Title text: The Street View van isn't going to find out anything Google won't already know from reading my email.
Missed Connections is a page on Craigslist in which people who saw each other briefly and want to reconnect attempt to find each other again. In the case of missed connections, one person describes themselves "Me" and describes the other person "You" in order that the second person would recognize themself and try to reconnect.
The first entry appears to be a goofy joke, although there have been many Wienermobile incidents in the past. Given the timing of this comic, one can't help but wonder if it might also be a pun referencing the then recent resignation of Rep. Anthony Weiner over tweeting pictures of his, well, wiener with his mobile device.
The second entry refers to a person (you) looking down into a wishing well (presumably to throw in a coin to get a wish), but someone (me) is sitting down in the well with a harpoon looking up spotting the silhouette at the top of the well. This seems like a very weird thing to do, and the vaguely human shadow may be lucky to be alive, since the only reason the "you" should know about the "me" is if the me fired the harpoon (and missed). A person sitting in a well telling people stuff (as if it was the well speaking) was the pun in 568: Well 2. Oddly enough, this entry could possibly be a reference to this episode of The Fairly OddParents.
The third entry is a reference to networking. UDP stands for User Datagram Protocol. UDP packets don't use handshaking to verify they have contacted the correct host, so they can get lost or confused. The Cisco router location is a block of IP addresses that was unallocated at the time when this comic was published but has been allocated to Latin America and Caribbean since then. Cisco is a company that makes networking equipment. This is a play on a missed connection for someone who was lost and asked for directions.
The fourth entry is a reference to two events in 2011 in which President Barack Obama invited rappers--among other people--to the White House. After each event, right-wing commentators blasted the event as a party unbecoming of the dignity of the White House. Nancy Pelosi is the Democratic Leader of the US House of Representatives. The acronym (D-CA) is a common notation for politicians which notates party (D for Democrat) and state (CA for California). Pelosi would have also been invited to these events, and the missed connections listing is a reference to what the commentators imagined the event would have been like. A "juggalo" is a term referring to a fan of the rap group Insane Clown Posse (which includes rapper Violent J), which is notorious for having wild, misogynistic and violent fanbase.
The fifth entry is a straightforward joke. One of the two people getting married was so distracted by their phone they have no clue where their spouse is now, or even who they are. Alternatively, it could be that the second party deserted the wedding because they were frustrated by their partner being distracted by their cell phone during the wedding, and the first partner is now hoping to convince them to return.
The sixth entry is a reference to how the Google Street View car was not only recording photos of the street in 360 degrees, it was also collecting data from unencrypted Wi-Fi networks. The comic takes this to the next level, that the Google Street View van also scans what we have in our pockets and does a retinal scan. In this case, the social security number referenced is the most used SSN of all time. The retinal scan takes this even further, indicating that Google's cameras are collecting fine enough images to identify people by Retinal scan.
The entry gets a bit absurd when you realize with all this data, it should be trivial for the Google employee to ID and meet this young man, and would not need the Missed Connections page.
The last entry suggests that Babe Ruth, the American baseball slugger of 1914-1935, is actually a Time Lord. Time Lord is a reference to the popular sci-fi series Doctor Who in which The Doctor, who is a Time Lord, uses a TARDIS, which is a time travel machine. Possibly because he was a baseball player "ahead of his time".
The title text is another reference to the privacy concerns surrounding Google Street View van, to which Google responded by claiming that the street view camera wouldn't capture anything that someone walking by wouldn't be able to see. Randall is not worried about the street view van since he expects that Google will already know anything that such a van could discover from reading his e-mails. This last statement is of course much more serious than having a photo taken by a passing van, thus making it clear what people should fuss about, and it is not the van.
This page was last edited on 1 October 2018, at 23:28.


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THE PALESTINIAN 'RIGHT OF RETURN'
TV: US may reject UN's granting of Palestinian refugee status to descendants
Amid UNRWA cuts,
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refugees' status,
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'Right of Return'
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STORY OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE
TV: US MAY REJECT UN'S GRANTING OF PALESTINIAN REFUGEE STATUS TO DESCENDANTS sraeli TV report says Trump administration is considering reallocating all aid it currently sends to UN's Palestinian refugee agency
Times of Israel, TOI Staff, 30 January 2018
Amid its deepening standoff with the Palestinians, the Trump administration is considering halting all of its financial aid to the UN's Palestinian refugee agency UNRWA, and declaring that it rejects the UN criteria under which refugee status is extended to millions of descendants of the original Palestinian refugees, a TV news report said Tuesday.
Hadashot TV news said this "new ultimatum" under consideration by the Trump administration is one of the avenues being explored as the US seeks to press the Palestinian Authority into returning to peace talks with Israel.
The TV report said that State Department sources, asked for confirmation of the report, noted only that President Donald Trump said in Davos last week that all US aid to the Palestinians was under review and that no formal statements were yet being issued.
Hadashot reported that the State Department, having already frozen some $100 million in UNRWA funding, was considering stopping all of its $360-million annual funding for the organization, and instead allocating it to other UN bodies that work with the Palestinians.
At the same time, it further reported that some in the administration and the State Department want to accompany that move with a formal declaration that the US rejects the mandate under which UNRWA operates — according to which Palestinian refugee status is transferred from generation to generation.
Of the hundreds of thousands of refugees who left or were forced out of Israel when the country was established, a figure estimated in the low tens of thousands are still believed to be alive. But their descendants, considered refugees under the unique designation afforded by the UN to Palestinians, number in the millions.
Israel has for years demanded that the UN change its designation of Palestinian refugees, and that it use the same criteria it applies for other refugee populations worldwide. Humanitarian assistance to other refugee groups is overseen by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, which does not extend refugee status to descendants of original refugees.
The TV report quoted Israeli diplomatic sources who are aware of the new US thinking on the issue as saying that a Trump declaration rejecting the UN criteria for Palestinian refugees would represent "a tremendous victory" for Israeli diplomacy and a direct continuation of Trump's December 6 declaration recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of Israel.
In previous rounds of negotiations, Palestinian leaders have sought a "right of return" to Israel for these millions. No Israeli government would ever be likely to accept this demand, since it would spell the end of Israel as a Jewish-majority state. Israel's position is that Palestinian refugees and their descendants would become citizens of a Palestinian state at the culmination of the peace process, just as Jews who fled or were forced out of Middle Eastern countries by hostile governments became citizens of Israel.
Earlier Tuesday, the head of UNRWA indicated that he was aware of the US thinking. Pierre Krahenbuhl said the US decision to reduce funding for UNRWA "has a political dimension that I think should be avoided," and claimed Washington would ultimately slash payments by $300 million, contributing just $60 million to the agency's 2018 budget.
Krahenbuhl made the comments while issuing an emergency appeal for more than $800 million in funds to provide additional assistance to Palestinian refugees in Syria, Gaza and the West Bank.
Palestinian children hold bread patties during a protest against aid cuts, outside the United Nations' offices in Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip on January 28, 2018. (SAID KHATIB/AFP)
Last Friday, Hadashot said Israel was hoping to see the US make plain that it rejects Palestinian demands for a "right of return" of millions of Palestinians to Israel.
Quoting what it said were diplomats who are following the process, Hadashot reported that now that Trump has declared Jerusalem to be Israel's capital, and the Jerusalem issue to be "off the table," the next step being sought is to remove the "right of return" from the list of final status issues to be resolved.
After that is done, the Friday TV report said, Trump will present the "proposal for peace" that he spoke of on Thursday — a proposal, the Hadashot TV reporter remarked, that might better be described "perhaps as the Netanyahu plan" since it is expected to meet many of the Israeli prime minister's demands.
The Palestinian Authority has been boycotting the Trump administration since December 6, when Trump formally recognized Jerusalem as Israel's capital and said he would move the US embassy to the holy city from Tel Aviv. In that address, the president said the boundaries of Israeli sovereignty in Jerusalem would still have to be negotiated by the two sides, and thereby did not negate Palestinian claims to East Jerusalem.
Sitting with Benjamin Netanyahu in Davos last Thursday, however, Trump said: "We took Jerusalem off the table, so we don't have to talk about it anymore." He added, turning to Netanyahu, "You won one point, and you'll give up some other points later on in the negotiation."
In his unscripted remarks to the press on Thursday, Trump said the US would no longer transfer monetary aid to the Palestinians unless they entered peace negotiations with Israel, and excoriated the Palestinian leadership's reaction to his decision to recognize Jerusalem as Israel's capital.
"That money is not going to them unless they sit down and negotiate peace, because I can tell you that Israel does want to make peace, and they're going to have to want to make peace, too, or we're going to have nothing to do with it any longer," he said.
The US is also considering shutting down the offices of the Palestine Liberation Organization in Washington, the de facto embassy of the Palestinian Authority in the US, if Ramallah continues to refuse to take part in peace talks, Hadashot TV news reported Thursday.
AMID UNRWA CUTS, PA SAYS REFUGEES' STATUS, RIGHT OF RETURN ARE 'SACRED'
Trump administration accused of trying to force Palestinians to abandon hopes with 'blackmail' threat to cut funding for UN agency
Times of Israel, Khaled Abu Toameh, 1 February 2018
A Palestinian man walks in front of a mural calling for the return of Palestinian refugees
(photo credit:
Abed Rahim Khatib/Flash90)
The issue of Palestinian refugees and their "right of return" is sacred and not open to bargaining, the Palestinian Authority and its ruling Fatah faction announced Thursday.
In a statement, the PA appeared to push back against what it indicated was a US attempt to place the right of Palestinian refugees returning to pre-1967 Israel up for negotiation by redefining who is a Palestinian refugee.
"The blind American bias [in favor of Israel] and the frenzied attack on the right of return will not alter the legal status of this issue, which is a political and national cause created as a result of the Occupation and its crimes over the past 70 years," the PA Ministry of Information said in a statement.
Israel has consistently rejected allowing all Palestinian refugees to settle in Israel as an existential demographic threat, and most formulas for a peace deal envision only a token number being allowed to return.
Israel has for years demanded that the UN change its designation of Palestinian refugees, and that it use the same criteria it applies for other refugee populations worldwide. Humanitarian assistance to other refugee groups is overseen by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, which does not extend refugee status to descendants of original refugees, while Palestinians receive aid from the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA).
The US has recently cut funds to UNRWA, and Israeli officials have supported the measure while pushing for the money to be funneled to UNHCR instead.
"Funds for UNRWA should be gradually transferred to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, with clear criteria for supporting real refugees, rather than fictitious refugees, which is what is happening today under UNRWA," Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said at a cabinet meeting last month.
"UNRWA is an organization that perpetuates the problem of the Palestinian refugees," he added. "It also perpetuates the narrative of the so-called 'right of return' with the aim of eliminating the State of Israel, and therefore UNRWA must disappear."
The PA ministry denounced Netanyahu's comments as "delusional."
The ministry also dismissed a recent Hadashot TV report according to which the Trump administration is considering halting all of its financial aid to UNRWA, and declaring that it rejects the UN criteria under which refugee status is extended to millions of descendants of the original refugees.
Referring to Trump as the "ruler of the White House," the ministry accused the US president of seeking to blackmail the Palestinians.
"This will not dissuade our people from holding on to the sacred right of return and it will not exonerate Israel from the crime of ethnic cleansing it committed in 1948," the PA statement said.
"Netanyahu's illusions of foiling the right of return won't materialize because the international resolutions that created Israel are the same ones that accepted the right of return and compensation [for refugees]."
The PA ministry called for considering February 15 a day of "media solidarity" with Palestinian refugees and UNRWA.
Palestinian women take part in a protest in Gaza City on January 29, 2018, against the US move to freeze funding for the UN agency for Palestinian refugees. (MOHAMMED ABED / AFP)
The comments were echoed by Fatah spokesman Osama Qawassmeh, who described the right of return as "sacred."
The sons of refugees, he added, are also refugees.
"Neither Trump nor anyone else is entitled to rescind UN resolution 194," the Fatah spokesman said, referring to the resolution adopted in 1948, which defined principles for reaching a final settlement to the Israeli-Arab conflict and returning Palestinian refugees to their homes.
"We must not be frustrated because the Trump administration and Netanyahu want to break our will," Qawassmeh said. "They want us to raise the white flag. They want to drag us to the negotiating table where Jerusalem and the issue of the refugees are not present. But Fatah will not accept this."
WHY PALESTINIANS DEMAND A 'RIGHT OF RETURN' TO ISRAEL
Bloomberg International, jonathan ferziger, May 14 2018
For Palestinians, May 15 on the calendar means "Nakba," the Arabic word for disaster. It's the day after Israel declared independence in 1948, and marks a war in which some 700,000 Arabs were expelled from or fled their homes as the new state was established on most of the territory they knew as Palestine. For 70 years, Palestinians have claimed the right to return to their land, a position Israel rejects. This year, as the date approached, thousands of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip marched toward the frontier with Israel in a symbolic effort to recover their ancestral homes. Some attempted to breach the border fence by cutting the wire, storming the barrier and planting explosives. Israel responded with deadly force.
1. WHY IS RIGHT OF RETURN SUCH A HOT ISSUE NOW?
The short answer is Donald Trump. Palestinians are angry that the U.S. president recognized Jerusalem as Israel's capital and officially moved the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The U.S. dedicated the new embassy, converted from an existing American consulate in Jerusalem's Arnona neighborhood, on May 14, with a blue-ribbon delegation from the White House and U.S. Congress. Palestinians consider the eastern part of Jerusalem as occupied territory and hope to establish their own capital there one day.
2. HOW EXACTLY DID PALESTINIANS LOSE THEIR LAND?
A civil war between Arabs and Jews broke out after the UN General Assembly voted on Nov. 29, 1947, to partition Palestine into two states. When Israel announced its independence on May 14, 1948, the surrounding Arab states -- Egypt, Lebanon, Syria and Jordan, with support from Iraq and Persian Gulf states -- declared war on the budding Jewish state. Palestinians fled or were expelled in several waves over the course of a year, with some leaving in the belief that they could come back once the fighting ended. After the war, Israel destroyed hundreds of Palestinian villages, and passed an Absentees' Property Law that authorized the government to confiscate land and houses abandoned by Palestinians.
3. WHAT'S THE PROBLEM WITH PALESTINIANS RETURNING?
Mainly it's a numbers issue. In additional to tens of thousands of the original 700,000 refugees who are still alive, Palestinians say that some 5 million of their descendants should have the "right of return" -- not just from the Palestinian territories of Gaza and the West Bank, but from communities in Lebanon, Jordan, Germany, Chile, the U.S. and elsewhere. Add these to the Palestinians who stayed put in 1948 and are now Israeli citizens (with their descendants, they number 1.8 million today) and you have the potential for Israel's 6.5 million Jews to become outnumbered, defeating the purpose of creating a Jewish state.
4. WHERE WOULD ISRAEL HAVE THESE PEOPLE GO?
Israel views the Palestinian refugee issue as part of a larger exchange of populations that's played out over the course of decades. Some 1 million Jews fled or were forced out of the Muslim world after 1948. Many of them found refuge in Israel and became citizens, thus resolving their own refugee ordeals. Israel's position has generally been that Palestinian refugees should settle in a future Palestinian state, and that a resolution of the issue should include compensation for the property and businesses Jews had expropriated from them or had to leave behind.
5. WHY HAS THIS ISSUE PERSISTED FOR 70 YEARS?
Because it's been tied to a resolution of the larger, so-far-intractable Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Some international proposals for peace have envisioned a few thousand Palestinians returning to Israel while others settle elsewhere and receive financial compensation. Several Arab states including Lebanon and Syria have refused citizenship to hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees within their borders. Granted limited self-rule under preliminary agreements with Israel, Palestinian governments have maintained 27 refugee camps in the West Bank and Gaza, with the support of UNRWA, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees, which was created in 1949.
6. WHY IS GAZA THE CENTER OF THE PROTESTS?
Gaza has long been a powder keg. For one thing, 68 percent of the nearly 2 million people crammed into the narrow 25-mile swath of desert bordering the Mediterranean are refugees. Gaza has been more or less closed off from the rest of the world for the past decade. The militant Islamist organization Hamas, which is classified as a terrorist organization by the U.S. and European Union, took control in a bloody civil war in 2007 and fought three wars with Israel. The prospect of breaking out of Gaza has special resonance for its residents because they've been penned in behind fences by Israel and Egypt.
THE PALESTINIANS AND THE "RIGHT OF RETURN"
The latest condition for "peace" is without basis in law or historical fact and happens to entail Israel's self-destruction.
Commentary EFRAIM KARSH, MAY 1, 2001
By the early 1990's, most Israelis, on both sides of the political spectrum, had come to embrace a two-state solution to their decades-long conflict with the Palestinian Arabs, a solution based on the idea of trading "land for peace." For these Israelis, and especially for the doves among them, the twilight hours of Ehud Barak's short-lived government came as a terrible shock.
During a span of six months, from the Camp David summit of July 2000 to the Taba talks a few days before his crushing electoral defeat in February 2001, Barak crossed every single territorial "red line" upheld by previous Israeli governments in his frenzied quest for an agreement with the Palestinians based on the formula of land for peace. Unquestioningly accepting the Arab side's interpretation of UN Security Council Resolution 242, passed in the aftermath of the Six-Day war of 1967, Barak's government offered to cede virtually the entire West Bank and Gaza Strip to the nascent Palestinian state, and made breathtaking concessions over Israel's capital city of Jerusalem. But to its amazement, rather than reciprocating this sweepingly comprehensive offer of land with a similarly generous offer of peace, the Palestinians responded with wholesale violence.
At Taba, the Palestinians also insisted, with renewed adamancy, on another non-negotiable condition that had been lying somewhat dormant in the background of the Oslo process begun in 1993. No peace would be possible, they declared, unless Israel guaranteed the right of the Arab refugees of the 1948-49 war, and their descendants, to return to territory that is now part of the state of Israel, and to be compensated financially for lost property and for decades of privation and suffering.
The reintroduction of this issue, at a moment when Israel had effectively agreed to withdraw to its pre-1967 lines, shook the Israeli peace camp to the core. All of a sudden, it seemed that the Arab states and the Palestinians really meant what they had been saying for so long—namely, that peace was not a matter of adjusting borders and territory but was rather a euphemism for eliminating the Jewish state altogether, in this case through demographic subversion. "Implementing the 'right of return' means eradicating Israel," lamented Amos Oz, the renowned author and peace advocate. "It will make the Jewish people a minor ethnic group at the mercy of Muslims, a 'protected minority,' just as fundamentalist Islam would have it."
Oz's plaintive cry struck no responsive chord with his Palestinian counterparts, however. "We as Palestinians do not view our job to safeguard Zionism. It is our job to safeguard our rights," stated the prominent politician Hanan Ashrawi, vowing to uphold the "right of return" even at the cost of undermining Israel's demographic balance. "The refugee problem," she continued, "has to be solved in total as a central issue of solving the Palestinian question based on the implementation of international law"; for not only has this right of return "never been relinquished or in any way modified," it "has been affirmed annually by the UN member states."
As it happens, Hanan Ashrawi is very much mistaken; and so, in his own way, is Amos Oz. There is no such collective "right of return" to be "implemented." But to grasp what is at issue here requires a deeper look into history, demography, international law, and politics.
Whatever the strengths and weaknesses of the Palestinians' legal case, their foremost argument for a "right of return" has always rested on a claim of unprovoked victimhood. In the Palestinians' account, they were and remain the hapless targets of a Zionist grand design to dispossess them from their land, a historical wrong for which they are entitled to redress. In the words of Mahmoud Abbas (a/k/a Abu Mazen), Yasir Arafat's second-in-command and a chief architect of the 1993 Oslo accords: "When we talk about the right of return, we talk about the return of refugees to Israel, because Israel was the one who deported them." The political activist Salman Abu Sitta has put it in even more implacable terms:
There is nothing like it in modern history. A foreign minority attacking the national majority in its own homeland, expelling virtually all of its population, obliterating its physical and cultural landmarks, planning and supporting this unholy enterprise from abroad, and claiming that this hideous crime is a divine intervention and victory for civilization. This is the largest ethnic-cleansing operation in modern history.
One may be forgiven for pausing a moment at the last sentence. To identify the Palestinian exodus—some 600,000 persons at most—as "the largest ethnic-cleansing operation in modern history" requires at the very least a drastic downgrading of other rather well-documented incidents: the 15 million ethnic Germans forced out of their homes in Eastern Europe after World War II; the millions of Muslims and Hindus fleeing the newly established states of India and Pakistan during the partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1948; the millions of Armenians, Greeks, Turks, Finns, Bulgarians, and Kurds, among others, driven from their lands and resettled elsewhere during the 20th century; and so forth and so on.
But put aside the hyperbole. The claim of premeditated dispossession is itself not only baseless, but the inverse of the truth. Far from being the hapless victims of a predatory Zionist assault, the Palestinians were themselves the aggressors in the 1948-49 war, and it was they who attempted, albeit unsuccessfully, to "cleanse" a neighboring ethnic community. Had the Palestinians and the Arab world accepted the United Nations resolution of November 29, 1947, calling for the establishment of two states in Palestine, and not sought to subvert it by force of arms, there would have been no refugee problem in the first place.
It is no coincidence that neither Arab propagandists nor Israeli "new historians" have ever produced any evidence of a Zionist master plan to expel the Palestinians during the 1948 war. For such a plan never existed. In accepting the UN partition resolution, the Jewish leadership in Palestine acquiesced in the principle of a two-state solution, and all subsequent deliberations were based on the assumption that Palestine's Arabs would remain as equal citizens in the Jewish state that would arise with the termination of the British mandate. As David Ben-Gurion, soon to become Israel's first prime minister, told the leadership of his Labor (Mapai) party on December 3, 1947: "In our state there will be non-Jews as well—and all of them will be equal citizens; equal in everything without any exception; that is: the state will be their state as well."
In line with this conception, committees laying the groundwork for the nascent Jewish state
discussed in detail the establishment of an Arabic-language press, the improvement of health in the Arab sector, the incorporation of Arab officials in the government, the integration of Arabs within the police and the ministry of education, and Arab-Jewish cultural and intellectual interaction. No less importantly, the military plan of the Hagana (the foremost Jewish underground organization in mandatory Palestine) for rebuffing an anticipated pan-Arab invasion was itself predicated, in the explicit instructions of Israel Galilee, the Hagana's commander-in-chief, on the "acknowledgement of the full rights, needs, and freedom of the Arabs in the Hebrew state without any discrimination, and a desire for coexistence on the basis of mutual freedom and dignity."
The Arabs, however, remained unimpressed by Jewish protestations of peace and comity. A few days before the passing of the UN partition resolution, Hajj Amin al-Husseini, the former mufti of Jerusalem and then head of the Arab Higher Committee (AHC), told an Egyptian newspaper that "we would rather die than accept minority rights" in a prospective Jewish state. The secretary-general of the Arab League, Abd al-Rahman Azzam, promised to "defend Palestine no matter how strong the opposition." "You will achieve nothing with talk of compromise or peace," he told a secret delegation of peace-seeking Zionists in September 1947:
For us there is only one test, the test of strength. . . . We will try to rout you. I am not sure we will succeed, but we will try. We succeeded in expelling the Crusaders, but lost Spain and Persia, and may lose Palestine. But it is too late for a peaceable solution.
In the event, the threats to abort the birth of Israel by violence heralded the Palestinians' collective undoing. Even before the outbreak of hostilities, many of them had already fled their homes. Still larger numbers left before war reached their doorstep. By April 1948, a month before Israel's declaration of independence, and at a time when the Arabs appeared to be winning the war, some 100,000 Palestinians, mostly from the main urban centers of Jaffa, Haifa, and Jerusalem, and from villages in the coastal plain, had gone. Within another month those numbers had nearly doubled; and by early June, according to an internal Hagana report, some 390,000 Palestinians had left. By the time the war was over in 1949, the number of refugees had risen to between 550,000 and 600,000.
Why did such vast numbers of Palestinians take to the road? There were the obvious reasons commonly associated with war: fear, disorientation, economic privation. But to these must be added the local Palestinians' disillusionment with their own leadership, the role taken by that leadership in forcing widespread evacuations, and, perhaps above all, a lack of communal cohesion or of a willingness, especially at the highest levels, to subordinate personal interest to the general good.
On this last point, a number of Palestinians have themselves spoken eloquently. "There was a Belgian ship," recalls Ibrahim Abu Lughod, an academic who fled Jaffa in 1948, and one of the sailors, a young man, looked at us—and the ship was full of people from Jaffa, some of us were young adults—and he said: "why don't you stay and fight?" I have never forgotten his face, and I have never had one good answer for him.
Another former resident of Jaffa was the renowned Palestinian intellectual Hisham Sharabi, who in December 1947 left for the United States. Three decades later he asked himself "how we could leave our country when a war was raging and the Jews were gearing themselves to devour Palestine." His answer:
There were others to fight on our behalf; those who had fought in the 1936 revolt and who would do the fighting in the future. They were peasants . . . [whose] natural place was here, on this land. As for us—the educated ones—we were on a different plane. We were struggling on the intellectual front.
In fact, the Palestinian peasants proved no more attached to the land than the educated classes. Rather than stay behind and fight, they followed in the footsteps of their urban brothers and took to the road from the first moments of the hostilities. Still, the lion's share of culpability for the Palestinian collapse and dispersion does undoubtedly lie with the "educated ones," whose lack of national sentiments, so starkly portrayed by Sharabi and Abu Lughod, set in train the entire Palestinian exodus.
In 1948, both the Jewish and the Arab communities in Palestine were thrown into a whirlpool of hardship, dislocation, and all-out war—conditions that no society can survive without the absolute commitment of its most vital elites. Yet while the Jewish community (or Yishuv), a cohesive national movement, managed to weather the storm by extreme effort, the atomized Palestinian community, lacking an equivalent sense of corporate identity, fragmented into small pieces. The moment its leading members chose to place their own safety ahead of all other considerations, the exodus became a foregone conclusion.
The British High Commissioner for Palestine, General Sir Alan Cunningham, summarized what was happening with quintessential British understatement:
The collapsing Arab morale in Palestine is in some measure due to the increasing tendency of those who should be leading them to leave the country. . . . In all parts of the country the effendi class has been evacuating in large numbers over a considerable period and the tempo is increasing.
Hussein Khalidi, Secretary of the Arab Higher Committee, was more forthright. "In 1936 there were 60,000 [British] troops and [the Arabs] did not fear," he complained to the mufti on January 2, 1948. "Now we deal with 30,000 Jews and [the Arabs] are trembling in fear." Ten days later, he was even more scathing. "Forty days after the declaration of a jihad, and I am shattered," he complained to a fellow Palestinian. "Everyone has left me. Six [AHC members] are in Cairo, two are in Damascus—I won't be able to hold on much longer. . . . Everyone is leaving. Everyone who has a check or some money—off he goes to Egypt, to Lebanon, to Damascus."
The desertion of the elites had a stampede effect on the middle classes and the peasantry. But huge numbers of Palestinians were also driven out of their homes by their own leaders and/or by Arab military forces, whether out of military considerations or, more actively, to prevent them from becoming citizens of the Jewish state. In the largest and best-known example of such a forced exodus, tens of thousands of Arabs were ordered or bullied into leaving the city of Haifa against their wishes and almost certainly on the instructions of the Arab Higher Committee, despite sustained Jewish efforts to convince them to stay.1 Only days earlier, thousands of Arabs in Tiberias had been similarly forced out by their own leaders. In Jaffa, the largest Arab community of mandatory Palestine, the municipality organized the transfer of thousands of residents by land and sea, while in the town of Beisan, in the Jordan valley, the women and children were ordered out as the Arab Legion dug in. And then there were the tens of thousands of rural villagers who were likewise forced out of their homes by order of the AHC, local Arab militias, or the armies of the Arab states.
None of this is to deny that Israeli forces did on occasion expel Palestinians. But this occurred not within the framework of a premeditated plan but in the heat of battle, and was dictated predominantly by ad-hoc military considerations (notably the need to deny strategic sites to the enemy if there were no available Jewish forces to hold them). Even the largest of these expulsions—during the battle over the town of Lydda in July 1948—emanated from a string of unexpected developments on the ground and was in no way foreseen in military plans for the capture of the town. Finally, whatever the extent of the Israeli expulsions, they accounted for only a small fraction of the total exodus.
It is true that neither the Arab Higher Committee nor the Arab states envisaged a Palestinian dispersion of this extent, and that both sought to contain it once it began snowballing. But it is no less true that they acted in a way that condemned hundreds of thousands of Palestinians to exile. In early March 1948, the AHC issued a circular castigating the flight out of the country as a blemish on both "the jihad movement and the reputation of the Palestinians," and stating that "in places of great danger, women, children, and the elderly should be moved to safer areas" within Palestine. But only a week later, the AHC was evidently allowing those same categories of persons to leave Jerusalem for Lebanon, and also ordering the removal of women and children from Haifa. By late April, nothing remained of the AHC's stillborn instruction as Transjordan threw its doors open to the mass arrival of Palestinian women and children and the Arab Legion was given a free hand to carry out population transfers at its discretion.
Muhammad Nimr al-Khatib, a prominent Palestinian leader during the 1948 war, summed up his nation's dispersion in these words: "The Palestinians had neighboring Arab states which opened their borders and doors to the refugees, while the Jews had no alternative but to triumph or to die."
That is true as far as it goes—yet it severely underplays the extent of mutual recrimination between the Palestinians and their supposed saviors. From the moment of their arrival in the "neighboring Arab states which opened their borders and doors," tension between the refugees and the host societies ran high. The former considered the states derelict for having issued wild promises of military support on which they never made good. The latter regarded the Palestinians as a cowardly lot who had shamefully deserted their homeland while expecting others to fight for them.
This mutual animosity was also manifest within Palestine itself, where the pan-Arab volunteer force that entered the country in early 1948 found itself at loggerheads with the community it was supposed to defend. Denunciations and violent clashes were common, with the local population often refusing to provide the Arab Liberation Army with the basic necessities for daily upkeep and military operations, and army personnel abusing their Palestinian hosts, of whom they were openly contemptuous. When an Iraqi officer in Jerusalem was asked to explain his persistent refusal to greet the local populace, he angrily retorted that "one doesn't greet these dodging dogs, whose cowardice causes poor Iraqis to die."
The Palestinians did not hesitate to reply in kind. In an interview with the London Telegraph in August 1948, the Palestinian leader Emile Ghoury blamed not Israel but the Arab states for the creation of the refugee problem; so did the organizers of protest demonstrations that took place in many West Bank towns on the first anniversary of Israel's establishment. During a fact-finding mission to Gaza in June 1949, Sir John Troutbeck, head of the British Middle East office in Cairo and no friend to Israel or the Jews, was surprised to discover that while the refugees
express no bitterness against the Jews (or for that matter against the Americans or ourselves) they speak with the utmost bitterness of the Egyptians and other Arab states. "We know who our enemies are," they will say, and they are referring to their Arab brothers who, they declare, persuaded them unnecessarily to leave their home. . . . I even heard it said that many of the refugees would give a welcome to the Israelis if they were to come in and take the district over.
The prevailing conviction among Palestinians that they had been, and remained, the victims of their fellow Arabs rather than of Israeli aggression was grounded not only in experience but in the larger facts of inter-Arab politics. Indeed, had the Jewish state lost the war, its territory would not have been handed over to the Palestinians but rather divided among the invading forces, for the simple reason that none of the Arab regimes viewed the Palestinians as a distinct nation. Perhaps the clearest sign of this was that neither Egypt nor Jordan allowed Palestinian self-determination in the parts of Palestine they conquered during the 1948 war: respectively, Gaza and the West Bank. As the American academic, Philip Hitti, put the Arab view to a joint British and American committee of inquiry in 1946: "There is no such thing as Palestine in history, absolutely not."
So much for "the largest ethnic-cleansing operation in modern history."
But the appeal to history—to what did or did not happen in 1948-49—is only one arrow in the Palestinian quiver. Another is the appeal to international law, and in particular to the United Nations resolution that, as Hanan Ashrawi sternly reminds us, "has been affirmed annually by the UN member states."
The resolution in question, number 194, was passed by the UN General Assembly on December 11, 1948, in the midst of the Arab-Israeli war. The first thing to be noted about it is that, like all General Assembly resolutions (and unlike Security Council resolutions), it is an expression of sentiment and carries no binding force whatsoever. The second thing to be noted is that its primary purpose was not to address the refugee problem but rather to create a "conciliation commission" aimed at facilitating a comprehensive peace between Israel and its Arab neighbors. Only one of its fifteen paragraphs alludes to refugees in general—not "Arab refugees"—in language that could as readily apply to the hundreds of thousands of Jews who were then being driven from the Arab states in revenge for the situation in Palestine.
This interpretation is not merely fanciful. The resolution expressly stipulates that compensation for the property of those refugees choosing not to return "should be made good by the governments or the authorities responsible." Had the provision applied only to Palestinians, Israel would surely have been singled out as the compensating party; instead, the wording clearly indicates that Arab states were likewise seen as potential compensators of refugees created by them.
Most importantly, far from recommending the return of the Palestinian refugees as the only viable solution, Resolution 194 put this particular option on a par with resettlement elsewhere. It advocated, in its own words, that "the refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbors should be permitted to do so at the earliest practicable date," but also that efforts should be made to facilitate the "resettlement and economic and social rehabilitation of the refugees."
It was, indeed, just these clauses in Resolution 194 that, at the time, made it anathema to the Arabs, who opposed it vehemently and voted unanimously against it. Linking resolution of the refugee issue to the achievement of a comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace; placing on the Arab states some of the burden for resolving it; equating return and resettlement as possible solutions, and diluting any preference for the former by means of the vague phrase, "at the earliest practicable date"; and above all establishing no absolute "right of return," the measure was seen, correctly, as rather less than useful to Arab purposes.
Only in the late 1960's, and with the connivance of their Soviet and third-world supporters, did the Arabs begin to transform Resolution 194 into the cornerstone of an utterly spurious legal claim to a "right of return," buttressing it with thinly argued and easily refutable appeals to other international covenants on the treatment of refugees and displaced persons. Today, after decades of fervent Palestinian rejection of the very idea of living "at peace with their neighbors," the most that can be said of those who invoke the language of Resolution 194 is that they are being disingenuous—though stronger and more accurate words also come to mind.
And the refugees themselves? As is well-known, they were kept in squalid camps for decades as a means of derogating Israel in the eyes of the West and arousing pan-Arab sentiments. And there large numbers of them have remained, with the conspicuous exception of those allowed to settle and take citizenship in Jordan.
At the end of the 1948-49 war, the Israeli government set the number of Palestinian refugees at 550,000-600,000; the research department of the British Foreign Office leaned toward the higher end of this estimate. But within a year, as large masses of people sought to benefit from the unprecedented influx of international funds to the area, some 914,000 alleged refugees had been registered with the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA).
More than a half-century later, these exaggerated initial numbers have swollen still further: as of June 2000, according to UNRWA, the total had climbed close to three and three-quarters million. Of course, UNRWA itself admits that the statistics are inflated, since they "are based on information voluntarily supplied by refugees primarily for the purpose of obtaining access to Agency services." (The numbers also include close to a million-and-a-half Jordanian citizens.) But the PLO, for its part, has set a still higher figure of 5 million refugees, claiming that many have never registered with UNRWA.
Aside from demanding an unconditional right of return for these individuals, Palestinian spokesmen have calculated that justice will also require monetary "reparations" in the amount of roughly $500 billion—half for alleged material losses, and the rest for lost income, psychological trauma, and non-material losses. To this figure would also be added the hundreds of billions to be claimed by the refugees' host countries (notably Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan) for services rendered, bringing the total to about $1 trillion.
Needless to say, Israel has challenged UNRWA's figures, not to speak of the PLO's; it has unofficially estimated the current number of refugees and their families at closer to 2 million. But even if the more restrictive Israeli figures were to be accepted, it is certainly true, just as Amos Oz darkly predicts, that the influx of these refugees into the Jewish state would irrevocably transform its demographic composition. At the moment, Jews constitute about 79 percent of Israel's 6-million-plus population, a figure that would rapidly dwindle to under 60 percent. Given the Palestinians' far higher birth rate, the implementation of a "right of return," even by the most conservative estimates, would be tantamount to Israel's destruction.
Not that this stark scenario should surprise anyone. As early as October 1949, the Egyptian politician Muhammad Salah al-Din, soon to become his country's foreign minister, wrote in the influential Egyptian daily al-Misri that "in demanding the restoration of the refugees to Palestine, the Arabs intend that they shall return as the masters of the homeland and not as slaves. More specifically, they intend to annihilate the state of Israel."
In subsequent years, this frank understanding of what the "right of return" was all about would be reiterated by most Arab leaders, from Gamal Abdel Nasser, to Hafez al-Assad, to Yasir Arafat. Only during the 1990's did the PLO temporarily elide the issue as it concentrated on gaining control of the territories vacated by Israel as part of the Oslo peace process. Its Israeli interlocutors, for their part, chose to think of the "right of return" as a PLO bargaining chip, to be reserved for talks on a final-status settlement and then somehow disposed of symbolically or through a token gesture of good will (such as by conceding some degree of Israeli "practical"—but not "moral"—responsibility for the 1948-49 exodus).
Throughout the 1990's, successive academic study groups, made up of the most earnestly forthcoming Israelis and the most grudgingly tractable Palestinians, devoted themselves to formulating a compromise proposal on this issue. They all failed—a fact that should have raised a large warning flag, but did not, even though the reason for the failure was plain enough. For the "right of return" is, for the Palestinians, not a bargaining chip; it is the heart of the matter.
That is why, over the decades, other perfectly commendable Israeli gestures toward dealing with the plight of the refugees have consistently met with indifference or rebuff. In 1949, Israel offered to take back 100,000 Palestinian refugees; the Arab states refused. Nevertheless, some 50,000 refugees have returned over the decades under the terms of Israel's family-reunification program, and another 75,000 who were displaced from the West Bank and Gaza in the 1967 war have also returned to those territories. As Alexander Safian of CAMERA has documented, 90,000 Palestinians have also been allowed to gain residence in territory controlled by the Palestinian Authority since the beginning of the Oslo process. Safian similarly points out that millions have been paid by Israel in settlement of individual claims of lost property—"despite the fact that not a single penny of compensation has ever been paid to any of the more than 500,000 Jewish refugees from Arab countries."
Indeed, if one were to insist on the applicability of international law, here is one instance where it speaks unequivocally. In 1948-49, the Palestinians and Arab states launched a war of aggression against the Jewish community and the newly-proclaimed state of Israel, in the process driving out from their territories hundreds of thousands of innocent Jews and seizing their worldly goods. Ever since, these same aggressors have been suing to be made whole for the consequences of their own failed aggression. Imagine a defeated Nazi Germany demanding reparations from Britain and the United States, or Iraq demanding compensation for losses it suffered during the 1991 Gulf war. Both legally and morally, the idea is grotesque.
But in the end none of this matters. What is at issue in the dispute over the "right of return" is not practicality, not demography, not legality, and certainly not history. What is at issue is not even the refugees themselves, shamefully left in homelessness and destitution, and nourished on hatred and false dreams, while all over the world tens of millions of individuals in similar or much worse straits have been resettled and have rebuilt their lives. What is at issue is quite simply the existence of Israel—or rather, to put it in the more honest terms of Muhammed Salah al-Din, the still vibrant hope among many Arabs and Palestinians of annihilating that existence, if not by one means then by another.
Tactically, "we may win or lose," declared Faysal al-Husseini, the "moderate" minister for Jerusalem affairs in Yasir Arafat's Palestinian Authority, in late March of this year; "but our eyes will continue to aspire to the strategic goal, namely, to Palestine from the [Jordan] river to the [Mediterranean] sea"—that is, to a Palestine in place of an Israel. "Whatever we get now," he continued, "cannot make us forget this supreme truth." Until this "supreme truth" is buried once and for all, no amount of Israeli good will, partial compensation, or symbolic acceptance of responsibility can hope to create anything but an appetite for more.
1 I have recounted the Haifa story at some length in "Were the Palestinians Expelled?," COMMENTARY, July-August 2000.
THE PALESTINIAN RIGHT OF RETURN
Quad Business House, Barhain 2016 (2.40)
WHY ARE THERE STILL
PALESTINIAN REFUGEES?
Prager U 2016 (4.22)
It's been seven decades since the 1948 Arab-Israeli war, and yet there are still an estimated 4 million Palestinian refugees...and zero Jewish refugees. With so many nearby Arab allies of the Palestinians, how did this happen? What does it say about Israel? What does it say about its Arab neighbors? Dumisani Washington, Diversity Outreach Coordinator f
or Christians United for Israel, explains.
PA TO KIDS: REMAIN REFUGEES
Palwatch 2018
A video for children aired on Palestinian Authority TV as part of annual commemorations of the "Nakba," or catastrophe, of Israel's founding, promises them that there will be a "return" to lands that are today part of Israel.
In the clip, an elderly hand is seen passing on old house keys to the hand of a child. A title declares: "From generation to generation, there is no alternative to the return."
In the background a singer croons, "We shall return though time passes by and distances grow between us."
Jerusalem's Temple Mount and the Al-Aqsa Mosque are then seen, and a narrator says: "Our return is certain, and Jerusalem is the eternal capital of our state."
The ad has been aired multiple times on official PA TV since May 10, and was translated by Palestinian Media Watch.
'ISRAEL' IS DIVIDED INTO TWO PARTS
YOU ARE NOW IN
Part 2 ISRAEL AND THE PALESTINIANS
The pages are shown by the buttons on the right hand side of the screen
Click the link below to go to Part 1
MODERN HISTORY OF ISRAEL

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


There are different types of arthritis. In some diseases in which arthritis occurs, other organs, such as your eyes, your chest, or your skin, can also be affected. Some people may worry that arthritis means they won't be able to work or take care of their children and their family. Others think that you just have to accept things like arthritis.


text:
Mandee Johnson is a Photographer + Producer living in Los Angeles.
Mandee has 10+ years of experience shooting and producing photography for national campaigns, editorial work and personal projects. She's a multifaceted photographer with a grounded documentary style.
She travels often for weddings, photography, comedy and fun. To say she loves what she does would be an understatement.
some past clients include:
hbo, spotify, schlitz brewing, old milwaukee, showtime, coke zero, audible, comedy central, funny or die, fast company, caviar content, aspecialthing records...
In addition to her photo work, Mandee is the Co-Founder and Executive Producer at CleftClips, a comedy-oriented production company behind popular live shows such as The Super Serious Show and Hot Tub With Kurt & Kristen. With CleftClips, Mandee is an acclaimed producer of elevated live comedy events and digital media. She is one of the most respected producers working in comedy today. Extending her comedy ways, Mandee Johnson is the photographer behind the popular Super Serious Show comedian portrait series and the photographer for numerous comedy albums.
CleftClips has collaborated on projects with a variety of popular brands and entertainment companies such as Funny Or Die, Wired Magazine, LG, Marriott, SoundCloud, Facebook, Comedy Central, Turner, Universal, Warner Bros, Team Coco, Los Angeles Film Festival, Caviar Content, X-Box, Bushmills, Old Milwaukee and AquaHydrate.
kind words...
I am in HEAVEN. Oh Mandee, these are so beautiful. I can never thank you enough. -- Bette & Brian
OMG I FEEL LIKE I AM RELIVING THE BEST DAY OF MY LIFE LOOKING AT THESE!!!! Mandee - you guys truly captured the essence of our wedding, I can't thank you enough! you're the best!!!! These are like beyond. THANK YOU!!!!!! -- Nicole & Al
I can't tell you how over the moon Crystal and I are for these photos. You did such an AMAZING job. Can't thank you enough. -- Crystal & Sean
We love these. Thank you so much. All the captured moments beautifully composed. Really awesome way to relive the day- we were able to share in person with both of our families on Christmas so thank you so much for making it happen before the holiday!! -- Caitlin & Jason
These pictures are INSANE. thank you so so so so so so so so so so so much. If you ever need to put prospective clients in touch with happy customers, have them talk to us!!!!!!! We are in love with your work here.
-- Hillary & Joey
We laughed, we cried, we thanked our lucky stars that we had such a talented photographer that put so much love and care into our special day. Thanks a million times over, Mandee. These we perfect. We love them! -- Val & Chris
I teared up at work. So amazing. So so perfect. That was exactly how I remember the day, but through an even prettier lens. -- Grace & Michael
The photos are amazing!! We're still looking through all of them, but we're so happy with them! -- Joann & Tao
Oh my god Mandee these are INCREDIBLE!!! Seriously we just went through them and there's so many gems. -- Grace & Barry
Thank you, Mandee!! These are phenomenal! We're enamored! -- Sami & Lance
Mandee was great to work with! She's quick and knows how to capture the client she's working with. Tell her what you're looking for and she will make it happen. I've loved all of my photo sessions with her, not only is she a talented photographer, she's also an amazing woman. --- Jordan Scovel
These are amazing! We loved looking through the gallery and reliving our wedding. They are so gorgeous and we can't wait to show our families. Thank you so much for truly capturing the spirit of our wedding!
-- Rachel & Scott
Mandee has such an amazing eye, she made me look handsome, which is no mean feat! She transformed a dirty alley into a beautiful memory we can always hold. Mandee is incredible. I can't recommend her enough! Fun, vivacious and fiercely talented. --- Sam Simmons
After eloping to Vegas, and only a few iphone snaps to show for it, Sam and I really wanted a more considered photographic record of of our wedding. We asked Mandee if she could help recreate the spirit of the day for us and we're so glad we did! We instantly felt comfortable around Mandee! I'm someone who feels particularly awkward being in front of the camera and the actual experience of taking the pictures couldn't have been better for me. She made me feel completely at ease and knew exactly what would work to create an amazing result. Having a naturalistic feel to the photographs was particularly important to me and she was able to execute that brief totally. We now have wedding photos are candid and beautiful...they capture this special time in our lives perfectly! --- Roslyn Durnford
We had Mandee do a photoshoot with us and our 3-month old son. Of course, the results were great and everyone loves the end result, but the part that stands out for us is actual photo session. She showed up, bubbly and sparkling as usual, and just hung out. I don't recall being asked to pose or hold an expression. She just clicked away very discretely and our son was totally loving her presence. Based on this experience, Mandee's become our family's unofficial official photographer. She's secured herself a guaranteed spot at every life event and, more importantly, a long-lasting friendship. --- Pramit Nairi


text:
A Avenida Perimetral Norte (GO-070), também conhecida como Perimetral Norte ou somente Perimetral é uma das mais importantes vias expressas da cidade brasileira de Goiânia, estendendo da região oeste até o norte da metrópole. A via corta vários bairros importantes da cidade e construções, considerados de grau poluente, além da GO-080.

Perimetral Norte
Rodovias estaduais de Goiás

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Besides wrinkles, there's one thing that nobody wants more of: debt. And while people in the U.S. are less likely to be in the red than they were in the past, those who do have debt are even deeper in the hole, according to a just-released report from the U.S. Census Bureau.
To track the ups and downs of U.S. household debt, economists took a look at money owed by American families in 2000 and 2011 and adjusted the figures for inflation. Their findings: the percentage of U.S. households in debt declined from 74 percent to 69 percent. Unfortunately, people who carried debt in 2011 owed a median of $70,000—nearly $21,000 more than the inflation-adjusted figure from the year 2000. And it gets worse: The net worth of most U.S. households—as in total, not just those that were in debt—dropped by nearly $13,000 during the years examined by the study.
Compulsive shopping isn't the culprit here—college loans and medical bills were more likely to be behind people's debt than credit card statements.
Want to get out of the hole—or make sure to stay in the black? Start with these simple ways to avoid debt and manage any outstanding balance you might have.
Quiz: Are You Wasting Your Money?


Say yes with Karl Lagerfeld's new engagement ring line!
"I had never done a ring for that occasion," Lagerfeld told Vogue. "It was kind of a challenge." FW16 will see three styles of engagement rings that are meant to "appeal to the millennial crowd." The first line features pointed studs similar to the ones seen throughout the accessory lines of his own label, while the second uses modern, geometric shapes, and the third is inspired by the curves and arches of Parisian architecture.
Each style is offered in 18-karat white and yellow gold, as well as platinum, with prices starting at $1,000, going all the way up to $10,000.
The new collection will be at Arthur's Jewelers this Fall.


And when are you coming?
Enjoyment always comes first during a holiday in the Gosau Valley: No matter if in the saddle, on "Shank's pony", on the wall, on two planks or in the grove. In Gosau, in the UNESCO World Heritage region of Hallstatt Dachstein Salzkammergut, there is always something going on whatever the season! Picturesque "Glücksplätze" (places of happiness) and plenty of events ensure the right mix. Sometimes up, sometimes down! But always with lots of lifeblood. Let yourself be surprised! See you in the Gosau Valley!
There is so much to discover in the UNESCO World Heritage region of Hallstatt Dachstein Salzkammergut. Old mines, mighty cave worlds or spectacular glaciers at romantic lakes - a paradise for cultural- and nature lovers.
Breath-taking glacial views, rustic alpine huts, challenging fixed-rope climbing routes, sensational water settings—a travel destination with endless possibilities!
The Nature and Mountain Adventure World offers many exciting adventures with plenty of things to explore and lots of exercise. And the kids will not be the only ones standing in awe at the Adventure World of Koppenbrüller Cave.
Segway in Gosau – Stand up and have fun!
Let it roll! Take the Segway through the picturesque Gosau Valley. A holiday experience for eternity. The pure holiday experience! Guaranteed!
Hiking in Gosau- a very special treat! Here you will find the most beautiful hiking trails, the most popular mountain huts and Alpine pastures, impressive landscapes, guided tours and numerous insider tips about in and around the Lake Hallstatt area.
A hiking experience for all nature lovers. Seven-day trekking with summit ascents. On the trail of salt and alpine farming, of mountain pioneers and the "eternal" ice of the Hallstatt glacier. Places are limited - so register now!
Whether you ride a mountain bike to achieve sporting ambitions or for pure enjoyment, the landscape around the Gosau Valley is a bikers' paradise.
Your bike specialist in the Salzkammergut. Numerous brands. Large selection. Expert advice. Rental of eBikes and providers of "guided eBike tours".
To the hell and back! Although it will be still quite a while until the next Salzkammergut Trophy on 13th July 2019 – one can register already now!
Rock climbing has become very popular in region Dachstein-Salzkammergut over the last number of years. And no wonder – there thousands of cliffs, bluffs and crags for climbers to test their skills.
Sometimes wild, sometimes picturesque - definitely natural! Beautiful gorges & canyons and many new experiences and adventures await you while canyoning in the World Heritage.
Since living memory it was the salt which provided the wealth for the Inner Salzkammergut. The salt is the basis for the typical ancient customs and interesting cultural peculiarities.
Would you like to know more about tradition and customs? Here you can find out more about individual events and authentic folk culture. Interesting trivialities not found in any travel guide.
School trips usually require a lot of organisation: lengthy phone calls, complicated price tarifs... When you book with us, however, this is not the case. Everything is organised all in one go!
Winter conjures our valley into a true fairy-tale world. A perfect winter day full of the promise of endless fun. That´s winter in Gosau!
Dachstein West ski region: with new adventure-packed pistes for more skiing fun, delicious treats served by welcoming Alpine hosts.
Romantic magic of Advent in the traditional open-air museum of Gosau. An experience for all the senses! A magic of variety in the heart of the World Heritage. The distinctive charm of the Alpine Christmas market will delight you!
Mid-January people will look up to the skies for a very different reason 30 to 40 brightly coloured hot air balloons will take to the skies, creating a magnificent display against a backdrop of snow laden trees and stunning mountain scenery.
Highlight of the event is the display of hot air balloons by night. A stunning visual treat! Spectators flock to the Gosau and see how enormous flames create the hot air needed to inflate these huge, brightly coloured balloons.
In Gosau, the "Rabenkogel" natural toboggan run, which was used for centuries by the locals to transport wood and animal feed with their horn sleds, invites to unbridled sledging fun for the whole family.
nformative brochures and catalogues with great offers for any time of year can be sent to you quickly and at no obligation. We look forward to your call and will be happy to give you advice and further information personally with News from the Dachstein Salzkammergut-region.
Here you will find information for hikers, train travelers, motorists and much more. In addition to the following latest news, we will keep you up to date via our Twitter channel.


The Pelvic Hub was founded by physiotherapist and pilates instructor, Emma McGeorge.
Emma spent years managing her own pelvic health issues, advocating for herself with countless medical professionals and testing almost every product imaginable. She was fed up with the lack of information and genuine support available for people experiencing pelvic health issues and decided it was time something changed— so she created The Pelvic Hub.
As an allied health professional, Emma is totally fascinated by how the body moves and functions. She is a self-confessed nerd and is passionate about supporting people to take control of their pelvic health.
And as a woman who has experienced pelvic pain, Emma knows how important it is to cultivate self-love. She is determined to shine the light on all things pelvic health.
When she's not busy testing new products, hunting down the latest research or taking care of her own pelvic health, Emma loves to get out in nature, hang with her family or go out for a coffee with her friends.
She's here to help, so if you've got a burning question or just want to say hi, drop her a line.
Premium pelvic health products we know you'll love.
Need help? Want to become a supplier? Just want to say 'hi'?


text:
"Why Sit Ye Here and Die"? Counterhegemonic Histories of the Black Female Intellectual in Nineteenth-Century America.
Paper Title:
Journal of American Studies
Fraser, R.
Griffin, M.
This paper examines the work and lives of black female activist intellectuals in the years before the formation of the National Association of Colored Women's Clubs (NACWC) in 1896. Looking deeper at arguments originally made by Maria Stewart concerning the denial of black women's ambitions and limiting potential in their working lives, the analysis employs the work of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, in particular his notion of the intellectual, to help reflect on the centrality of these black women in the development of an early counterhegemonic movement.
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I'm new to the site. Do you still have the 8' brake, the roll and the pan and box brake?
That makes sense. I would rather have a cooler running engine for sure.
Thanks again for the advice. I appreciate you taking the time for VW newbie questions.
Here is a link to my build if you're interested.
I put it there so family could follow along.
Have a good week Dan.
I have built VW engines for several people in the past and know what props that works on those aircraft. On the SSSC, I talked to Pops, ( died last Dec) at Culver props and gave him all the details about the engine and airframe and the 60"x26" prop was what he recommended. He hit it right on the money, perfect prop. A VW engine would never develop much HP with the rpm it would turn the 68"x 34", to much dia and pitch. The engine would run very hot with the high Manifold Pressure trying to turn the prop. My 60 HP, 1835 cc engine at WOT would turn the prop at 3150 rpm in a climb, static RPM was 2950 and I cruised at 2700 rpm at 80 mph. Fuel burn was 3 gph,. No cylinder head of oil temp problems. Lots of power, take-off in about 250/275'.
Thanks for getting back to me. I shortened the nose up a smidge and moved the wing mount forward an inch. That along with steel tailfeathers and the bigger tailwheel, I hope will get me somewhat close on cg.
Thanks for the tip on the thinner gasket. I will do that.
If you can still get decent climb at 5k' my slightly lighter bird should be okay...and should be quite fun.
Can I bug you for another question? What made you choose that particular prop? After reading Mr Hoovers blog, I'm somewhat confused about prop choices. He seemed to advocate for a longer propeller than is used by...well everyone. I'm sure your familiar with his stuff, but the gist of what I read he was comparing it to an A40 torque wise and recommended a 68x34 like the A40 used. I have the feeling there is some missing information that I don't possess.
I've read a few of your posts today on vw's and was wondering if I could pick your brain?
I'm currently building a beefed up legal eagle to utilize a full vw. I live just north of Phoenix Arizona and as you can imagine density altitude is an issue in the summer. The dirt strip we have available sits a hair under 2000' msl and summer temps can easily bring the DA up over 5000'. I am leaning towards building a 1835 or 1915 with the hvx mods to use versus the little half vw. Do you think its sufficient for a single seater that flys at around 650-700lbs(me included)?
Looks like our comments to Chopper Girl were deleted by the moderators.
On the Turbo-Aero Vee. I like the way you think about the heads and maybe the 049 Revmasters would be the only way to go. The late Bob Hoover was spot on with his research on Thermal Barrier Coatings for the inside of the heads and Thermal Emitters on the Cylinder Fins. The Thermal Emitters I read are used extensively by NASCAR. I am reading coating the radiator allowed them less air opening for less drag as it reduced temps by 15 degrees F. Perhaps coating the Oil Cooler with it in a Turbo Installation wouldn't hurt as well. Also no word our Monnett and Co. are lubing the Turbo's bearing or is it an oil-free bearing but that is big bucks, I can't see them doing that.
"I would say something but afraid it might be considered hate".
Averting one's gaze rather than bringing everyone's attention to a subject and making it even more popular is also a viable alternate.
Dan, are you going to OSH???
The JMR Special that I am building will be my last large airplane project. Several other airplane type projects I would like to work on.
Restored 7 old aircraft Helped friend restore a Yak-3,CJ-6A with M14.
Airport bum since I was 5 years old.
If its not there, it cost nothing, weighs nothing, and is 100% reliable.


You can send Mother's Day Alcohol Gifts to Armenia in the following locations.
On Mother's Day is it appropriate to send alcohol gifts to Armenia?
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The evolution of home automation continues, and this trend doesn't appear to be slowing any time soon. For our clients, automation using state of the art technology brings the perfect combination of luxury, convenience and comfort to their homes. The best news? There isn't much that can't be controlled through automation.
Some of the most popular home automation options include motorised blinds and awnings, room by room climate control for continuous comfort as well as lighting control and automation both inside and out. Step the luxury level up a notch, and you'll see multi-room music systems making their presence known as the perfect accessory for in-home entertaining.
As technology advances we're seeing a rise in automated security features including the ability to access your home security cameras remotely, particularly useful when travelling abroad, or access control systems which allow you to give access to your home even when you aren't there. Many of our customers choose to integrate home automation into the build process, to fit in with their busy professional lives.
Home automation isn't limited to within the home either. Venture outside and you have the ability to automate pool pumps, lights and accessories, or take advantage of irrigation control, allowing your garden to take care of itself.
In today's carbon-conscious climate, it is especially exciting that you can make the most of home automation features whilst maintaining overall energy efficiency. In fact, by implementing some of the many automation options mentioned above, you could actually reduce your energy consumption. By utilising energy management, usage and solar charting systems you can also track your energy usage and system performance, allowing you to stay in complete control while reducing your carbon footprint.
To see the added security, comfort, convenience and elegance home automation can provide, visit our current display home, and let us show you why home automation is here to stay.


Majority of people fail to look past conventional common streams comparable to medical, engineering and science. So France is answerable for the influence on free movement, due to its separate breaches of EU immigration and asylum legislation. Rounding out the forged was Hope Summers as Olive Gardner who was the standard complaining mom-in-law who lived with the household. The proposal would not only purpose to limit asylum-seekers to be able to be certain that Dublin works effectively; it's going to also prohibit Member States to the same end.
The earliest recording of legal guidelines reflects understanding that humankind, whereas at the highest finish of the animal spectrum, stays an inevitable part of its kingdom. Volumes within the sequence will give attention to the consequential effects of globalization, including rising frameworks and processes for the internationalization, authorized harmonization, juridification and democratization of law amongst increasingly linked political, economic, religious, cultural, ethnic and different functionally differentiated governance communities.
Fact: Your husband's mother has an obligation to love HER son only not to you. In the next, we will first define plenty of common legal arguments superior by the parties that recurred in the course of the hearing in application to all or most concern areas and discernably constructed on established CJEU case regulation. When I first began practicing regulation, I had a very broad follow, and sometimes had to be taught totally different areas of regulation shortly. The Law Library's Halloween party might be on Monday, October 31, 2016 from eleven:30 a.m. – 1:30 p.m. Students, college, and workers are invited to hitch us for food and fun occasions like Boo Bowling and Autumn Tic-Tac-Toe! This new-discovered positivity within you is a big attraction to the money power that is throughout the universe as a complete.


text:
Q: How can I do Task.FromResult when I don't know T at compile time (but I do have a reference to the Type)? Summary
Given a run-time reference to a type (and a value of that type), how can I create a completed Task of that type with the given value?
Similar to Task.FromResult<T>(value), but where T is unknown at compile time?

Background
Not that it matters, I'm trying to create a mock implementation of IAsyncQueryProvider, by adapting some code I found here (including some changes for .NET Core 3.1 suggested in the comments by @Mandelbrotter).
Here's the relevant method:
public TResult ExecuteAsync<TResult>(Expression expression, CancellationToken cancellationToken)
{
    var value = Execute(expression);

    return Task.FromResult((dynamic) value);
}

Note that because this is an async method, TResult is actually always of type Task<something>. But, we can't declare the method like that because we're implementing a pre-defined interface. Nonetheless, we use Task.FromResult() to return a completed Task.
You'll notice that we don't use Task.FromResult(value) directly; we cast value to dynamic first. This is because the return value of the Execute call is declared as Object, and if we simply did Task.FromResult(value) we'd return something of type Task<Object>, which is generally not the correct type - and that causes issues further up the stack.
However, while this approach works for queries returning simple types such as int or DateTime, it fails when the query returns a nullable value. In this case, when the value returned is not null the type of value is just the underlying type, not the nullable type - and so we end up returning something of type Task<int> instead of Task<int?>.
I'd like to solve this (and do away with the use of dynamic) by explicitly creating a Task of the correct type. I can determine the desired type, either using reflection on TResult, or more conveniently by using expression.Type.
However, even once I know the type, I can't find a way to create a completed Task of that type. Task.FromResult<T> requires me to know T at compile-time. I've not been able to find a way to create a completed Task by passing in the type as a parameter.

A: Since Execute() returns an object, something like this should work as long as it can actually be cast to TResult:
public TResult ExecuteAsync<TResult>(Expression expression, CancellationToken cancellationToken)
{
    var value = Execute(expression);
    if(value is TResult valueT) return Task.FromResult(valueT); // works for nullable types
    return Task.FromResult((T) value); // non-nullable types
}

The linked answer has a Execute<T>() example... if you choose to use that, you'd get something like:
public TResult ExecuteAsync<TResult>(Expression expression, CancellationToken cancellationToken)
{
    var value = Execute<TResult>(expression);
    return Task.FromResult(value);
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


As sessions travel through their process flow, they are periodically re-assigned to different owners based on their status. For example, when a session is submitted by an Editor, ownership of that session is transferred to the Approval Officer. The same is true when an Approval Officer rejects a session and assigns it to an Editor.
Session Manager provides the functionality to manually re-assign sessions to new owners without a change in status. This may be necessary if an Editor leaves for vacation before a session is finished and has another Editor complete it. The lucky vacationing Editor would change ownership of the session to the second, not-so-lucky Editor.
Session Manager adheres to the following rules when changing the session owner.
Only an Administrator or the current owner may change ownership.
The session may only be transferred to a user who has the role necessary to view it in its current state. For example, a session that has been submitted and is Pending Approval may be assigned to an Approval Officer, but not to an Editor. The Approval Officer has permissions to view Pending Approval sessions, while the Editor does not.
Select the session in the tree.
Click the Change Owner button.
Select a name from the list in the Select New Owner window.
The Current Owner field will be modified to reflect the new owner.


text:
Home | Peter Pry
Tags: electromagnetic pulse | attack | defense
Saving Electronic Civilization
(Zenobillis/Dreamstime.com)
By Peter Pry , Dr. William R. Graham and Amb. R. James Woolsey Wednesday, 04 December 2019 03:57 PM Current | Bio | Archive
President Trump's "Executive Order on Coordinating National Resilience to Electromagnetic Pulses" (March 26, 2019) — designed to protect electric grids and other life sustaining critical infrastructures from potentially catastrophic blackout by manmade or natural EMP — is in danger of being undermined by electric utility lobbyists and non-experts at the Department of Energy (DOE), Department of Homeland Security (DHS), and Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC).
For example, an excellent report by the U.S. Air Force Electromagnetic Defense Task Force (USAF EDTF), "EMP Threats to America's Power Grid" (August 2019), exposes deeply flawed analysis by the Electric Power Research Institute (EPRI), a utility lobby. EPRI erroneously contends EMP from nuclear attack or solar superstorms would be no worse than a hurricane.
Irresponsibly, DOE endorses EPRI's junk science report.
EPRI's contention "long-term blackouts would be unlikely due to limited damage to large power transformers" is not supported by EPRI research. Nuclear high-altitude EMP burst parameters used in EPRI research were not optimal to produce effects, and large transformers have not yet been tested under realistic full load conditions.
EPRI's research also has addressed neither high-frequency E1 EMP and low-frequency E3 EMP effects on generator stations, the full suite of grid communication and control systems, nor electric distribution systems.
EPRI even tries to rewrite history, creating a fictional past where "the Departments of Energy and Defense assessed the potential impacts of a HEMP attack on the electric grid" would be small. No such assessment has been performed by DOD.
DOE was not created until 1977, by which time EMP science and effects were well established by DOD's Air Force Weapons Lab and Defense Nuclear Agency. The role of DOE and its predecessors was primarily limited to providing the gamma ray output of nuclear weapons for use by the DOD in calculating EMP fields.
The Department of Defense has been developing and implementing the technology to test and protect military systems from the effects of EMP since 1962, when the data from the FISHBOWL series of exo-atmospheric nuclear tests revealed much higher levels of E1 EMP fields than had been predicted.
Decades ago, DOD found that semiconductor electronics in operation are particularly susceptible to damage from E1 EMP, and implementing adequate protection requires both hardening and testing under operational conditions.
DOD's landmark 1977 "The Effects of Nuclear Weapons" that declassified much EMP research warned EMP can inflict "severe damage" and the "consequences could be serious for any system that relies on…commercial electric power generation and distribution systems, telecommunications…radio, radar, television, telephone, and telegraph systems, and electronic computers."
In 1981, to warn the public, DOD scientists informed William Broad's 3-part series published in Science "Nuclear Pulse (I): The Chaos Factor" subtitled "A single nuclear blast high above the United States could shut down the power grid and knock out communications from coast to coast."
In 2010, DOE's Oak Ridge National Laboratory and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission published several excellent reports assessing a nuclear EMP attack or solar superstorm could destroy hundreds of transformers and inflict a protracted nationwide blackout.
The congressionally mandated EMP Commission has rebutted other deeply erroneous "rosy-hued" analysis of the EMP threat by EPRI, the Edison Electric Institute, and North American Electric Reliability Corporation in our unclassified reports available at www.firstempcommission.org
The USAF EDTF rightly faults the Nuclear Regulatory Commission for relying on "engineering judgment" (which often amounts to wishful thinking) instead of EMP testing to ensure the safety of nuclear reactors:
"EMP tests conducted on actual equipment show that modeling can be wrong by orders of magnitude. Suggest actual physical testing. USAF nuclear command and control facilities and missile silos are often underground and even covered by tens of feet of concrete and metal rebar. This does not negate the need for EMP hardening. Such facilities are hardened to careful military specifications."
The EMP Commission Chairman's Report recommends that "the President direct the Nuclear Regulatory Commission to launch a crash program to harden the active nuclear power reactors and all spent fuel storage facilities against nuclear EMP attack. Even if the reactors and storage facilities survive an initial EMP attack, they currently are not able to restart generating power if there is no electric power available on its grid, and they typically only have enough emergency power to cool reactors and spent fuel facilities for several days, after which they would 'go Fukushima' spreading radioactivity over adjacent areas."
Moreover: "The NRC has regulatory power to compel the nuclear power industry to incorporate nuclear reactor design features to make nuclear power safe…failure to…mandate protection from EMP…[risks] the safety of…people living in the vicinity of these reactors."
For the U.S. electric power infrastructure, widespread failure of control electronics for generation, transmission, and distribution systems could cause long-term power outages. Overall, much work remains to be done to test and protect U.S. critical electrical infrastructure systems.
The White House should heed the U.S. Air Force Electromagnetic Defense Task Force:
"EDTF…recommends that the Congressional EMP Commission Reports, supported by real-world data, be used by government and industry as the most accurate assessment of the high-altitude EMP threat. EDTF recommends that the Congressional EMP Commission's recommendations be implemented."
Dr. Peter Vincent Pry is executive director of the Task Force on National and Homeland Security. He served on the Congressional EMP Commission as chief of staff, the Congressional Strategic Posture Commission, the House Armed Services Committee, and the CIA. He is author of "Blackout Wars." For more of his reports, Go Here Now.
Dr. William R. Graham served as Chairman of the Congressional EMP Commission, President Reagan's Science Advisor, ran NASA, and on the defense science team that discovered the EMP phenomenon and developed protective measures.
Ambassador R. James Woolsey was Director of Central Intelligence.
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Mass transport is an interesting course on the observations and conclusions of the mass transport on Earth mostly based on data obtained from the GRACE mission. This course will learn you about the models behind the results and will let you think on the drawbacks and conclusions you can draw from the obtained results. Accuracy of the results is also an important topic. At the end of the course there are a few guest lectures on various applications of the GRACE mission.
This course has 5 assignments which will build up to a relatively big model in the last assignment. You will need this model for the paper you will write in the end of the course. Except for this paper and the assignments, the total grade is also based on a presentation at the end of the course. There is NO exam for this course.


The latest Mines and Minerals Division news.
The Ontario Geological Survey's Resident Geologist Program is pleased to provide Report of Activities 2016 for electronic distribution.
Report of Activities presents program and mineral sector highlights that occurred throughout the year. This year's compilation, Report of Activities 2016, is available as 6 Open File Reports (OFR), organized by Regional Resident Geologist areas. These reports can be downloaded by clicking on the links provided below. If you wish to purchase hard-copy versions of the Report of Activities 2016, please contact the Publication Sales office.
The following publications are being released on April 4, 2017, at 10:00 a.m. Eastern Time, or 9:00 a.m. Central Time, unless otherwise indicated. Our next scheduled publications release is April 18, 2017. To automatically receive the Publications Release Notice by email, subscribe to the distribution list by contacting Publication Sales.
The Standing Committee on Justice Policy has completed its review of the proposed Aggregate Resources and Mining Modernization Act, 2016 (Bill 39). Presentations on Schedule 2 of Bill 39, which deals with introduction of online mining claim registration and implementation of a new electronic Mining Lands Administration System (MLAS), took place on March 2nd.
The Mining Act Modernization Phase 3 team will be at the 2017 annual convention of the Prospectors and Developers Association of Canada (PDAC) to provide a number of venues and opportunities for mineral development clients to learn more about Schedule 2 of the proposed Aggregate Resources and Mining Modernization Act (Bill 39).