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AWA Diversity Gap Campaign
The Diversity Gap in 2020: Leadership Pipelines at Five Canadian Universities
U15 Leadership Remains Largely White and Male Despite 33 Years of Equity Initiatives
Towards Closing the Diversity Gap in Research Chairs
Equity at Canadian Universities: National, Disaggregated and Intersectional Data
The Diversity Gap in University Leadership 2017
The Diversity Gap in Recognition and Awards
AWA Woman of the Year
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Home » AWA Diversity Gap Campaign » U15 Leadership Remains Largely White and Male Despite 33 Years of Equity Initiatives
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Mapping the Leaky Leadership Diversity Pipelines at Five Canadian Universities
An examination of the U15 institutions' leadership diversity finds their most senior leadership, and the academic leadership pipeline, remain overwhelming white and largely male. This is one of the major conclusions of the 2019 Leadership Diversity Gap study recently completed by Dr. Malinda S. Smith, a professor of political science, a 2018 P.E. Trudeau Fellow, and the chair of the research committee of the Academic Women's Association-University of Alberta. The study examined over 383 individuals serving in roles from deans (n=209), provosts and vice-presidents (academics), vice-presidents (research), presidents, Chancellors and Board Chairs, as well as individuals serving on what is variously called presidents' leadership teams or cabinets (n=114).
The study also examined disciplinary and professional diversity. It found that individuals in some of the most senior academic leadership positions – presidents, provosts and vice-presidents (academic) and vice-presidents (research) – are overwhelming drawn from science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) disciplines. The third major finding is that senior leaders at the level of Chair of Governing Boards/Councils and Chancellors are drawn largely from a few professional fields, primarily the corporate sector, particularly banking and finance, and corporate law. Thus, despite over three decades of equity policies to advance diversities of peoples and perspectives, and reflect the diversity of student populations and the broader Canadian society, this social diversity is not represented in senior leadership positions at U15 institutions. The representational diversity results of the study are conveyed in four accompanying Diversity Gap 2019 infographics on the U15 leadership diversity.
For over three decades, Canadian universities have developed employment equity initiatives with the aim of transforming conditions of inequality in the workplace. Longstanding efforts to address inequality is sometimes referred to as the justice position or "doing the right thing". There is also ample research that diverse teams are a value proposition because they are more high-performing and, in businesses for example, they produce more customers, revenues, and profits. But this "business case" for diversity does not always mesh well with public universities. Beyond compliance, valuing diversity is a public good for universities in democratic societies. Often overlooked is the transformative value of diversity for learners and leaders alike. There is an extensive body of research both on what diversity is, how to do diversity, and on what diversity does. The research on identity diversity shows that, in contrast to homogeneous teams, diverse teams (with respect to race, gender, culture, and nationality) engage in better deliberation processes, make better decisions, produce better outcomes and are more innovative. Despite this research, there is a significant leadership diversity gap in U15 institutions.
U15 Leadership Diversity: Compositional or Social Diversity
In the foundational final report of the Royal Commission on Equality in Employment (1984), Justice Rosalie Silberman Abella noted, "Equality in employment will happen unless we make it happen."
Does the leadership diversity at U15 institutions reflect their expressed commitment to make happen equity, diversity, and inclusion for women, Indigenous peoples, visible minorities, and persons with disabilities? Put differently, do such universities model leadership diversity? The question is not reducible to the growing trend among the U15 to designate an EDI lead. For example, a number of these universities have appointed or are in the process of hiring an associate vice-provost equity (e.g. Dalhousie, McMaster, Queen's, University of British Columbia and Waterloo). Rather, the question is about the depth of commitment and efforts to transform inequality and systemic inequities across and within organizational hierarches. In 2019 how equitable, diverse and inclusive are U15 decision-making tables?
This study finds that the U15 leaders, from deans to presidents and Board Chairs, remain predominately white and male, with scant representation of either visible minorities or Indigenous peoples. These findings are illustrated in the four accompanying infographics. Graph 1, Graph 2 and Graph 3 illustrate the representational diversity of the U15 leadership pipeline, the U15 Presidents' Leadership Teams and Cabinets, and the U15 Deans:
U15 Board Chairs are 85.7% white, and 57% male. Only 7.1% are visible minority female, and none are Indigenous.
U15 Chancellors are 100% white, and 26.7% are female.
U15 Presidents are 80% white, and 86.7% male.
U15 Provosts and VPs (Academic) are 100% white, and 66.7% male.
U15 VPs (Research) nears gender parity with 46.7% female, 20% visible minorities (male and female combined).
U15 Deans of faculties and schools: 92.2% are white, 32% are female, and a mere 7.7% are a visible minority or Indigenous person (male and female combined).
The second infographic (Graph 2 below), the Presidents' Leadership Teams or Cabinets, illustrates the leadership diversity among people at U15 presidents' table. These are constituted differently at various institutions but generally include all of the vice-presidents, principals, legal counsel, and the like. The findings show that some gains have been made on gender equity but less so on visible minorities, particularly women, and Indigenous women and men.
In most U15 institutions there are a minimum of three positions within the presidents' leadership teams or cabinets that are held primarily by individuals with, for example, PhDs, MDs or JDs who are primarily drawn from the professoriate. Other members of presidential leadership teams, however, are often recruited from outside the professoriate (e.g. vice-presidents finance, facilities, government relations). Notably, many of the persons who hold these positions are women, which is why, for example, presidents' leadership teams may be more diverse than, say deans (as shown in the two infographics on these groups). There are two observation of note here: first, despite some of these positions having inordinate power (e.g. vice-president finance), these positions do not track to the top of the leadership pyramid. The second observation is that despite having inordinate power, these leaders may not actively engage with most professors, staff and students or be attuned to academic norms. Another possibility to watch for is whether there is a growing bifurcation in academic leadership between academic and more corporate-like leadership structures and processes.
Graph 3, 'U15 Leadership Diversity – Deans' and the infographic on 'Diversity of Deans at Canadian U15 Universities', illustrates that overall, U15 deans are primarily white (92.3%) and male (67.4%). An intersectional analysis shows that white men remain the overwhelming majority (67.1%), which is more than double the percentage of white women who make up the second largest demographic group (29.2%). Visible minority men constitute a mere 4.3% of deans, visible minority women are 2.9%, and Indigenous women and men are largely notable for their near absence.
Disciplinary Diversity: U15 Presidents, Provosts & VP Research
Efforts to advance a more equitable academy often encounter a number of diversity diversions, including those who pit perspectival diversity against representational diversity. Some argue that as long as diverse viewpoints are brought to decision-making tables it matters little who sits at these tables. This is a red herring, one that leads to diversity detours and displaces the commitment to addressing inequality.
The third infographic, on Leadership Diversity by Position, provide details about the representational diversity of individuals holding the positions of presidents, provosts and vice presidents (academic), and vice-presidents (research). While the position of vice-president (research) shows some progress on gender diversity, the other roles show few visible minority men but virtually no visible minority women. Indigenous women and men are notable for their absence.
What about the representation of disciplinary diversity among these leaders? The findings are illustrated in Table 1: the U15 presidents, provosts and vice-presidents (academic), and vice-presidents (research) are selected primarily from the disciplines of science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM): 60% of presidents, 73.4% of provosts and vice-presidents (academic), and 80% of vice-presidents (research) have STEM discipline credentials. Few provosts and vice-presidents (academics) and, particularly vice-presidents (research), are drawn from the humanities.
Table 1: Selected U15 Senior Leadership: Disciplinary Diversity, 2019
Presidents, Provosts & VP Academic and VP Research
Science/Medicine/
Kinesiology %
Provost & VP (Academic)
Vice President (Research)
Professional Diversity: U15 Board Chairs and Chancellors
The third vector of diversity examined in this study is the professional background of U15 Board Chairs and U15 Chancellors. The findings illustrated in Table 2 show that leaders in these roles are drawn from select backgrounds: 57.1% from the corporate sector, particularly banking and finance, another 14.3% from corporate law, 21.4% from the public and non-profit sectors, and a mere 7.1% from the education sector. While there may be people from a greater diversity of backgrounds on Boards of Governors, the leadership preference at U15 institutions is overwhelmingly from the corporate sector.
U15 Chancellors have similar backgrounds to U15 Board Chairs: The majority are drawn from the corporate sector (57.1%) and the legal profession, particularly corporate law (28.6%). It should be noted that many of these leaders are also philanthropists and often hold at least one degree from the institution in which they serve. The dearth of leaders from the humanities and the creative arts, for example, is notable.
Table 2: Canadian University Leadership – Professional Diversity, 2019
U15 Board Chairs and Chancellors
Business/Banking/ Finance %
Law %
Education Sector %
Public/ Non-profit Sectors %
Board Chairs (n=14)
Chancellors (n=14)
The STEM-turn in U15 university leadership coincides with, although not necessarily caused by, the decades-long attack and questioning of the value of humanities and social sciences. It begs the question: When universities say they are committed to disciplinary or perspectival diversity what do they mean? What are the implications for the U15 in particular, and the broader Canadian academic landscape more generally, of limited social, disciplinary and professional diversity at key decision-making tables?
As with other institutions, the U15 leadership pipeline likely starts well before the meso-level of deans, where this study starts. The lack of diversity among deans, particularly of visible minorities and Indigenous peoples, raises a number of equity questions. It is important to examine what happens at the micro-level of departments. This includes collecting and analyzing candidate diversity data on the selection and appointment of directors, associate chairs, chairs and associate deans. Qualitative studies can help pinpoint formal and informal dynamics that act as self-perpetuating barriers to opportunities for advancement, particularly for severely under-represented visible minorities and Indigenous peoples. This is necessary to help determine whether the academic environment at the micro- and meso-levels provide equitable access to opportunities, as well as to mentoring and coaching, and whether there is cultural cloning among candidates who are appointed or selected for such roles. At the meso- and macro-levels of the university it is worth asking how we might better hold university Boards and senior leadership to account for the persistent leadership diversity gap.
Dr. Malinda S. Smith (PI)
Professor, Political Science
Past President & Chair of Research, AWA
Email: malinda.smith@ualberta.ca
Dr. Nancy Bray
Lecturer, Communication Fundamentals for
Professionals & Writing Studies,
Communications Officer, AWA
Email: nbray@ualberta.ca
Press Release: U15 Leadership Remains Largely White and Male Despite 33 Years of Equity Initiatives (PDF File)Download
Web links to infographics:
The Diversity Gap in 2019: Canadian Universities – U15 Presidents' Leadership Teams or Cabinets
The Diversity Gap in 2019: Canadian Universities – Leadership Diversity – U15 Deans
The Diversity Gap in 2019: Canadian Universities – U15 Leadership Pipeline
The Diversity Gap in 2019: Canadian U15 Universities – Leadership Pipeline by Position
Press release and infographics for sharing on social media:
PDF files of release and infographics:
The Diversity Gap in 2019: Canadian Universities – U15 Presidents' Leadership Teams or Cabinets (PDF File)Download
The Diversity Gap in 2019: Leadership Diversity: U15 Deans (PDF File)Download
The Diversity Gap in 2019: Canadian Universities – U15 Leadership Pipeline (PDF File)Download
The Diversity Gap in 2019: Canadian U15 Universities: Leadership Pipeline by Position (PDF File)Download
Tags: Diversity Gap, Leadership, U15
By awaexec in AWA Diversity Gap Campaign on June 20, 2019 .
← Towards Closing the Diversity Gap in Research Chairs Mapping the Leaky Leadership Diversity Pipelines at Five Canadian Universities →


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We are honored to be included in these news articles about dining in Provincetown:
A Bit of History Beneath Fanizzi's: Fanizzi's is built on the location of a fishing empire known as Whorf's Wharf in 1850. At one time this busy pier stretched 400 feet into the harbor, serving its own fleet of 16 boats.
From The Year Rounder's Guide to Provincetown.
Culture Trip: Fanizzi's by the Sea can at times feel like you're actually in the big blue sea: hearing and seeing the crashing waves adds to the meal's excitement. Serving up traditional Italian and American fare Fanzizzi's has an all-you-can-eat brunch buffet on Sundays. Mimosas and their famous Bloody Mary with New Amsterdam Citron are on hand to wash down the French toast, corned beef hash and eggs Benedict.
CapeCod.Com: 13 Places to Have a Burger on Cape Cod
"Their list of burgers satisfies all tastes, from the traditional "naked" burger to the fancier "539er" with shallots and aioli, to somewhat healthier takes on turkey and salmon burgers."
CapeCod.com: So close to the water, you'll feel like you're floating! Sunday Brunch is served year-round in an all you can eat style with a full bar.
Cape Cod Times: "We wouldn't hesitate to go back."
Boston Globe: Fanizzi's Restaurant has a wall of windows that look out at the sea, and when the tide rolls in and under the restaurant, it doesn't get any better.
Eating out in Provincetown: Commercial Street's Ten Best Restaurants
See more articles below the video of Fanizzi's by the Sea in Channel 5's Chronicle.
The Short List – Where to Get the Best Burgers on Cape Cod
TAKE MONDAY OFF: Cape Cod
Homo Correctus: Paul Brodeur Sues 'American Hustle' to Set the Record Straight
Taking refuge in Provincetown's quiet season
Top Restaurants: Fanizzi's by the Sea
Hungry Couple NYC: Fanizzi's by the Sea
Best Waterfront Dining
Best Creative Salads in Provincetown

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Discovery of large and accessible oil and gas resources, foreign investment, and appropriate legislation is leading to the rapid development of sustainable energy and improved conditions for many on the African continent. Perhaps not surprisingly, each step along the path to this laudable goal has, and will continue, to require legal representation. This is particularly true in instances where African companies involved in the oil and power industry contract with, or have disputes with, US providers of goods and services essential to the development and delivery of energy. Those entities have traditionally engaged the services of global law firms for their representation.
However, as one recent case highlights, the paradigm for legal representation of Africa's oil and power players is changing, with global legal associations providing small firms broader geographical coverage, deeper knowledge base, and local knowledge not offered by large firms. Additionally, small firms save substantial legal expenditures because small firms can consider flexible alternative fee arrangements typically not available in large firms.
Small firms can deliver big results for Africa oil and power industry participants.
In November 2017, LS Energia, Inc., an energy service provider with offices in Florida, sued the Republic of Angola in the United States District Court for the Southern District of Florida. LS claimed that Angola failed to pay LS in excess of $52 million due for operation and maintenance of two of Angola's power plants.
In February 2018, Angola hired trial boutique Ehrenstein|Sager to defend the litigation. LS aggressively attempted to leverage an early and unfavorable resolution by threatening Angola with prejudgment attachment of local assets and an effort to obtain summary disposition without trial. In close coordination with local counsel for Angola, Henrique Abecasis and Pedro Andresen Guimarães, Ehrenstein|Sager quickly martialed a defense based on the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act and contract terms requiring arbitration of disputes. Based on these defenses, on July 18, 2018, LS conceded and voluntarily dismissed its lawsuit in order to pursue its remedies exclusively through mediation in Lisbon and arbitration in Luanda applying Angolan law — all as originally stipulated by the agreements on which LS based its claims.
These results highlight a few noteworthy points for participants in Africa's oil and power industries. Foremost, foreign governments and their agencies entering into agreements with U.S. businesses should have a deep understanding of the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act. Even those entities not acting in a sovereign capacity should consider including clauses in their agreements with U.S. providers of goods or services concerning forum selection, venue selection and choice of law as they negotiate their contracts. Often, the enforcement of a simple choice of law, forum, or venue clause can dramatically impact the relative legal positions of the parties, facilitating an early and efficient resolution of the dispute.
In addition, while large firms have traditionally dominated the scene in representation of foreign sovereigns or those entering agreements or disputes with them, this case establishes that smaller firms can deliver big results at lower costs. Here, by leveraging its courtroom expertise, technology and relationships through a global alliance, Ehrenstein|Sager, a small trial boutique, obtained a remarkable result. Specifically, Ehrenstein|Sager relied on the expertise and local knowledge provided through its global alliance with Abacus Worldwide, an international association of small law and accounting firms. Though Ehrenstein|Sager represented Angola in Florida, Ehrenstein|Sager obtained critical local knowledge and assistance in Angola and Lisbon through Abacus Members Henrique Abecasis and Pedro Andresen Guimarães of HAAG law firm. Through this association, Ehrenstein|Sager delivered high quality representation based on industry expertise and local knowledge equal to any large firm. After all, how many global firms have offices in Miami, Florida and Luanda, Angola?
Importantly, Ehrenstein|Sager obtained these results at lower cost than likely available from large firms. Due to its small size, Ehrenstein|Sager has less overhead to maintain. And it has a less bureaucratic operating environment, permitting quick consideration of alternative fee arrangements including fixed fees, flat fees, contingency fees, hourly fees and hybrids. Small firms like Ehrenstein|Sager have the flexibility to entertain any fee arrangement which fairly compensates the firm for the value it delivers and the risk it undertakes. Such arrangements are atypical in larger firms which generally adhere to hourly rate business models and tend to be more expensive over time.
Of course, Ehrenstein|Sager is hardly the lone small firm working this practice area. High quality small firms have a significant and increasing role in the representation of Africa's oil and gas stakeholders. For example, Centurion Law Group, a pan-African firm lead by CEO NJ Ayuk, focuses on Africa's energy law all over the continent. There appears to be a growing trend in the U.S. for Africa's energy stakeholders to engage the services of smaller firms for representation here as well.
Ehrenstein|Sager's successful representation of Angola in Miami is a harbinger. It foretells a future in which the continuing development of Africa's oil and gas industry is no longer dominated solely by global law firms. To the contrary, this case prophecies an industry supported by high quality, flexible representation provided by small law firms leveraging technology and association relationships to provide big results.
Africa: A Final Frontier for Oil & Gas Panelists at AOP discuss strategies for exploration in a low price environment, and challenges specific to Africa.
Panelists from AOP 2017 talk policy and law in Africa's oil and gas to power projects.


As you take your seat at Scena Theatre's production of Lady Lay, don't be surprised to see the spitting image of Bob Dylan in the house. It's the actor Ron Litman, who will pop into the play anon.
Ron Litman as Dylan. Photo by Kevin O'Reilly.
Lady Lay by Lydia Stryk is Scena's entry in the Women's Voices Theater Festival, and in it we hear from the voice of a young woman who (like Stryk) lives in Berlin. The time is 1989. The woman's name is MariAnne (Ellie Nicoll). She's an employment-office clerk whose crush of clients are desperate for a job and who herself is desperate for a life.
An ensemble of eight plays the clients—Kevin O'Reilly (Seth), Aniko Olah (Frau M), Matt Dougherty (Herr D), Amanda Forstrom (Frau F and Frau Y), Edward Nagel (Herr K), Jennifer Bevan (Frau H), and Madeleine Adele (Frau L). At the beginning they sit in two rows facing each other and mime like robotic functionaries. Then one by one they have an appointment with MariAnne to appeal for work.
The tedium is credible and MariAnne is beside herself with boredom. One day as chance would have it she gets turned on to the music of Bob Dylan. She becomes so enamored that he appears to her. (Litman's uncanny emulation of the legendary troubadour steals every scene he's in.) The encounter with Dylan's music and his antiestablishment affect have a transformative effect on MariAnne: She is inspired to seek a way out of her humdrum existence. She goes from being a groupie to being the agent of her own life. The Berlin Wall falls and the theme of freedom is evoked with great fervor.
Director Robert McNamara and Assistant Director Alexandra Linn Desaulniers have made maximal use of a minimalist set. Upstage center is MariAnne's desk, which anchors the proceedings. The actors—who play multiple roles throughout—utilize the several wooden chairs to set a variety of scenes, including an English-language classroom and the interior of an airplane. Sound Designer Denise Renee provides an ample sampling of Dylan's tunes—the welcome effect of which for me was to prompt me to play his albums when I got home.
Lady Lay runs through October 10, 2015, at Scena Theatre performing at at Atlas Performing Arts Center – 1333 H Street, NE, in Washington, DC. For tickets, purchase them online.
LADY LAY is one of the real best plays I have ever see- world wide. Magnificent writing about the real macro and micro history, inspired in Berlin-when the wall fell.
It is so fantastic and lingers on with the love for Dylan's music of someone who is so real and thoughtful to make us think about more than being a nobody alone. All the characters in this play are coming closer to you than you usually allow it. And you fall in love with everyone.
I can't stop praising LADY LAY by Lydia Stryk, thank you for the magic time with it.


Jet, launched on 1st May 1971 (the cover date for issue one, it was most likely released a week earlier), is a short-lived comic best remembered, when remembered at all, for the introduction of Ricky Rubberneck, or Faceache, as he is best known. Faceache first appeared on page 29 of issue one of the "great new picture-story paper for boys". Illustrated by the great Ken Reid, Faceache would survive Jet's amalgamation into Buster and continue on until 1988, illustrated for the last few years by Frank McDiarmid after Reid passed away in 1987.
Jet lasted just twenty-two issues and I will be showing all of Faceache's appearances in the comic, broken down into three parts so that each post doesn't become too lengthy. Here are the first seven episodes, and as always click on the images to view them in full size.
The issue of Shiver and Shake that went on sale this week 41 years ago saw the introduction of not one, not two but "four super fun features". The full-page advertisement from the previous week's issue shows what they were.
Although it isn't the order in which they appeared inside the comic, I'll look at them as they appeared on the advertisement, starting with Charlie Williams and moving clockwise. Williams was a Shake resident, appearing on page five of the elephant's comic or page fifteen overall. Illustrated by Alf Saporito this strip is rather similar in format to the celebrity strips that appeared in Buster in the early 1960's. Below is Charlie's page with a Charlie Drake page underneath for comparison. Illustrated by Arthur Martin, it can be found in Buster dated 19th May 1962.
Wizards Anonymous is next, and it appears just over the page. This strip is my favourite of all the new features - it has a good, fun story with excellent accompanying artwork by Brian Walker.
The other two new features both appear in the Shiver section. Ghouldilocks is next on the above advertisement, and appears on page eight. The artist is Stan McMurtry and this particular episode is a reprint from Jag, although some fresh pages were drawn for her run in Shiver and Shake.
The final of the "new fun features", both on the advert and in the comic, is Grimly Feendish, a character originally created by Leo Baxendale as Eagle Eye's arch nemesis in Wham. Here the artist is Stan McMurtry and this episode is a reprint from Smash no. 58. Some new strips were produced for Shiver and Shake by a young Tom Paterson.
When I recently bought a small bundle of Tiger comics I was pleasantly surprised to see that Norman Mansbridge had a strip in there. It's called Autograph Albert, and follows the adventures of a young boy donned in a traditional school uniform and cap who is trying to fill up his autograph book. I'm not sure when he first appeared but I know he had been running for roughly a year at least by the time his final strip was printed. Here is that final strip, as it appeared on page 18 of Tiger dated 9th February 1985.
The strip was cancelled to make way for new stories that were to begin in the revamped issue the following week. You may have noticed that this revamp was very close to the final issue of Tiger and that is because the revamp was simply to prepare the comic for the merger with Eagle, by making it a bit more similar. I suspect that Eagle's readership had been falling for quite some time by this point however, as it had downgraded its paper quality to standard newsprint in April 1984.
Despite being a primarily adventure strip comic Valiant featured a good number of humour strips as well. We'll head back to the issue that was on sale fifty years ago this week to see what humour strips were on offer in its pages. The first appears on page five under the title The Nutts, about a family that lived up to their name. The artist is Angel Nadal Quirch.
The next character needs no introduction. He first appeared in 1908 and was still popular all in the 60's and even as late as the 90's. For Valiant he was illustrated by Reg Parlett - I speak of course of Billy Bunter.
Next up is a half-page Sporty strip, which is credited to Reg Wootton.
Next up is The Crows, which works out to be roughly a half-page strip but actually goes around the edge of the page, around an advertisement for the Royal Navy. This is another page by Reg Parlett.
The final humour strip is called It's A Dog's Life and it appears in full colour on the back page. This is a reprinted Belgium originally entitled Boule et Bill, illustrated by Roba.
Despite the constant rain and gloomy grey skies currently above Auckland I thought I'd take a look at another summer special of the past, this time the Topper Summer Special from 1986. It's got a nice, bright, lively front cover that leads on to a comic strip over on the back page.
For their 52 pennies readers got 32 pages, with no less than 16 of them in bright full-colour. One of those pages is Jimmy Jinx and What He Thinks, illustrated by Gordon Bell.
Next up is a two-page Beryl the Peril strip by, I believe, John Dallas, in which Beryl makes her own entertainment - much to the annoyance of her dad.
Here's a very nicely drawn page about nature's weather forecasts. This seems to be more suited for the pages of the 1950's Eagle than it does The Topper but none-the-less it is a very nice set. Unfortunately I don't know who the artist is.
The final strip I'll be showing is this two-page Send For Kelly story, as it features a traditional summer holiday trip to Blackpool.
Overall it's quite a good special, with a nice mixture of humour and adventure strips, jokes and activities it is the perfect bundle for a long car journey. Despite The Topper starting in 1953 this is only the fourth Topper summer special - the first one didn't appear until as late as 1983.
Me, in 2012. I still have the coat.
A few months ago people were sharing photographs of their comic collections. I was intending to do the same, but stuff happened and I never got around to it, but today I finally got the camera out and took a few snaps.
I got my first comic, a Beano, in 2007. My mum brought it home and I've been buying comics ever since - I still own my first copy - the actual one she brought home, although now it is a little battered, as can be seen in the photograph above.
Buster comics from the first year of the title's run - 1960. I bought the lot in a bundle for £5.
I really started collecting old comics in 2008 when I asked my Dad what comics he read as a child, and I've not stopped since - I'm quite pleased with my collection as I've built it up using only my pocket money - I've rarely spent even £5 on a single comic, the only exception that comes to mind is the first issue of Whizzer and Chips.
Shiver and Shakes on the left, and a mixture of Whizzer and Chips, Whoopee and Jackpot comics on the right.
I spend some time looking through charity shops, bookshops and car boot sales whenever I'm near one which is where much of my collection comes from as I can't really afford to buy a comic and then pay international postage on top of that to ship it from the U.K. to N.Z.
A six-month run of Eagle comics from January - June 1961. They all come from a nearby second hand bookshop.
I was born in 1997 in Bedford, England, so started this blog when I was 13. I'm now 16. I moved to New Zealand in 2009, and went back for a three week holiday in 2012.
I'm slowly building a collection of early comics.
When I was about 7 years old (I can't remember exactly) my parents noticed I wasn't listening to them - it turned out I'd had an ear infection and so have a hearing loss. I got my first pair of hearing aids soon after, and got my third pair a few months ago.
A few of my Halfpenny Comics, all these ones from 1898.
That's just about all I have to say about myself. I'd like to be a journalist when I leave school, as I like writing - one of the reasons I started this blog.
Anyway, that's a bit about me and a few photos of my collection. Normal service will be resumed shortly.
Issue #9, the last issue.
Comic Cuts is a well-known title here in the U.K, as it ran for over 60 years and produced over 3,000 issues, but it seems widely unknown amongst British comic fans that there was also an American version published, the first issue of which was dated for May 19th 1934. It was published by H.L. Baker and Co (made up of H. Baker and Hake Geller), and they gained the rights to a number of comic strips published in Amalgamated Press' comics. The U.S. version had a full-colour front cover and so looked much more modern that its British counterpart. Each issue was 24 pages and cost five cents, but "The National Comic Weekly" (as it was subtitled) failed to catch on and just nine issues were released, the last one dated 28th July 1934.
"...a five-cent tabloid weekly reprinting the contents of an eponymous British publication that appeared in nine issues between May and July 1934".
As you may be able to see from the cover at the top of this post they didn't just reprint strips from Comic Cuts (in fact, I'm not sure if they reprinted anything from Comic Cuts), for the cover features The Bunty Boys, a strip illustrated by Herbert Foxwell in Bubbles from 1921 - 1941. The only other strip that I know appeared in the comic is Peter the Paleface Brave, also a reprint from Bubbles, this time illustrated by Anton Lock. It seems that this version of Comic Cuts was aimed at a much younger audience than the British version and therefore it reprints material from Amalgamated Press' younger comics.
Sadly information and issues on this comic are hard to come by but if you do know a little bit more about the contents of it, or even have an issue or two, please do get in touch.
As promised last Friday I said I'd take a look at an issue of Larks from the Amalgamated Press version, published from 1927 - 1940, only cancelled due to the outbreak of World War Two. My earliest issue comes from 1928 and is #22. As you can see from the front cover above the cover stars were not a fat 'n' thin tramp duo as was so popular at the time, but instead was 'The Merry Adventures of Dad Walker and His Son, Wally'. Illustrated by Bertie Brown, this duo would enjoy tremendous success, appearing on the front cover of all 656 issues, although the title soon lost 'the merry adventures of' part.
Like just about all comics of the time Larks had half of its pages featuring text stories and the other half with comic strips and illustrations - the covers and centre spread featuring the strips. This issue features the first episode of a new text story Neddy, Nobby, and Nan, as advertised in the strapline on the cover. This page also includes a letter from the editor, or 'The Editor's Corner', as they called it. In the letter the editor, Stanley Gooch, talks about a new "Wild West adventure" tale entitled 'The Smiling Kid Arrives' beginning in the following issue.
On the opposite page at the end of another text story (entitled Just Like His Dad) was a small advert for Champion, advertising a "free war card" to be given away in every issue for the next month. World War One had of course ended just less than ten years earlier but Britain was still affected by it so no doubt readers, even if they didn't remember the war itself, would be interested in such gifts.
The back page stars Reggie and Roger, or 'The Rollicking Rambles of Reggie and Roger', to give it its full title. Although actually illustrated by Alexander Akerbladh it looks as though he was, like so many other artists of the day, told to draw in the style of Roy Wilson. Reggie and Roger would enjoy long lives in Larks, leaving its pages only two years before it came to an end itself.
Long before Desperate Dan took over the cover of The Dandy from Korky the Cat in 1984 he made a number of front cover appearances. His earliest cover appearance, as far as I am aware, occurred as early as 1945, on the cover of #308 - the Christmas issue for that year. Although not saying anything he does appear in the Christmas feast in the final panel. Of course, his first actual cover appearance would be on the first Dandy Monster annual, but as far as I'm aware his presence on this issue is his first cover appearance on a weekly comic.
He made a very similar appearance on the Christmas cover the following year.
Anyway, Dan's first cover appearance for The Dandy was #308, but he didn't crossover to The Beano for another five years, appearing on the New Year's issue for 1950.
Dan didn't have a change of artist for this crossover, for both Dan and Biffo are drawn by the great Dudley Watkins. Naturally, this wouldn't be Dan's last appearance on the cover of either The Dandy or The Beano, for he would appear on the cover of both many times over the following years.


The College Counseling Team is busy this fall working with seniors on college applications, reviewing essays, conducting mock interviews and meeting individually to refine and balance their college lists. In addition, we are hosting more than 100 colleges and universities that visit Park Tudor each fall.
These visits are vitally important as the college representatives are usually the ones reading our seniors' applications and this allows our students to establish a more personal connection with the school.
NOTE TO ALL UPPER SCHOOL PARENTS: Plan to attend the InvestED presentation on financial aid and scholarships on Tuesday, October 30 from 7:00 p.m.-8:15 p.m. in the Lecture Hall. Topics to be discussed include paying for college; filling out the FAFSA and CSS Profile; and scholarships.


Superbly positioned on the most popular street in Remuera's north slope - Portland Road.
· 4 bedrooms and 2 bathrooms.
· Living room flows onto sun drenched outdoor deck area.
· Private court yard for peace and nature or to entertain family and friends.
· Recently refurbished and ready to move in.
· Auckland's first choice school zones: Auckland Grammar, Epsom Girls Grammar as well as other excellent schools including Remuera Intermediate & Primary plus Victoria Avenue Primary.
Minutes from the City, Parnell, Newmarket and Remuera town centre where you can enjoy the cafes, restaurants and shopping - all close at hand.
This property is exceptional in every way... be quick!


text:
The politics of New Zealand function within a framework of a unitary parliamentary representative democracy. The structure of government is based on the Westminster system, and the legal system is modelled on the common law of England. New Zealand is a constitutional monarchy, in which King Charles III is the sovereign and head of state.

The New Zealand Parliament holds legislative power and consists of the King and the House of Representatives. The King is represented by the governor-general when not present in the country himself. Members of Parliament (MPs) are elected to the House of Representatives usually every three years. MPs usually belong to political parties. New Zealand has a multi-party system, though the dominant parties have historically been the Labour Party and the National Party (or its predecessors). Minority governments are common and typically dependent on confidence-and-supply agreements with other parties in the House of Representatives.

Executive power in New Zealand is based on the principle that while the King reigns, the Government rules. Although an integral part of the process of government, the King and his governor-general remain politically neutral and are not personally involved in the everyday aspects of governing. The New Zealand Government exercises authority on behalf of and by the consent of the sovereign. Government is made up of ministers, who are selected from among MPs and accountable to Parliament. Most ministers are members of the Cabinet, which is the main decision-making body of the Government. The prime minister is the most senior minister, chair of the Cabinet, and thus head of government. Other ministers are appointed by the governor-general upon the advice of the prime minister.

The Economist Intelligence Unit rated New Zealand as the second most democratic country in the 2021 Democracy Index. The country ranks highly for government transparency and has the lowest perceived level of corruption in the world.

Legal framework

New Zealand is a unitary parliamentary democracy under a constitutional monarchy. It has no formal codified constitution; the constitutional framework consists of a mixture of various documents (including certain acts of the United Kingdom and New Zealand Parliaments), the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi and constitutional conventions. The Constitution Act in 1852 established the system of government and these were later consolidated in 1986. Constitutional rights are protected under common law and are strengthened by the Bill of Rights Act 1990 and Human Rights Act 1993, although these are not entrenched and can be overturned by Parliament with a simple majority. The Constitution Act 1986 describes the three branches of government in New Zealand: the executive (the Sovereign and the Executive Council), the legislature (Parliament) and the judiciary (Courts).

Legislature

|King
|colspan=2|Charles III
|8 September 2022
|-
|Governor-General
|colspan=2|Dame Cindy Kiro
|21 October 2021
|-
|Speaker of the House
|Adrian Rurawhe
|Labour
|24 August 2022
|-
|Leader of the House
|Grant Robertson
|Labour
|25 January 2023
|-
|}

Parliament is responsible for passing laws, adopting the annual Budget, and exercising control of the executive government. It currently has a single chamber, the House of Representatives. Before 1951 there was a second chamber, the Legislative Council. The House of Representatives meets in Parliament House, Wellington.

Laws are first proposed to the House of Representatives as bills. They have to go through a process of approval by the House and governor-general before becoming acts of Parliament (i.e. statutory law).

The lawmakers are called members of Parliament, or MPs. Parliament is elected for a maximum term of three years, although an election may be called earlier in exceptional circumstances. Suffrage is nearly universal for permanent residents eighteen years of age and older, women having gained the vote in . As in many other parliamentary systems of government, the executive (called "the Government") is drawn from and is answerable to Parliament—for example, a successful motion of no confidence will force a government either to resign or to seek a parliamentary dissolution and an early general election.

Elections

Almost all parliamentary elections between  and  were held under the first past the post (FPP) electoral system. Under FPP the candidate in a given electorate (district) that received the most votes was elected to the House of Representatives. The only deviation from the FPP system during this time occurred in the  and  elections when a second-ballot system was used; the second-ballot legislation was repealed in 1913. The elections since 1935 have been dominated by two political parties, National and Labour.

Public criticism of the FPP system began in the 1950s and intensified after Labour lost elections in  and  despite having more overall votes than National. An indicative (non-binding) referendum to change the voting system was held in 1992, which led to a binding referendum during the . As a result, New Zealand has used the mixed-member proportional (MMP) system since 1996. Under MMP, each member of Parliament is either directly elected by voters in a single-member district via FPP or appointed from their party's list. Parliament currently has 120 seats, though some past elections have resulted in overhang. By rarely producing an overall majority for one party, MMP ensures that parties need to come to an agreement with other parties to pass laws.

Seven electorates are reserved for MPs elected on a separate Māori roll. However, Māori may choose to vote in and to run for the non-reserved electorates and for the party list (since 1996), and as a result many have now entered Parliament outside of the reserved seats.

Party politics

The first political party in New Zealand was founded in 1891, and its main rival was founded in 1909—New Zealand had a de facto two-party system from that point until the adoption of MMP in 1996. Since then New Zealand has been a multi-party system, with at least five parties elected in every election since. No party was able to govern without support from other groups from 1996 until 2020, making coalition government standard.

Historically the two largest, and oldest, parties are the New Zealand Labour Party (formed in 1916) and the New Zealand National Party (formed in 1936). Labour has generally positioned itself as centre-left in New Zealand politics, and has featured socialist (historically) and social-democratic principles in its platform and legislation, while National has generally positioned itself as centre-right, and has liberal and conservative tendencies. Other smaller parties represented in Parliament, following the , are ACT New Zealand (right-wing, classical-liberal), the Green Party (left-wing, environmentalist), and Te Pāti Māori (indigenous rights-based).

Parties must register with the Electoral Commission in order to contest the party vote in an election.

The table below summarises the results of the latest general election and the numbers of seats won by parties represented in Parliament.

Executive government

King Charles III is New Zealand's sovereign and head of state. The New Zealand monarchy has been distinct from the British monarchy following the Statute of Westminster Adoption Act 1947, and all Charles III's official business in New Zealand is conducted in the name of the "King of New Zealand". The King's role is largely ceremonial, and his residual powers—called collectively the "royal prerogative"—are mostly exercised through the government of the day. These include the power to enact legislation, to sign treaties and to declare war.

Since the King is not usually resident in New Zealand, the functions of the monarchy are delegated to his representative, the governor-general. , the incumbent Governor-General is Dame Cindy Kiro. A governor-general formally has the power to appoint and dismiss ministers and to dissolve Parliament; and the power to reject or sign bills into law by royal assent after passage by the House of Representatives. The governor-general chairs the Executive Council, which is a formal committee consisting of all ministers, who advise the governor-general on the exercising of the prerogative powers. Members of the Executive Council are required to be members of Parliament (MPs), and most are also in the Cabinet.

Cabinet is the senior decision-making body in Government, led by the prime minister (currently Chris Hipkins), who is also, by convention, the parliamentary leader of the largest governing party. The prime minister, being the de facto leader of New Zealand, exercises executive functions that are formally vested in the sovereign (by way of the prerogative powers). Ministers within Cabinet make major decisions collectively, and are therefore collectively responsible for the consequences of these decisions.

Following a general election, a government is formed by the party or coalition that can command the confidence (support) of a majority of MPs in the House of Representatives. In this way, parties in government are said to have a "mandate" from voters and authority to implement manifestos (although this view has been criticised as being simplistic when applied to coalition arrangements). Since 2020, the Labour Party alone holds a majority of seats in the House—unprecedented under New Zealand's MMP system—and forms the Sixth Labour Government, a majority government.

, the National Party has formed the Official Opposition to the Labour-led Government. The leader of the Opposition heads a Shadow Cabinet, which scrutinises the actions of the Cabinet led by the prime minister. The Opposition within Parliament helps to hold the Government to account by means of parliamentary questions, non-government bills, and the possibility of no-confidence motions.

Judiciary

The New Zealand judiciary has four basic levels of courts:
The Supreme Court;
the Court of Appeal;
the High Court;
and the District Court (including the Youth Court).

The Supreme Court was established in 2004, under the Supreme Court Act 2003, and replaced the Privy Council in London as New Zealand's court of last resort. The High Court deals with serious criminal offences and civil matters, and hears appeals from subordinate courts. The Court of Appeal hears appeals from the High Court on points of law.

The chief justice, the head of the judiciary, presides over the Supreme Court, and is appointed by the governor-general on the advice of the prime minister.  the incumbent Chief Justice is Dame Helen Winkelmann. All other superior court judges are appointed on the advice of the chief justice, the attorney-general, and the solicitor-general. Judges and judicial officers are appointed non-politically and under strict rules regarding tenure to help maintain judicial independence from the executive government. Judges are appointed according to their qualifications, personal qualities, and relevant experience. A judge may not be removed from office except by the attorney-general upon an address of the House of Representatives for proved misbehaviour.

New Zealand law has three principal sources: English common law, certain statutes of the United Kingdom Parliament enacted before 1947 (notably the Bill of Rights 1689), and statutes of the New Zealand Parliament. In interpreting common law, the courts have endeavoured to preserve uniformity with common law as interpreted in the United Kingdom and related jurisdictions.

Local government

New Zealand is a unitary state rather than a federation—local government has only the powers conferred upon it by the national Parliament. These powers have traditionally been distinctly fewer than in some other countries; for example, police and education are run by central government. Local government is established by statute, with the first Municipal Corporations Act having been passed by the Legislative Council in 1842. Local governance is currently defined by the Local Government Act 2002.

Local elections are held every three years to elect regional, city and district councillors (including mayors); community board members; and district health board members.

Foreign relations

New Zealand maintains a network of 29 embassies and 99 consulates abroad and holds relations with about 150 countries. New Zealand is involved in the Pacific Islands Forum, the Pacific Community, Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, the East Asia Summit, and the ASEAN Regional Forum. It is a member of the Commonwealth of Nations, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), and a founding member of the United Nations (UN). New Zealand is party to a number of free-trade agreements, most prominently Closer Economic Relations with Australia and the New Zealand–China Free Trade Agreement.

Historically New Zealand aligned itself strongly with the United Kingdom and had few bilateral relations with other countries. In the later 20th century, relationships in the Asia-Pacific region became more important. New Zealand has also traditionally worked closely with Australia, whose foreign policy followed a similar historical trend. In turn, many Pacific Islands (such as Samoa) have looked to New Zealand's lead. A large proportion of New Zealand's foreign aid goes to these countries and many Pacific people migrate to New Zealand for employment. Despite the 1986 rupture in the ANZUS military alliance (as a result of New Zealand's nuclear-free policy), New Zealand has maintained good working relations with the United States and Australia on a broad array of international issues.

Political culture

Political change in New Zealand has been gradual and pragmatic, rather than revolutionary. The nation's approach to governance has emphasised social welfare, and multiculturalism, which is based on immigration, social integration, and suppression of far-right politics, that has wide public and political support. New Zealand is regarded as one of the most honest countries in the world, and it was ranked first in the world in 2017 for lowest perceived level of corruption by the organisation Transparency International. Democracy and rule of law are founding political principles in New Zealand. Early Pākehā settlers believed that traditional British legal principles (including individual title to land) would be upheld in New Zealand. The nation's history, such as the legacy of the British colonial rule evidenced in the Westminster system, continues to have an impact on political culture, despite New Zealand's political independence. , New Zealand is identified as a "full democracy" in the Economist Intelligence Unit's Democracy Index. The country rates highly for civic participation in the political process, with 82% voter turnout during recent elections, compared with the  average of 69%.

Since the 1970s, New Zealand has shown a more socially liberal outlook. Beginning with the decriminalisation of homosexuality in 1986, successive governments have progressively increased the protection of LGBT rights, culminating in the legalisation of same-sex marriage in 2013. In 2020, the Abortion Legislation Act, that fully decriminalised abortion in New Zealand, was supported by members across all parties in Parliament.

The idea of serving as a moral example to the world has been an important element of New Zealand national identity. The anti-apartheid movement in the 1970s and 1980s, protests against French nuclear testing at Moruroa atoll in the 1970s, and popular support for New Zealand's anti-nuclear policy in the 1980s  are manifestations of this. From the 1990s New Zealand's anti-nuclear position has become a key element of government policy (irrespective of party) and of the country's "distinctive political identity".

History

Prior to New Zealand becoming a British colony in 1840, politics in New Zealand was dominated by Māori chiefs as leaders of hapu and iwi, utilising Māori customs as a political system (see ).

Colonial politics

After the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi, a colonial governor and his small staff acted on behalf of the British Government based on the British political system. Whereas Māori systems had dominated prior to 1840, governors attempting to introduce British systems met with mixed success in Māori communities. More isolated Māori were little influenced by the Government. Most influences were felt in and around Russell, the first capital, and Auckland, the second capital.

The first voting rights in New Zealand were legislated in 1852 as the New Zealand Constitution Act for the 1853 elections and reflected contemporary British practice. The electoral franchise was limited to property-owning male British subjects over 21 years old. The property qualification was relatively liberal in New Zealand compared to Britain, such that by the late 1850s 75% of adult New Zealand European males were eligible to vote, compared to 20% in England and 12% in Scotland. Around 100 Māori chiefs voted in the 1853 election.

During the 1850s provincial-based government was the norm. Provincial councils were abolished in 1876. Politics was initially dominated by conservative and wealthy "wool lords" who owned multiple sheep farms, mainly in Canterbury. During the gold rush era starting 1858 suffrage was extended to all British gold miners who owned a 1-pound mining license. The conservatives had been influenced by the militant action of gold miners in Victoria at Eureka. Many gold miners had moved to the New Zealand fields bringing their radical ideas. The extended franchise was modelled on the Victorian system. In 1863 the mining franchise was extended to goldfield business owners. By 1873 of the 41,500 registered voters 47% were gold field miners or owners.

After the brief Land War period ending in 1864, Parliament moved to extend the franchise to more Māori. Donald McLean introduced a bill for four temporary Māori electorates and extended the franchise to all Māori men over 21 in 1867. As such, Māori were universally franchised 12 years prior to European men.

In 1879 an economic depression hit, resulting in poverty and many people, especially miners, returning to Australia. Between 1879 and 1881 Government was concerned at the activities of Māori activists based on confiscated land at Parihaka. Activists destroyed settlers' farm fences and ploughed up roads and land, which incensed local farmers. Arrests followed but the activities persisted. Fears grew among settlers that the resistance campaign was a prelude to armed conflict. The Government itself was puzzled as to why the land had been confiscated and offered a huge 25,000-acre reserve to the activists, provided they stopped the destruction. Commissioners set up to investigate the issue said that the activities "could fairly be called hostile". A power struggle ensued resulting in the arrest of all the prominent leaders by a large government force in 1881. Historian Hazel Riseborough describes the event as a conflict over who had authority or mana—the Government or the Parihaka protestors.

In 1882 the export of meat in the first refrigerated ship started a period of sustained economic export-led growth. This period is notable for the influence of new social ideas and movements such as the Fabians and the creation in 1890 of the first political party, the Liberals. Their leader, former gold miner Richard Seddon from Lancashire, was premier from 1893 to 1906. The Liberals introduced new taxes to break the influence of the wealthy conservative sheep farm owners. They also purchased more land from Māori. (By 1910, Māori in parts of the North Island retained very little land, and the amount of Māori land would decrease precipitously as a result of government purchases.)

The early 20th century saw the rise of the trade union movement and labour parties , which represented organised workers. The West Coast town of Blackball is often regarded as the birthplace of the labour movement in New Zealand, as it was the location of the founding of one of the main political organisations which became part of the New Zealand Labour Party.

Māori politics and legislation

Māori political affairs have been developing through legislation such as the Resource Management Act 1991 and the Te Ture Whenua Māori Act 1993 and many more. Since colonisation in the 1800s, Māori have had their customary laws oppressed, with the imposition of a Westminster democracy and political style. As reparations from the colonial war and general discrepancies during colonisation, the New Zealand Government has formally apologised to those iwi affected, through settlements and legislation. In the 1960s Māori Politics Relations began to exhibit more positivity. The legislature enacted a law to help Māori retrieve back their land, not hinder them, through the Māori Affairs Amendment Act 1967. Since then, this progressive change in attitude has materialised as legislation to protect the natural environment or Taonga, and the courts by establishing treaty principles that always have to be considered when deciding laws in the courts. Moreover, the Māori Lands Act 2016 was printed both in Te Reo Māori and English—the act itself affirms the equal legal status of Te Reo Māori.

Women in politics

Women's suffrage was granted after about two decades of campaigning by women such as Kate Sheppard and Mary Ann Müller and organisations such as the New Zealand branch of the Women's Christian Temperance Union. On 19 September 1893 the governor, Lord Glasgow, signed a new Electoral Act into law. As a result, New Zealand became the first self-governing nation in the world in which all women had the right to vote in parliamentary elections. Women first voted in the 1893 election, with a high 85% turnout (compared to 70% of men).

Women were not eligible to be elected to the House of Representatives until 1919 though, when three women, including Ellen Melville stood. The first woman to win an election (to the seat held by her late husband) was Elizabeth McCombs in 1933. Mabel Howard became the first female cabinet minister in 1947, being appointed to the First Labour Government.

New Zealand was the first country in the world in which all the highest offices were occupied by women, between March 2005 and August 2006: the Sovereign Queen Elizabeth II, Governor-General Dame Silvia Cartwright, Prime Minister Helen Clark, Speaker of the House Margaret Wilson, and Chief Justice Dame Sian Elias.

Modern political history

The right-leaning National Party and the left-leaning Labour Party have dominated New Zealand political life since a Labour government came to power in 1935. During fourteen years in office (1935–1949), the Labour Party implemented a broad array of social and economic legislation, including comprehensive social security, a large scale public works programme, a forty-hour working week, and compulsory unionism. The National Party won control of the government in 1949, accepting most of Labour's welfare measures. Except for two brief periods of Labour governments in 1957–1960 and 1972–1975, National held power until 1984.

The greatest challenge to the first and later Labour governments' policies on the welfare state and a regulated economy that combined state and private enterprise came from the Labour Party itself. After regaining control in 1984, the fourth Labour government instituted a series of radical market-oriented reforms. It privatised state assets and reduced the role of the state in the economy. It also instituted a number of other more left-wing reforms, such as allowing the Waitangi Tribunal to hear claims of breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi to be made back to 1840. In 1987, the government introduced the New Zealand Nuclear Free Zone, Disarmament, and Arms Control Act, banning visits by nuclear powered ships; the implementation of a nuclear-free zone brought about New Zealand's suspension from the ANZUS security alliance with the United States and Australia.

In October 1990, the National Party again formed a government, for the first of three three-year terms. Despite promises to halt the unpopular reform process, the new National government largely advanced the free-market policies of the preceding government. Public disillusionment resulting from perceived "broken promises" of the previous two governments fuelled demand for electoral reform in New Zealand. In 1996, New Zealand inaugurated the new electoral system (mixed-member proportional representation, or MMP) to elect its Parliament. The MMP system was expected (among numerous other goals) to increase representation of smaller parties in Parliament and appears to have done so in the MMP elections to date. Between 1996 and 2020, neither National nor Labour had an absolute majority in Parliament, and for all but two of those years a minority government ruled (however, every government has been led by one or other of the two main parties).

MMP parliaments have been markedly more diverse, with greater representation of women, and ethnic minorities and other minority groups. In 1996, Tim Barnett was the first of several New Zealand MPs to be elected as an openly gay person. In 1999, Georgina Beyer became the world's first openly transgender MP elected to a national parliament.

After nine years in government, the National Party lost the November 1999 election. Labour under Helen Clark out-polled National and formed a coalition government with Jim Anderton's Alliance, a party to the left of Labour. The coalition partners pioneered "agree to disagree" procedures to manage policy differences. The minority government often relied on support from the Green Party to pass legislation. Labour retained power in the 27 July 2002 election, forming a coalition with Anderton's new Progressive Party, and reaching an agreement for support with the United Future party. Helen Clark remained Prime Minister. In early 2004, Labour came under attack for its policies on the ownership of the foreshore and seabed, eventually culminating in the establishment of a new break-away party, the Māori Party. Following the 2005 general election on 17 September 2005, negotiations between parties culminated in Helen Clark announcing a third consecutive term of Labour-led government. The Labour Party again formed a coalition with the Progressive Party, with confidence and supply from Winston Peters' New Zealand First and Peter Dunne's United Future.

After the general election in November 2008, the National Party moved quickly to form a minority government with ACT, the Māori Party and United Future. This arrangement allowed National to decrease its reliance on the right-wing ACT party, whose free-market policies are sometimes controversial with the greater New Zealand public. In 2008, John Key was appointed Prime Minister, with Bill English his deputy. This arrangement conformed to a tradition of having a north–south split in the major parties' leadership, as Key's residence is in Auckland and English's electorate is in the South Island. On 12 December 2016, English was elected as leader, and thus Prime Minister, by the National Party caucus after Key's unexpected resignation a week earlier. Paula Bennett (member for Upper Harbour) was appointed Deputy Prime Minister, thus continuing the tradition. This north–south arrangement ceased with the next government.

Following the 2017 general election National retained its plurality in the House of Representatives, while Labour greatly increased its proportion of the vote and number of seats. Following negotiations between the major and minor parties, Labour formed a minority government after securing a coalition arrangement with New Zealand First. The new government also agreed a confidence-and-supply arrangement with the Green Party. On 26 October 2017, Labour leader Jacinda Ardern was sworn in as Prime Minister and Winston Peters became her deputy. In the 2020 general election Labour won by a landslide and gained an overall majority of seats in Parliament, sufficient to govern alone—a first under the MMP system. Labour's coalition partner New Zealand First lost its representation in Parliament. Ardern's government was sworn in for a second term on 6 November 2020. The Labour government is currently led by Prime Minister Chris Hipkins, who assumed office on 25 January 2023 following the resignation of Jacinda Ardern.

See also

 The Crown
 List of political parties in New Zealand
 List of New Zealand politicians
 List of political scandals in New Zealand
 List of public sector organisations in New Zealand
 Political funding in New Zealand
 Christian politics in New Zealand
 Contents of the United States diplomatic cables leak (New Zealand)

References

Citations

Sources

Further reading

External links
Politics and Government at NZ History Online
Institutions of Government at Te Ara: The Encyclopedia of New Zealand

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Too many random little thought running through my little brain so I will try to keep things useful. For any of my new Pais friends please don't take anything in a critical nature, these are just my observations and people back home are curious.
I really didn't know what to expect at all. The only possible expectation I had is that it would be bigger. That isn't a criticism because I had no real basis for a large gathering either. Pais is still new in the US. It's still at ground floor here. I actually really like that. I'm hoping that I will be able to contribute to it's development in the US particularly in the area of the life of the church.
A number of people asked me what I hoped to get out of being at the conference. They were surprised that someone would come all the way from Oregon without really knowing anyone already in it. My answer was that I really don't know what there would be let alone any particular things I hoped to get out of it. After having read Haverim, listened to the Talmidim audio series twice, watching the Haverim 1 and 2 videos through twice, gone through the various websites a few times, I had some idea of the philosophy of Pais. But I really needed to be around it, to experience it somehow. I guess that's what I came here for. I do expect to develop some specific questions to ask some specific people. I already have some and hope to have a couple of meetings tomorrow between sessions.
The three days of the conference are built around the three Pais distinctives. It is the simplicity of these distinctives, and how they put into form some things I've long thought but could never put together, that has me really attracted to Pais. Each day opens with a keynote session. The rest of the day there are three more sessions. Each session opens with a 20 minute talk related to the distinctive for the day followed by 40 minutes of small group idea generation on ways to demonstrate that distinctive. The idea generation process usually involves some kind of creative dynamic to help.
One thing I should point out is that it is all mostly youth ministry focused at this point. I'm having to take the concepts and keep them in mind for youth because I want to develop that aspect of our church, but I'm primarily interested in carrying things over to whole church body life stuff. The reason it's mostly youth oriented is because that's how Pais started, reaching out to kids in schools. But they are working on developing their philosophy to apply to the church and reaching into the business sectors as well. It's about building the kingdom, the whole kingdom, and nothing but the kingdom. I mentioned that I hope to contribute to Pais. It is specifically in the Pais Collective (the life of the church) that I hope to do so and perhaps see that area be more of a part of future SWAP conferences.
Today's distinctive was Mission. The statement they use to sum it up is, "Beyond Attraction to Application" I've given up on attraction to the point of almost being anti-atractional. What I think I need to do is redirect any attraction energy from what is typical; making the church as an organization look appealing for consumers, and direct it to reflecting what we want to be as a group of people that makes of the church, one incarnation of the local body of Jesus. So much church marketing is directed at Christians. It's kind of gross really. If we expend any energy and resources in this area I don't want it to be about promoting programs but people. People need application. That's what I want our church to be about.
As good as they were, I don't have any notes from the worship presentations. I'm sure the audio from those (from all the sessions) will be online. I did take some notes during the keynote from Paul Gibbs.
Question presented, what does anointing mean?
If it isn't education or charisma that makes a difference (is the pivot), then what is?
1 Samuel 10 when Samuel anoints Saul king.
Anointing follows appointing. Some people just want the appointing, the position. That's not the point.
Has God called us to achieve something or attempt something?
Anointing isn't about gifting, it's about purpose.
We've made it about how successful someone is when it's a turf war with Satan.
Churches tend to grow as they are asking "why" and "who" questions related to what it is that they do as the church. They plateau and decline when they stop asking why and who and start asking "how" questions. How do we maintain this? etc. This can be corrected by bringing back in who and why, Kavanah questions and motivations.
Opposite of Kavanah is Corban, taking something that is supposed to be used for others and sayings its dedicated to God when you end up using it for yourself anyway.
The Lord is after people who focus on anointing (purpose, not gifting) and Kavanah.
I really like what I'm seeing and hearing. I'm hoping that the meetings I would like to have tomorrow do happen. I think that's where I'll get the most out of why I cam here. But no question it's really cool to be around it all in action, even for this extreme introvert.
CCSPC 2010 Here I Come!


Wednesday Worship is a short informal service which takes place in the Church every Wednesday at 10.45am and lasts about 20-25 minutes.
The short service is followed by tea and biscuits in the Minor Hall. If you are free on a Wednesday morning we would be delighted to see you and you can be assured of a very warm welcome.


Grate, peel and shred your way to a healthier diet with the Tower health 3-in-1 grater. Allowing you to choose between 3 specially designed, easily Interchangeable plates, the grater not only grates vegetables for salads and coleslaws, but fruit for baking and even cheese while a peeling plate and shredding plate are on hand for all of your food preparation needs. An integrated container keeps your hands and work surfaces clean whilst its comfort grip handle provides secure grip during use. Eliminating the need for arduous cleaning tasks, this Tower health 3 in 1 grate also features fully removable parts for an easier and more thorough clean.


Offered here is Ben Hogan's 1994 PGA Class A Certificate. A letter from the PGA also accompanies the certificate. Though Hogan officially retired in 1971, he retained his PGA membership through his later years. Hogan's Hall of Fame career consisted of 9 Major wins, including the coveted career grand slam.


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Q: jquery ui - What class can I use to get the border color? I have a 1px border around a div. I have themeswitcher attached to the same div. When the user changes the theme I want my 1px border to change color according to the new theme. It's okay if the new themes border is a little bigger.
ui-border?

A: see: http://jqueryui.com/docs/Theming/API
depending on what look your going for you can either use ui-widget-content or ui-state-default
good luck, hope this helps -ck

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


HeritageQuest Online – An online genealogy site. Your ID for this site is your library card number.
Wisconsin Historical Society's Historical Image Search – Find old images. This helps when doing genealogy.
County Clerks.com – County-Clerks.com is a directory of every single county clerk's office in the United States.
occupation or looking to improve your workplace skills? Choose the Career Center and begin your path to a bright future.
Black and white printing, photocopying, scanning and faxing (715-755-3510) are all available.
Fees for faxes (incoming & out going) $1.50 first page & 10¢ each additional page, per fax number.
Borrow library eBooks and audiobooks on your smartphone.
MORE Research Page: magazines & newspaper articles, genealogy sources, and more!
Searching billions of records and discover your family's story.
Can't find it in MORE? Search all Wisconsin library holdings with Wiscat, then contact your local library to place a hold.


Among patients with nonvalvular atrial fibrillation, concurrent use of certain commonly prescribed medications with non-vitamin K oral anticoagulants was associated with an increased risk of major bleeding, according to a study published by JAMA.
Oral anticoagulation has been proven to prevent ischemic strokes and prolong life for patients with atrial fibrillation. Non-vitamin K oral anticoagulants (NOACs) are being used more frequently because of their ease of administration and comparative efficacy compared with warfarin in reducing blood clots and major bleeding. However, for patients with atrial fibrillation, NOACs are often prescribed with other medications that share metabolic pathways that may increase major bleeding risk.
Chang-Fu Kuo, M.D., Ph.D., of Chang Gung Memorial Hospital, Taoyuan, Taiwan, and colleagues used data from the Taiwan National Health Insurance database and included 91,330 patients with nonvalvular atrial fibrillation who received at least one NOAC prescription of dabigatran, rivaroxaban, or apixaban and estimated the bleeding risk associated with or without the concurrent use of 12 commonly prescribed medications that share metabolic pathways with NOACs (atorvastatin; digoxin; verapamil; diltiazem; amiodarone; fluconazole; ketoconazole, itraconazole, voriconazole, or posaconazole; cyclosporine; erythromycin or clarithromycin; dronedarone; rifampin; or phenytoin).
Among the patients in the study, 4,770 major bleeding events occurred. The researchers found that concurrent use of amiodarone, fluconazole, rifampin, and phenytoin with NOACs had a significant increase in incidence rates of major bleeding than NOACs alone. Compared with NOAC use alone, the incidence rate for major bleeding was significantly lower for concurrent use of atorvastatin, digoxin, and erythromycin or clarithromycin and was not significantly different for concurrent use of verapamil; diltiazem; cyclosporine; ketoconazole, itraconazole, voriconazole, or posaconazole; and dronedarone.
The study notes some limitations, including that bleeding risk and anticoagulant treatment in the Asian population have been recognized to be different from the Western population. Therefore, the external generalizability of these results, particularly to a Western population may be limited.
"Physicians prescribing NOAC medications should consider the potential risks associated with concomitant use of other drugs," the authors write.


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Brisighella-Tredozio-Faenza
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The clock tower of Piazza San Marco in Venice
Ugo Pancani
In 1493 the Most Serene Republic of Venice commissioned father and son, Gian Paolo and Gian Carlo Ranieri, clockmakers from Reggio Emilia, to build a public clock for Piazza San Marco. The exact location…
The museum of Byzantine and Post-Byzantine icons San Giorgio dei Greci
Giancarlo Pellegrini
For every tourist visiting Venice, a visit to the Basilica of St. Mark's is an absolute must, even if this involves all the difficulties which we come across when there is a huge affluence…
The Doge's Palace and the "Leads"
Mario Anton Orefice
Before entering the Doge's Palace, that masterpiece of the Venetian gothic style, walk around the outside of the Palace and admire its exterior, just as John Ruskin suggests in the Stones of Venice.On the…
St Mark's Basilica
When seen from afar, the domes of St Mark's Basilica often give the impression that they are about to take to the sky like hot air balloons. The journey into its history is a…
St Mark's Square
Many visitors hurriedly cross St Mark's Square, have a quick look at the historic cafes, visit the Basilica, and then leave. Our advice is take things more slowly. Stand in the centre of the…
Cà Pesaro
Why not dive into the romantic Venice of the 19th century, or dip into the Vienese secession, the vibrant colours of Kandinsky, or the abstraction of spatialism. If you visit the Ca' Pesaro Modern…
Ca' Foscari
Ca' Foscari is a five-minute walk from the Santa Lucia station and is home to the University of Venice which is considered one of the best universities in Italy. The palace was constructed in…
Arriving in Venice for the first time, either in Piazzale Roma or Santa Lucia railway station, it is easy to feel you have arrived in a maze, and you wouldn't be totally wrong. If…
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Tuttosport: Milan set to beat Arsenal and PSG to bargain €15m deal – agent due in Italy
By Oliver Fisher - 30 June 2020, 10:42
AC Milan are accelerating their attempts to beat the competition and land Red Bull Salzburg star Dominik Szoboszlai this summer, it is claimed.
We reported on Tuesday via Vito Angele that Szoboszlai is on Rangnick's wish list and the German has received reassurances from the club. The Rossoneri have already been in contact with the agent, collecting the player's approval.
SportMediaset claimed on Monday that the Rossoneri are 'very close' to signing the Hungary international at the request of Ralf Rangnick, who will be the new manager heading into next season.
According to Tuesday's edition of Tuttosport (via MilanNews), the main target for the midfield remains Szoboszlai, a talent that Rangnick knows very well and is desperate to bring to Milan.
The 19-year-old is attracting interest from a number of clubs though including the likes of Paris Saint-Germain, Arsenal, Borussia Dortmund, Napoli and Lazio.
Therefore, Milan have to move quickly and decisively to seal a deal worth around €15million and to avoid finding themselves involved in an auction that could take the asking price above €25m.
In the next few days his agent Matyas Esterhazy is expected to arrive in Milano to meet with the club's leadership.
Tags AC Milan Dominik Szoboszlai


He designs thoughtful, beautiful, and easy-to-use digital experiences.
Kumar is a seasoned web and UX/UI designer. Having worked for a variety of industries and on various platforms(web, mobile, tablet, etc), with his deep knowledge of design he has designed, led projects and teams through the key stages of the design process. His ability to understand business, research, ideate, strategise and empathise with human behaviour to solve complex design problems has proved growth in the businesses and has delighted millions of users. His USP is that he considers user's first but doesn't leaves business behind.
He is decisive, go-getter and contemplative thinker. His passion for quality and careful craftsmanship have earned him numerous accolades from his peers and companies that he has worked for.
User Interface, User Interaction, User Research, Design Strategy, Heuristic Evaluation, Flow Analysis & Enhancement, Usability Analysis, Customer Experience Analysis.
An app to compare currency conversion rates amongst number of exchange providers. Helps you quickly come to a decision to choose the most appropriate exchange provider.
Capitalfloat is a finance lending company to small and medium enterprises(SME's), also an offline marketplace for investors and borrowers which was aspiring to go online with marketplace modal.
BYJU's is India's No 1 Education Company with over 10 million users and one of the world's fastest growing Ed-Tech companies.
Improve current process of rack installation in a new warehouse which is a time taking and tedious process. Optimize and streamlined the process for efficient use of man power.
A mobile app to manage all hotel need and make your stay comfortable, flawless and memorable. The idea was to check all the problem a hotel guest faces during his stay and solve them using an interface which is with him all the time.
A mobile app to manage fleet of cars for SIXT by assigning duties to their own jockeys for pickup and drop off of the cars.
Let's make something delightful together.
Designed and Coded by Kumar Gaurav.