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Abu l-Fawaris Jamal (o Jalal) al-Din Shah Shuja ibn Muhammad ibn Muzaffar ibn al-Mansnr ibn Hajji Khusrawi al-Khurasaní (10 de març de 1333 -9 d'octubre de 1384) fou emir muzaffàrida de Pèrsia fill i successor del fundador Mubariz al-Din Muhàmmad. El 1353 a la mort de Shah Muzaffar de Yedz, fou reconegut hereu i nomenat governador del Kirman. El 1358 quan Mubariz al-Din fou deposat i cegat pels seus fills que es van repartir els territoris, va rebre Fars i la condició de sobirà suprem, residint llavors a Xiraz.

Primers anys
Va començar estudis a set anys i el 1341/1342 amb només nou anys ja se sabia l'Alcorà. Era hàbil amb les armes. El seu pare va considerar que era mereixedor de la successió al tron.

El seu pare el va casar amb una princesa awghani, germana de l'amir Surghatmish-i-Awghanique fou la mare de tres fills mascles (els prínceps Sultan Uways, Sultan Shibli i Sultan Jahangir) i de la princesa Sultana Padishah, esposa del nebot Shah Yahya.

El 1349/1350 Qiwam al-Din Muhammad fou nomenat wazir al servei de Shah Shuja. Quiwan al-Din fou nomenat el 1351 com a qaim-maqam (virrei) de Kirman i va actuar com a conseller de Shah Shuja.

El 1352, a Riqan no massa lluny de Bam, el seu pare el va designar com a hereu per sobre del seu germà gran Nusrat al-Din Shah Muzaffar (que va morir uns mesos després). Durant el regant del seu pare va participar en diverses accions importants, en especial en el setge i conquesta de Xiraz (1353) i després en el setge i conquesta d'Isfahan del 1354 al 1356 (vegeu article Mubariz al-Din Muhàmmad). El 9 de setembre de 1354 va agafar una segona esposa de nom Khatun-i-Uzma. La primera esposa va morir dos anys després (1356).

Pujada al poder
L'estiu del 1358 va acompanyar al pare en la conquesta de l'Azerbaidjan. Va participar en la batalla de Miyana contra Akhidjuk, en què els derrotats foren perseguits fins a Nakhitxevan on es va fer festa durant tres dies, cosa que no va agradar a Mubariz al-Din, que va renyar els seus dos fills i només va elogiar Shah Yahya que havia restat amb ell i havia combatut amb gran valor. Estava també en la retirada de Tabriz el juliol de 1358. En aquesta tornada es va tramar un complot instigar pel seu cosí Xah Sultan ben Abu Bakr, que assegurava que el pare preparava deixar cecs als fills i excloure'ls de la successió en favor de Shah Yahya (fill de Nusrat al-Din Shah Muzaffar i de Badi al-Jamal). Shah Shuja, el seu germà Shah Mahmud i Xah Sultan van acordar esperar a actuar a l'arribada a Isfahan, que es va produir el 2 d'agost de 1358. El dijous següent Xah Sultan va anar amb un servidor a casa de Shah Shuja i va informar que Mubariz s'havia assabentat del complot i que ell es disposava a fugir perquè era segur que els conspiradors serien tots castigats amb la mort. Només hi havia la possibilitat de posar en pràctica els plans abans del següent dia. Així es va decidir. Xah Sultan es va presentar a la casa de Shah Mahmud i li va explicar el mateix. Els tres van anar llavors on era Mubariz que estava ocupat llegint l'Alcorà; Mahmud va esperar fora mentre els altres dos entraven amb mitja dotzena d'homes a l'estança on era i agafaven Mubariz que no tenia a mà la seva espasa. Mubariz fou lligat. Xah Sultan aleshores va anar on era el wazir Khwaja Burhan al-Din i el va matar.

Campanya de Kirman
Llavors va cedir al germà Shah Mahmud, Abarkuh i l'Iraq Ajemí i l'altre germà Sultan Ahmad li va concedir el govern subordinat de Kirman. El 3 de desembre de 1358 va sortir cap a Kirman per castigar els rebels awghanis i jurmes. Va passar per Bam, Jiraft i Manujan. Va derrotar els awghanis dels que va matar a gran nombre però aquests es van reagrupar i van presentar batalla, però després de lluitar van acabar demanant la pau. Els fou acordada però no van respectar la treva pactada i Shah Shuja va ordenar el saqueig de les seves possessions. Els awghanis van demanat a Khwaja Shams al-Din Muhammad d'intercedir i amb la mediació del Shaykh al-Islam (líder religiós suprem) Sadr al-Din Abdul-Aziz (un descendent de Burhan al-Aqtab Shaykh Shihab al-Din Turayashti), van aconseguir el perdó a canvi de prometre obediència. Shah Shuja va retornar aleshores a Xiraz.

Conflicte entre els germans
Poc després va començar al conflicte amb el seu germà Shah Mahmud, que es va apoderar de Yadz, on va posar com a governador a Khwaja Baha al-Din Qurji, mentre ell mateix tornava a Isfahan. Shah Yahya, el fill de Shah Muzaffar i nebot dels dos germans, estava empresonat al castell de Quhandiz però amb l'ajut de Mahmud i els seus aliats va poder capturar al governador del castell i prendre el control de la fortalesa. Shah Shuja va enviar un contingent per assetjar-lo. Finalment es va acordar una treva amb la condició de que Shah Yahya evacuaria el castell i podria retirar-se a Yadz. Shah Shuja el va tractar amb honor però a Yadz va seguir intrigant contra el seu oncle. Shah Shuja va anar a Yadz i es va aturar a Abarkuh des d'on va enviar a Yadz a Khwaja Qiwam al-Din Muhammad mentre ell restava a Abarkuh. Va córrer el rumor de que un personatge vinculat a Qiwan al-Din, de nom Abd al-Rahman Kunbani, pretenia assassinar Shah Shudja i Quiwan sense investigar el va fer matar. Yadz fou assetjada i aviat es va trobar en un destret i Shah Yahya es va haver de sotmetre al seu oncle, el qual va acceptar les seves justificacions i li va permetre seguir en el govern de Yadz. Aleshores va aixecar el setge i va retornar a la seva capital.

No va tardar gaire a anar a Qasr-i-Zard, perquè Shah Mahmud amenaçava altre cop amb rebel·lar-se. Va rebre una acusació de deslleialtat contra el seu visir Qiwam al-Din Muhammad i el sultà el va fer arrestar i castigat amb una multa però finalment va morir a causa de les tortures infringides (estiu del 1363). El seu lloc fou ocupat per Khwaja Kamal al-Din Rashidi.

Guerra oberta
Shah Shuja va decidir atacar el seu germà Shah Mahmud, que residia a Isfahan. El va assetjar durant almenys un mes, potser dos, amb escaramusses diàries. Però Shah Mahmud va aconseguir portar a Xah Sultan i altres caps dels assetjadors a una emboscada als afores de la ciutat; Xah Sultan i el seu germà petit Amir Mubariz entre altres foren fets presoners; Amir Mubariz fou executat i Sultan Shah cegat. Això va suposar una desfeta pels assetjadors i Shah Shuja es va retirar a Shiraz. Shah Mahmud llavors va buscar l'aliança d'Uways ibn Hasan el jalayírida que governava a Tabriz, que a més era el seu sogre. Al mateix temps que Muin al-Din era enviat per segona vegada a Isfahan, Amir Mubarak-Shah Aynagh va arribar de Tabriz a Isfahan amb la missió d'incitar a Shah Mahmud a la revolta. Es van enviar reforços des de Tabriz dirigits per Amir Shaykh Ali Aynagh, Amir Sati Bahadur, Mubarakshah Duli i altres amirs com Ghiyath al-Din Shul, Salghur-shah Turkman, etc. Shah Mahmud i el seu nebot Shah Yahya es van unir a les tropes arribades i l'exèrcit reunit va sortir d'Isfahan (1363/1364).

Shah Shuja els va sortir al pas; va confiar la seva ala dreta al seu germà petit Sultan Ahmad i l'esquerra al seu fill gran Sultan Uways. Sultan Ahmad, molest per no haver estat admès al consell de guerra celebrat sota la direcció de Shah Shuja, va desertar a la nit i es va reunir amb el seu germà Shah Mahmud amb bona part dels seus soldats. Però Shah Shuja va aguantar i va presentar batalla prop de Khwansar. Després de tot el dia combatent, a la nit no hi havia un guanyador clar i Shah Shuja es va retirar a Shiraz mentre a l'exèrcit rival dispers, molts dels líders es van retirar ràpidament cap a llocs llunyans, per exemple Sayyid Humam al-Din a Isfahan, el fill d'Amir Mubarak Shah Aynagh de nom Shaykh Ali Aynagh, a Kashan, i Shah Yahya a Yazd, mentre que Shah Mahmud i Amir Shaykh Ali arribaven a Isfahan per diferents rutes i va decidir no prendre més acció fins a saber que havia passat amb l'exèrcit de Shah Shuja. Aleshores van arribar notícies que Shah Shuja s'havia retirat a Shiraz. En passar pel costat de Band-i-Amir, Shah Shuja havia confiat la fortalesa situada allí a un dels seus amirs, que era inexpert i covard i que va cedir aquell lloc fort a l'enemic tan aviat com se'l va intimar a la rendició.

Mentrestant, Shah Shuja després de romandre uns quants dies a Shiraz per tornar a equipar el seu exèrcit, va marxar de nou per cercar venjança, però va ser atacat per un dolor al peu que el va obligar a tornar.

Rebel·lió de Dawlatshah a Kirman
Hi havia un cert Dawlatshah que havia estat fidel servent del desgraciat Qiwam al-Din, i que havia estat empresonat uns dies a l'època de l'assassinat/execució del seu mestre, però després va ser alliberat i agafat en el favor reial. Aquest home havia estat enviat per Shah Shuja a Kirman per aportar diners a Shiraz per al pagament de l'exèrcit. En arribar a Sirjan, va trobar a Sultan Shibli i Amir Surghatmish (el cap dels awghanis), que avançaven cap a Shiraz amb reforços per Shah Shuja i els va persuadir (així com a Badr al-Din, l'atabeg o guardià de Sultan Shibli) de anar amb ell a Kirman. Allí va seduir molts dels amirs i nobles minant la seva fidelitat.

Va matar a Amir Hajji el mestre de la Cavalleria (Mir-Akhur), que era governador de Kirman en nom de Shah Shuja, i a l'atabek, Badr al-Din de Sultan Shibli Hilal (el fill de Shah Shuja) i va empresonar a Sultan Shibli a Qara-i-Kuh; i va assumir el poder suprem al Kirman.

Quan aquestes notícies van arribar a Shiraz, Shah Shuja es va desanimar. En aquest moment l'exèrcit de Shah Mahmud estava davant de Shiraz i hi havia escaramusses diàries , Finalment Shah Shuja va decidir enviar el seu fill Sultan Uways a buscar a Amir Surghatmish (que es creia que encara era lleial) al Garmsir i a marxar amb ell contra Kirman per sotmetre a Dawlatshah; però no va poder fer res ja que Surghatmish no era al Garmsir sinó a la ciutat de Kirman amb Dawlatshah.

Shah Shuja perd Shiraz
Mentrestant, el setge de Shiraz s'arrossegava fins que finalment Shah Mahmud va enviar un missatge al seu germà Shah Shuja per dir que els "amirs estrangers de Bagdad" li impedien concloure qualsevol acord de pau, però que si Shah Shuja es retirava a Abarquh durant un temps fins a poder induir els amirs estrangers a dispersar-se, es podria concloure un acord satisfactori i una justa partició del país efectuada entre ells. Shah Shuja va consentir

Es van reunir al castell de Quhandiz (en el manuscrit se l'anomena Fahandir), i Shah Mahmud va acceptar restaurar el castell de Sar-i-Band-i Amir a Shah Shuja perquè pogués anar així a Abarquh. La seva dona, Khatun-i- Uzma, i el fill petit, el sultà Zayn al-Abidin, amb l'amir Ikhtiyar al-Din Hasan Qurchi, van prendre el camí de Shulistan, mentre que el mateix Shah Shuja abandonava Shiraz i passava per Qasr-i-Zard, actuant amb prudència per evitar una emboscada d'una partida d'amirs hostils de Tabriz que pretenia interceptar-lo, acabant així temporalment el seu govern de Fars (desembre del 1364 o gener del 1365).

El seu governador a Abarquh, Jalal al-Din Turanshah el va rebre fidelment i va acceptar marxar a Kirman i esforçar-se per enderrocar l'usurpador Dawlatshah, domini que seria per Shah Shuja.

Campanya contra Dawlatshah
Van sortir (765/1364) amb un petit exèrcit igual en nombre a la del Profeta a la batalla de Badr (313 homes). Dawlatshah els va sortir al encontra amb 4000 homes i un amir àrab de nom Mahmud (Muhammad) va portar la noticia a Shah Shuja que immediatament va sortir de Shahr-i-Babak cap a Sirjan. A la tarda els dos exèrcits es van trobar; Shuja va atacar temeràriament i va vèncer fent abundant botí. L'endemà va avançar cap a Kirman (ciutat) arribant a Dhahabad a uns 4 km de la ciutat. En arribar allí van trobar les portes tancades per Dawlatshah i es preparava per un setge però finalment fou induït per l'amir Ramadan Akhtaji a rendir-se a canvi de ser perdonat, sent garant de l'acord el wazir Khwaja Turanshah. Al dia següent Dawlashah va sortir acompanyat pels nobles i va rebre regals i robes d'honor. Però poc després Shah Shuja al·legant que Dawlashah mediatava una acta de traïció o fins i tot el seu assassinat, el va fer matar.

El fill Sultan Uways ibn Shah Shuja i l'Amir Surghatmish foren honorats i recompensats per les seves accions tot i que havien tingut un nul resultat.

Operacions en relació amb Shiraz i els awghanis
Shuja no va tardar a intentar recuperar Shiraz i en el seu camí va rebre suports i adhesions de Nayriz i altres places per on passava, però els seus contingents awghanis i jurmes el van abandonar i afectat per una malaltia va haver d'abandonar el projecte i retornar a Kirman

La següent campanya fou a Garmsir contra els awghani que s'havien retirat a les muntanyes, esperant la oportunitat favorable per lluitar. La campanya va ser un èxit i els awghanis van quedar assetjats; van demanar ajut a Shah Mahmud. Shah Yahya i altres amirs pel seu costat va enviar ajut a Surghatmish. Shah Shuja havia estat atacat pel dolor al peu i altres dolors i va efectuar una retirada no gaire lluny d'on estaven els awghanis. Aquests van pensar que es retirava i van atacar però Shah Shuja va tornar enrere i va caure sobre ells i els va infringir una derrota completa. Molts es van sotmetre, incloent Surghatmish que s'havia refugiat junt amb Daud-i-Guri al Qara-i-Sulaymani. Da'ud, no obstant va acabar escapant a Shiraz.

Shah Yahya va sortir de Shiraz amb un exèrcit en direcció a Yadz, sent seguit de prop per Mubarakshah Aynagh. Una batalla entre ells es va lliurar a Khirama després de la qual van retornar.

Shah Yahya va enviar un emissari a Yadz per demanar la mà de la filla gran de Shah Shuja, que li fou concedida i el matrimoni es va celebrar, portant a la reconciliació de sogre i gendre.

Conquesta de Shiraz
Shah Shuja va tornar a pensar a sotmetre Fars. A Chahar Gunbad, Shah Mansur ibn Shah Muzaffar ibn Muhammad ibn Muzaffar (germà de Shah Yahya) va sortir de Yadz per anar a jurar fidelitat al seu oncle, que el va tractar amb molts honors. Després va seguir fins a Shahr-i-Babak on va girar cap a Shiraz on Shah Mahmud ja l'esperava. Pahlawan Khurram va avançar des de Mashad per ajudar al Shah Shuja però va ensopegar amb l'exèrcit de Shah Mahmud i fou derrotat; llavors va arribar l'exèrcit de Shah Shuja que va derrotar severament al seu germà, 200 cavallers del qual (entre els millors) es van ofegar en un riu que intentaven creuar en la fugida

Shah Shuja va seguir cap a Shiraz i a Pul Basa fou altre cop atacat per Shah Mahmud el dissabte 25 de juliol de 1366; es va lliurar una gran batalla. La població de Shiraz va acordar obrir les portes a Shah Shuja i el diumenge 26 de juliol Shah Mahmud es va retirar cap a Isfahan. Imad al-Din Sultan Ahmad, el germà petit, el va abandonar i es va sotmetre a Shah Shuja, que tornava a governar Fars, on altre cop se'l va poder veure sovint a les assemblees d'estudiosos de l'Alcorà, en especial les lectures de Mawlana Qiwam al-Din Faqih Najm i va començar l'estudi de l' usul d'Ibn Hajib amb comentaris de Mawlana Adud al-Din Abdullah.

Va nomenar com a jutge (cadi) principal "el xafita més vell" Mawlana Baha al-Din Uthman Kuh-gelu'i i com a gran wazir a Qutb al-Din Sulayman-shah ibn Khwaja Mahmud. Va enviar a Mawlana Ghiyath al-Din Kini a la Meca per construir un allotjament pels pelegrins i va comprar un terreny pel que seria la seva tomba per 20.000 dinars.

Renovació de la sobirania del califa abbàssida
El 1368/1369 va jurar fidelitat al califa abbàssida del Caire al-Qair-billah Muhammad ibn Abi Bakr al-Abbasi (probablement un error per al-Mutawakkil ala'illah Abu Abdi'llah Muhammad ibn al-Mu'tadid (1361/62-1377)

Campanyes contra Isfahan
Després d'haver-se establert a Fars (1366/11367) va marxar cap a Isfahan. Shah Mahmud va enviar missatges amb propostes de pau i es va concloure un acord retirant-se Shah Shuja. Shah Mahmud estava casat amb Khan Sultan (filla de l'injúida Amir Kay-Khusraw ibn Shah Mahmud-i-Inju) que va escriure també a Shah Shuja oferint-li que si anava a l'Iraq Ajamita, li entregaria Isfahan i el seu marit Shah Mahmud, però que no podia perdre temps ja que s'esperava un fort exèrcit procedent de Tabriz portant a la filla de Uways ibn Hasan.

Shah Shuja novament va marxar a Isfahan i va acampar a l'exterior de la ciutat. Shah Mahmud li va enviar una delegació de ciutadans notables demanant una conciliació i oferint submissió completa. Shah Shuja va acordar trobar-se amb el seu germà i va fer un nou acord de pau retornant a Shiraz.

Durant aquell any va arrestar i empresonar a Khwaja Qutb al-Dln Sulayman-Shah, i va cegar a l'amir Ghiyath al-Din Mahmud al que va enviar presoner a Kirman. Qutb al-Din Sulayman-Shah va poder escapar de la presó i arribar a Isfahan, on fou fet wazir per Shah Mahmud.

Shah Shuja va nomenar a Shah Hasan (fill de Shah Mahmud [sic....] i a Sayyid Mu'in al-Din Ashraf de Yazd) com a wazir.

Khan Sultan, l'esposa de Shah Mahmud, que sempre havia desitjat venjar la mort del seu oncle Amir Shaykh Abu Ishaq i altres parents, va continuar complotant per la destrucció dels Muzaffàrides, i altre cop va urgir a Shah Shuja a dominar l'Iraq Ajamita; fins i tot va planejar fer passar el fill d'una mainadera pel seu propi fill; tot això ho va acabar sabent el seu marit Shah Mahmud que va ordenar que fos estrangulada.

Fou en aquest moment quan va arribar a Isfahan la filla de Uways ibn Hasan, sultà jalayírida de Tabriz, acompanyada d'un fort exèrcit que havia d'ajudar a Shah Mahmud. Una vegada va disposar d'aquest exèrcit, Shah Mahmud va marxar cap a Fars. Shah Shuja va reunir un exèrcit i li va sortir al encontre; el xoc es va produir a Chasht-khwar. Shah Shuja va confiar l'ala dreta a Sultan Ahmad (el seu germà) i l'esquerra al seu nebot Shah Mansur, reservant-se per ell el centre. La batalla va durar tot el dia, i a la nit Shah Shuja es va retirar cap a Shiraz mentre Shah Mansur amb l'ala esquerra aconseguia una victòria parcial entrant a Shiraz carregat de botí.

Conspiració del wazir
Shah Hasan va mostrar a Shah Shuja una carta que suposadament haurien escrit Khwaja Jalal al-Din Turanshah i Husam al-Din Mahmud, on oferien a Shah Mahmud fidelitat i l'obertura de les portes de la ciutat si avançava cap a ella. Al darrere de la carta Shah Mahmud hauria escrit que arribaria en una setmana. Cridats davant Shah Shuja per respondre del document, els dos acusats van declarar que no era la seva lletra i que no en tenien coneixement. En aquell moment Shah Hasan estava absent a causa d'un fort dolor al peu  i l'amir Ikhtiyar al-Din Hasan Qurchi fou enviat per esbrinar com havia arribat la carta a les seves mans i es va estendre la sospita que era una falsificació preparada per Khwaja Mahmud-i-Hajji Umar Munshi per ordre de Shah Hasan. El wazir Shah Hasan fou detingut, torturat i estrangulat i Khwaja Jalal al-Din Turanshah fou fet wazir, un lloc adequat al seu talent i virtuts. Quan les notícies d'aquests fets van arribar a Shah Mahmud va decidir retirar-se cap a Isfahan

Nova rebel·lió a Kirman
Quan Amir Mahmud, fill d'Amir Qutb al-Din Sulayman-shah, fou enviat a Kirman, es va relacionar amb el governador, Pahlawan Asad, que era un antic amic seu i el va apartar de la fidelitat deguda a Shah Shuja. Shah Yahya també li va escriure i li va inspirar ambicions de sobirania però la presència de la "Mare de Reis" Khan Qutlugh a Kirman, el va aturar per un temps de rebel·lar-se obertament fins que una seriosa disputa va sorgir entre lluitadors i atletes de Kirman i del Khurasan en la qual Khan Qutlugh va defensar la causa dels kirmanis i Pahlawan Asad la dels khurasanis; van seguir recriminacions i queixes i Khan Qutlugh es va retirar a Sirjan. Llavors Pahlawan Asad, alleujat de la seva presència, va començar a reforçar les fortificacions. Shah Shuja en va tenir notícies però refusava creure que intentés rebel·lar-se; quan Pahlawan Asad va acabar de posar la ciutat en estat de defensa va començar a reclutar un exèrcit. Tot i que Shah Shuja va exhortar als seus fills a evitar disputes, el fill gran Sultan Uways, que era a Shiraz, es va reunir amb la tribu dels awghanis i va forjar una carta falsa en nom del seu pare dirigida a Pahlawan en la qual l'intimava a rendir Kirman al propi Sultan Uways. Fins i tot va començar a avançar amb els awghanis cap a Kirman però considerant que la seva acció estava condemnada al fracàs va abandonar l'exèrcit i es va dirigir a Isfahan amb el seu oncle Shah Mahmud (1374).

Això va augmentar la disposició de Pahlawan que va procedir a assetjar Lakan, el castell de vigilància de Qala-i-Kuh, fins que va rendir la fortalesa i va detenir als agents de la walidat al-Salatin (la sultana mare) forçant-los per tortura a revelar les places on es guardava el tresor; Khwaja Muhammad Ulya-abadi fou carregat de cadenes i se li van confiscar tots els bens i finalment fou assassinat; també va fer enverinar a Khwaja Shams al-Din Muhammad, anomenat al-Zahid ("l'Ascetic") i també li va confiscar les propietats; en general va començar a oprimir al poble causant un enrenou fins al punt de que Kirman ja no va recuperar la seva prosperitat en força temps.

Shah Shuja, assabentat del que passava, va enviar a Farrash Hajji Baha al-Din a Isfahan per reconciliar-se amb els seus germans  i una vegada això fou obtingut va marxar cap a Kirman a través del Garmsir, per Jiraft i Bam, on va saber pel guardià Amir Husayn, detalls de la revolta de Pahlawan Asad i la tirania que comportava. Shah Shuja va avançar ràpidament cap a Mahan i va arribar a la vista de la ciutat de Shah-abad, a menys de 5 km de la ciutat de Kirman. Aqui es va lliurar una ferotge batalla en que Shah Mansur i el seu oncle Xah Sultan Abu Yazid amb els seus cavallers van atacar per travessar per un pont cap a la porta Darwaza-i-Saadat ("Porta de la Felicitat") i van entrar a la ciutat; però Shah Shuja que temia que fossin ferits, els va ordenar retirar-se i va encarregar al seu germà Imad al-Din Sultan Ahmad de reduir la plaça per setge mentre ella mateixa tornava a Shiraz. Sultan Ahmad es va aturar uns dies a Zarand (uns 50 km al nord-oest de Kirman) on se li van unir molts desertors de l'exèrcit de Pahlawan.

Shah Yahya, al costat dels rebels, va demanar reforços a Khwaja Ali Mu'ayyad Sabzawarí, que li va enviar un centenar d'homes manats pel sabardàrida Pahlawan Ghiyath-i-Tuni. Com que Shah Yahya anava curt de diners per pagar aquesta tropa la va enviar a Pahlawan Asad, que com que temia desercions al seu exèrcit no s'atrevia a posar el peu fora de la ciutat.

Sultan Ahmad va acampar al sud de Mahan on se li va unir Amir Muhammad Jurma'i i els seus amirs, que havien forçat el camí per sortir de la ciutat. Aviat el setge va esdevenir més rigorós i la ciutat va acusar la manca de provisions. Finalment es va concedir als pobres el permís per sortir de la ciutat però molts van morir i la resta es va dispersar. Després de vuit mesos de setge, Sultan Ahmad fou cridat a Shiraz i la direcció del setge fou encomanada a Pahlawan Khurram, que va convèncer a Pahlawan Asad de rendir-se. Els dos homes es van trobar a la ciutat, al Qasr-i-Humayun, i es va acordar que Pahlawan Asad havia d'enviar al seu germà Pahlawan Muhammad ibn Tughanshah i un dels seus fills a Shiraz com hostatges i havia de rendir la ciutadella a les forces de Shah Shuja en concret a Pahlawan Ali-Shah Marniyani i els seus cent homes. El setge de Kirman havia començat el 5 de març de 1374 i havia acabat als primers dies de desembre del mateix any (deu mesos i vint dies). La situació va romandre a l'espera.

Hi havia un passatge secret entre la ciutadella i el Palau i Pahlawan Ali Shah va subornar a alguns dels guardians i va arribar a Palau i va matar a Pahlawan el 16 de febrer de 1375; el cap de Pahlawan Asad fou enviat a Shiraz. Shah Shuja va nomenar a Amir Ikhtiyar al-Din Hasan Qurchi com a governador de Kirman que fou un governant just i clement i va poder restaurar en bona part la prosperitat.

Mort de Shah Mahmud
El març del 1375 Shah Shuja va saber que Uways ibn Hasan, jalayírida de Tabriz, havia mort. El 18 de març de 1375 va saber també que Shah Mahmud (38 anys i mig) havia mort i que les dues faccions d'Isfahan (Du-danga i Chahar-Danga) estaven lluitant entre elles; la primera afavoria l'entrega del país a Uways com a qaim-maqan i la segona demanava un sobirà propi. Shah Mahmud havia governat la ciutat i regió durant disset anys, dels quals dos anys a més va governar a Fars. Shah Shuja va començar rebent missatges de la fortalesa de Tabarak (a Isfahan) i d'altres llocs que l'urgien a fer el possible per anar a Isfahan

Campanya de l'Azerbaidjan
En apropar-se a la ciutat es va trobar amb el seu fill Sultan Uways junt amb molts dels amirs i nobles de Shah Mahmud i va prendre possessió d'Isfahan sense oposició. Sultan Uways poc després va caure el seu cavall i es va trencar la cama. Shah Shuja va continuar els preparatius per progressar en direcció a Tabriz i va reunir un exèrcit de 12.000 homes. Va avançar a través de Jarbadhakan (Gulpayagan) i Qazwin. Al primer lloc va rebre adhesions i reforços, però en el darrer va trobar resistència. Després va atacar la ciutat i la va agafar a l'assalt, però va frenar les seves tropes impedint saquejos, amenaçant de mort a qualsevol qui cometés aquesta ofensa. Després va avançar cap a Jurma-khwaran, quan el sultà Husayn ibn Uways, fill d'Uways ibn Hassan, es va oposar al seu avanç amb 24.000 cavallers, però Shah Shuja els va derrotar (3 d'octubre de 1375) i va capturar dos dels seus líders, Abdu'l-Qahir i Pahlawan Hajji Khar-banda, als qui va enviar a Fars i Isfahan junt amb el missatge anunciant de la seva victòria. Després va anar a Tabriz que va ocupar sense més dificultats i va enviar a Shah Mansur amb 20.000 cavallers a la regió del Karabakh, a Amir Faraj a Naxçıvan, a Amir Isfahan-shah ibn Sultan Shah Jandar a Awjan i a altres amirs a altres parts de l'Azerbaidjan.

Shah Shuja va estar a Tabriz per dos o tres mesos; estant allí dos caps nòmades de noms Shibh Da'ud i Umar Jubdasti van acordar atacar Awjan amb els seus seguidor i expulsar a l'amir Isfahan shah ibn Sultan Shah Jandar, aprofitant que Sultan Husayn ibn Uways estaba prop amb 10.000 cavallers. El pla va tenir èxit i Isfahan-shah fou capturat i els seus soldats morts o dispersats; els soldats sobrevivents van arribar a Tabriz. Shah Shuja tot i la neu i el dolor al peu del que patia feia temps, va pujar a una llitera i es va retirar a Qazwin on la població li va manifestar hostilitat però no es va aturar i va seguir fins a Kashan on als pocs dies se li va unir Shah Mansur i altres amirs que havien estat dispersats en diversos llocs i direccions, mentre corrien rumors que Shah Husayn ibn Uways estava a punt d'arribar. En realitat dos mesos més tard va arribar des de Bagdad a Tabriz i llavors es va negociar amb Shah Shuja; a canvi de l'alliberament dels nobles de Tabriz fets presoners pel muzaffàrida, el jalayírida va alliberar a Amir Isfahan-shah. Com a part de l'acord La filla del difunt Sultan Uways ibn Hasan fou donada en matrimoni a Sultan Mujahid al-Din Zayn al-Abidin Ali, fill mitjà de Shah Shuja, que fou nomenat governador d'Isfahan, mentre ell es va dirigir a Fars acompanyat per diversos capitans i nobles de l'Iraq Ajemí.

Campanya de Yadz
Enfadat amb Shah Yahya per l'ajuda que havia donat a Pahlawan Asad, va enviar una força contra ell a Yadz. Però Shah Yahya va persuadir l'exèrcit atacant de no iniciar cap acció sense donar-li temps de comunicar amb Shiraz per oferir la seva submissió i quan es van confiar va fer una sortida sobtada i els va derrotar obtenint molt de botí. La resta de l'exèrcit va fugir cap a Shiraz on Shah Shuja va decidir anar-hi en persona per prendre revenja de Shah Yahya. Però Shah Mansur (germà de Shah Yahya, nebot de Shah Shuja) el va convèncer d'anar-hi ell personalment al seu lloc.

Shah Yahya es va adonar que aquest exèrcit no es retiraria sense posar fi a ell i va enviar a la seva mare (comuna del assetjador i assetjant) a intercedir per ell; fou reeixida en la mediació entre els dos germans; al saber-ho els soldats es van dispersar en diverses columnes cap a Shiraz quedant a Yadz només Shah Mansur i els seus seguidors més propers. Shah Yahya va intentar convèncer el seu germà d'anar al Mazanderan i reclutar allí un exèrcit que permetés a Shah Mansur realitzar els seus projectes, però no li va permetre entrar a la ciutat de Yadz. Finalment Shah Mansur va anar al Mazanderan i Shah Shuja va decidir que havia d'anar a Yadz en persona.

Va arribar a Yadz amb un fort exèrcit. Aquesta vegada la filla i la germana gran de Shah Shuja van intercedir pel jove Shah Yahya i el seu fill encara mes jove Sultan Jahangir , van reeixir en calmar al furiós sobirà induint-lo a retirar-se a Shiraz.

El 1378/1379 Shah Husayn ibn Shah Muzaffar ibn Muhammad ibn Muzaffar, el germà petit de Shah Yahya, va arribar a Shiraz i fou ben rebut pel seu oncle Shah Shuja que el va nomenar qaim-maqan (virrei) de Shah Mansur (germà de Shah Yahya)

Primera campanya de Sultaniya
El 1380 Shah Shuja va sortir cap a Sultaniya on un amir de nom Sariq Adil (Adil Agha) havia reunit un exèrcit i pretenia usurpar el poder suprem però l'exèrcit muzaffàrida, reclutat a Fars, Iraq Ajemí i Luristan, fou dispersat i ell mateix va caure del cavall; rodejat per alguns fidels guàrdies de corps va poder seguir combatent a peu dret fins que Malik Bawarchi, un dels seus oficials, li va donar la seva pròpia muntura. Un altre oficial, Akhi Kuchuk, anomenat "l'heroi de l'època", va aturar el pànic i va reagrupar deu mil o quinze mil homes; un grup tenia presoners a un porta estendards i alguns timbalers enemics i Shah Shuja ho va considerar un bon auguri i va ordenar cridar victòria; en sentir-ho i veure els trofeus en mans de les forces muzaffàrides, la gent de Sariq Adil van entrar al seu torn en pànic i es van desbandar i fugir cap a Sultaniya que no era molt lluny i que fou ocupada per Shah Shuja. Adil Agha i els seus amirs es van refugiar a la ciutadella i van demanar la pau. Shah Shuja va acceptar i es va signar un tractat; es van oferir regals valuosos a Shah Shuja que va rebre a Sariq Adil amb honors deixant-li la possessió de la ciutat i retornant amb el seu exèrcit a Shiraz.

Fets importants
Mentre passava tot això van passar altres coses rellevants:

Sultan Zayn al-Abidin, al que s'havia concedit el govern d'Isfahan, era jove i ignorant i va negligir els seus deures cap al poble, per la qual cosa fou destituït, i va acabar empresonat (breument) i Pahlawan Khurram nomenat governador al seu lloc; aquest va morir un temps després i fou substituït per Pahlawan Muhammad Zayn al-Din. Però finalment vers el 1380 Sultan Zayn al-Abidin fou perdonat i restaurat com a governador.

Sultan Uways, fill de Shah Shuja, es va posar malalt i va morir.

El nou domini de Khuzestan i els atacs al Luristan
Pir Ali Badak, un dels caps de la noblesa d'Hamadan, va fugir a Shiraz on fou ben rebut per Shah Shuja i enviat al Khuzestan, regió que va sotmetre. Va designar com a governador amb seu a Shushtar al seu naib (ajudant), Islam, i ell mateix va anar a Bagdad on havia estat cridat pel rebel príncep jalayírida Shahzada Shaykh Ali ibn Uways i va encunyar moneda en nom de Shah Shuja i va llegir la khutba en el seu nom. En aliança amb aquest príncep jaliyírida Badak es va enfrontar al sultà Ahmad ibn Uways, però un temps després (1282) l'exèrcit d'ambdós fou derrotat pels kara koyunlu i van morir, quedant Bagdad en mans d'Ahmad ibn Uways.

Shah Mansur, el nebot de Shah Shuja, que havia anat al Mazanderan vivia a la zona com un fugitiu; es va presentar a Sultaniya i va oferir els seus serveis a Adil Agha; però aquest, reclamant ser lleial a Shah Shuja, el va arrestar i empresonar; poc després no obstant fou alliberat i va poder anar a Bagdad on Ahmad ibn Uways el va rebre favorablement tot i que no obstant dubtava de la seva sinceritat. Aquests fets foren coneguts per Islam, el governador de Shushtar, que en va informar a Shah Shuja. Aquest va enviar un petit contingent a Shushtar manat per Pahlawan Ali Shah Marniyani, que quan va poder agafar el control va decidir pel seu compte expulsar a Islam, però el complot va fracassar i ell mateix fou mort. Ahmad va enviar poc després a Shushtar a Shah Mansur on va poder entrar mercès el suport de certs xeics locals; però quan va tenir el poder va eliminar els seus possibles rivals i va començar a fer incursions a Luristan, matant i saquejant a la població de la zona.

L'atabeg del Luristan, Pashang es va queixar a Shah Shuja i li va demanar l'enviament d'un exèrcit que pogués ocupar Shushtar i Khuzestan. Al mateix temps que l'ambaixador lur, també va arribar a la cort de Shah Shuja un ambaixador de Bagdad, que en nom d'Ahmad ibn Uways es queixava que Sariq Adil Agha havia col·locat en el tron a Sultaniya a Baiazid ibn Uways, germà petit d'Ahmad, el que provocava la guerra civil entre els germans. Shah Shuja va atendre als dos ambaixadors i va prometre marxar a Sultaniya amb un exèrcit i al seu retorn, anar a Shushtar per atendre la petició de Luristan passant també pel Petit Luristan o Lur-i-Kučik.

Segona campanya de Sultaniya
Shah Shuja va sortir de Shiraz cap a Sultaniya acompanyat del seu fill Sultan Shibli, que generalment el seguia dues o tres etapes al darrere. A Bauda va intentar revisar l'exèrcit abans que el seu pare i alguns caps en van informar a Shah Shuja exagerant l'actitud del príncep i alertant que semblava que tenia intencions rebels i que podria estar aliat a l'amir Muzaffar al-Din Salghar-shah Rashidi. Shah Shuja es va alarmar i el maig del 1383 va arrestar als dos homes i els va empresonar a Shibli al castell d'Iglid i a Salghar-shah a la ciutadella. Un dia que Shah Shuja estava begut se li va ocórrer ordenar a Amir Ramadan Akhtaji i Khwaja Jawhar-i-Kuchak d'anar al castell i cegar al príncep; l'endemà Shah Shuja es va penedir i va enviar un missatge a revocar l'ordre, però el missatger va fer tard.

Aquesta cruel acció, a més, li va portar mala sort, ja que Khan Qutlugh "la Mare de Reis" va morir per aquests dies, i Shah Husayn, el germà de Shah Yahya i Shah Mansur i nebot de Shah Shuja, també va morir en aquesta campanya de Sultaniya. Shah Shuja va avançar cap a Sultaniya i quan va arribar a Qazwin, el sultà Baiazid i Sariq Adil van sortir al seu encontre i el van rebre amablement. El porta estendard Amir Yaqub-shah, fou enviat al sultà Ahmad ibn Uways i la pau es va concloure entre els dos germans. Shah Shuja va eliminar Sariq Adil del seu lloc, i va tornar a Shiraz. Adil Agha va entrar poc després al servei de Tamerlà.

Campanya del Khuzestan
A la tornada de Qazwin, Shah Shuja va enviar el seu exèrcit al Petit Lur (Lur-i Kučik), a Khurramabad, on va acampar sota la ciutadella i va rebre la fidelitat de Malik Izz al-Din Husayn, la filla del qual Shah Shuja va demanar en matrimoni. L'enllaç es va celebrar dirigit per Mawlana Sad al-Din Anasi, i la celebració va durar quatre dies. Tot seguit Shah Shuja va marxar per una ruta difícil i per les muntanyes fins a Dizful i Shushtar; l'exèrcit va patir molt pel fred (era hivern) però va arribar finalment a Shushtar en un moment d'intensa pluja que va durar uns quants dies fins que finalment el temps es va aclarir. Finalment va arribar l'atabek Shams al-Din Pashang mentre que per l'altre costat del riu on estava Shah Shuja va arribar Shah Mansur, amb 500 o 600 homes ben equipats; allí van restar les dues parts una setmana, ja que el riu baixava amb masssa cabdal per ser creuat. Es van produir converses de pau; Shah Shuja estava a un costat del riu i Shah Mansur a l'altra i això fou el més prop que els dos homes van estar. Finalment Shah Shuja es va retirar prometent a l'atabek que enviaria un exèrcit des de Shiraz sota el comandament de Sultan Baiazid ibn Uways per reforçar-lo i va marxar a Shushtar per la via de Kuh-Gayluya. Shah Shuja va tornar a Shiraz, mentre l'atabeg tornava a Idaj (moderna Malamir). Durant el camí Faraj Agha va desertar l'exèrcit de Shah Shuja i se'n va anar a Shushtar passant al servei de Shah Mansur.

Darrers dies de Shah Shuja
Quan Shah Shuja va arribar al Shulistan, hi va restar uns dies de festa, però va caure malalt i es va dirigir cap a Shiraz on es va trobar amb les dones de la cort que havien vingut des d'Isfahan. Shah Shuja es va dedicar a l'orgia i la beguda i no va parar fins que la malaltia es va agreujar seriosament i es va haver de posar al llit. Els metges van quedar desconcertats amb els símptomes i Shah Shuja finalment va quedar convençut que es moriria i van començar el preparatius pel seu funeral i enterrament.

Els amirs i la població estaven dividits en dos faccions hostils una amb l'altra: una que preferia com a successor al fill Zayn al-Abidin Ali i un altra que preferia al germà Ahmad ibn Kutb al-Din Mubariz Muhammad. Shah Shuja va fer cridar al seu fill Zayn al-Abidin,el va designar com a hereu i li va donar uns consells sobre concòrdia i unitat entre la família. Zayn al-Abidin es va emocionar molt per això i per la imminent mort del seu pare i al sortir de la cambra Shah Shuja va cridar al seu germà Ahmad i els dos homes van plorar junts; el sultà va fer un sermó similar al seu germà al qual va concedir el govern de Kirman on aniria immediatament per agafar el control i li va demanar que no es deixés arrossegar a cap revolta contra Zayn al-Abidin ni es deixés influir per caps que volien crear divergències; li va donar alguns altres consells sobre el seu comportament i sobre el que hauria de vigilar i evitar. Els consells sobre el govern de Kirman i de Bam i el tracte a les tribus i altres matèries van seguir. El mateix dia Sultan Ahmad va sortir de Shiraz cap a Kirman. Després Shah Shuja va escriure una carta a Tamerlà en què li anunciava que Zayn al-Abidin era el seu successor i li encomanava l'hereu així com els seus altres fills i germans al favor del gran conqueridor.

Shah Shuja va morir el 9 d'octubre de 1384 i fou enterrat al peu de la muntanya de Chil Magam a Shiraz segons el desig que havia expressat. Tenia cinquanta-tres anys i tres mesos i havia regnat vint-i-set anys.

Només morir el país va quedar dividit; Isfahan i Yadz tenia com a governador a Shah Yahya; Ahmad havia arribat a Kirman i assolit el govern mentre que Zayn al-Abidin Ali va recollir la successió a Fars on mai es va poder imposar definitivament.

Referències

 Capítol addicional del manuscrit Ta'ríkh-i-guzída; or, "Select history" de Hamdulláh Mustawfí-i-Qazwíní, compilat el 730 de l'hègira (1330) i reproduit en un facsimil d'un manuscrit datat el 857 de l'hègira (1453), pàgs 151 a 207
 Enciclopedia Irànica, article Mozaffarids.
 Enciclopedia del Islam, article Muzaffarids.
 Cambridge History of Iran

Emirs muzaffàrides
Morts a Xiraz
Polítics iranians

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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text:
Franco Harris (7 de março de 1950 – 21 de dezembro de 2022) foi um ex-jogador de futebol americano que atuou como Fullback na National Football League (NFL) no Pittsburgh Steelers e no Seattle Seahawks. Ele foi escolhido pelos Steelers na primeira rodada do Draft de 1972, a 13ª seleção geral. Ele jogou seus primeiros 12 anos na NFL com os Steelers e seu 13º e último ano com os Seahawks. Harris foi introduzido no Hall da Fama do Pro Football em 1990.

Primeiros anos
Harris nasceu em Fort Dix, Nova Jersey. Seu pai afro-americano serviu na Segunda Guerra Mundial; sua mãe era uma "noiva de guerra" da Itália. Harris formou-se na Rancocas Valley Regional High School em Mount Holly Township, Nova Jersey em 1968 e depois frequentou a Universidade Estadual da Pensilvânia.

Enquanto jogava em Penn State, Harris serviu principalmente como bloqueador para o running back Lydell Mitchell, mas acumulou 2.002 jardas com 24 touchdowns e uma média de 5 jardas por corrida, enquanto também conseguiu 28 passes para 352 jardas e outro touchdown. Ele liderou a equipe na pontuação em 1970.

 1969: 115 corridas para 643 jardas e 10 touchdowns. 12 recepções para 189 jardas.
 1970: 142 corridas para 675 jardas e 8 touchdowns. 6 recepções para 66 jardas.
 1971: 123 corridas para 684 jardas e 6 touchdowns. 10 recepções para 97 jardas e 1 touchdown.

Carreira profissional
Em sua primeira temporada com os Steelers (1972), Harris foi eleito o Novato do Ano pelo The Sporting News e pela United Press International. Naquela temporada, ele ganhou 1.055 jardas em 188 corridas, com uma média de 5,6 jardas por corrida. Ele também correu por 10 touchdowns e recebeu quatro passes para touchdown. Ele era popular entre a grande população ítalo-americana de Pittsburgh: seus fãs, incluindo o "general de brigada" Frank Sinatra, apelidaram-se de "Exército italiano de Franco" e usavam capacetes do exército com o número deles.

Harris foi escolhido para nove Pro Bowls consecutivos (de 1972 a 1980) e foi All-Pro em 1977. Harris correu para mais de 1.000 jardas em oito temporadas, quebrando um recorde estabelecido por Jim Brown. Os running backs Harris e Rocky Bleier combinou com uma forte defesa para ganhar quatro Super Bowls nas temporadas de 1974, 1975, 1978 e 1979. Em 12 de janeiro de 1975, ele foi o MVP do Super Bowl IX; Nesse jogo ele correu para 158 jardas e um touchdown em 34 corridas e levou o time a vitória por 16-6 sobre o Minnesota Vikings. Harris foi o primeiro afro-americano, bem como o primeiro ítalio-americano a ser nomeado MVP do Super Bowl. Harris foi um dos principais contribuintes dos Steelers em todas as suas quatro primeiras vitórias no Super Bowl. Suas 101 corridas para 354 jardas são um recorde no Super Bowl, seus quatro touchdowns estão empatados no segundo lugar na história do Super Bowl.

Harris alega que ele estendeu sua carreira e, portanto, sua contribuição para os objetivos da equipe (incluindo quatro vitórias no Super Bowl), evitando contato desnecessário.

Após a temporada de 1983, Harris e Walter Payton estavam se aproximando do recorde de Jim Brown e Harris pediu à família Rooney (os proprietários dos Steelers) um aumento de salário. A família Rooney recusou, acreditando que Harris estava em uma queda de sua carreira e Harris ameaçou resistir.

Os Steelers dispensou Harris durante o campo de treinamento de 1984 e ele assinou com o Seattle Seahawks durante a temporada de 1984. Ele jogou apenas oito jogos com a equipe, ganhando apenas 170 jardas antes de se aposentar (192 jardas aquém do recorde de Jim Brown).

Em suas 13 temporadas profissionais, Harris ganhou 12,120 jardas (então a 3ª maior marca de todos os tempos) em 2.949 corridas, uma média de 4,1 jardas por corrida, e marcou 91 touchdowns (3ª maior marca também). Ele pegou 307 passes para 2.287 jardas, uma média de 7,4 jardas por recepção e nove touchdowns. As 12.120 jardas terrestres de Harris o colocam em 12º no ranking de todos os tempos da NFL, enquanto seus 91 touchdowns o colocam em 10°, empatado com Jerome Bettis.

Harris e os Rooneys se reconciliaram depois que Harris se aposentou; em 2006, durante as cerimônias de pré-jogo do Super Bowl XL, houve uma homenagem aos MVPs dos 39 jogos anteriores, Harris apareceu com uma bandeira dos Steelers quando era apresentado, para o deleite da multidão esmagadoramente pró-Steelers. Embora os Steelers tenham aposentado oficialmente apenas dois números de uniformes (número 70 de Ernie Stautner e número 75 de Joe Greene), ninguém usou o número 32 desde que ele deixou a equipe e é geralmente entendido que nenhum jogador usará esse número novamente.Harris foi um jogador-chave em uma das jogadas mais famosas do futebol americano profissional, apelidada de "The Imaculate Reception" (A Recepção Imaculada) pelo apresentador de esportes de Pittsburgh, Myron Cope. Em um jogo dos playoffs de 1972, o Oakland Raiders lideravam por 7-6, com 22 segundos para o final do jogo, quando um passe de Terry Bradshaw foi desviado para longe mas Harris pegou a bola pouco antes de atingir o chão e correu para a endzone para ganhar o jogo.
Em 1999, ele ficou em 83º lugar na lista dos 100 Maiores Jogadores de Futebol Americano pela The Sporting News. Em 2006, o Heinz History Center, sede do Western Pennsylvania Sports Museum, instalou uma estátua em tamanho real de Harris no saguão do Aeroporto Internacional de Pittsburgh. A estátua é uma recriação da "The Imaculate Reception" de Harris.

Ele foi introduzido no Hall da Fama de Nova Jersey em 2011.

Pós-Carreira
Harris e Lydell Mitchell, colegas bem-sucedidos de Universidade Estadual da Pensilvânia, agora são donos da Super Bakery, uma empresa fundada em 1990 para produzir alimentos voltados à nutrição para crianças em idade escolar. A empresa foi renomeada para RSuper Foods em 2006. A RSuper Foods produz o Super Donut que foi servido para estudantes de escolas públicas no leste dos Estados Unidos.

Harris e Mitchell também fizeram uma parceria em 1996 para resgatar a Companhia de Salsicha de Parques em Baltimore, o primeiro negócio afro-americano a abrir o capital nos EUA.

Harris também é um representante pago do plano de cassino da Harrah's / Forest City Enterprises no centro de Pittsburgh. Esta associação lhe valeu o apelido irônico, "Franco Harrahs".

Em 9 de julho de 2006, Harris fez uma aparição no Taco Bell "All-Star Legends e Celebrity Softball Game" no PNC Park, em Pittsburgh.

Em agosto de 2008, Harris participou da Convenção Nacional Democrata de 2008, em Denver, Colorado, como parte da delegação da Pensilvânia. Harris votou em Barack Obama em 15 de dezembro de 2008, como um dos 21 eleitores presidenciais democratas da Pensilvânia.

Em janeiro de 2011, Harris tornou-se co-proprietário da Pittsburgh Passion.

No romance de 2008 de John Grisham, "Jogando por Pizza", o fullback do Parma Panthers é apelidado de Franco como uma homenagem ao seu herói, Franco Harris, a quem ele se refere como o "maior jogador de futebol italiano". Esta é uma referência à herança racial mista de Franco.

Harris trabalhou brevemente com o Meadows Racetrack and Casino em 2011, antes de o cassino suspender o relacionamento após os comentários de Harris em apoio a Joe Paterno, seu treinador na Universidade Estadual da Pensilvânia, durante o escândalo de abuso sexual contra crianças na universidade.

Vida pessoal
O irmão de Harris, Pete Harris, foi um jogador de futebol americano universitário e morreu em 15 de agosto de 2006 de um ataque cardíaco aos 49 anos de idade.

Em 27 de julho de 2009, o filho de Harris, Franco "Dok" Harris, anunciou oficialmente sua candidatura a prefeito da cidade de Pittsburgh. Ele ficou em segundo lugar nas eleições gerais de 3 de novembro daquele ano, recebendo 25% dos votos.

Franco atuou como membro do conselho consultivo do Centro de Inovação Alimentar da Universidade Estadual da Pensilvânia e, no outono de 2009, foi nomeado Professor Conti pela Penn State's School of Hospitality Management.

Harris estava envolvida e forneceu fundos para a Penn Staters for Responsible Stewardship, um grupo que visa derrubar os membros do conselho de administração da Universidade Estadual da Pensilvânia.

Harris foi retratado em um episódio de 2018 do programa "This Is Us".

Morte
Harris faleceu em 20 de dezembro de 2022, em Sewickley, Pensilvânia. Ele morreu enquanto dormia.

Jogadores de futebol americano de Nova Jérsei
Jogadores do Pittsburgh Steelers
Jogadores do Seattle Seahawks
Naturais de Nova Jérsei
Campeões do Super Bowl


We continue our short story series for Master of Orion as we shift focus to the races coming in Early Access 2. This story touches on a Klackon ship that follows their leader through dangerous deep space with confidence and faith in the Hive. Stay tuned for more, and please feel free to ask questions about Klackon lore in the comments!
The ship, a living entity itself, hummed quietly as its biologically based core had been grown around mechanical and technological systems. The ship, referred to as AX-135 Strand Delta, was a small scout vessel travelling in dark, isolated space along the Mrrshan-Sakkra border. The only sounds onboard that could be detected by an alien ear was the rattle of scuttling legs and clacking body plates, as the Klackon crew communicated primarily through targeted pheromone responses punctuated by subtle antenna movement.
The crew had been together for a long time, not just on the ship but in life itself. Born of the same egg clutch on a colony planet near the home world of Kholdan, they had always trained as a unit. Now they lived as one in the impossibly cramped quarters of the scout ship in symbiotic peace. This was the Klackon way.
A panel whined in high pitched tones on the bridge, similar to the cry of newly hatched Klackon young, capturing the attention of the Captain and an Officer. They watched the panel with mild interest as it was the only blip of activity seen in recent weeks on their outlying patrol. The Captain had been running them back and forth in a relatively small sector of space, as if unsure of what they were assigned to look for in the first place. The Captain was secretive and private, but the crew trusted him implicitly as they trusted all from the Hive – the Klackon were truly united in their ways.
Should we investigate the anomaly? The Officer twitched his antennas violently while filling their personal space with pheromones of concern and agitation. The Officer was disturbed by the sudden change of routine and risk of exposure. The Klackon and Mrrshan were far from friendly, with their frequent skirmishes causing irritation between the two governments. The Klackon and Sakkra fared no better.
The Captain surveyed the panel, calculating distance. Yes, the Hive will be pleased with additional resources. We could stay in the field longer. The Officer could not sense any feeling from the Captain other than a steady stream of calm, so they turned their attention back to the control panels.
The Officer nudged the ship in the direction of the beacon, the low-power mode of the scout responding sluggishly. After a few minutes, a ship began to come into view. A perfectly intact Mrrshan cruiser, its operational lights flickering ominously, drifted with a sole repeating beacon the only indication of activity. As they neared, it was obvious that something had gone terribly wrong, but there were no signs of combat.
The Officer was emitting a low amount of fear-based pheromones. Should we even bother saving those filthy beasts? They wouldn't help us.
The Captain appeared completely confident. They wouldn't help us, but they would loot our corpses. Let's return the favor. Prepare non-essential crew as a Scavenger team, quickly. Before the soft skin reinforcements arrive to the beacon call.
They circled the derelict cruiser slowly, looking for any external damage on the ship that would jeopardize their mission. A quick inspection showed no damage and revealed the name of the ship painted on the hull, Star Seeker. As they slowly began the docking procedures, the small team of Scavengers prepared to board the ship. They were buzzing with anticipation, the prospect of adventure and replenished resources renewing their vigor. The Klackon ship made contact with the Mrrshan cruiser and shuddered ominously, as if recoiling from the touch.
The Klackon Scavengers scuttled onto the ship with weapons ready, taking careful note of the undamaged interior and the bodies lining the halls. The Mrrshan crew was recently dead, the Scavengers detecting the delicious scent of hardly decaying flesh. They turned the bodies over looking to loot weapons, ammo, and any personal effect of value.
It seemed as if the Mrrshan had turned on each other, based on the evidence in the ship. Their weapons were drawn on each other and their claws still dripped with blood, but the reason for their attacks were still unknown. Many of them were locked in the final poses of close quarters combat, their eyes glazed over and faces expressionless.
The Scavenger team was unanimously emitting high levels of concern, so the member of the team with the radio pulled it from their utility vest. The verbal communication of the Klackon was primitive and crude, their non-verbal communication far surpassing it in evolution and complexity. They expressed their concerns. The Captain was clear in his response: We will accept the risk for any knowledge to be gained for the Hive.
Combing through the ship slowly, the lights overhead flickered to an irregular and haunting beat. The Scavengers searched the desolate halls efficiently, strapping gear to their backs and holding valuables in their many hands. The more specialized Scavengers activated terminals, scanning networks for valuable intel then wiping the programs as they finished. The Scavengers emitted a low alert pheromone that kept them all on edge and in touch with each other.
The flickering of the lights became weaker as the team closed in on the bridge, the periods of darkness becoming longer. The sound of something dragging began to trickle out from behind the blast doors of the bridge. The door, damaged from the Mrrshan fighting, was slightly buckled and refused to retract into the bulkhead. The Scavengers began working as a seamless unit to open the door, their many hands needing no direction other than the common goal.
As the Scavengers pulled the twisted metal apart, a bitter hissing greeted them from the bridge. The Klackon aimed their weapons on a creature that is not immediately familiar to them, a purple tinted being with a twisted, foaming face. The nerves of the Scavengers lit on fire – the emergency scents of shock, surprise, and fear electrified the air. The being lurched behind the cover of a bridge station, dragging a useless, badly mangled leg behind it.
What is it? They thought jarringly, no distinct voice pulling forward as the individuals panicked and broke the collective calm of unity.
The being was dressed in an ill-fitting and torn uniform that matched the ship full of dead Mrrshan. Patches of fur clung randomly to the creature's body, with clumps of it piled on the floor of the bridge. It seemed to be slightly foaming and shaking. An unfamiliar weapon was at the low ready while it kept an eye on the Klackon. It seemed anxious and afraid, the terrified eyes shifting from Klackon to Klackon. The eyes… like dark and twisting vortexes. The Klackon found themselves looking anywhere but the being's face.
Just as the Scavengers formed a consensus to capture the being, the wounded creature shot its weapon at the ground. A hiss of steam and a cloud of smoke blinded the Klackon as they began to cough. The cloying and sickly smoke reminding them of the coarse sands of Kholdan when whipped into a deadly sandstorm.
The Mrrshan ship let out a sudden rattle and sigh before going completely dark. The Klackons, blinded by the mysterious smoke and darkness, retreated quickly - following the scent of their own trail back to the docking bay. They bridged the gap between the two ships quicker than they had ever moved before.
They scuttled over quickly, grateful to be out of the pitch black of the damaged Mrrshan ship. As the last Klackon entered their ship, the door triggered an automatic response to seal off the docking tube. The coughing of the Scavenger team became ragged as they fought for breath.
The crew attempted to separate the two ships, the Klackon ship refused to move. Captain, the ship refuses to disengage! The Scavengers cried out as one, their message carrying down the ship. As their message travelled through the ship, so did the ominous coughing spread.
The Officer on the bridge looked to the Captain for guidance. The Captain was silent in all ways.
The walls of the ship suddenly began to crack, the tough chitin shell of the walls breaking apart to reveal blackening tendons and damaged frames. The crew's mind was frantic and united. In their panic there was no clear thought. The coughing and wheezing crew dragged themselves down the hallways in weak attempts to reach the escape pods.
The Officer watched with horror as the cracking walls made their way to the bridge. The ship groaned with a sound not of twisting metal but of a wounded creature. The internal structure was snapping while a dark ichor seeped from the crack walls. The ship shook and released pheromones of distress and imminent failing system warnings.
The Captain was staring at the dark Mrrshan ship through the video feed. Captain, what is happening? It was then that the crew silenced all at once, coughing and gasping for air. The Officer collapsed as the Captain stood tall, watching them choke. The Captain seemed to note the cracking walls with more interest.
"Collaborator?" The ship's external comm system glowed, the foreign voice filling the bridge. The Officer understood the words, but the voice was so alien and strange that it made his antennae quiver.
The comm went dark and the Captain looked back on his crew. The walls of the ship were still cracking, the black tendons continued to snap and the low hiss of the outer hull breaching was turning into a scream. The crew noted that whatever sickness these enemies had spread moved through the Klackon DNA quickly, but they could not move to send a warning back to the Hive. The Captain looked down on the crew, I do apologize. You were a good crew. He was silent after, his antennas lowering sadly.
The Klackon crew closed their eyes together, a last act of unity in the face of the unknown. The Captain walked over their bodies gently towards the docking tube. He left the ship just as its natural phosphorescence went dark and life support cut off.
1. The description mentions "Human lore". Is this an error?
2. What in the name of Cronenberg happened to the Mrrshans? How were they infected in the first place? And what was the agent that infected them? Will it appear in the game as some sort of a Darlok super weapon (for example, an easy way to capture enemy non-biologic ships)?
3. How was it that the captain was not affected? Was he/she/it a Darlok him/her/itself?
4. So the Klackons use bioships? How will that affect them in the game? Will they have special resistances/vulnerabilities?
3) Darloks are known to be very clever, they are known for their subterfuge so it is possible.
4) This is actually a good question and something that would be cool to see if it's doable in the game.
If that's the case, does that mean that they will be more effective against some races in the finished game than others?
Boarding parties would go a long way to make RTS acceptable for me. It was one of the best parts of TBS-combat in moo2. RTS beeing acceptable also depends heavily on beeing implemented as perfectly as possible, meaning lots of cool specials, interesting racial exclusive mechanisms and techs, preferrably ones that were in the franchise before, things working flawlessly all around. I know im composing a wishlist right now, but thats just how it is if you give a little finger, those darn users will rip out your whole arm then.
Been a Klackon fan since MOO1 first came out!
Boarding parties would go a long way to make RTS acceptable for me.
Would make the battles a whole lot more interesting too... protecting your troop transports + keeping your ships from destroying the ones you want to capture.
In MoO2, "troop pods" simply doubled the amount of marines on board the ship. The tech to send boarding craft was called "assault shuttles".
1. Park your ship along the side of the target that has disabled engines or is caught in tractor beams.
2. Destroy the targets shields facing your craft and beam troops aboard (required transporters).
3. Send assault shuttles over and hope they don't get shut down on route.
1. I love the way that the Klackon and their unique hive collective is described, could this be translated into the game similar to in MOO2 in the government tab.
2. The idea of a Bioship is interesting, and makes me wonder how this would play out in all implications. In theory it could the effect of having enhanced colony ships, such as Klackon colonies starting with Hydroponic farms(When Researched) due to the ship itself being "bred" for a specific purpose.
3. I doubt it, but could this lead in game to more natural disasters that could affect individual ships? and if so, could this in turn allow a ship from another faction to recover the damaged ship?
4. The Darlok are know for clandestine activities, but I wonder if maybe they will have a racial ability to attempt to sabotage ships on the map without going into battle, or before battle. Perhaps even by having a special ship that sacrifices for some kind of chance at disabling or capturing enemy vessels by "replacing" crew members on those vessels.
I bring this last point up because the Darlok have to use a shuttle from the derelict Mrrshan ship to escape. Maybe a spy ship that works similar to an assault shuttle from MOO2 but with control on the campaign map.
This was a really fun read, and made it feel like the MoO galaxy was alive and evolving. I totally didn't expect the another race to be involved at all, and obviously they didn't either. Hope to see more of these!
At the beginning I thought the story was gonna be an "Alien" spin-off. But it turned out to be much better than that!


text:
Life Itself to Have Magnificent Premiere in Virtual Cinemas on Friday, May 22nd, as Part of Magnolia Pictures' Favorite Documentary Series
By Entertainer 15. May 2020
"Empathy is one of the most essential elements of civilization, and movies are a powerful generator of empathy."--Roger Ebert
Friday, May 22nd: "Life Itself" screens in virtual cinemas here
Wednesday, May 27th: "Life Itself" Q&A here
Steve James' acclaimed 2014 documentary "Life Itself," chronicling the life and legacy of our site's co-founder, Pulitzer Prize winning film critic Roger Ebert, will premiere in virtual cinemas on Friday, May 22nd (click here), as part of Magnolia Pictures' new screening series entitled, "A Few of Our Favorite Docs." Each of the films will have a virtual Q&A on the Wednesday following their premiere, while ten percent of the ticket sales will be donated to a charity of the filmmakers' choice. One of the subjects in "Life Itself", RogerEbert.com publisher Chaz Ebert, will take part in a virtual Q&A with Steve James on Wednesday, May 27th (at this link). Chaz Ebert designated donations to go to the Chicago Cinema Workers Fund to help hourly workers who have had their jobs eliminated during the Coronavirus Pandemic. To donate directly to the fund click here.
"Life Itself" was awarded the Producers Guild Award and an Emmy for Outstanding Editing (among other accolades) and made the shortlist for the Academy Awards. But Roger's prize was the rich cinematic life he lived, and the legacy of empathy for others that he passes along. At times hilariously funny, at times sad, but all unabashedly human, the film follows Roger's life from his birth in Urbana, Illinois, to his broadcasting days as Siskel & Ebert, to his romance with his wife, Chaz Ebert. This film is a classic and shines even brighter during this time.
Other selections in the series include Betsy West and Julie Cohen's "RBG," profiling the trailblazing Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, which begins its run Friday, May 15th (click here). A conversation with the filmmakers will be moderated by Melena Ryzik of The New York Times, and ticket sales will raise money for NYU Langone's food panty and The Table.
Gabriela Cowperthwaite's muckraking doc about the captivity of killer whales, "Blackfish," begins its run Friday, May 29th, with the director Q&A scheduled for Wednesday, June 3rd.
Last, but not least, is Penny Lane's satirical and provocative celebration of The Satanic Temple, "Hail, Satan?", which begins screening Friday, June 5th. Lane will be in conversation wit the Temple's head Lucien Greaves on Wednesday, June 10th. For these last two films, the charity will be GiveDirectly's COVID relief fund.
For more info, including a complete list of the participating venues, click here.
Questions for the Q&As can be submitted to submityourquestion@magpictures.com or be tweeted with the hashtag #magnoliadocseries.
"Life Itself" screens here on Friday, May 22nd, and the Q&A will take place here on Wednesday, May 27th.
Original: https://www.rogerebert.com/chazs-blog/life-itself-to-have-magnificent-premiere-in-virtual-cinemas-starting-friday-may-22nd-as-part-of-magnolia-pictures-favorite-documentary-series
By: The Editors
Posted: May 15, 2020, 10:12 pm
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If you're travelling to Djibouti our travel advice and updates give you practical tips and useful information.
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text:
← More on the WWI winner
Out-of-country Cianci tale →
Plymouth after World War II
Posted on January 28, 2016 by David Brussat
Narrator of documentary confronts citizens over plan for Plymouth.
Mark Motte, author with Francis Leazes of Providence: The Renaissance City, urged me to view an old documentary on video called "How We Live Now," filmed in 1946, about the effort to rebuild Plymouth, the most heavily bombed city per capita in Britain, after the war. It is a great example of propaganda. I include some screen shots above and below.
It is a fascinating romp through a postwar of pessimism-tinged optimism. The argument for a new beginning for Plymouth via a big government plan conceived by Sir Patrick Abercrombie. Is pushed by a narrator who, in the film, portrays a writer seeking answers. All the answers seem to sound really great, but the public is not so easily convinced. This comes out in the film. It is an hour but very much worth watching – very amusing in how it seeks to rope in the average family, and very frank in how the average family has the narrator grinding his teeth.
Here are some lines from the film. Expert planners, led by Abercrombie, are brought in to "fix" Plymouth, and one of them plays a film of the plan for the public. It describes the need for better roads and more integration with outlying areas (to preserve them). Then the presentation of the plan gets down to the nitty-gritty, what it will look like.
"Nor is there any need for petrol stations to become eyesores," says the expert as a rendering of a sleek modernist gas station appears on-screen.
"In the home, we don't try to eat in the bathroom or sleep in the kitchen. All we've tried to do is to plan a city as we might try to plan an idea home." Here the expert seems to be setting up the single-use zoning that became the bane of cities in the postwar era, pre-ordaining the constant need to drive in order to do anything.
The expert's pitch reaches a crescendo with this: "Right down the centre, we've allowed for one monumental feature – a vista." (Swelling instrumental music as images unfold, grander and grander!) Sketch after sketch of what Plymouth could look like rolls onto the screen, each featuring sleek (its designers would say) blotches of God's wrath on cities.
Then the expert intones: "The key bit is that you, the citizens, must own the land. Mr. Baker, Mr. Watson and I propose the vista as as victory memorial for those who lost their lives in the Blitz. The symbol of a standard of living with spaciousness and beauty for all!"
The presentation ends to applause, but in the audience is the family that is the focus of the documentary's effort to reach down to the little guy.
"This sounds all right, but who's going to pay for it?" says the father. "We paid for the war," says the daughter. "We paid for the war and we'll pay for this." replies the father. "But it's worth it, Daddy!" she rejoins. "If we get it," adds the mother.
Shortly after this, the narrator is walking down the street and sees the daughter, named Alice, with her boyfriend, a sailor. He catches up with them, intending to deploy his strategy for getting average people to talk about the plan. He invites them into the Museum of Natural History that they happen to be in front of in downtown Plymouth, and where the city happens to have a model of the plan on display for the public to see.
"They seemed quite eager to go into the museum," says the narrator. "I doubt they'd ever been here before. Alice seemed to know all about the plan but she'd never seen the model."
They step into the model room. The camera pans the model, ending with a focus on the girl's face. The music gulps, reflecting her skepticism.
"I don't think there's anything in it," Alice says.
"But aren't you interested in your own city?" replies the narrator. (Huh?!)
"Yes. But not this."
"They'll never do it," says the sailor.
"But what makes you say that?" replies the narrator.
"They're not sufficiently go-ahead," says the sailor. "Now if this were America it would be different."
"Don't you understand? 'They' means 'you.' If you want it enough you'll get it."
"I don't know if I want it or not," says Alice. "I don't think it matters much."
"Now that we're here," says the sailor, "let's go and look at the fossils."
The narrator grumbles to himself: "Not interested. They just don't understand. That's how ideas are killed. So much easier to kill an idea than look into it."
In the next scene the city council debates legislation to support the plan but a councilor proposes an amendment to slow things down and consider a more modest plan.
"In the interests of the ratepayers," he states, "in whose minds there is uneasiness at the great size of the plan, and the fear that they would have to carry an intolerable burden, with heavy rates. In the plan, imagination has been allowed to run riot. I am informed that to acquire the land for the city centre will cost 20 million pounds. On top of that there is this gross extravagance, this boulevard from the North Road Station to the Hoe [the waterfront area].
Another councilor replies: "I view the amendment offered by Mr. Taylor, my Lord, with grave misgivings. For whom does Councilor Taylor think he is speaking? Where there is no vision, the people perish. And I cannot help thinking that Councilor Taylor is speaking for the people with no vision. His illustration of the traveler coming to Plymouth and unable to drive his car through the picturesque highway that has been the dream of Plymouth citizens for years. To what does it amount? If he goes on foot it is the shortest route to the city centre. If he goes by car, he can but add two minutes to his journey. The argument is a ridiculous one. The opportunity of raising the city, magnificent in proportions, and affording glorious opportunity for all its citizens, is an ideal for which we should happily aim."
(You add to your journey by taking a car instead of going on foot? That is to the plan's advantage?)
Soon there is footage of Michael Foot, the perennial Labour P.M. wannabe, here quite young, arguing for the plan. The name of his opponent, Leslie Hore-Belisha, appears in a shot of the ballot for the upcoming parliamentary election as a sometime Churchill ally during the war. He is often cited in the great biography by William Manchester.)
The narrator takes a stroll to think things through and, regarding the new homes that he passes that look like Philip Johnson's Glass House, he says, "And the new houses looked horribly reminiscent of barracks."
Then he sees a parade with young people calling for their elders to do something: "Youth. I'd forgotten the impatience of youth. Will they help bring the plan to fruit?"
Here is the documentary's final lines spoken by the narrator:
"In a country where every shade of opinion is allowed, almost anything is possible. Cities of tomorrow: What will they be? Who can tell? For their story is still being written by the citizens of today."
As I say, watch the film. It's a trip and a half. Of course, I think the doubtful citizens were smarter than the experts, and what happened to Plymouth – which we now know – bears me out.
This entry was posted in Architects, Architecture, Architecture Education, Architecture History, Development, Other countries, Urbanism and planning, Video and tagged Britain, City Planning, Documentary, How We Live Now (1946), Mark Motte, Plymouth UK, Propaganda, Providence: The Renaissance City", Video. Bookmark the permalink.


Now researchers have been able to show that a particular type of behavioral therapy called the Early Start Denver Model (ESDM) not only improves autism symptoms, but actually normalizes brain activity and improves social behavior.
Autism is a neurodevelopmental disorder that starts to become very apparent around age 3. The main signs and symptoms of autism involve communication, social interactions and repetitive behaviors. According to the latest statistics from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, one in 88 children currently is diagnosed with autism, including one in 54 boys.
"Early intervention alters the trajectory of the brain and social development in children with autism," says Geraldine Dawson, the lead study author who developed the ESDM therapy along with study co-author Sally Rogers.
Dawson was a researcher at the University of Washington when she helped devise ESDM; she's now the chief science officer for the advocacy and research group Autism Speaks and a professor at the University of North Carolina. Rogers is a professor and researcher at the University of California Davis MIND Institute.
ESDM therapy uses teaching methods from ABA ,or applied behavioral analysis, the traditional one-on-one interaction between a child and the therapist.
But rather than sitting at a desk next to the child -- where a teacher or therapist breaks down complex tasks into small components and gives tangible reinforcements -- children receiving ESDM are sitting on the floor, playing with their therapist or parents.It can be done just about anywhere, and Dawson says the play-based method of engaging a child helps him or her develop a social relationship.


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Tag: Sexism
What the Midterms Tell Us About How to Oppose Trump
The Midwest is increasingly the critical region in American politics. It is the only region in which large numbers of states flipped from Obama to Trump in 2016, and in the 2018 Midterms the Midwest was once again the site of many of the most interesting results. For me, this region includes Minnesota, Wisconsin, Iowa, Illinois, Michigan, Indiana, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. I don't include agricultural red states like the Dakotas or Missouri, which have voted Republican in every presidential election since 1996.
Despite their shift toward Trump in 2016, many of these Midwestern states demonstrated a willingness to support Democrats in 2018. In the Senate, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, Democrats held the line against Republican challengers, losing only in Indiana. In governor races, Democrats retained Minnesota and Pennsylvania, and took Wisconsin, Illinois, and Michigan from the Republicans. The Republicans were able to defend their hold on Iowa and Ohio.
In much of the writing about the midterms, the focus has been on Democratic successes in the Southwest. Observers praise Beto O'Rourke for nearly beating Ted Cruz in Texas and are excited about the Democrats' performance in the Arizona and Nevada Senate races. But I think this emphasis is a mistake. We are repeating the errors of the Clinton campaign–trying to compete nationally by demographically changing the South instead of creating messages that can win in the Midwest.
The Church Left is Proving My Point
A couple days ago, I wrote a piece about the tendency for left wing organizations to behave like church communities rather than strategic political organizations. I told a story about an upcoming election at the East Bay DSA branch in California, criticising one of slates for taking unstrategic positions and using church tactics–shunning, shaming, perhaps expulsion–to target those who publicly do not embrace their platform in every detail. Anxious to prove everything I said correct, this slate and its supporters have immediately begun coming after me in precisely the ways I anticipated. They have begun personally targeting me, attempting to depict me as some kind of heretic or sinner. If I am not a true lefty (a heretic) or if I am someone who sometimes takes wrong positions or says wrong things (a sinner) then I am bad and should be shunned, shamed, and drive out of left-wing discourse. The trouble is, I'm a lone wolf on the internet. I don't tend to join organizations–my influence, such as it is, has always come from the ability of my writing and arguments to draw attention and support. I don't rely emotionally or psychologically on the acceptance and approval of a church community which they can turn against me. This limits their leverage over my behavior. Churches can try to shun and shame the people who don't go to church, but it doesn't work so well.
To Stop Sexual Misconduct, We Must Put An End to "Bros Before Hoes"
I've been thinking about the Harvey Weinstein sex scandal for a while. It just keeps getting worse. Apparently former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak helped Weinstein cover his tracks by putting him in touch with ex-Mossad agents. Those agents manipulated, intimidated, and lied to Weinstein's victims in a bid to shut them up or discredit them. In the meantime, more famous people are facing multiple accusations. Some of them are people I liked–I enjoyed Kevin Spacey. I enjoyed Louis CK. But when there's this much smoke, there's fire.
I haven't written on this yet, because it's so hard to deal with politically. We can't just lower the standards of evidence for these cases. We can't presume guilt in the absence of evidence. And yet, when it comes to most forms of sexual misconduct, there can never be enough physical evidence for a conviction. We just have the things that people say. When lots of people are saying the same things, we can be pretty sure something bad happened. But it's not enough to put people in prison. Usually when I write about a social issue, I have some positive proposal. It feels wasteful to write when I don't. But today I finally had a thought I think is worth sharing. Here goes. Read the rest of this entry »
How to Reframe Anti-Discrimination Politics to Overcome Division
A few readers asked a good question about yesterday's post. The question boils down to something like this:
How can we talk about discrimination–about racism, sexism, homophobia, and xenophobia–if we have to show conspicuous respect for the white working class? Some of them are racist, sexist, homophobic, and xenophobic. How can we deal with them in a way that isn't appeasement?
The people asking this question believe that we can't fight discrimination while concurrently respecting the people who practice it. But this isn't true–we can do both at once. Indeed, by respecting these people we can make our anti-discrimination advocacy more effective. Here's how.
How to Fight Fascism Intelligently
President Trump was inaugurated Friday, and a lot of people are understandably upset. Many want to do something about this. This is a good and noble impulse, but I fear in our efforts to fight right nationalism we will instead end up its handmaidens. Let me show you what I mean. Read the rest of this entry »


Everyone has a business card these days, but not everyone has a great business card. All too often, amateur graphic designers try to emphasize their clients' businesses in the wrong ways. They use too many (and too large) fonts, cheap clip art or poor color combinations that distract from the card's message and end up looking gaudy and unprofessional. You don't want your first impression to be your last, so follow these business card design tips for getting on the fast track to stellar design.
Your business card colors reflect on your business, or your clients' businesses more than any other element, and are the first things that will register when prospects glance at your card. Choose colors that match the theme of your business; for instance, silver and royal blue are often associated with high-stature, and would be one appropriate combination when designing business cards for banks and investment firms. If you plan to use more than one color, use a color wheel to pick aesthetically pleasing hues that work well together.
Arial, Times New Roman and Helvetica are all good choices for business card fonts, but you're not limited to these. A font can say a lot about a business and can dictate the tone and style of your text. Try experimenting with different fonts to find something that expresses your business. An Eras font could be used for a technology firm, for instance; while Gill Sans Ultra Bold might be a good bet for a balloon shop. Most resources recommend using only one font in your business card designs, but you can justify using two fonts to draw emphasis to a particular aspect of your card. A Jet Ski rental service with a lot of competitors, for example, might want to draw attention to their phone number to make it quick and easy to read by positioning it vertically on the card in a large Impact font. Be careful not to make your fonts too large. Other than the preceding example, most fonts should be in the 10- to 14-point range. This makes them easy to read, but not so large that they appear gaudy.
Amateur designers often make the mistake of trying to fill in every portion of their business cards with text, images or graphics. This is a bad practice that clutters business cards and distracts from the overall message of the card or - even worse - it sends the message that your business is unprofessional and sloppy. When laying out your business card's elements, make sure to leave plenty of space between your text and images to help them stand out against one another. Remember that the term "white space" does not necessarily refer to the color white; so if your business card has an orange or blue background you would need to include "orange space" or "blue space," accordingly.
A photograph of the card issuer can add a personal touch that makes prospects feel comfortable - even if they've never met you before. This is especially true with service sales industries such as real estate, investment strategy and mortgage lending. This doesn't mean you have to stick to the boxed profile shot commonly seen on many business cards. You can actually make the photo integral to the design by depicting "you in action." A realtor's ]]>business card design]]>, for example, could simply be a photo of him or her shaking hands on the front lawn of a nice home over a "Sold" sign.
The easiest way to ]]>make your business cards stand out]]> is to look different from the competition (while maintaining class). You could use a large, faded portion of your logo as your business card backdrop; or try having your printer die cut your card into a relevant shape or having a corner or two rounded off. You can also use graphic elements such as shapes and lines in contrasting colors, hues and transparencies to add pop where it's needed most. One additional aspect of business card design that has recently become a concern to some designers is scan-ability; that is, the ease of which a particular card can be scanned by an electric card reader for a contact management system. While this is not a bad idea, your first and foremost concern should be the impact your card has while still in the hands of your prospects rather than how it looks on a computer screen. If you follow the steps listed here, you will be well on your way to creating stimulating business card designs that get noticed and deliver your message for a lasting impression.