
Phil is on Twitter.
This article originally appeared on Noisey CA.
Tagged:MusicNoiseyMemesrockfleetwood macstevie nicks


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NS businesses join Dalhousie University in fight for food security for students
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Posted by Communications and Marketing on November 28, 2022 in News
Monday, November 28, 2022 (HALIFAX/TRURO, NS) – This Giving Tuesday, November 29, local businesses are joining Dalhousie, J & W Murphy Foundation and post-secondary institutions across Nova Scotia to support the Food Security Project, which helps give students access to the nutritious food they need to thrive.
Rising rents, inflation and food costs are forcing students of Dalhousie and other schools to make hard choices about the food they can afford. More and more students are relying on operations like the Dalhousie Student Union (DSU) Food Bank and the Dalhousie Agricultural Campus Food Pantry for help. Funds raised on Giving Tuesday for the Food Security Project play a vital role in keeping these operations running and food on the shelves.
This year, several local businesses—many connected to the food industry—are stepping up to support the Food Security Project. Aramark, Coburg Social, RCR Hospitality Group, Oceanstone Seaside Resort, Fo'c'sle Village Pub, Sunroom Inn & Restaurant, Budapest Bisztro, Salty's, Split Crow, Le Bistro by Liz and Sobeys Community Action Fund have joined the cause to date.
"As an industry hit hard by the pandemic, we can appreciate the challenges that students are facing as they continue to navigate some of its more lasting effects, like food inflation," says Robert Risley, Chairman, RCR Hospitality Group. "If there's anything we've learned over the last few years, it's that a little help goes a long way in hard times. That's why we didn't hesitate to support the Food Security Project."
"Between higher rents and increased inflation, [Dalhousie students] are coming out of the grocery store with less food than ever before," says Dalhousie Student Union President Aparna Mohan. "This is an opportunity to be the change you want to see in the world and pay it forward to a new generation. It is hard to think of other ways in which you could so tangibly, and so meaningfully, contribute to student quality of life."
"When we first set out to address student food security on Giving Tuesday 2020, we couldn't have known the extent to which the situation would persist all these months later," says Lisa Murphy, who co-directs the J & W Murphy Foundation with her sister, Karen Spaulding. "Collectively, we've made a real difference, but the need is still growing. We are delighted to join with our postsecondary partners once again to meet that need, ensuring that all postsecondary students have access to nourishing meals that enable them to succeed in their studies and beyond."
"Students' income is not necessarily increasing in a way that is proportionate to the current cost of groceries or the cost of living in general—that puts them in a position where they must make hard choices about necessities such as food," says Rick Ezekiel, Dalhousie's Vice-Provost of Student Affairs. "If we want students to engage with their learning, be connected on campus and pursue their dreams of making a difference, they need a foundation where they are not going hungry and wondering where they are going to get their next meal. Giving Tuesday goes a long way to making that possible."
A Food Security Project webpage has been set up on www.ProjectDal.ca, Dalhousie's crowdfunding platform, to accept contributions from the public.
Jodi Reid - Office of Advancement
Email: jodi.reid@dal.ca
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