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As mentioned prior to, car insurance policy is necessary by state law. This works as an gain for drivers, as it guards them in the event of an car accident. A lot of providers exist that market automobile insurance. By using the guidance from this post, you can select the correct automobile insurance policy for yourself.


The website aims to provide parents, prospective parents and all interested parties with information about our school. We trust you will find the information both informative and interesting.
The school, originally known as Dromore Public Elementary School, was built in 1938 to replace the First Dromore Presbyterian School, Church of Ireland School and the Unitarian School, known as Hunters School.
In Dromore Central we aim to maximise the potential of every child. This is achieved through a broad and balanced curriculum, an extensive range of extra curricular activities and a strong pastoral dimension which values every child within our school.
As you browse our website we trust you will see evidence of these aspects of school life.


text:
Lawyers for Civil Rights Boston sues Trump administration over memorandum excluding undocumented immigrants from 2020 census
Published: Jul. 28, 2020, 11:20 a.m.
An envelope contains a 2020 census letter mailed to a U.S. resident in Detroit, Michigan. (Paul Sancya/AP)
Jackson Cote | jcote@masslive.com
A Boston activist group joined the ranks of several organizations this week in suing the Trump administration over a memorandum the president issued earlier this month excluding undocumented immigrants from being counted in the 2020 census.
Lawyers for Civil Rights Boston, a nonprofit group that provides legal aid across Massachusetts, filed the federal lawsuit late Monday in the U.S. District Court for the District of Massachusetts, arguing that Republican President Donald Trump's memorandum is a violation of longstanding constitutional law.
The 52-page suit was submitted on behalf of the Brazilian Worker Center, the Chelsea Collaborative, Centro Presente and Haitian-Americans United, four immigrants' rights groups that give "much-needed community services to undocumented people and their families," according to LCR Boston.
"Undocumented immigrants are now and have always been persons as a matter of fact, law and basic human decency. Nevertheless, the Trump administration has continued to weaponize the census," the organization said in a statement.
Three lawsuits have already been filed against the White House. The first was launched in the U.S. District court for the District of Columbia. Filed by multiple organizations, the suit was spearheaded by the government watchdog group Common Cause.
The state of New York - with the backing of more than a dozen other cities and states, including Massachusetts - also sued the president over his memorandum.
Another suit has been filed by the American Civil Liberties Union and the New York Civil Liberties Union on behalf of multiple immigrants' rights groups.
Each suit argued Trump's memorandum is unprecedented, unconstitutional and violates the rights of those residing in the country.
The president's July 21 memorandum, which Lawyers for Civil Rights also called racist, announced that people who do not have lawful immigration status under the Immigration and Nationality Act will not be included in the apportionment base in this year's census.
The national census, conducted by the U.S. Department of Commerce every 10 years, counts every person living in the country in order to allocate federal funds to communities and redraw both state and national legislative districts.
"The population count [is] used to determine the number of representatives allocated to each state," LCR Boston said in its statement. "That number is also used to determine the allocation of approximately $1.5 trillion to the states in federal funding for over 100 census-linked programs, supporting everything from low-income energy assistance and Medicaid to highway planning and construction and crime victim assistance."
In its suit, the advocacy organization argued the president's memorandum is "an act of breathtaking unconstitutionality" that seeks to undo more than 200 years of legal precedent in declaring that undocumented immigrants are not persons as defined by law.
Since the United States census was established in 1790, LCR Boston noted, it has always included U.S. citizens and non-citizens alike, regardless of immigration status, in the decennial population counts.
In additions to claims about the memo's unconstitutionality, LCR Boston accused the president of instilling fear in immigrant communities with his order, threatening to discourage households from completing their censuses and being motivated by a racially discriminatory scheme to reduce political representation for communities of color and increase the overrepresentation of white voters.
Several activists and politicians in Massachusetts have already blasted the White House memo. Among them was Massachusetts Secretary of State William, who called the president's memorandum "an almost unprecedented effort to politicize the Census."
The order, LCR Boston added, also violates the fourth sentence of Article I, Section 2 of the United States Constitution, which makes clear that congressional representatives are to be apportioned among the states according to their respective numbers, "counting the whole number of persons in each State."
"The July 21 memorandum is patently illegal. The fourth sentence of the Constitution makes clear that the decennial census is intended to count and include all persons, not just all citizens," said Lauren Sampson, a staff Attorney at Lawyers for Civil Rights. "We call upon the federal court to act immediately to enjoin the memorandum and prevent any compliance thereto by this administration."
Read Lawyers for Civil Rights Boston's lawsuit against the Trump administration
'Everyone deserves to be counted': Massachusetts advocates push back against president's memo excluding undocumented immigrants from census count
2020 Census Team to answer questions at Springfield City Hall, libraries and food distribution sites
Households who haven't completed their census online should expect a reminder in the next week
Lawyers for Civil Rights Boston's Twitter account was temporarily suspended after group supported Black Lives Matte

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


We've got the perfect gift for that Golf Nut on your list. Packed with the essentials any golfer would need, who wouldn't go nuts for this gift! You can even capture the moment your golfer gets his gift with a handsome Golf Themed Picture Frame (Ball & Shoes Design, 4x6 Photo) that comes included the basket.


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Provides an extra physical barrier against strong hydraulic pressure.
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See the technical data sheet / order now!


FEATURE – While Cedar Breaks National Monument may sport magnificent views of spires and hoodoos ranging in color from white to red and reminiscent of Bryce Canyon, education was actually one of the main reasons for the park's establishment, and it is still central to its mission today.
The park, which sits above 10,000 feet approximately 20 miles east of Cedar City, is the crown jewel of the Markagunt Plateau. In archaic days, it was the domain of early people down to the Paiutes, who migrated to and from the plateau with the weather. Settlers – sheepherders, dairymen and ranchers – discovered it in 1868, describing it as "a paradise on the mountain," according to one early scout.
That paradise eventually became part of the climax of the National Park Service's early rivalry with the Forest Service.
In a 1987 article in the Utah State Historical Quarterly entitled "The Cedar Breaks Proposal," former UNLV history professor Hal Rothman reported that the Forest Service felt slighted because it believed too much of its land was being transferred to National Park Service jurisdiction and that if it kept happening it would threaten the Forest Service's very existence.
Cedar Breaks was on the radar of Stephen Mather, the park service's first director, since the early 1920s, Rothman wrote. Mather hoped to add it to the agency's Southern Utah portfolio as part of loop tours through the other parks in the area. However, Mather's successor, Horace Albright, vociferously campaigned for its designation as a national park, initially planning to add it as a segregated section of Zion or Bryce Canyon national parks.
If it would have been up to a group of Salt Lake City businessmen, Cedar Breaks and Bryce Canyon would have been part of a large, contiguous Zion National Park, said Dale Topham, a history instructor at Brookhaven College in Texas who is writing a followup article to Rothman's for the Summer 2017 issue of UHQ.
At first, Albright met strong resistance from the Forest Service, local ranching interests, then Utah Sen. William King (Utah's other senator at the time, Reed Smoot, supported it) and even a few within his own agency, but he would not give up.
To get the monument approved, Albright relented on its size, only choosing the area having the most scenic merit. After receiving a proposal from the Forest Service's Chief Forester, Robert Stuart, to keep it under that agency's auspices and offer the same type of services the park service provided, including education, Albright saw his opening, Rothman reported.
If the Cedar Breaks area is most valuable to the public because of timber or grazing resources, administration would naturally come under the Forest Service. However, this area is scenic rather than industrially useful . . . and the public (should be) afforded a unified educational service such as the Park Service is equipped to supply.
Early tourists felt the same way.
In the 1920s, the Utah Parks Company, a subsidiary of the Union Pacific that led national park tours and administered prime lodging in Zion, Bryce Canyon and the Grand Canyon's North Rim, started leading tours that included the three parks. Cedar Breaks was included on some of those tours.
Visitors noticed that the experience was different at Cedar Breaks because it was under Forest Service jurisdiction at the time. They came expecting the same educational experience they'd received at the other parks but didn't get it.
"The National Park Service was set up to provide education, the Forest Service was not," said Josh LaMore, an intern at Cedar Breaks who has done extensive research on the monument's history.
The park service's ability to provide education became the avenue Albright needed to establish the monument. Rothman reports that even Stuart himself could not refute Albright's argument and agreed to transfer the monument, which paved the way for the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration to designate it a national monument on Aug. 22, 1933.
A ceremony commemorating the monument's creation took place on July 4, 1934, and was the first time Civilian Conservation Corps enrollees made an appearance in the monument. CCC boys directed traffic, assisted drivers with stalled cars and served a barbecue dinner at the event, LaMore said.
The CCC had a lasting impact on Cedar Breaks. The corps was responsible for building the visitor center as well as the caretaker's cabin in 1937. The visitor center, built in the rustic style popular at the time and designed to blend into the park environment, is one of the few CCC-built visitor centers still in use today within the National Park Service system, LaMore said.
The story of lodging in the monument is both interesting and sometimes contentious.
From 1921 to approximately 1926, a building affectionately known as Minnie's Mansion, located on what is now the monument's north end and built by one of Brian Head's original homesteading families, the Adamses, played host to many dairy and sheepherding families as a place to eat, lodge and even dance the night away. It also became a popular place to go for the Fourth of July, LaMore said – a tradition that the town of Brian Head has kept going to this day. Sadly, the season was too short to turn a profit and its heyday was short-lived. Today, small pieces of its foundation and shards of its window glass are all that remain.
In 1924, the Utah Parks Company built the Cedar Breaks Lodge to accommodate tourists enjoying its Grand Circle national park bus tours. Designed by renowned architect Gilbert Stanley Underwood, it was the smallest of the four lodges the UPC constructed.
The UPC tour buses stopped at Cedar Breaks for dinner before returning to Cedar City's train depot.
The 1920s was the heyday of the Utah Parks Company. As passenger service on the railroads declined, more tourists arrived via private automobile, slowly signaling the death knell of the subsidiary, which held on until the late 1960s in Cedar Breaks. Forced to complete costly improvements on Cedar Breaks Lodge to renew its concessionaire contract in 1968, the UPC discontinued service in Cedar Breaks but TWA Recreational Services took over its operations in the other three parks.
UPC donated the Lodge to the park service in 1971.
"They handed it all over and said, 'Good luck,'" LaMore said.
The building and its outlying cabins were offered to various institutions "as a National Outdoor Environmental Study Area," LaMore wrote in an article prepared for the park service about the lodge's demise. All of the organizations declined and the buildings were put up for auction in 1972. Only three bidders showed up for the auction and the winning bidder ended up paying $1 each for the cabins, which were hauled out intact on flatbed trailers. However, none of the bidders bid on the lodge. Some suggest that no one wanted the lodge because of the expensive upgrades for which the park service was asking, Lamore said, and that led to the building's dismantling and removal.
Many locals were not happy about the lodge's demise, LaMore said, but there was a silver lining.
In more recent history, attempts have been made to fulfill Albright's original vision for Cedar Breaks – make it a national park. The proposals have garnered a lot of local support, but have never gotten over the hump. One proposal included expanding the park to take in Ashdown Gorge Wilderness Area and Flanigan Arch, Ken Watson, Cedar Breaks chief of interpretation, said.
Even to this day, the thought to elevate the monument's status has not died. There is talk of trying it again, Watson said, but nothing has materialized.
The Zion National Park Forever Project, a recently reorganized nonprofit partner of Zion National Park and Cedar Breaks and Pipe Spring national monuments, will be a boon to Cedar Breaks, Watson said. One hundred percent of entrance fees stay within the monument, but they're not enough to truly make the park great and that's where the Forever Project comes in.
"It's going to prop up those extra things," Watson said of the nonprofit's funding, which will help bolster outreach programs and other worthy causes at the park.
Current funding priorities the Zion Forever Project is working on for Cedar Breaks are for preserving Southern Utah's dark skies, establishing a citizen science monitoring program, preparing a design and site plan for an education center, curating an oral history project and establishing a Cedar Breaks-to-Brian Head trail network. The park itself boasts four trails, ranging from the easy, short, paved Campground and Sunset trails to the Spectra Point/Ramparts Overlook Trail that traverses the rim with more elevation gain.
Cedar Breaks National Monument can be reached by either of state Routes 143 or 148 from several directions. Get directions here and see map below.
July and August in Cedar Breaks offer many event opportunities as well, including the Chasing Light Plein Air Art Festival and Wildflower Festival. See links for details.
Just like days of yore, Cedar Breaks offers its modern-day visitors a plethora of educational opportunities: Summer and winter star parties; wintertime guided snowshoe excursions. Many of these events are seeing full attendance.
Proud of its designation as an International Dark Sky Park, Cedar Breaks has ramped up its astronomy programs, established eight years ago.
"We want to make astronomy accessible," Watson said.
The weekly summer star parties provide visitors a chance to learn about the importance of dark night skies, go on a constellation tour and view celestial bodies such as the moon, star clusters, nebulae and other galaxies through telescopes.
A fall astronomy festival will be held Sept. 23-24. Winter star parties are held outside of Brian Head Resort's Navajo Lodge, 329 South Highway 143, Brian Head.
In addition to its remarkable scenery and a spate of summer activities, because of its high altitude Cedar Breaks offers a welcome respite from the summer heat permeating the Southern Utah regions below.
Cedar Breaks National Monument | Telephone 435-586-9451 ext. 4420 | Location: GPS coordinates of visitor center parking lot: 37.612127, -112.837309 | Access via either of state Routes 143 or 148. See map attached. | Cedar Breaks Get directions webpage.
National Park Service Plan Your Visit webpage.
Fees: Entrance fee is $6 for those 16 and older, children 15 and under are free; Cedar Breaks annual pass is $25 | Information on other park pass options, fee free days, waivers and classes of people exempt from fees is outlined on the Cedar Breaks fees webpage.
Thank you for another excellent and informative article, Reuben. My wife & I attended the Star Party this past Sat. night. Breathtaking scenery and top notch presentations. It doesn't get much better!
Great article Mr. Wadsworth. Cedar Breaks is a terrific national monument. I wouldn't support advancing it to a national park. I think it is too limited for that designation. But it is a hidden gem. I also support expanding to to incorporate Ashdown Gorge and the Flanigan.


text:
9/10/15 Sheriff Larry Smith Announces Re-election Bid by Andrew D. Brosig
Smith Announcement
Andrew D. Brosig/Tyler Morning Telegraph
Smith County Sheriff Larry Smith, left, receives a standing ovation Thursday, Sept. 10, 2015, after announcing his intent to seek re-election in the main courtroom at the Smith County Courthouse in Tyler. Andrew D. Brosig/Tyler Morning Telegraph
Sheriff Larry Smith speaks to a crowd of friends and supporters on Thursday, Sept. 10, 2015, during a press conference in the main courtroom at the Smith County Courthouse in Tyler. Smith formally announced his intent to see re-election to the office of sheriff for Smith County in the upcoming November election. Andrew D. Brosig/Tyler Morning Telegraph
Sheriff Larry Smith waves to a friend in the crowd before a press conference Thursday, Sept. 10, 2015, in the main courtroom at the Smith County Courthouse in Tyler. Smith announced his intent to seek re-election to the office of sheriff in the November election. Andrew D. Brosig/Tyler Morning Telegraph


text:
package scala

package collection
package immutable

import HashMap.{ HashTrieMap, HashMapCollision1, HashMap1 }
import HashSet.{HashSet1, HashSetCollision1, HashTrieSet}
import collection.Iterator
import scala.collection.mutable.ArrayBuffer

import scala.annotation.unchecked.{uncheckedVariance => uV}
import scala.annotation.tailrec

/** Abandons any pretense of type safety for speed.  You can't say I
 *  didn't try: see r23934.
 */
private[collection] abstract class TrieIterator[+T](elems: Array[Iterable[T]]) extends collection.Iterator[T] {
  outer =>

  private[immutable] def getElem(x: AnyRef): T

  def initDepth                                     = 0
  def initArrayStack: Array[Array[Iterable[T @uV]]] = new Array[Array[Iterable[T]]](6)
  def initPosStack                                  = new Array[Int](6)
  def initArrayD: Array[Iterable[T @uV]]            = elems
  def initPosD                                      = 0
  def initSubIter: Iterator[T]                      = null // to traverse collision nodes

  private[this] var depth                                     = initDepth
  private[this] var arrayStack: Array[Array[Iterable[T @uV]]] = initArrayStack
  private[this] var posStack                                  = initPosStack
  private[this] var arrayD: Array[Iterable[T @uV]]            = initArrayD
  private[this] var posD                                      = initPosD
  private[this] var subIter                                   = initSubIter

  private[this] def getElems(x: Iterable[T]): Array[Iterable[T]] = (x match {
    case x: HashTrieMap[_, _] => x.elems
    case x: HashTrieSet[_]    => x.elems
  }).asInstanceOf[Array[Iterable[T]]]

  private[this] def collisionToArray(x: Iterable[T]): Array[Iterable[T]] = (x match {
    case x: HashMapCollision1[_, _] => x.kvs.map((x: (Any, Any)) => HashMap(x)).toArray
    case x: HashSetCollision1[_]    => x.ks.map(x => HashSet(x)).toArray
  }).asInstanceOf[Array[Iterable[T]]]

  private[this] type SplitIterators = ((Iterator[T], Int), Iterator[T])

  private def isTrie(x: AnyRef) = x match {
    case _: HashTrieMap[_,_] | _: HashTrieSet[_] => true
    case _                                       => false
  }
  private def isContainer(x: AnyRef) = x match {
    case _: HashMap1[_, _] | _: HashSet1[_] => true
    case _                                  => false
  }

  final class DupIterator(xs: Array[Iterable[T]] @uV) extends TrieIterator[T](xs) {
    override def initDepth                                     = outer.depth
    override def initArrayStack: Array[Array[Iterable[T @uV]]] = outer.arrayStack
    override def initPosStack                                  = outer.posStack
    override def initArrayD: Array[Iterable[T @uV]]            = outer.arrayD
    override def initPosD                                      = outer.posD
    override def initSubIter                                   = outer.subIter

    final override def getElem(x: AnyRef): T = outer.getElem(x)
  }

  def dupIterator: TrieIterator[T] = new DupIterator(elems)

  private[this] def newIterator(xs: Array[Iterable[T]]) = new TrieIterator(xs) {
    final override def getElem(x: AnyRef): T = outer.getElem(x)
  }

  private[this] def iteratorWithSize(arr: Array[Iterable[T]]): (Iterator[T], Int) =
    (newIterator(arr), ((arr.map(_.size): Array[Int]): scala.collection.IterableOps[Int, scala.collection.Iterable, _]).sum)

  private[this] def arrayToIterators(arr: Array[Iterable[T]]): SplitIterators = {
    val (fst, snd) = arr.splitAt(arr.length / 2)

    (iteratorWithSize(snd), newIterator(fst))
  }
  private[this] def splitArray(ad: Array[Iterable[T]]): SplitIterators =
    if (ad.length > 1) arrayToIterators(ad)
    else ad(0) match {
      case _: HashMapCollision1[_, _] | _: HashSetCollision1[_] =>
        arrayToIterators(collisionToArray(ad(0)))
      case _ =>
        splitArray(getElems(ad(0)))
    }

  def hasNext = (subIter ne null) || depth >= 0
  @throws[NoSuchElementException]
  def next(): T = {
    if (subIter ne null) {
      val el = subIter.next()
      if (!subIter.hasNext)
        subIter = null
      el
    } else
      next0(arrayD, posD)
  }

  @tailrec private[this] def next0(elems: Array[Iterable[T]], i: Int): T = {
    if (i == elems.length-1) { // reached end of level, pop stack
      depth -= 1
      if (depth >= 0) {
        arrayD = arrayStack(depth)
        posD = posStack(depth)
        arrayStack(depth) = null
      } else {
        arrayD = null
        posD = 0
      }
    } else
      posD += 1

    val m = elems(i)

    // Note: this block is over twice as fast written this way as it is
    // as a pattern match.  Haven't started looking into why that is, but
    // it's pretty sad the pattern matcher is that much slower.
    if (isContainer(m))
      getElem(m) // push current pos onto stack and descend
    else if (isTrie(m)) {
      if (depth >= 0) {
        arrayStack(depth) = arrayD
        posStack(depth) = posD
      }
      depth += 1
      arrayD = getElems(m)
      posD = 0
      next0(getElems(m), 0)
    }
    else {
      subIter = m.iterator()
      next()
    }
    // The much slower version:
    //
    // m match {
    //   case _: HashMap1[_, _] | _: HashSet1[_] =>
    //     getElem(m) // push current pos onto stack and descend
    //   case _: HashTrieMap[_,_] | _: HashTrieSet[_] =>
    //     if (depth >= 0) {
    //       arrayStack(depth) = arrayD
    //       posStack(depth) = posD
    //     }
    //     depth += 1
    //     arrayD = getElems(m)
    //     posD = 0
    //     next0(getElems(m), 0)
    //   case _ =>
    //     subIter = m.iterator
    //     next
    // }
  }

  // assumption: contains 2 or more elements
  // splits this iterator into 2 iterators
  // returns the 1st iterator, its number of elements, and the second iterator
  def split: SplitIterators = {
    // 0) simple case: no elements have been iterated - simply divide arrayD
    if (arrayD != null && depth == 0 && posD == 0)
      return splitArray(arrayD)

    // otherwise, some elements have been iterated over
    // 1) collision case: if we have a subIter, we return subIter and elements after it
    if (subIter ne null) {
      val buff = ArrayBuffer.empty.++=(subIter)
      subIter = null
      ((buff.iterator(), buff.length), this)
    }
    else {
      // otherwise find the topmost array stack element
      if (depth > 0) {
        // 2) topmost comes before (is not) arrayD
        //    steal a portion of top to create a new iterator
        if (posStack(0) == arrayStack(0).length - 1) {
          // 2a) only a single entry left on top
          // this means we have to modify this iterator - pop topmost
          val snd = Array[Iterable[T]](arrayStack(0).last)
          val szsnd = snd(0).size
          // modify this - pop
          depth -= 1
          1 until arrayStack.length foreach (i => arrayStack(i - 1) = arrayStack(i))
          arrayStack(arrayStack.length - 1) = Array[Iterable[T]](null)
          posStack = posStack.tail ++ Array[Int](0)
          // we know that `this` is not empty, since it had something on the arrayStack and arrayStack elements are always non-empty
          ((newIterator(snd), szsnd), this)
        } else {
          // 2b) more than a single entry left on top
          val (fst, snd) = arrayStack(0).splitAt(arrayStack(0).length - (arrayStack(0).length - posStack(0) + 1) / 2)
          arrayStack(0) = fst
          (iteratorWithSize(snd), this)
        }
      } else {
        // 3) no topmost element (arrayD is at the top)
        //    steal a portion of it and update this iterator
        if (posD == arrayD.length - 1) {
          // 3a) positioned at the last element of arrayD
          val m = arrayD(posD)
          arrayToIterators(
            if (isTrie(m)) getElems(m)
            else collisionToArray(m)
          )
        }
        else {
          // 3b) arrayD has more free elements
          val (fst, snd) = arrayD.splitAt(arrayD.length - (arrayD.length - posD + 1) / 2)
          arrayD = fst
          (iteratorWithSize(snd), this)
        }
      }
    }
  }
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Welcome to the 90th week of sharing your tutorials & tips! I'm busy making a few of the yummy recipes that were linked up last week. If you missed the round-up, be sure to check out the 17 Christmas recipes.
I'm looking forward to seeing what you have been up to this week. Please remember that if you'd like to link up, be sure to read the rules before linking.
Thanks so much for hosting this week and for the wonderful inspiration you share all year! Happy Baking!
Thanks for the party and thanks for the tips you gave the other day on talking with your kids. I had a very brief discussion with my daughter about safety, security, and helpers.
Hello sweet Beth! Thank you so much for hosting this party! Thank you so much for writing about how to talk your children about the events of Friday. I shared it on my personal facebook wall and 3 of my friends shared it as well. Such a sad, sad day.
Thanks for hosting! Hope you and your family have a wonderful holiday!
Thanks so much for the party Beth! Wishing you and your family a wonderful holiday season. Merry Christmas!
Thanks for hosting Beth! Those treats look amazing!


text:
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Helms, shown here in 1996, was Pinochet's main defender in the US Congress.
In this newly declassified intelligence report, the State Department informed President Reagan that Chilean soldiers killed Rodrigo Rojas, and that Helms had picked up a copy of a video used by the regime to smear Rojas and Carmen Quintana.
Veronica De Negri: "Jesse Helms, instead of showing some kind of humanity, he attacked us and said the kids were terrorists."
In the summer of 1986, two residents of Washington, D.C., visited Chile, a country wracked by protests against the military dictatorship of Gen. Augusto Pinochet.
One of the visitors, U.S. Senator Jesse Helms of North Carolina, chatted amicably with Pinochet and returned to tell the American people that it was a "myth that human rights is a major problem in Chile."
The other, Rodrigo Rojas, a 19-year-old Chilean exile who had been living in the United States, died at the hand of Pinochet's security forces after they beat him senseless and set him on fire.
The incident received international publicity, and the case of Los Quemados--"The Burned Ones"--became a grisly milestone in the history of Chile's struggle against dictatorship. It also proved to be one of the most controversial chapters in Helms' foreign policy career--a chapter that has been reopened following the declassification of government documents that reveal just how far the senator went in backing the Pinochet regime.
"I am not pro-Pinochet or anti-Pinochet," Helms said at the time. But, as he had done since Pinochet seized power in 1973, the Republican senator rose to the defense of the dictator. Ignoring eyewitness accounts that Chilean soldiers had committed the attack on Rojas, Helms vilified the teenager and Carmen Quintana--an 18-year-old Chilean who narrowly survived the same burning--as "communist terrorists." He pushed Pinochet's cover story that the victims had immolated themselves.
International efforts to hold Pinochet accountable for his crimes have turned the spotlight on those who bolstered the general's repressive rule. In 1998, after Pinochet was indicted by a Spanish judge for torture and assassination and placed under house arrest during a visit to London, President Clinton ordered government agencies to release all files on human rights abuses in Chile. The administration made thousands of secret documents public in a series of releases, the latest of which was in November 2000.
A review of documents released by the Central Intelligence Agency, the White House, and the departments of State and Defense reveals the lengths to which Helms went to support the dictator at a time when Pinochet was being condemned internationally. The records show that even as the Reagan administration pressed Pinochet for a thorough investigation of the burning attack, Helms red-baited and blamed the victims, told the State Department to "drop the sanctimonious attitude," and upbraided the U.S. ambassador to Chile for attending Rojas' funeral.
Aides to Helms did not return phone calls seeking comment about his relationship with Pinochet.
The release of official documents comes at a time when Helms is considering another senate run (see "Saving the republic," p. 20), and foreign policy analysts say he is trying to soften his image as an uncompromising maverick. He has scaled back his criticisms of the United Nations and recently staged a well-publicized visit to Mexico--a country he had previously slammed as a den of drug corruption.
Thad Beyle, a professor of political science at UNC-Chapel Hill, says Helms is adapting his image to the post-Cold War times. "Back in the mid-1980s you had the Russian bear and now you don't have that anymore," Beyle says. "Now [Helms] has got this strategy which makes him look more amenable in a safer world--a world where he can speak more kindly."
But the Chile documents offer a grim reminder of the hard-line history behind Helms' kindler, gentler image. They show there was a time when the senator was more than willing to support an authoritarian regime, despite clear evidence of human rights abuses that had led other Republican leaders to distance themselves from it.
Long before the burnings, Helms had established himself as one of Pinochet's chief advocates in the United States. Helms became a senator in 1973, the same year Pinochet led a military coup against President Salvador Allende. A Socialist who had been democratically elected in 1970, Allende had been targeted by a massive CIA destabilization campaign.
Sharing a sense of mission marked by anticommunist zeal, Helms and Pinochet established close ties over the years, sending emissaries to each other and twice meeting personally. Helms stood by the general throughout Pinochet's 16 years as head of state and afterwards as the Chilean declared himself "Senator for Life." In doing so, Helms flexed all of his foreign policy muscle, devoting the full resources of his so-called "shadow state department," an international network of right-wing military and political contacts maintained by Helms' office staff and aides on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
Helms' support of Pinochet was not an isolated case. The senator had long stressed that Latin America was a key Cold War battleground, and throughout the 1970s and '80s he forged alliances with several of the most repressive military regimes in the hemisphere, praising their staunch anti-communism. But Helms took special measures to bolster Pinochet, amplifying his support when the dictator was under fire from critics at home and in Washington.
After the military junta overthrew Allende, Helms called the coup "a revolution for freedom," and submitted to the Congressional Record a lengthy defense of the regime by a right-wing Chilean politician who claimed, "today in Chile, human rights are being respected."
Meanwhile, Pinochet's security forces were waging a dirty war against former Allende government officials and leftist leaders. The most vicious repression occurred in the weeks directly following the coup; among those tortured and killed were two American citizens, Frank Terrugi and Charles Horman, subject of the Hollywood film, Missing. Chilean government commissions later reported that the regime killed or "disappeared" 3,197 people.
Thousands more were arbitrarily detained, tortured and forced into exile.
In January 1976, after the junta had weathered 27 months of negative international publicity about its abuses, Helms argued that Chile was a friend to the United States and deserved Washington's support. Sounding some of his favorite political themes, Helms said that Chile under Pinochet, had "rescued itself from the moral and economic bankruptcy of Marxism," and now was "trying to restore its deep Christian traditions, and rebuild its priorities in favor of the cultivation of the home and the family and spiritual values."
Helms reached out with more than rhetoric. In July 1976, he made his first foray to Chile, a three-day visit sponsored by the Institute for American Relations, a nonprofit organization created by Helms aides to advance the senator's foreign policy agenda. The first U.S. senator to visit Chile in 12 years, Helms was received by top officials, including two members of the ruling junta. He met first with Gen. Gustavo Leigh, the air force commander who had ordered the bombing of the presidential palace during the coup. Helms topped off the trip with a closed-door meeting with Pinochet.
During his visit, Helms told the press that "the enemies of Chile exaggerate" about human rights abuses under Pinochet, a theme he would return to repeatedly in the future. "The criticisms of Chile, made by the foreign press and also by the press in my country, are malicious and do not correspond to reality," Helms said.
Back in Washington, Helms shared his positive impressions of Pinochet and urged U.S. officials to recognize Chile as a valuable ally in the fight against international communism. But just two months later, Helms' campaign to bolster Pinochet's image was jeopardized by an unprecedented act of terrorism on the streets of Washington, D.C.
On Sept. 21, 1976, agents of Chile's intelligence service used a remote-control car bomb to assassinate Orlando Letelier, a former cabinet official in the Allende government and a high-profile opponent of the regime. Letelier's American assistant, Ronni Moffitt, was also killed in the blast, and her husband, Michael Moffitt, was seriously injured. Their car had been traveling up Embassy Row when the bomb ignited, sending the chilling message that assassins could strike in the heart of the nation's capital.
As several members of Congress accused the Chilean government of complicity, Helms vehemently objected. "The men I met in Santiago were basically decent and humane, and I would find it hard to believe that they would sanction anything of the sort," he told his Senate colleagues. "I found them to be men of impressive ability, motivated by high religious and philosophical principles and concern for their people." Helms suggested a "far more plausible" hypothesis for the bombing: that Letelier was a victim of left-wing assassins intent on making him a "symbolic martyr."
Federal investigators discovered otherwise: that the team sent to kill Letelier was working on orders from the Pinochet government. In 1980, four members of the assassination squad--who were agents of Chile's intelligence service, DINA--were convicted in a U.S. court, and Washington began to press for the extradition of top-ranking DINA officials. Even then, Helms tried to shield Pinochet from the fallout, sponsoring a failed amendment to lift Washington's ban on military aid to Chile.
Newly released documents shed light on Helms' role in the aftermath of another of the Pinochet regime's atrocities--one that is less well-known in the United States.
In July 1986, Helms returned to Chile on a trip sponsored by that country's National Agriculture Society. The senator had hoped to focus on the economy, and on Pinochet's plans to return power to a civilian government. Instead, he found the dictator mired in controversy over an attack by soldiers on two teenagers.
Helms' visit came at a time when Pinochet's public image was at an all-time low. A week earlier, a broad-based coalition of Chilean opposition groups staged a national strike against the regime. Marches and rallies took place throughout Santiago, the capital. In poor neighborhoods, which had recently been subjected to army sweeps and mass arrests, people built barricades of burning tires and debris--a defensive measure that became a common fixture in mid-1980s Santiago.
The regime reacted violently. During the upheaval, eight people were killed and 600 arrested. In a top secret intelligence summary for President Reagan, the CIA described the crackdown: "Although the government did not overreact by closing down the center of Santiago, as it did twice recently, the security forces' heavy-handed methods in slum and middle-class districts, along with press censorship and other forms of harassment, demonstrate that Pinochet is determined to crush all protests."
Some of the "heavy-handed" action was meted out against two teenagers, one of whom had spent the previous 10 years in the United States. Rodrigo Rojas, 19, whose mother had been tortured at length in Chilean prisons, had left the country in 1975. But he never felt completely at home in Washington, D.C., where his family had permanent resident status, and he yearned to return to Chile. Most of all, he wanted to pursue his passion--photographing protest movements. When he stepped off a bus in Santiago in May 1986, surrounded by broiling unrest against the Pinochet regime, he seemed to be in the right place at the right time.
Among Rojas's new friends was Carmen Gloria Quintana, 18, a University of Santiago student active in pro-democracy protests and community organizing in the slums. Around 7:30 on the morning of July 2, 1986, Rojas and Quintana met up with several young people on their way to build a barricade and stage a rally in a shantytown called Nogales. An army patrol of about 25 soldiers swooped in before they got there. Several young people got away, but Rojas and Quintana were apprehended.
Members of the army squad, dressed in fatigues and wearing black face paint, beat the pair with rifle butts until they were immobile. At one point, a soldier pulled Quintana's pants down and sodomized her with a rifle barrel. The soldiers then doused Rojas and Quintana in a flammable liquid, probably gasoline, stepped back and tossed a Molotov cocktail to set them afire.
Jorge Sanhuesa, a factory worker who witnessed the attack and later fled Chile after he was kidnapped and threatened with death if he testified, remembered: "The young people both tried to put out the fire on them but the girl was hit in the mouth with a gun by one of the soldiers, and the boy on the back of the head until he lost consciousness. After a while, the soldiers wrapped up the bodies in blankets and threw them on the back of the truck like parcels."
The soldiers drove Rojas and Quintana to the outskirts of Santiago and dumped them in a ditch. Miraculously, they were still alive, though both had numerous broken bones and severe burns on more than 60 percent of their bodies. They staggered to a street and eventually flagged down help.
In the hospital, the two clung to life, while rumors about their case began to trickle out to the Chilean media and the U.S. Embassy. Meanwhile, the Chilean government announced it would appoint a judge to investigate, and the army issued a statement denying any involvement in the incident.
Four days later, Rojas died of his injuries. In his final hours, he couldn't speak because of a tube in his throat. But by nodding and shaking his head, Rojas confirmed the story of how soliders had beaten, burned and abandoned himself and his friend. Quintana survived, and was taken to a Canadian burn unit to begin her recovery. Later, she returned to Chile where she now works as a psychologist.
Although the regime had promised to investigate, Pinochet signaled right away that the soldiers would not be held accountable. On July 11, he suggested that Rojas had injured himself with an incendiary device. And the authorities soon floated the allegation that Quintana had tried to kick a Molotov cocktail at the soldiers, accidentally torching herself.
Neither the U.S. Embassy in Santiago nor the Reagan administration was persuaded. A State Department official said "this was the first time anyone has suggested [Rojas] set himself afire." An intelligence report sent to President Reagan on July 14 and declassified last year said that "eyewitness reports of Chilean army involvement in the fatal attack on U.S. resident Rodrigo Rojas in Chile so far are holding up under closer scrutiny," and that "an investigation by the Chilean intelligence services has fingered army personnel as clearly involved."
Rojas was laid to rest in a Santiago cemetery on July 9, but his funeral was interrupted by the same turmoil that had taken his life. About 5,000 Chileans gathered to mourn at a ceremony before the burial, along with international journalists and diplomats. U.S. Ambassador Harry Barnes attended, according to a statement by the embassy, "out of humanitarian concern for the victims of this crime and their families."
During the ceremony, riot police unleashed tear gas and water cannons on the crowd, and, in a final indignity, commandeered the hearse carrying Rojas' body. Ambassador Barnes and the other diplomats were among those who were gassed. The next day, the regime labeled the funeral a subversive rally, and in a rare slap at the United States, pro-government newspapers criticized Barnes for attending, suggesting that his presence had helped spark a riot.
As the regime dug in for a protracted defense in the Rojas case, Pinochet's man in Washington arrived to help out. The day of the disrupted funeral, Helms and three of his aides flew to Chile for a four-day visit. On July 11--the day Pinochet pinned the blame for the burnings on Rojas--Helms and Pinochet met for two hours.
Helms' Foreign Relations Committee staff referred questions about the trip to Deborah DeMoss-Fonseca, who was then the senator's Latin America specialist. In a telephone interview from her home in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, she says she can't remember if Pinochet discussed the burnings with Helms, but she can recall who was to blame.
"As I recall, there was pretty good evidence at the time that [Rojas] was playing with a Molotov cocktail that went off," she says. "There was certainly enough suspicion that he was involved in things he should not have been."
When told that newly declassified papers indicate that top Chilean and U.S. officials knew that the army was involved in the burnings, DeMoss-Fonseca says, "If I read that stuff now I would be extraordinarily surprised. I mean I wouldn't say that it's untrue, I would just say that we certainly had no indication of that at the time." Although she insists Helms was intent on getting to the bottom of the case, "there was no good intelligence," DeMoss-Fonseca says, "certainly not at that time, that these [attacks] were army perpetrated."
In fact there was such intelligence, as the new files prove, but Helms and his assistants may have sidestepped it. DeMoss-Fonseca says that Helms' staff rarely attended classified intelligence briefings for fear of being accused of leaking secrets. When she got her first security clearance, she says, Helms urged her to steer clear of such briefings, "because then you won't be able to talk about things you know already." Besides, she says, "We had our own sources that were very good."
The key source, it appears, was Pinochet, whose line on the Rojas case Helms accepted and dispensed. The senator sharply criticized the U.S. media's coverage of events in Chile--echoing his earlier complaints that the regime was getting a bum rap from biased journalists.
In comments to the Chilean press, Helms went on the offensive, accusing Ambassador Barnes of "planting the American flag in the midst of a communist activity" by attending the Rojas funeral. "If President Reagan were here," Helms said, "I believe he would send this ambassador home." State Department officials backed up Barnes, and a White House spokesman said that the ambassador "continues to have the president's full confidence."
Newly declassified files show that, having failed to shake the Reagan administration's support for Barnes, Helms then took his complaints straight to the ambassador. In a detailed memorandum of the July 12 meeting, Barnes described a contentious discussion.
Regarding the Rojas case, Helms told Barnes, "You have screwed it up--you and the people in Washington." By way of particulars, Barnes said, Helms "complained about my presence at the Rojas funeral and the State Department and the White House press statements which pressed the government of Chile to carry out an investigation when the government was already doing so." The State Department spokesman, Helms said, "should have limited himself to praising the government of Chile for initiating an investigation."
Helms also pushed Pinochet's version of events, insisting that "the nature of the burns seemed to indicate that the young man had been carrying something that exploded rather than been set afire," according to Barnes. The ambassador replied that while he was familiar with that explanation, a doctor who had examined Rojas had found it unlikely.
Helms then charged that "the boy's mother was a communist" and that Quintana was "a member of a communist group"--charges Quintana's father had denied, the ambassador pointed out. Helms replied that such a denial "was only to be expected" and mentioned that he had a videotape showing Quintana "in actions of a terrorist nature."
Helms would cite that video often during the coming weeks, while he waged an aggressive media campaign aimed at shifting blame for the burning incident to Rojas and Quintana. "I've got a videotape given to me by a television station--not the government of Chile--which shows what's going on down there in terms of trying to maintain law and order with the throwing of Molotov cocktails and so forth," he told U.S. journalists.
In fact, the video--grainy surveillance images of a woman passing bottles to a line of students--was prepared by Chile's intelligence service. Friends and family of the victims had pointed out that the woman on the tape had shorter hair and was not as tall as Quintana, yet Helms continued to show the tape to any reporters willing to watch it.
In some cases, the tactic paid off. On Aug. 31, 1986, The Charlotte Observer published an article titled, "Helms Says Tape Shows Dead Man's Communist Ties," that described the video as authentic footage of Quintana.
The previous month, Helms had taken his case to the nation on ABC's This Week with David Brinkley. Duke University Professor Ariel Dorfman, recently returned from Chile, appeared on the July 20 show before Helms. Dorfman listed a stream of inconsistent statements that the Pinochet regime made in attempting to blame the victims for the burnings.
"There are just so many lies piled on top of another that I think at times the lies are more vicious than the violence," said Dorfman, whom weeks later, Helms would call "one of the prime disinformation agents of the radical Chilean Left."
When Helms came on the show, he asserted that "I am not pro-Pinochet or anti-Pinochet," but that "the communist minority is the one that's creating the violence down there." Helms warned that "the surest way to pitch that country back into communism is for us to be too heavy-handed. There's a war on down there, between communism and anticommunism, and the sooner we understand that, the better off we are going to be."
In addition to his public statements, Helms continued to privately needle U.S. foreign policy officials about the case of Los Quemados. On July 14, 1986, the senator called Assistant Secretary of State Elliott Abrams to lobby for positive gestures toward Pinochet. Abrams' memo of the conversation, which is among documents recently made public, recorded an icy exchange: "Senator Helms called to say that he had heard I was making remarks critical of him to the press. I responded that that was true and I did not see how he could defend attacking U.S. policy and the U.S. ambassador while he was in a foreign country."
"The ambassador had no business going to a funeral of someone who was not an American and whose mother is very anti-American," Helms said. The senator then recommended that Abrams make a fence-mending visit to Pinochet and further suggested that the State Department drop the "sanctimonious attitude" and "invite President Pinochet up here to see President Reagan."
The ghosts of the Cold War are coming back to haunt Pinochet and possibly Helms. Pinochet escaped the bid to extradite him to Spain but last December, a Chilean judge charged the former dictator with overseeing the murder of 77 civilians in the first weeks after the coup. In March, Chilean judges shielded him from the homicide charges, but he could be charged with covering up human rights abuses. Pinochet is under house arrest, awaiting trial.
Meanwhile, Helms is trying to craft a new foreign-policy image as he contemplates another senate campaign, and as the power of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee he chairs continues to wane. His recent Mexico trip allowed Helms to appear vigorous and statesmanlike, as well as forgiving of a country he'd long characterized as corrupt.
It's not clear what effect Helms' alliance with Pinochet will have on his foreign policy makeover or his chances for re-election. Recent press reports on Helms' possible senate run have noted that in 1984, when Democratic Gov. Jim Hunt launched an unsuccessful challenge to Helms for the U.S. Senate, he linked the senator to right-wing death squads in El Salvador. But even graphic political ads showing dead bodies didn't stop Helms from winning re-election.
For Veronica De Negri, Rojas' mother, once-secret papers about the burnings offer more than an inside look at Helms' foreign policy maneuvers. They elicit memories of a brutal crime whose perpetrators and defenders have never been held fully accountable.
In the hallway of De Negri's Washington, D.C. apartment, more than 20 photographs, paintings and posters of her son form a homemade memorial. There is the pencil sketch of Rodrigo's earnest young face; a self-portrait he photographed in a mirror shortly before his death; and a stark painting of his burning--only in this rendition, he is left unscathed by the flames.
De Negri, who was tortured by Pinochet's security forces during the eight months she spent in Chilean prisons, was working as a social services counselor for the town of Rockville, Md., when Rodrigo was killed. She still remembers the war of words that Helms unleashed against her son.
"Jesse Helms, instead of showing some kind of humanity, he attacked us and said that the kids were terrorists," De Negri says.
Helms also attacked De Negri. A month after the burnings, the senator said in a speech that "while we can all sympathize with a mother's grief," he'd learned that De Negri was once "a militant member of the Communist Party of Chile, skilled in psychological warfare"--a charge she denied, but could not ignore.
"When Rodrigo was killed, I was not able to mourn, to grieve--not because I didn't want to, but because I had to keep fighting, fighting the lies," De Negri says. "Pinochet denied that the army was involved in the crime and Jesse Helms was supporting that, even after there was so much evidence they couldn't deny it."


text:
NEWS NOT FOUND WITH IRISH TIMES PRESSTITUTES
LINK TO NEWS
YOU WON'T FIND WITH IRISH TIMES PRESTITUTES
"There is Difficulty Lower Down Whereby Sometimes Unauthorised Items Appear"
national | history and heritage | feature Monday April 19, 2004 01:08 by Captain White
"The correspondence is being destroyed"
Irish Times Chief Executive asks British Government for help in stamping out "unauthorised" material appearing in the paper. "Secret and personal" letter from the British Ambassador details contacts and refers to then Irish Times Editor Douglas Gageby, a Protestant like Major McDowell, as a "renegade white nigger".
Strange things have a habit of appearing on the IMC Ireland newswire late in the evenings and are a sometimes meagre reward for weary unpaid hacks trawling through the daily deletions. This one exceptionally is a stone-cold classic and the image copy of the letter a downright exclusive as far as we can tell. Let us know if somebody else got there first. We now hand you over to 'Captain White'.
For Captain White's full commentary on the letter, a full size cut out and keep version of the letter and a fistful of interesting and provocative letters to the Irish Times Editor on surrounding issues which have remained unpublished just hit the 'feature continues' link below
Update: Jack Lane Slams Irish Times
Update 2: Revealed: Jack Lane's 10 Jan 2003 letter to Geraldine Kennedy
The attached PDF document is a copy of a letter from A.G. Gilchrist, British Ambassador, Dublin, to a Mr W.K.K. White, Western European Department, Foreign & Commonwealth Office, London, dated 2 October 1969. It is marked "secret & personal".
The letter relates to contacts between the British Ambassador and the proprietor of the Irish Times, Major Thomas B McDowell, in which the latter is seeking stronger guidance from the British government on how to control news on Britain's actions and role in the North of Ireland.
The then Editor of the Irish Times, Douglas Gageby, "Protestant, Belfast born", is referred to as "an excellent man but on northern questions a renegade or white nigger".
McDowell is unhappy that "authorised" pro-British material is "left out" and that "unauthorised" material is appearing in the Irish Times.
The Major asks for direct guidance from No 10 Downing Street for "himself and one or two of this friends on the Board".
Major McDowell, served as chief executive of The Irish Times between 1962 and 1997. He retired as chairman of the Irish Times Trust in December 2001, when he was awarded the title of President for Life of the Irish Times Group.
It is surprising that no one demanded that the Major relinquish his title when this letter was released (probably inadvertently) with British state papers. Instead a discreet veil of silence was drawn over the affair in D'Olier Street, where the renegade Protestant white niggers have been gradually replaced by a gaggle of Roman Catholic uncle toms. Needless to say, when the details came out, the morose major was forced to deny its contents. He claimed rather feebly to be building contacts between the Irish and British governments.
However, during the 1970s the Irish Times was brought into line, especially after Gageby's first retirement in 1974. Though Gageby was brought back in 1977, after the indifferent editorship of Fergus Pyle, a 'Kulturkampf' had been engineered by Conor Cruise O'Brien during the 1973-1977 labour Fine Gael Coalition. It set the political 'culture' of the Times and of the times along a path of general compliance with a British agenda.
The Anglo-Irish Majors and Captains had had their day and the British relied subsequently on the native parochialism and conservatism of the 26 County RC bourgeoisie to dampen down anti-British feeling. New money merged with old, as the new fat cats on the block set about preserving 26 County society from adequately confronting the instability of the sectarian Six County state. The media (especially the Section 31 censorship ridden RTE) ignored the Birmingham Six and the Maguire Family throughout the 1970s and Irish government representatives in the US mobilised against those campaigning for innocent Irish people in British jails.
The period that started with the framing of Captain James Kelly of the Irish Army by the Irish state, and that saw official government and Garda indifference (or worse!) to British complicity in the 1974 Dublin Monaghan bombings, was defined by the Garda heavy Gang beating and subsequent railroading of the IRSP Three (Nicky Kelly, Brian McNally and Osgur Breatnach) for a mail train robbery, of which they were clearly innocent.
In other words, the kak-handed methods of the Major and his MI5 friends were rendered historically redundant. The major and his editorial board team have meanwhile gutted the journalistic belly of the paper. Long-serving journalists have been let go and coverage of the North has been down graded. Long-winded pro-British and pro-war jingoism provided by Kevin Myers is the order of the day.
As if in apology for ousting their betters the pigs that now occupy the parlour have been snorting their derision at the efforts that went into putting them there in the first place: the fighting for and winning of the independence of their country (or the substantial part of it they now do so well in). Myers writes lyrically of the mass slaughter that sent millions to their deaths in the First World War in an imperialist adventure and derides as a criminal conspiracy the relatively tiny amount of violence that secured for this part of Ireland independence from the British Empire. Any lie that has the faint possibility of undermining the basis of the War of Independence is pounced upon with glee and published with the authority of Ireland's "newspaper of record".
It was Connolly who said "Ruling by fooling is a great British art, with great Irish fools to practice on"? Kevin Myers and the Irish Times, please take a bow.
In response to a recent advertising downturn, cost cutting measures have been applied to the journalists, while the upper tiers of management awarded themselves hefty monetary rewards. This has not gone down well on the newsroom floor.
The new editor, Geraldine Kennedy, has pursued the conservative Dublin Four agenda and has been found wanting in printing inaccurate information on the North time and again, mostly at the expense of republicans. She states: "Above all else, we commit ourselves to accuracy. If we fail the test of accuracy, we are failing the most essential test of our profession. We recognise, of course, that journalism in a daily newspaper operates in a deadline-driven environment in which mistakes can, and will, happen. When we get it wrong, we say so."
Twice in one week an editorial writer (the 'voice' of the Irish Times) rushed to blame republicans for either something that unionists paramilitaries had done (nailing a Roman Catholic to a wooden fence) or that was the product of a sectarian papist-hunt (the PSNI arrest of a Roman Catholic civil servant in the offices of David Trimble and Mark Durkan for "spying"). In the case of the former a half-hearted and miserable correction was inserted, but the latter inaccuracy was left untroubled by the miniscule corrections that the Times inserts to draw as little attention as possible to errors, large and small.
The Major can rest assured; he has succeeded in his efforts to get the Irish Times to publish the "authorised" version of events.
Ironically, the British Ambassador's letter ends "The correspondence is being destroyed". This part of it is here provided for the edification of the masses.
Labels:irishblog Irish Times, news, presstitutes
G8 SUMMIT BRITISH OCCUPIED IRELAND ORANGE ORDERED SCUM STATE
Fascist Orange militias are used by the British government in British Occupied Ireland to do their dirty work.
According to Chris Ford :
"The first movement of 20th century fascism emerged in 1910 to enforce the unity of the United Kingdom...
"Sir Edward Carson, raised the 80,000 strong UVF (Ulster Volunteer Force) in defence of empire and against unpatriotic socialists and papist nationalists...
"Field Marshall Wilson set up the Specials, a force of 48,000 drawn from the old UVF and Cromwell Clubs.
"Lloyd George described them as analogous to the fascisti in Italy.
"In the years 1920 to 1922 these British fascists forced 23,000 people from their homes and killed 400 in a campaign of ethnic cleansing."
If you think of the Orange Order, you might think of Ulster, the Kincora Boys Home, Clockwork Orange and MI5.
Labels:irishblog British Occupied Ireland, Fascist, G8, G8 SUMMIT, Ireland, Orange order, Scum State
G8 SUMMIT BRITISH OCCUPIED IRELAND ORANGE ORDERED ...


John Drummond qualified as a member of the Royal College of Surgeons of England (MRCS) in 1856, and as a licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh (LRCPE) in 1859. He was licenced to practice at the Cape of Good Hope in September 1882. He may have practiced in Grahamstown at some time, but by 1884 had moved to Port Elizabeth, where he remained to at least 1893. In 1884 he contributed an article to the first issue of the South African Medical Journal (Series 1). Two years later he published a review, "On spontaneous generation", in the Grahamstown Journal (19 October 1886). It dealt with experiments during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries relating to the supposed spontanous generation of life, leading to the research and conclusions of Louis Pasteur.
General directory and guide-book to the Cape of Good Hope and its dependencies, 1886, pp. 170-178: List of medical practitioners.
Grahamtown Journal, 2 February 1884, p. 3: "South African Medical Journal"; 19 October 1886, p. 3: "On spontaneous generation".
List of licensed medical practitioners in the Cape Colony... The Cape of Good Hope Government Gazette, 9 January 1885, p. 41-45.


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'Say Yes to the Dress' Exclusive Clip: Watch Randy Fenoli Surprise a Deserving New York Bride
TOPICS:exclusiveKleinfeldSay Yes to the DressTLCtvwedding dresswedding dress designers
Randy Fenoli with LoAles Cruz in New York. (Credit: TLC)
Say Yes to the Dress: America has found its perfect New York state representative in LoAles Cruz. Cruz, who hails from the Bronx, is an immigrant who went through the foster care system at an early age until she eventually went to live with her grandmother. After putting in years of hard work, paying her own way through nursing school, she is now a nurse at a hospital right around the corner from where she was raised.
In an exclusive sneak peek clip of an upcoming episode of Say Yes to the Dress: America, Cruz's fiancé, Jordan Mercado, joins host Randy Fenoli to surprise Cruz with the exciting news just outside her work at the hospital. Mercado anxiously texts Cruz, ostensibly so the two of them can grab a quick lunch together, but when Cruz bounds down the steps to meet him, she instead comes face to face with Fenoli and freaks out.
"Oh my god!" she exclaims, instantly tearing up at the sight of the familiar face. The pair embrace, and then Cruz hugs Mercado, before she can even find the right words to express her emotions.
"Do you need anything? Should I call a paramedic?" Fenoli jokes as Cruz finally takes a seat on the stone steps to catch her breath. The ecstatic bride-to-be just shakes her head and smiles.
"I had no clue!" she later tells cameras. "I just thought [Mercado] was, like, really hungry or something." Mercado jokes, "Even with the 5,000 texts I gave you this morning?"
LoAles Cruz and fiancé are hugging. (Credit: TLC)
Once Cruz finally collects herself, Fenoli excitedly tells her, "You've been selected to represent the state of New York for Say Yes to the Dress: America—this means we're bringing you to Kleinfeld to pick the dress of your dreams from a special curated selection of wedding gowns."
Cruz's response? More squeals.
Later in the episode, Fenoli sweetly refers to Cruz as not just the representative for New York state, but "the bride to represent America."
Randy, LoAles Cruz, and fiancé in New York. (Credit: TLC)
"She describes herself as a flower that has grown up through the gray cracks of the sidewalks of New York and has blossomed," Fenoli told Parade magazine earlier this year. "It's such a beautiful story. You realize that she's the perfect person to represent New York. Every state I went to, they just had such state pride and it was just amazing."
"Everybody's just so different and unique," he added. "When you get to see their real lives, it's so much more informative and personal than just them coming in and talking about [their lives]. I've bonded so closely with these brides that we still keep in touch and we're still on a group chat together."
Other states that Fenoli has been to recently include Kansas, Utah, North Dakota, Nevada, and Indiana, among others.
In total, the show will tap 52 brides (one from every state, including Washington, D.C., and Puerto Rico) to take part in a mass wedding ceremony held in Central Park in New York City. Each bride is gifted a wedding gown and an exclusive shopping experience at Kleinfeld Bridal.


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Whole Foods Market plans new store in Detroit
Upscale natural retailer Whole Foods Market announces plans to open a new store in Detroit, a city infamous for high crime and urban decay. Why is the retailer taking the gamble?
Kelsey Blackwell | Apr 18, 2012
Detroit, a city infamous for high crime rates, unemployment and a shrinking population, may seem an unlikely spot for a new Whole Foods Market. But the retail chain has set its sights on the Motor City, and retail analysts say the move makes sense.
The Austin, Texas-based natural products chain will break ground on a 20,000-square-foot supermarket in Detroit's Midtown district in May. Whole Foods Co-CEO Walter Robb promised Detroit dwellers that the store will represent the best of the chain.
The decision to open a store in a depressed area signifies the store's commitment to making healthy, natural and organic food accessible across the country, said Bill Crawford director of retail programs at New Hope Natural Media.
"If natural products stores are truly about bringing health to their communities, they can't only stay in areas that are affluent," he said. "They have to go to where people are needing food and needing nutrition. Moving to an area like this is a logical part of that mission."
The Midtown district where the store will be located is considered a neighborhood in transition. The area north of downtown still has many vacant buildings but is anchored by Wayne State University, the Detroit Medical Center, the Detroit Institute of Arts and Orchestra Hall.
How is Detroit responding to the news?
Already, Whole Foods decision to move to the area is having a positive impact, said Olga Stella, vice president of business development for the Detroit Economic Growth Corporation. "We've long been known as a city that doesn't have a single grocery chain," she said. "When you snag a national chain like Whole Foods, that really begins to change people's perspectives about the quality of life in Detroit."
Since the announcement, Stella has received several calls from business and real estate developers interested in taking a look at business prospects near the proposed location of the store.
Jim Hertel, managing partner of Chicago-based retail consulting firm Willard Bishop said given the proposed location of the store, it's likely to attract shoppers with an adventurous spirit and desire to be involved in social issues. "These are exactly the type of shoppers that Whole Foods seeks," he said.
The store is also likely to appeal to those looking for locally made goods and produce. Stella highlighted Whole Foods' commitment to supporting entrepreneurs at the community level and said the store has already highlighted its efforts to build relationships with Michigan farmers.
The Midtown store will also give local vendors, who may have struggled to get products placed in larger mass stores, an opportunity to reach a larger audience.
Rather than focusing on the gourmet, high-end foods that differentiate Whole Foods in many other retail markets, Crawford suspects Whole Foods will primarily stock healthy staples to mirror the needs of the surrounding community.
"Whole Foods has made a very strong push on the focus of local—local food, local outreach, local community, local involvement," he said. "In an area like this, which is the store's first distressed urban area, it works well that they give each store enough autonomy to make decisions about product selection. The store can make decisions to connect with the needs of its shoppers."
Whole Foods expansion plans on track
It's no secret that Whole Foods is aggressively working to expand its retail reach. The chain opened six new retail stores between October and January last year including five in the U.S. and one in Scotland. This year, the retailer is on track to open between 24 to 27 stores. As many as 32 new locations are slated for 2013.
"We may not get to [the company's goal of] 1,000 stores within this decade," John Mackey, chairman and co-chief executive officer told Supermarket News, "but it's possible it will happen before I hang them up."
The retailer is also experimenting with alternative store formats and announced plans to open a "pop up" location in the Hamptons this year. The seasonal store will operate during the summer months and offer organic and local produce and specialty items, Michael Sinatra, a spokesman for the chain told the East Hampton Star.
Crawford likened Whole Foods expansion plans to Procter and Gamble's recent acquisition of Brattleboro, Vt.-based New Chapter Inc., a leading supplement brand within the natural retail channel.
"New Chapter had a mission and an imperative to take healthy products to a broader audience," he said. "The additional capital from P&G would give them an opportunity to sell what they had to a bigger group of people. Fortunately Whole Foods doesn't need the additional capital, but has the same motivation. It's about brining healthy, high-quality products to the biggest audience possible."
TAGS: Retailer and Distributor Archive News
Gisele Fetterman on moving a food desert from blue ketchup to kale
Whole Foods Market's Walter Robb: Organic is a lifestyle choice
Is Whole Foods Market's 'Whole Paycheck' image really dead?
How natural products retailers can compete with Whole Foods Market


The red tone of chocolate cherry is enhanced by varied metallic sheens.
From cool chrome to warm brass, a range of bright, metallic hardware glows when surrounded by the rich darkness of chocolate cherry cabinetry. Depending on surrounding decor, chocolate cherry's red undertone harmonizes with darker hardware, such as bronze knobs and pulls. Alternatively, hardware with contrasting undertones, such as the slight greenish cast in brushed nickel, softly offsets chocolate cherry. Final selection depends on the overall tone of the room, wall color and the finish on faucets and light fixtures.
Complementary hardware contrasts with the cabinetry, while hardware in the same hue family blends with cabinets. Since the light finish of brushed nickel has a green cast, knobs and handles in brushed nickel stand out against chocolate cherry cabinets, and a matching light fixture coordinates, as do walls in sage. Like polished nickel, chrome hardware has a cooler tone. The reflective surfaces of plain, long, angular handles in chrome or polished nickel add a streamlined look to a contemporary kitchen with chocolate cherry cabinetry.
Green gold hardware has a complementary effect, projecting from chocolate cherry cabinets due to contrasting undertones, which fall on opposite sides of the color wheel, whereas hardware in orange gold blends with the cabinetry's orange-red undertone. Walls in mustard or yellow ochre call for brass hardware; the bright tones showcase the dark cabinets. Hardware in antique gold gleams against chocolate cherry cabinetry, melding with its orange-red undertone while echoing the orange tone of walls in buff or tan.
Pulling from the red undertone of chocolate cherry, knobs in rose gold merge with the cabinetry's underlying hue, and the hardware's light sheen sparkles against the dark wood. A faucet and light fixture in rose gold link with the hardware's red tones, as do walls in taupe, adobe or alabaster, which share a common red cast. In brushed or polished finishes, hardware in rose gold retains its red luster, so hardware in rose gold harmonizes with chocolate cherry cabinetry, whether you prefer a soft or glossy sheen.
Bronze hardware is dark, like the cabinetry, but the orange-red glow of bronze creates a unified look, especially for distressed cabinetry in lighter shades of chocolate cherry. Distressed cabinetry has a timeworn look, and light walls in tan stucco offset the dark tone of cabinetry and hardware, adding to the interplay of textured surfaces. A bronze chandelier adds to the chocolatey tones while making a visual connection with the mottled luster of knobs and pulls in oil-rubbed bronze.
interiordezine.com: Color Theory -- What Is It?
, Anya. "Hardware That Goes With Chocolate Cherry Cabinets." Home Guides | SF Gate, http://homeguides.sfgate.com/hardware-goes-chocolate-cherry-cabinets-105528.html. 25 April 2015.


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On March 29, 2019 Singapore based Death Metallers OSHIEGO will release their fourth full length "The Book Of Wonders" via Horror Pain Gore Death Productions. The album features the debut of American drummer Jared Moran. The full tracklist reads like this: 'Nomad', The Book Of Wonders', 'Incubus', 'He Of The Two Horns', 'Seven Kings', 'He Who Incites Evil', 'The Fifth Voyage', 'The Fever' and 'Hag Of The Night'. The track 'Seven Kings' is already available for streaming at this location. More band info at www.facebook.com/oshiego
The vinyl edition of MORBID MESSIAH's "Demoniac Paroxysm" album is now available via Unholy Prophecies. It is limited to 500 copies (350 black and 150 white). The white version will also include an A3 sized poster. The "Demoniac Paroxysm" cover artwork was created by Mark Riddick. All further MORBID MESSIAH information you will find at www.facebook.com/morbidmessiahofficial


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The Fifth Horseman is Fear
DVD review by Marty Mapes
In a tenement in Prague during the war, there are few Jews left. Only Dr. Braun remains, and he's not allowed to practice medicine anymore. Instead, he works at a giant warehouse, cataloging the property confiscated from Jews. The nightmare images that haunt him are not a weapons or the dead, but moving vans. They are everywhere on the streets of Prague, and they all end up at his warehouse.
Upstairs, Downstairs
Residents from across the social spectrum share the tenement's central spiral staircase
Zbynek Brynych
Miroslav Machácek
On-camera essay by Andrew Horton on the Czech New Wave
DVD scorecard
Picture: ***1/2
Sound: **1/2
Extras: **1/2
Overall: ***
Czech, Mate
The Good Soldier Schweik and Beg To Report, Sir
Lemonade Joe
Residents from across the social spectrum share the tenement's central spiral staircase. Dr. Braun lives near the top, near the one wealthy family in the building. The man of that house may one day be called a collaborator, but for now, he's simply doing his best to get along. His wife takes the scarcity of war personally and blames her husband for not getting them even more than they already have. Their 10-year-old son, ignored by his parents, takes in the rules of society at war by silently watching the drama in the building and on the street.
Lower down is a bureaucrat, a little rat of a man, so used to following rules that he can't understand anyone disobeying even the cruel Nazi edicts. An old woman gives piano lessons, and on the ground floor, a "cat lady" (she raises rabbits, actually) abhors the Nazi occupiers.
There is also a selfish young lower-class couple just starting a family. They bring a wounded friend to Dr. Braun and beg him to remove the bullet. Dr. Braun protests that he's not allowed to practice his profession anymore, but the young couple convince him to try, by saying that the same is true for the shot friend.
Braun is able to remove the bullet, but when the friend wakes up, he will be screaming in pain, which will undoubtedly draw the attention of the authorities who undoubtedly shot him. The central conflict of the film may be Braun's trip through occupied Prague, after curfew, looking for morphine for his patient so that he doesn't draw the attention of the Nazis.
The setting, characters, and story are so fascinating that it's hard to imagine any movie made from them turning out badly. Still, a worse movie could have been made, because everything seems to come together in The Fifth Horseman is Fear.
The first, most noticeable quality is in the production itself. The Fifth Horseman is Fear is released by Facets. Though their catalog is impressively deep, not every title has aged well. But The Fifth Horseman is Fear is beautifully shot in something like cinemascope (the disc doesn't say for sure what the format is, but the aspect ratio is probably 2.35:1), and the picture quality is very good. The DVD does say that the disc is "newly mastered from a restored print from the National Archives."
The movie as a whole is very good, too. Its uniquely Czech take on fascism and repression makes it a timeless cautionary tale. The acting is very good, especially from Miroslav Machacek as Dr. Braun, but all the actors help bring their diverse characters to life. It's not that the individual performances are good, rather, it's that the ensemble is good. You really get the sense that circumstance has forced these disparate people to live in the same building.
The film's pacing is excellent, too. The movie opens on a montage of street scenes, followed by a painfully long take (under the credits) of Dr. Braun tuning one of the dozens of pianos that have come under his control. The contrast between the montage and the long take declares that the editor is firmly in charge and that you can trust him with the telling of the story (and indeed, it's true).
(Lest you think mere contrast constitutes "good editing" I'll add that the street scenes not only establish the setting, but when they are repeated later, the repetition gives the film structure and rhythm. And the long take seems mostly justified by the titles, it also sets up a certain ceaseless, slow, relentless tension as Braun tunes the piano, one half-step up the octave at a time.)
Of course, none of the above would count as much if the movie itself didn't tell an interesting, tense, and satisfying story. Audiences with limited attention spans may be dissatisfied that the movie doesn't have a more straightforward story arc, but the dense atmosphere and rich characters more than make up for a hook or a twist.
DVD Extras
As with most Facets releases, the DVD is fairly bare-bones, but it does include one extra feature. It's a dry essay on the Czech new wave, written and read by Andrew Horton "of Kinoeye." I wish the DVD explained what Kinoeye is, and what it says about Horton that he is affiliated with it. His monologue/reading is shot on a camcorder in a nondescript corner of an apartment. If the production quality weren't so distractingly cheap, or if Horton had been speaking more and reading less, it might have been more interesting. Nevertheless, he seems to know his stuff, and those truly interested in the Czech New Wave will be able to follow along (and get some further recommendations if you like The Fifth Horseman is Fear.)
How to Use This DVD
There is a four-page essay in the DVD booklet that's worth reading (or skimming) before you watch the movie, just to get a little background and context for what is about to illuminate your TV. If (and only if) you liked the movie and want to know more about the Czech New Wave, watch the interview with Horton. Have a pencil and paper ready (or your Movie Habit Rent List) so you can write down the other titles he recommends.
Patrick: BTW Kinoeye is an online film journal...quarterly....Andrew Horton is a screenwriter and had written a dozen or more books on film... September 20, 2006 reply
EwzQSViMtWRZlTc: SMYozqfBwiLEIh December 4, 2020 reply
Bill in Florida: Excellent movie !!!
Is there any website that announces
when and where this movie will be shown on one of the TV Cable channels ? avalonrock@aol.com
Thanks. August 1, 2008 reply
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LEUCIPPE: the Facets version is missing a crucial scene, which was censored by the Czech authorities at the time. But TCM showed a complete version on June 30 2008. So look for it. It's a shame if they don't redo the DVD August 6, 2008 reply
Marty Mapes: An authority on Czech cinema from Facets tells me:
"we researched this to no end. There never WAS a brothel scene there... "
Said authority is sure this won't satisfy those who insist that there is a missing scene, but it'll have to satisfy me for now. April 15, 2009 reply
Bill in Florida: Vartious people
have reported this movie being cut oon avalable DVD
Go to www.imdb.com and type in name of movie -- scroll down to see
several messages on Message Board. Be sure and click the "more" button to see all of the messages. May 4, 2009 reply
Bill: Hi Glenn, I was browsing through your index looking up some Czech films, and I read with interest your review of The Fifth Horseman Is Fear. I had been overjoyed after watching the pan-and-scan version on TCM a few months ago to find it was out on DVD from Facets in scope ratio, but was then dismayed when I read several reviews on Amazon that claimed the print used for the DVD cut out almost the entire brothel scene (which involves extensive nudity). This is an exceptionally nightmarish sequence lasting at least 6 or 7 minutes with the doctor searching for the morphine, coming upon the gils' shower room where many are constantly showering since they have to constantly service eager SS troops who hang out carousing on the first floor and in various rooms. He then makes the rounds of the rooms, running into strange couples, looking for his contact (who I believe is his sister, if I remember correctly!). This scene was unexpurgated on TCM. Anyway, you made no mention of this in your DVD review, that there was missing footage, something which you may not of known if it was the only version you've seen.
Was hoping against hope that maybe those reviewers were wrong, and this scene was included on the DVD after all. Can you let me know? I'd still like to get the DVD to see it in scope, but do not want to shell out the money if its not the complete version.
If this footage is missing on the DVD, you may also want to amend your review. Many thanks, Glenn. Hope you're good.
-- Chris D.'s note is correct; I did not know the footage was missing from the film! -- Glenn
Greg in North Carolina: The confusion about the brothel scene is clarified by the following article, which documents how the scene was filmed in Rome 3 years later in order to secure international distribution, in accordance with arthouse tastes, particularly in the US. It was not part of the original directorial vision. When this film gets a Blu-ray release, let's hope both versions are on it.
https://www.filmovyprehled.cz/en/revue/detail/fear-and-attraction-selling-zbynek-brynychs-the-fifth-horseman-is-fear-in-the-usa November 29, 2020 reply


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