June 24, 2014 | SBTech, an industry-leading provider of turnkey sports betting solutions, launched their latest fast markets betting product, which offers players fast-paced and exciting betting options with outcomes settled in only one or five minutes.
Fast markets give players an enhanced betting experience that allows them to predict whether a specific event such as a goal, corner, free kick, throw in or a card will take place during the next one or five minutes and see the outcome settled immediately.
10Bet bookmaker was the first to launch this with SBTech operators Comeon and Netbet to be the first of SBTech's customers to experience this exciting new product. Fast markets will be rolled out to other operators during the next quarter.
"The product was deployed on our platform a few days before the start of the 2014 World Cup and so far, we've noticed that fast markets have generated a considerable amount of soccer bets while increasing average turnover per player and attracting casual players looking for a faster betting experience," said 10Bet Head of Player Affairs, Daniel Caswell.


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Have you ever met someone and thought to yourself, "They look just like someone else I know?" What allows us to look at someone and be able to recognize them? The reason that we can look at someone and distinguish them from others is due to their unique facial features and landmarks. In other words, they have unique spacing between different features on their face (such as the nose, mouth, eyes, etc.). We can even teach computers to recognize these features (facial recognition technologies) and relate them back to a known image of a person for identification purposes.
A person's distinct facial features are a biometric that can help distinguish one individual from another. Biometrics is the study of body measurements and calculations. Biometrics includes anything from fingerprints, iris recognition, and hand geometry, to voice recognition, gait detection (or how it looks when you walk), and facial recognition technologies. Biometrics are used for identification purposes because they are generally unique to a given individual. These different biometric technologies are extremely important when discussing issues of privacy and security. Many different agencies use these types of technology–including the FBI, CIA, and Homeland Security–to prevent intruders and criminals from obtaining confidential information.
While there are many different biometric technologies available, some are becoming common in everyday devices. Biometrics are increasingly incorporated with artificial intelligence (AI) in many of our favorite devices including phones, laptops, and tablets. Most of these biometrics function by recognizing a pattern (whether it is a pattern on your face, eye, fingerprint, etc.) and then matching up that feature when you go to unlock your device or use an application. For instance, many phones will use your fingerprint to initially recognize unique patterns through a sensor and store them within the device; when you wish to use the device, you must place your finger on the sensor and it will match up your unique patterns to the patterns stored on the phone. If there is a match then, it will unlock–if not, then the device will remain locked. With the advancement of cellular devices and need for hands free phone systems while operating cars, artificial intelligence has been incorporated into a number of different platforms. With further development of AI's such as Apple's Siri, Amazon's Alexa, Microsoft's Cortana, and Google's Google Assistant, there has been an advancement in smart home systems as well! These systems use voice recognition technologies to follow commands that are given to it. They can even be used to play games! My sisters and I use our Google home to play trivia with our friends. While we are far from the future of flying cars (or perhaps maybe not!), there have been plenty of useful advances made in other realms of artificial intelligence.
Many phones have different technologies built into them for security purposes. Both the Apple and Android platforms have incorporated different biometric systems in their devices and in different applications to improve security and privacy. Samsung has incorporated iris detection technologies into their devices to help boost their privacy by identifying a person based on features located within their eye (as seen on the right). While many different phones have previously incorporated fingerprint recognition technologies, a new move has been made in the direction of facial recognition technologies. Facial recognition technologies have been shown to be more secure than other biometrics. However, one of the faults of these platforms is that they solely focus on one biometric. By incorporating many different biometrics together, these systems could become much more secure.


text:
layout: organization
category: local

title: Greater Woodhaven Development Co.
impact_area: Environment
keywords:
location_services:
location_offices:
website: http://www.queensbp.org/content_web/econ_dev/rg_bi

description:
mission: |
  We incorporates all properties that front Jamaica Avenue from Dexter Court to 100th Street. We contracts with outside vendors to provide security, sanitation, and graffiti vandalism removal services within the Woodhaven boundaries. Promotional and administrative activities have been undertaken through a management consultant. Unlike the promotional and administrative activities, sanitation and security services are supplemental to existing City Services. Since 1993, City Services have been maintained and enhanced by the us.

cash_grants:
grants:
service_opp:
services:

learn:
cont_relationship:

salutation:
first_name:
last_name:
title_contact_person:

city: Queens
state: NY
address: |
  84-01 Jamaica Avenue
  Queens NY 11421
lat: 40.692482
lng: -73.859535
phone: 718-780-6622
ext:
fax:
email:
preferred_contact:
contact_person_intro:
---

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Render Connect specialise in the supply of architectural coatings for the building and construction sectors. The product range includes Renderflex as a superior coating, Rendertherm EIFS and Rendertherm XXTREME as exterior insulating finishing systems.
Render Connect also supply a range of render tools including trowels, floats and hawks, PVC external corner angles, stainless steel screws, fibreglass mesh, PVC washers, fixings and accessories.


A 25 year old male presented with the history of hair loss for the past three years. His hair loss had stabilised. He wanted hair transplant. He was counselled for covering the frontal half of the scalp. He opted for the Bio-FUE technique. Around 2200 grafts were planted. We are hereby sharing the results of the patient after two years. The patient is happy and satisfied now with his results.
@drkapildua Bio-FUE? never heard of it before.
@drkapildua Very bold statement on your website, care to back up your claims? especially the part that is in bold.
"What are the advantages via Bio-FUE?
Most importantly, the procedure will stimulate the stem cells of the implanted hair. "
Can I just get my hair follicle stem cells activated without getting a FUE surgery?
@QuePasa The stimulation of the stem cells can be done without the surgery as well. This will help the weak hair to gain strength upto 30-40% which will appear as increased density of hair. However, no new hair grow with this technique. If you are having an active hair fall or thin hair, then this therapy may work well.
@drkapildua what you say about stimulating of stem cells, activating dead cells, bio fue, special serum etc etc are all done using platelet rich plasma prp, am I right??
@xbox360 RIGHT you are! It is on their website, platelet rich plasma indeed unless I am mistakened.
It's a mystery how these clinics come to the conclusion that PRP can activate hair stem cells. It reminds me of good old Dr. Nigam.


This shelter survivor is so adorable, sweet and good natured ... very playful, active, attention-seeking and affectionate!
While with her foster mom, she has learned a whole list of obedience commands: sit, stay, lay down, wait, let's go, shake hands, heel, leave it, drop it, off, come (needs to practice that one a little more), quiet and go to bed. She is good on the leash and good in the home.
Nina is house trained. Crate trained. She is actually also "bell trained" ... she rings a bell at the door when she needs to go to potty!
Nina will thrive in a home that will give her daily exercise, walks and hikes. A fenced in yard (high fence, she is a real jumper!) for extra playtime is key. She thrives on structure, great nutrition and a loving, caring home, one committed to keeping her forever!
Nina is about 2.5 years old and weighs 50 lbs. She is up to date on vaccines, spayed, and microchipped.
NINA BEENA IS IN FOSTER IN SOUTHBRIDGE, MA. Please contact us and we will get in touch. Thanks!


text:
Q: file descriptor written in xml I am looking to parse log files (text files usually delimited by certain characters), and I want to make the job easier by making a parser that can take in an xml file which describes the format of the log file coming in. This way I can feed my parser any type of log file and with my xml description my parser and extract the useful information. I am not sure how to generically describe the log file format in xml. Also I am unsure about how to then match lines in my log file with the descriptions given. I would greatly appreciate any help and guidance on this. Thank you very much to anyone who replies.

A: <logfile location="/usr/local/logs/logfile.log">
    <delimiter>#</delimiter>
    <format>
        <field index="1" length="10">
            <target>Date</target>
        </field>
        <field index="2">
            <target>Message</target>
        </field>
        <field index="3" length="20">
            <target>Component</target>
        </field>
        <field index="5" length="20">
            <target>Details</target>
        </field>
    </format>
</logfile>

Your code will read this XML and parse each line in the log file dynamically according to the rules defined here. The program will then store the values in appropriate 'target' fields.
log file:
2012/12/12 10.10.10#Critical application state#Error in component XYZ#Useless information#Useful information

Output:
Date: 2012/12/12
Message: Critical application state
Component: Error in component XYZ
Details: Useful information

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Today's episode is from me and it's about tips on how to build a roadmap and a plan with your client so they can see the actual steps to success. Is this something you do, or could use? Join the conversation at DailySales.Tips/37 to talk about the relationship between sales process and project management.
Lynn Winter a Digital Strategist and founder of Manage Digital a Minnesota conference specifically for Digital Project Managers joins us to talk about the importance of community and networking as a Digital Project Manager.
It is a reality that managers and creatives often speak different languages. Each has a different set of responsibilities and perspectives they are bringing to a project, and often the collision of these forces is enough to create massive waves within the organization. With that in mind, here is a list of statements that could begin to spark dialogue between organizational leaders and creatives.


Published in The Land Magazine (Issue-7 – Summer 2009).
Over the course of a few hundred years, much of Britain's land has been privatized — that is to say taken out of some form of collective ownership and management and handed over to individuals. Currently, in our "property-owning democracy", nearly half the country is owned by 40,000 land millionaires, or 0.06 per cent of the population,1 while most of the rest of us spend half our working lives paying off the debt on a patch of land barely large enough to accommodate a dwelling and a washing line.
But over the last three decades, the enclosure debate has been swept up in a broader discourse on the nature of common property of any kind. The overgrazing of English common land has been held up as the archetypal example of the "tragedy of the commons" — the fatal deficiency that a neoliberal intelligentsia holds to be inherent in all forms of common property. Attitudes towards enclosures in the past were always ideologically charged, but now any stance taken towards them betrays a parallel approach to the crucial issues of our time: the management of global commons and the conflict between the global and the local, between development and diversity.
Those of us who have not spent a lifetime studying agricultural history should beware of leaping to convenient conclusions about the past, for nothing is quite what it seems. But no one who wishes to engage with the environmental politics of today can afford to plead agnostic on the dominant social conflict of our recent past. The account of enclosure that follows is offered with this in mind, and so I plead guilty to "loitering with intent".
In December 1968 Science magazine published a paper by Garrett Hardin entitled "The Tragedy of the Commons".3 How it came to be published in a serious academic journal is a mystery, since its central thesis, in the author's own words, is what "some would say is a platitude", while most of the paper consists of the sort of socio-babble that today can be found on the average blog. The conclusion, that "the alternative of the commons is too horrifying to contemplate," is about as far removed from a sober scientific judgment as one could imagine.
Yet "The Tragedy of the Commons" became one of the most cited academic papers ever published and its title a catch phrase. It has framed the debate about common property for the last 30 years, and has exerted a baleful influence upon international development and environmental policy, even after Hardin himself admitted that he had got it wrong, and rephrased his entire theory.
But Hardin did get one thing right, and that is the reason for the lasting influence of his paper. He recognized that the common ownership of land, and the history of its enclosure, provides a template for understanding the enclosure of other common resources, ranging from the atmosphere and the oceans to pollution sinks and intellectual property. The physical fences and hedges that staked out the privateownership of the fields of England, are shadowed by the metaphorical fences that now delineate more sophisticated forms of private property. That Hardin misinterpreted the reasons and motives for fencing off private property is regrettable, and the overview of land enclosure in Britain that follows is just one of many attempts to put the record straight. But Hardin must nonetheless be credited for steering the environmental debate towards the crucial question of who owns the global resources that are, undeniably, "a common treasury for all".
In fact, this background wasn't clear at all, since it makes a nonsense of the idea of an inexorable tragedy. If degradation results from non-management and collapse can be averted by sound management, then there can be no "remorseless logic" leading to inevitable "ruin". Nor is there any reason why a private property regime (particularly an unjust one) should necessarily be preferable to the alternative of maintaining sound management of a commonly owned resource.
The following account provides a generalized overview of the forces that led to inequitable reallocation of once communal resources. The over-exploitation of poorly regulated commons, as described by William Lloyd, certainly played a role at times, but there is no evidence, from Hardin or anyone else, that degradation of the land was inevitable or inexorable. At least as prominent in the story is the prolonged assault upon the commons by those who wanted to establish ownership for their own private gain — together with the ideological support from the likes of Lloyd and Hardin that has been used to clothe what otherwise often looks like naked acquisitiveness.
Private ownership of land, and in particular absolute private ownership, is a modern idea, only a few hundred years old. "The idea that one man could possess all rights to one stretch of land to the exclusion of everybody else" was outside the comprehension of most tribespeople, or indeed of medieval peasants. The king, or the Lord of the Manor, might have owned an estate in one sense of the word, but the peasant enjoyed all sorts of so-called "usufructory" rights which enabled him, or her, to graze stock, cut wood or peat, draw water or grow crops, on various plots of land at specified times of year.
The open field system of farming, which dominated the flatter more arable central counties of England throughout the later medieval and into the modern period, is a classic common property system which can be seen in many parts of the world. The structure of the open fields system in Britain was influenced by the introduction of the caruca a large wheeled plough, developed by the Gauls, which was much more capable of dealing with heavy English clay soils than the lightweight Roman aratrum (Fr araire ). The caruca required a larger team of oxen to pull it —as many as eight on heavy soils — and was awkward to turn around, so very long strips were ideal. Most peasants could not afford a whole team of oxen, just one or two, so maintaining an ox team had to be a joint enterprise. Peasants would work strips of land, possibly proportionate to their investment in the ox team. The lands were farmed in either a two or three course rotation, with one year being fallow, so each peasant needed an equal number of strips in each section to maintain a constant crop year on year.
Furthermore, because the fields were grazed by the village herds when fallow, or after harvest, there was no possibility for the individual to change his style of farming: he had to do what the others were doing, when they did it, otherwise his crops would get grazed by everyone's animals. The livestock were also fed on hay from communal meadows (the distribution of hay was sometimes decided by an annual lottery for different portions of the field) and on communal pastures.
In short, the common field system, rather ingeniously, made economies of scale, including use of a whopping great plough team, potentially accessible to small scale farmers. The downside was a sacrifice of freedom (or "choice" as it is now styled), but that is in the nature of economies of scale when they are equitably distributed — and when they are inequitably distributed some people have no choice at all. The open field system probably offered more independence to the peasant than a New World latifundia, or a fully collectivized communist farm. One irony of these economies of scale is that when large-scale machinery arrived, farmers who had enclosed open fields had to start ripping out their hedges again.
It is hard to see how Harding's Tragedy of the Commons has any bearing upon the rise and fall of this open field system. Far from collapsing as a result of increased population, the development of open field systems often occurred quite late in the Middle Ages, and may even have been a response to increasing population pressure, according to a paper by Joan Thirsk.12 When there was plenty of uncultivated land left to clear, people were able to stake out private plots of land without impinging too much upon others; when there was less land to go round, or when a single holding was divided amongst two or three heirs, there was pressure to divide arable land into strips and manage it semi-collectively.
The open fields were not restricted to any one kind of social structure or land tenure system. In England they evolved under Saxon rule and continued through the era of Norman serfdom. After the Black Death serfdom gave way to customary land tenure known as copyhold and as the moneyeconomy advanced this in turn gave way to leasehold. But none of these changes appeared to diminish the effectiveness of the open field system. On the other hand, in Celtic areas, and in other peripheral regions that were hilly or wooded, open fields were much less widespread, and enclosure of private fields occurred earlier (and probably more equitably) than it did in the central arable counties.
Other big names of the time weighed in with similar views: Thomas Wolsey, Hugh Latimer, William Tyndale, Lord Somerset and Francis Bacon all agreed, and even though all of these were later executed, as were Cade, Kett and Pouch (they did Celebrity Big Brother properly in those days), the Tudor and Stuart monarchs took note and introduced a number of laws and commissions which managed to keep a check on the process of enclosure. One historian concludes from the number of anti-enclosure commissions set up by Charles I that he was "the one English monarch of outstanding importance as an agrarian reformer."19 But (as we shall see) Charles was not averse to carrying out enclosures of his own.
The Diggers appear to be not so much a resistance movement of peasants in the course of being squeezed off the land, as an inspired attempt to reclaim the land by people whose historical ties may well have already been dissolved, some generations previously. Like many radicals Winstanley was a tradesman in the textile industry. William Everard, his most prominent colleague, was a cashiered army officer. It is tempting to see the Diggers as the original "back to the land" movement, a bunch of idealistic drop-outs.21 Winstanley wrote so many pamphlets in such a short time that one wonders whether he had time to wield anything heavier than a pen. Nevertheless during 1649 he was earning his money as a hired cowherd; and no doubt at least some of the diggers were from peasant backgrounds.
More to the point, the Diggers weren't trying to stop "inclosures"; they didn't go round tearing down fences and levelling ditches, like both earlier and later rebels. In a letter to the head of the army, Fairfax, Winstanley stated that if some wished to "call the Inclosures [their] own land . . . we are not against it," though this may have been just a diplomatic gesture. Instead they wanted to create their own alternative Inclosure which would be a "Common Treasury of All" and where commoners would have "the freedom of the land for their livelihood . . . as the Gentry hathe the benefit of their Inclosures". Winstanley sometimes speaks the same language of "improvement" as the enclosers, but wishes to see its benefits extended to the poor rather than reserved for wealthy: "If the wasteland of England were manured by her children it would become in a few years the richest, the strongest and the most flourishing land in the world".22 In some ways the Diggers foreshadow the smallholdings and allotments movements of the late 19th and 20th century and the partageux of the French revolution — poor peasants who favoured the enclosure of commons if it resulted in their distribution amongst the landless.
Winstanley and associates were lucky not to die on the scaffold. The habit of executing celebrities was suspended during the Interregnum — after the beheading of Charles I, anyone else would have been an anticlimax. Executions were resumed (but mainly for plebs, not celebs) initially by Judge Jeffries in his Bloody Assizes in 1686 and subsequently some 70 years later with the introduction of the Black Acts.
The Black Acts were the vicious response of prime minister Walpole and his cronies to increasing resistance to the enclosure of woodlands. The rights of commoners to take firewood, timber and game from woodlands, and to graze pigs in them, had been progressively eroded for centuries: free use of forests and abolition of game laws was one of the demands that Richard II agreed to with his fingers crossed when he confronted Wat Tyler during the 1381 Peasants Revolt.25 But in the early 18th century the process accelerated as wealthy landowners enclosed forests for parks and hunting lodges, dammed rivers for fishponds, and allowed their deer to trash local farmer's crops.
Gangs such as these, who sooted their faces, both as a disguise and so as not to be spotted at night, were known as "the blacks", and so the legislation introduced two years later in 1723 was known as the Black Act. Without doubt the most viciously repressive legislation enacted in Britain in the last 400 years, this act authorized the death penalty for more than 50 offences connected with poaching. The act stayed on the statute books for nearly a century, hundreds were hanged for the crime of feeding themselves with wild meat, and when the act was finally repealed, poachers were, instead, transported to the Antipodes for even minor offences.
In the early 1600s, the Stuart kings James I and Charles I, hard up for cash, embarked on a policy of draining the fenland commons to provide valuable arable land that would yield the crown a higher revenue. Dutch engineers, notably Cornelius Vermuyden, were employed to undertake comprehensive drainage schemes which cost the crown not a penny, because the developers were paid by being allocated a third of the land enclosed and drained.
The commoners fought back by rioting, by levelling the dikes, and by taking the engineers to court. Their lawsuits were paid for "out of a common purse to which each villager contributed according to the size of the holding", though Charles I attempted to prevent them levying money for this purpose, and to prosecute the ringleaders. However, Charles' days were numbered, and when civil war broke out in the 1640s, the engineering project was shelved, and the commoners reclaimed all the fen from the developers. In 1642 Sir Anthony Thomas was driven out of East and West Fens and the Earl of Lyndsey was ejected from Lyndsey Level. In 1645 all the drainers' banks in Axholme were destroyed. And between 1642 and 1649 the Crown's share of fenland in numerous parishes was seized by the inhabitants, and returned to common.
By the end of the 18th century the incentive to convert tilled land in England over to pasture was dying away. There were a number of reasons for this. Firstly, the population was beginning to rise rapidly as people were displaced from the land and ushered into factory work in towns, and so more land was required for producing food. Secondly, cotton imported from the US and India, was beginning to replace English wool. And thirdly, Scotland had been united with England and its extensive pastures lay ready to be "devowered by shepe".
The final and most contentious wave of land enclosures in England occurred between about 1750 and 1850. Whereas the purpose of most previous enclosures had been to turn productive arable land into less productive (though more privately lucrative) sheep pasture, the colonization of Scotland for wool, and India and the Southern US states for cotton now prompted the advocates of enclosure to play a different set of cards: their aim was to turn open fields, pastures and wastelands — everything in fact — into more productive arable and mixed farm land. Their byword was "improvement". Their express aim was to increase efficiency and production and so both create and feed an increasingly large proletariat who would work either as wage labourers in the improved fields, or as machine minders in the factories.
(iii) that those who survived on the commons were (a) lazy and (b) impoverished (in other words "not inclined to work for wages"), and that enclosure of the commons would force them into employment.
(ii) that enclosure would engross already wealthy landowners, force poor people off the land and into urban slums, and result in depopulation.
Whilst the view that enclosure hastened improvement may well have been broadly correct, it is nonetheless fair to call these reports state propaganda. When Arthur Young changed his opinion, in 1801, and presented a report to the Board's Committee showing that enclosure had actually caused severe poverty in numerous villages, the committee (after sitting on the report for a month) "told me I might do what I pleased with it for myself, but not print it as a work for the Board. . . probably it will be printed without effect."36 Young was not the only advocate of enclosure to change his mind: John Howlett was another prominent advocate of enclosure who crossed the floor after seeing the misery it caused.
Between 1760 and 1870, about 7 million acres (about one sixth the area of England) were changed, by some 4,000 acts of parliament, from common land to enclosed land.37 However necessary this process might or might not have been for the improvement of the agricultural economy, it was downright theft. Millions of people had customary and legal access to lands and the basis of an independent livelihood was snatched away from them through what to them must have resembled a Kafkaesque tribunal carried out by members of the Hellfire Club. If you think this must be a colourful exaggeration, then read J L and Barbara Hammonds' accounts of Viscount "Bully" Bolingbroke's attempt to enclose Kings' Sedgmoor to pay off his gambling debts: "Bully," wrote the chairman of the committee assessing the proposal, "has a scheme of enclosure which if it succeeds, I am told will free him of all his difficulties"; or of the Spencer/Churchill's proposal, in the face of repeated popular opposition, to enclose the common at Abingdon (see box p 26).38 And if you suspect that the Hammond's accounts may be extreme examples (right wing historians are rather sniffy about the Hammonds)39 then look at the map provided by Tate showing the constituency of MPs who turned up to debate enclosure bills for Oxfordshire when they came up in parliament. There was no requirement, in the parliament of the day, to declare a "conflict of interest".
To make a modern analogy, it was as if Berkeley Homes, had put in an application to build housing all over your local country park, and when you went along to the planning meeting to object, the committee consisted entirely of directors of Berkeley, Barretts and Bovis — and there was no right of appeal. However, in contrast to the modern rambler, the commoners lost not only their open space and their natural environment (the poems of John Clare remind us how significant that loss was); they also lost one of their principal means of making a living. The "democracy" of late 18th and early 19th century English parliament, at least on this issue, proved itself to be less answerable to the needs of the common man than the dictatorships of the Tudors and Stuarts. Kings are a bit more detached from local issues than landowners, and, with this in mind, it may not seem so surprising that popular resistance should often appeal to the King for justice. (A similar recourse can be seen in recent protests by Chinese peasants, who appeal to the upper echelons of the Communist Party for protection against the expropriation of collective land by corrupt local officials).
Arthur Young's 1801 report was called An Inquiry into the Propriety of Applying Wastes to the Maintenance and Support of the Poor. Young, Howlett, David Davies, and indeed most of those who were concerned for the future welfare of the dispossessed (whether or not they approved of enclosure), argued that those who lost commons rights should be compensated with small enclosures of their own.
In the face of such a strong case for the provision of smallholdings, it took a political economist to come up with reasons for not providing them. Burke, Bentham and a host of lesser names, all of them fresh from reading Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations, advised Pitt and subsequent prime ministers that there was no way in which the government could help the poor, or anybody else, except by increasing the nation's capital (or as we now say, its GDP). No kind of intervention on behalf of the landless poor should be allowed to disturb the "invisible hand" of economic self interest — even though the hand that had made them landless in the first place was by no means invisible, and was more like an iron fist. At the turn of the century, the Reverend Thomas Malthus waded in with his argument that helping the poor was a waste of time since it only served to increase the birth rate — a view which was lapped up by those Christians who had all along secretly believed that the rich should inherit the earth.
Richard Bacon deserves applause for explaining very clearly why capitalism prefers big farms and forces people off the land. It is also worth noting that the increased rent after enclosure had to be subsidized by the poor rates — the taxes which landowners had to pay to support the poor who were forced into workhouses.
In 1846, after a fierce debate, the tariffs on imported corn which helped maintain the price of British grown wheat were repealed. The widespread refusal to provide land for the dispossessed, and the emergence of an urban proletariat who didn't have the option of growing their own food, made it possible for proponents of the free market to paint their campaign for the repeal of the Corn Laws as a humanitarian gesture. Cheap bread from cheap imported corn was of interest to the economists and industrialists because it made wages cheaper; at the same time it was of benefit to the hungry landless poor (provided wages didn't decline correspondingly, which Malthus claimed was what would happen). The combined influence of all these forces was enough to get tariffs removed from imported corn and open up the UK market to the virgin lands of the New World.
Had the labourers of Britain been rural smallholders, rather than city slumdwellers, then a high price for corn, and hence for agricultural products in general, might have been more in their interest, and it is less likely that the corn laws would have been repealed. If England had kept its peasantry (as most other European countries did) there would have been fewer landless labourers and abandoned children, wages for factory workers might have been higher, and the English cotton industry might not have been so well poised to undercut and then destroy thousands of local industries around the world which produced textiles of astonishing craftsmanship and beauty. By 1912 Britain, which couldn't even grow cotton, was exporting nearly seven billion yards of cotton cloth each year — enough to provide a suit of clothes for every man woman and child alive in the world at the time.45 Globalization was a dominant force by the end of the 19th century.
It was in this context that the call for smallholdings and allotments was revived. "Three Acres and A Cow" was the catch phrase coined by liberal MP Jesse Collings, whose programme is outlined in his book Land Reform. In 1913 the parliamentary Land Enquiry Committee issued its report The Land (no relation) which included copious first hand evidence of the demand for and the benefits of smallholdings. Both books focused on the enclosure of commons as the prime source of the problem.49 A series of parliamentary statutes, from the 1887 Allotments Act, the 1892 Smallholding Act, and the 1908 Smallholding and Allotments Act provided local authorities with the power to acquire the land which now still exists in the form of numerous municipal allotments and the County Smallholdings Estate.
The enclosure movement was brought to an end when it started to upset the middle classes. By the 1860s, influential city-dwellers noticed that areas for recreation were getting thin on the ground. In the annual enclosure bills for 1869, out of 6,916 acres of land scheduled for enclosure, just three acres were allocated for recreation, and six acres for allotments.51 A protection society was formed, the Commons Preservation Society, headed by Lord Eversley, which later went on to become the Open Spaces Society, and also spawned the National Trust. The Society was not afraid to support direct action tactics, such as the levelling of fences, and used them successfully, in the case of Epping Forest and Berkhampstead Common, to initiate court cases which drew attention to their cause.52 Within a few years the Society had strong support in parliament, and the 1876 Commons Act ruled that enclosure should only take place if there was some public benefit.
In any case, in the agricultural depression that by 1875 was well established, improvement was no longer a priority, and in the last 25 years of the 19th century only a handful of parliamentary enclosures took place. Since then, the greatest loss of commons has probably been as a result of failure to register under the 1965 Commons Registration Act.
The standard interpretation of enclosure, at least 18th-19th century enclosure, is that it was "a necessary evil, and there would have been less harm in it if the increased dividend of the agricultural world had been fairly distributed."54 Nearly all assessments are some kind of variation on this theme, with weight placed either upon the need for "agricultural improvement" or upon the social harm according to the ideological disposition of the writer. There is no defender of the commons who argues that enclosure did not provide, or at least hasten, some improvements in agriculture (the Hammonds ignore the issue and focus on the injustices); and there is no supporter of enclosure who does not concede that the process could have been carried out more equitably.
Of course it might well take longer for a state-of-the-art farmer to persuade a majority of members of a common field system to switch over to experimental techniques, than it would to strike out on his own. One can understand an individual's frustration, but from the community's point of view, why the hurry? Overhasty introduction of technical improvements often leads to social disruption. In any case, if we compare the very minimal agricultural extension services provided for the improvement of open field agriculture to the loud voices in favour of enclosure, it is hard not to conclude that "improvement" served partly as a Trojan horse for those whose main interest was consolidation and engrossment of land.
Britain set out, more or less deliberately, to become a highly urbanized economy with a large urban proletariat dispossessed from the countryside, highly concentrated landownership, and farms far larger than any other country in Europe. Enclosure of the commons, more advanced in the UK than anywhere else in Europe, was not the only means of achieving this goal: free trade and the importing of food and fibre from the New World and the colonies played a part, and so did the English preference for primogeniture (bequeathing all your land to your eldest son). But enclosure of common land played a key role in Britain's industrialization, and was consciously seen to do so by its protagonists at the time.
The above account of the enclosure of the English commons is given for its own sake; but also because the management of English common pasture is the starting point of Hardin's thesis, so it is against the tapestry of English commons rights and the tortuous process of their enclosure that Hardin's formulaic tragedy may initially be judged.
Hardin's theory springs from the observation that common pastures allowed individuals to benefit from overstocking at the community's expense, and therefore were inherently prone to ecological exhaustion and ultimately "ruin". Without doubt there were common pastures which matched the description given by William Lloyd, as amplified by Hardin. But the salient fact that emerges from the copious historical studies that have been compiled from local field orders, land tax returns, enclosure awards and so on, is that 18th century commons and common pastures were about as different, one from another, as farms are today. Many were managed according to very detailed rules set by the local manorial court regulating stocking levels (or "stints"), manuring, disease control and so forth; but these rules varied considerably from one village to another. In some places they were found to be more necessary, or were more scrupulously observed than they were in others.
This comes as no great surprise, but the presence of powerful interest groups, possibly in a position to pervert the management regime, suggests a different scenario from that given by Hardin of "rational herdsmen" each seeking to maximise their individual gain. Hardin's construct is like the Chinese game of go where each counter has the same value; real life is more like chess, where a knight or a bishop can outclass a pawn.
Perhaps there were instances where a profusion of unregulated, "rational" yet unco-operative paupers overburdened the commons with an ever-increasing population of half-starved animals, in line with Lloyd's scenario. But even when there are reports from observers to this effect we have to be careful, for one man's puny and stunted beast is another man's hardy breed. Stunting is another way of stinting. Lloyd was writing at a time when stockbreeders were obsessed with producing prize specimens that to our modern eye appear grotesquely obese. In 1800, the celebrated Durham Ox, weighing nearly 3000 pounds, made a triumphal tour of Britain, and two years later about 2,000 people paid half a guinea for an engraving of the same beast.61 To these connoisseurs of fatstock, the commoners' house cow must have appeared as skeletal as do the zebu cattle of India and Africa in comparison to our Belgian Blues and cloned Holsteins. Yet the zebus provide a livelihood for hundreds of millions of third world farmers, are well adapted to producing milk, offspring, dung and traction from sparse and erratic dryland pastures and poor quality crop residues, and in terms of energy and protein are more efficient at doing so.
While the dynamic identified by Lloyd clearly exists and may sometimes dominate, it represents just one factor of many in a social system founded on access to common property. Hardin's Tragedy bears very little relationship to the management of open fields, to the making of hay from the meadows, or to various other common rights such as gleaning, none of which are vulnerable to the dynamic of competitive overstocking. The only aspect of the entire common land system where the tragedy has any relevance at all is in the management of pasture and wasteland; and here it is acknowledged by almost all historians that commons managers were only too aware of the problem, and had plenty of mechanisms for dealing with it, even if they didn't always put them into force. The instances in which unstinted access to common pastures led to overstocking no doubt played a role in hastening eventual enclosure. But to attribute the disappearance of the English commons to the "remorseless workings" of a trite formula is a travesty of historical interpretation, carried out by a theorist with a pet idea, who knew little about the subject he was writing about.
Any well-structured economy will allocate resources communally or privately according to the different functions they perform. The main advantage of common ownership is equity, particularly in respect of activities where there are economies of scale; the main advantage of private ownership is freedom, since the use of goods can be more directly tailored to the needs of the individual.
The open field system of agriculture, which until recently was the dominant arable farming system throughout much of Europe, provided each family with its own plot of land, within a communally managed ecosystem. In villages where dairy was prominent, management could shift back and forth between individual and communal several times throughout the course of the day. The system described below was outlined by Daniel Defoe in his observations on the Somerset town of Cheddar4, but elements of it can be found throughout Europe.
PRIVATE In such a system cows are owned and lodged by individual families, who milk them in the morning, and provide whatever medicinal care they see fit. There are no economies of scale to be derived from milking centrally, and the milk is accessible to consumers, fresh from the udder, providing a substantial economy of distribution. Each family also gets its share of the manure.
PUBLIC At an appointed time in the morning, a communally appointed cowherd passes through the village and the cows file out to make their way to the common pasture. There are clear economies of scale to be gained from grazing all the cows together.
PRIVATE In the evening the herd returns and cows peel off one by one to their individual sheds, where they are again milked. Their owners can calibrate the amount of extra feed cows are given to the amount of milk they require.
PUBLIC Milk surplus to domestic requirements is taken to the creamery and made into cheese, another process which benefits from economies of scale.
PRIVATE At Cheddar, families were paid with entire cheeses, weighing a hundredweight or more, which they could consume or market as they saw fit. Unfortunately Defoe does not tell us what happens to the whey from the creamery, which presumably was given to pigs.
This elegant system paid scant allegiance to ideology — it evolved from the dialogue between private interest and common sense.
The "riotousness" is a reference to the resistance put up by the commoners to the theft of their land. The first proposal to drain and enclose the land in 1801, by the Spencer/Churchill family, was staved off by armed mobs who appeared everytime the authorities tried to pin up enclosure notices. A second attempt in 1814 was again met with "large mobs armed with every description of offensive weapon".
In 1830, 22 farmers were acquitted of destroying embankments associated with the drainage works, and a few weeks later, heartened by this result, a mob gathered and perambulated the entire commons pulling down all the fences. Lord Churchill arrived with a troop of yeomen, arrested 44 of the rioters and took them off to Oxford gaol in a paddy wagon.
1. Kevin Cahill, Who Owns Britain, Canongate, 2001.
2. E P Thompson, Customs in Common, Penguin, 1993, p114.
3. Garrett Hardin, "The Tragedy of the Commons", Science, 13 December, 1968, pp1243-1248.
4. Daniel Defoe, A Tour Through England and Wales, Everyman, Vol 1, pp 277-8.
5. William F Lloyd, Two Lectures in the Checks to Population, Oxford University Press, 1833.
6. Eg, E A Loayza, A Strategy for Fisheries Development, World Bank Discussion Paper 135, 1992.
7. E P Thompson, Customs in Common, Penguin, 1993, p107.
8. Arthur McEvoy, "Towards and Interactive Theory of Nature and Culture, Environmental Review, 11, 1987, p 299.
9. Garrett Hardin, "The Tragedy of the 'Unmanaged' Commons", in R V Andelson, Commons Without Tragedy, Shepheard Walwyn, 1991.
10. The prospect of imminent enclosure provided wealthy commoners with a number of incentives for overstocking common pastures. See: JM Neeson, Commoners: Common Right, Enclosure and Social Change in England, 1700-1820, Cambridge, 1993, p156; and W H R Curtier, The Enclosure and Redistribution of Our Land, Elibron 2005 (Oxford 1920), p242.
11. CS and C S Orwin's The Open Fields, Oxford, 1938 is perhaps the most useful study of this system, not least because the Orwin's were farmers as well as academics.. See also J V Beckett, A History of Laxton: England's Last Open Fioeld Village, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989.
12. Joan Thirsk, "The Common Fields", Past and Present, 29, 1964.
15. In 1381, the St Albans contingent, led by William Grindcobbe accused the Abbot of St Albans of (among other abuses) enclosing common land. Jesse Collings, Land Reform,: Occupying Ownership, Peasant Proprietary and Rural Education, Longmans Green and Co, p 120; and on Cade p138.
16. W E Tate, The English Village Community and the Enclosure Movements, Gollancz,1967, pp122-125;W H R Curteis, op cit 10, p132.
18. Thomas More, Utopia, Everyman, 1994.
19. Tate, op cit 17, pp 124-127.
20. William Everard et al, The True Levellers' Standard Advanced, 1649.
21. Early hippie organizations in California and the UK called themselves the San Francisco Diggers, and the Hyde Park Diggers respectively.
23. Holinshed's Chronicles, Vol 3, p220. Fabyan's Chronicle states of Cade "They faude him right discrete in his answerys". Cited in Jesse Collings, op cit 15, p 139.
24. David Boulton, Gerrard Winstanley and the Republic of Heaven, Dales Historical Monographs, 1999, chapter XIII.
26. E P Thompson, Whigs and Hunters, Allen Lane , 1985.
27. Guy Vassal, La Guerre des Demoiselles, Editions de Paris, 2009.
28. See the article in this magazine by Roland Girtler and Gerald Kohl.
29. All the information on the fens in this section is taken from Joan Thirsk, English Peasant Farming: The Agrarian History of Lincolnshire from Tudor to Recent Times, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1957.
30. Anon, The Anti-Projector; or the History of the Fen Project, 1646?, cited in Joan Thirsk, ibid, p30.
31. John Prebble, The Highland Clearances, 1963, p79.
32. Alastair McIntosh, "Wild Scots and Buffoon History", The Land 1, 2006.
33. Quoted in James Hunter, Skye, the Island, Mainstream, Edinburgh, 1986, p118.
34. One of best short accounts is in pp1-52 of Neeson, op cit 9, though there is also useful material in Tate, op cit 17, pp63-90.
35 Curtier, op cit 10; Tate op cit 17. A pro-enclosure summary of the General Views can be found on pp224-252 of Lord Ernle, English Farming Past and Present, 1912.
36. Arthur Young, Autobiography, 1898, republished AM Kelley, 1967.
37. G Slater, "Historical Outline of Land Ownership in England", in The Land , The Report of the Land Enquiry Committee, Hodder and Stoughton, 1913.
38. J L and Barbara Hammond, The Village Labourer, Guild, 1948 (1911) p60.
39 Thompson mentions the "long historiographical reaction against those fine historians, Barbara and JL Hammomd." Thompson, op cit 2, p115.
40. Tate, op cit 17, p97.
41. Curteis, op cit 10, p241.
42. Brian Inglis, Poverty and the Industrial Revolution, 1971, pp89-90, and p385.
44 Kevin Cahill, op cit 1, p30.
45. David Landes, The Unbound Prometheus, Cambridge, 1969. p452.
46. Thirsk, op cit 29, p311.
47. Letters from America, cited by KDM Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor, Cambridge 1985.
48. Tate op cit 15, p138. These figures are challenged by Curtier, whose The Enclosure and Redistribution of Our Land, op cit 10, is an apology for the landowning class. Curtier, an advocate of smallholdings maintained that thanks to landowners' generosity "there were a considerable number of small holdings in existence" and that "the lamentation over the landlessness of the poorer classes has been overdone". Yet he admits that "the total number of those having allotments and smallholdings bears a very small proportion to the total of the poorer classes." Curtier has a useful account of the effects of the various smallholding and allotment acts (pp278-301).
49. Collings, op cit 15; and Slater, op cit 37.
50. S Fairlie, "Farm Squat", The Land 2, Summer 2006.
51. Tate, op cit 15, p136.
52. Lord Eversley, English Commons and Forests, 1894.
53. George Bourne, Change in the Village, Penguin 1984 (1912), pp 77-78.
54. G M Trevelyan, English Social History, Longmans, p379.
47. Lord Ernle, English Farming Past and Present, Longmans, 1912.
55. Humanby, see J A Yelling, Common Field and Enclosure in England 1450-1850, Macmillan, 1977; Barrowby, see Joan Thirsk, op cit 29. J V, Beckett, The Agricultural Revolution, Basil Blackwell, 1990 provides a summary of this change of approach.
56. J M Neeson, op cit 10 . Other key books covering this debate include E C K Gonner, Common Land and Enclosure, Macmillan, 1912; J D Mingay, The Agricultural Revolution 1750-1880, Batsford, 1970; J A Yelling, ibid.
58. Doreen Warriner, Economics of Peasant Farming, Oxford, 1939, p3.
59.Gonner, op ci 56 p337 and p306; Neeson, op cit 10, pp86 and 156; Thirsk, op cit 29, pp38, 116 and 213.
60. Cited in Curtier, op cit 10.
61. Jeremy Rifkin, Beyond Beef, Dutton, 1992,p60.
62. Neeson, op cit 28 pp 165, 311 and passim.
63. William Cobbett, Selections from the Political Register, 1813, Vol IV.
The views expressed in The Land do not necessarily represent those of The Land is Ours, Chapter 7, or the editors. We encourage debate and will consider for publication any material submitted relating to the politics of land, provided it is not racist, sexist or similarly inflammatory. However, editorial policy reflects the basic objective of of TLIO – which is to "campaign peacefully for access to land, its resources and the decision-making processes affecting them, for everyone, irrespective of race, creed, age or gender.
A note on illustrations: The Land magazine wishes to support contemporary black and white illustration. We try to give credit to all illustrators and are happy to pay a fee to living artists commensurate with our shoestring budget. Sometimes we do not manage to locate the artist. If you wish your work to be credited better or have any other problems, please contact the editors.


The Bible refers to Anna as a Prophetess.
In the days of the Christmas story, the Temple had a women's court. Women could not be priests or Levites of course, but they could pray. When a woman of faith prays, heaven listens. Heaven also speaks. This elderly saint had no family from her long-departed husband so her full attention went to prayer and fasting. The life she chose in her advanced age was one of service to God; the scripture makes this plain. God is faithful to reward those who serve Him from a pure heart.
Years after Anna had gone on to her reward in Heaven, Jesus would come to these same outer courts and find commerce and politics but not consecration and prayer. He would call it a Den of Thieves. Even though this was surely the case in Anna's day, she ignored the money-changing and power-grabbing and focused her heart on God. She disciplined her frail body with fasting and empowered her heroic spirit with prayer. Since God is faithful, we can be sure that He granted her the sweetness of His presence. In the midst of chicanery Anna found Shekinah.
Anna arose to pray, as did her counterpart Simeon, seven times each day. Like him, she had memorized the psalms and much of the prophets. She used the holy words to call upon God for a Redeemer. Her treble voice graced the long hours of the night like a song on the wind in a meadow. Indeed, it was as if she felt a wind even within the sheltered walls of the Temple. She felt the winds of the Spirit of God stirring in her heart. Messiah was near—very soon to "suddenly arrive" at the Temple as Malachi predicted. The ancient words of God sounded in her hearing as if freshly spoken.
Anna, the praying prophetess, calling on God in effectual, fervent prayer—prayer in the Spirit—that, even then, availed much.
Unseen by the public and ignored by the leaders, this little woman prayed in the Temple for their Redeemer to come.
When a woman of faith prays, heaven listens.
You shall know that I, the Lord, am your Savior And your Redeemer, the Mighty One of Jacob. "Instead of bronze I will bring gold, Instead of iron I will bring silver, Instead of wood, bronze, And instead of stones, iron. I will also make your officers peace, And your magistrates righteousness. Violence shall no longer be heard in your land, Neither wasting nor destruction within your borders; But you shall call your walls Salvation, And your gates Praise.
Lord Jesus, teach me Anna's secret! I want to renew my commitment to prayer and to the things of the Spirit of God. I will tune out the noise of this secular age and the clamor of commerce all around me. Help me feel the winds of the Spirit in my heart as she did there in the Temple. Your Spirit is at work. When people of faith pray, You still listen! You still speak when You find us listening in prayer. Help me to dwell in Your presence and to occupy myself with Your mission. For Your Glory, Lord! Amen.
on the cross he sealed my pardon, paid the debt, and made me free.
how the victory he gives me over sin and death and hell.
he from death to life has brought me, Son of God, with him to be.
There is always a faithful remnant, even within the priesthood.
To the old man named Simeon, the priesthood was more than a family business; it was a calling from God. There were specific duties to be performed in a rotation. Each assignment was a joy to fulfill. More than these things, there was a general duty, a daily duty of scripture, prayer, and adoration. With a whole tribe of priests and Levites very few of them actually lived on the Temple grounds. When assigned the specific duties, they occupied temporary residences. Others lived at the Temple as caretakers and representatives of God to the people. A few, Simeon among them, lived close by, perhaps even in a small chamber in outer courts the Temple itself.
The Word of God was Simeon's occupation.
He had long ago memorized huge portions of the prophets and all of the psalms. It is the duty of old men to know the Scriptures and bring them to bear on the issues of the day. His old heart was troubled and comforted by the Words he quoted in prayer. The spiritual state of the nation and of the Temple troubled him. The promises of Messiah comforted him. Sleep was of little interest to him. He followed the most demanding hours of prayer—seven times a day—rising at appointed times in the night to call upon God for deliverance. He quoted the words of the prophets as if there were a crowd listening to him and he was the prophet himself.
The Temple guards on duty through each night were accustomed to the sounds of preaching coming from Simeon's little room. They somehow knew that the old man's prayers and confessions were important even if there were no crowds to hear him, only a few sleepy soldiers. Deep in their hearts they knew that Simeon had the attention of heaven itself.
Simeon Prayed the words of the Prophets.
Break up your fallow ground, for it is time to seek the Lord….
Simeon stopped his preaching in midsentence. The listening guards were startled at the sudden silence. Had the old man's heart finally given out?
In the silence of his obscure chamber Simeon, priest of the Most High God, was given a promise. He would not taste of death until he had seen with his own eyes the Promised One, the Anointed One, the Messiah.
The rest of that night was spent in silence. A Temple guard looked in on Simeon to see if the end had come for him and found him fully awake. The guard honored the silence just as he had the noisy praying. Somehow he knew that the Hope of Israel was at stake.
And behold, there was a man in Jerusalem whose name was Simeon, and this man was just and devout, waiting for the Consolation of Israel, and the Holy Spirit was upon him. And it had been revealed to him by the Holy Spirit that he would not see death before he had seen the Lord's Christ. So he came by the Spirit into the temple.
Blow the trumpet in Zion, And sound an alarm in My holy mountain! Let all the inhabitants of the land tremble; For the day of the Lord is coming, For it is at hand: "Now, therefore," says the Lord, "Turn to Me with all your heart, With fasting, with weeping, and with mourning." So rend your heart, and not your garments; Return to the Lord your God, For He is gracious and merciful, Slow to anger, and of great kindness; And He relents from doing harm. Who knows if He will turn and relent, And leave a blessing behind Him — A grain offering and a drink offering For the Lord your God? Blow the trumpet in Zion, Consecrate a fast, Call a sacred assembly; Gather the people, Sanctify the congregation, Assemble the elders, Gather the children and nursing babes; Let the bridegroom go out from his chamber, And the bride from her dressing room. Let the priests, who minister to the Lord, Weep between the porch and the altar; Let them say, "Spare Your people, O Lord, And do not give Your heritage to reproach, That the nations should rule over them. Why should they say among the peoples, 'Where is their God?'" Then the Lord will be zealous for His land, And pity His people. The Lord will answer and say to His people, "Behold, I will send you grain and new wine and oil, And you will be satisfied by them; I will no longer make you a reproach among the nations. …"And it shall come to pass afterward That I will pour out My Spirit on all flesh; Your sons and your daughters shall prophesy, Your old men shall dream dreams, Your young men shall see visions. And also on My menservants and on My maidservants I will pour out My Spirit in those days. "And I will show wonders in the heavens and in the earth: Blood and fire and pillars of smoke. The sun shall be turned into darkness, And the moon into blood, Before the coming of the great and awesome day of the Lord. And it shall come to pass That whoever calls on the name of the Lord Shall be saved. For in Mount Zion and in Jerusalem there shall be deliverance, As the Lord has said, among the remnant whom the Lord calls.
Lord Jesus, let me feel the significance of these times. It is time to break up the fallow ground of my heart, of the church! It is time for all of us to seek the Lord. It is time to sow in righteousness and reap in mercy. Send the rain, O Lord! Let each worship service be both a celebration of joy in that You have come to earth and You are here with us and a solemn assembly wherein the needs of the hour and the demands of the day are pressed upon us by Your Spirit. Pour out Your Spirit as You have promised. The task before us is beyond our human abilities to perform. Let us as Your Holy-Royal Priesthood pray and preach through this long night until the Dayspring from on High dawns in this world. As we rend our hearts and not our garments—do a deep work in us today! Amen and amen.


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Mi'kmawey Debert Cultural Centre
Artwork by Dozay Christmas (Membertou First Nation).
Connecting with Our Past Mawitaik ta'n tett wejitaik
Picture an ice-age landscape with mastodons, caribou, and giant beavers wandering over the tundra that covered Mi'kma'ki more than 11,000 years ago. Imagine communities of people who lived at the base of the Cobequid Mountains for as long as a thousand years. This begins the story of the Mi'kmawey Debert Cultural Centre.
MDCC Program Development Officer Gerald Gloade demonstrates an atlatl (an ancient spear-thrower) at the Mi'kmawey Debert Interpretive Trail.
Located in Debert, Nova Scotia, the Centre will be a world-class experiential facility that will enrich the lives of visitors and foster a greater awareness of our communities.
When the Centre is complete, visitors will be invited into a dynamic cultural landscape that is alive with Mi'kmaw worldviews. It will be a place for understanding, healing, and reconciliation for Mi'kma'ki and beyond.
Experience a Journey Wji-kinu'tmasi wula elien
The Kluskap Theatre will engage visitors on a range of topics.
When visitors arrive at the Mi'kmawey Debert Cultural Centre they will choose from an array of journeys – some fun and entertaining, others more serious, exploratory and contemplative. Stories and experiences in the galleries will encourage interaction among visitors. There will also be a number of demonstration and teaching areas for students of all ages that will meet a wide range of educational needs.
Rich experiential programs will allow visitors to explore the history and culture of Mi'kmaw people. Using the power of storytelling and modern technologies, the Centre will transport visitors back in time, immersing them in the lives of our earliest ancestors—through time to the present. Healing opportunities will support and strengthen individual and community journeys of reconciliation.
Ancestors Live Here Sa'qewe'ki'k kikmanaqi'k wikultisni'k tett
The MDCC Elders' Advisory Council was involved in the site selection and future home of the Mi'kmawey Debert Cultural Centre. After an intensive site planning exercise, the EAC walked the land and recommended the location, which overlooks the archaeological sites dating back more than 11,000 years.
The archaeological sites at Debert continue to reveal new evidence of people living in what was an ice-age landscape. They are the oldest, directly-dated archaeological sites in Canada, and are among the largest and best-preserved sites of this age in North America. For more than a decade, the Mi'kmaw Nation has taken the lead in protecting this ancestral place.
Planning for the Centre Elmi'knikewey etli-mawita'mk
Developing the Centre involves intentional and comprehensive planning for the future–inspired by love for our people and respect for our past.
With a mandate from the Assembly of Nova Scotia Mi'kmaw Chiefs, and under the guidance of the MDCC Elders' Advisory Council, The Confederacy of Mainland Mi'kmaq is working on behalf of all 13 Mi'kmaw communities to lay the foundation for a realistic and sustainable operation. The Centre will have significant direct economic impacts for Nova Scotia and the Mi'kmaw Nation.
With an eye to the future, the project is embarking on a campaign to support its unique collections and programs.
Mi'kmawey Debert Interpretive Trail
A view from the Mi'kmawey Debert Interpretive Trail.
The 4.4 km trail is available to the public year-round and takes about 75 minutes to hike. The trail abounds with wild flowers, tall trees and running streams, and travels through moderate terrain and diverse forest cover. The interpretative panels, featuring the artwork of Dozay Christmas, share the ever-growing story of the ancestral Debert sites.
The trail's rugged terrain does not accommodate wheeled vehicles. It is located fifteen minutes from Truro, just off Exit 13 on the Trans Canada Highway 104. Parking is available and temporary facilities accommodate visitors from May to October.
For more information, please contact us at mdcc@cmmns.com or call (902) 895-6385 or toll free at 1-877-892-2424, or visit our website at www.mikmaweydebert.com.
Join Us and Explore Mi'kma'ki at Your Pace
www.mikmaweydebert.com
The Mi'kmawey Debert Cultural Centre has launched a new website to share stories from Mi'kma'ki as well as the plans for the future Centre. The site contains more than 50 pages of multimedia content including videos, slideshows, discussion pages, teaching resources, and even an online quiz to test your knowledge of Mi'kmaw history and culture. "From the natural sounds of Mi'kma'ki and the spoken Mi'kmaw on the very first page, we want you to feel like you have stepped into our culture," says Tim Bernard, Director of History and Culture at the Confederacy of Mainland Mi'kmaq.
Across the site, the Elders from the Mi'kmawey Debert Elders' Advisory Council share the stories of their lives and their perspectives of the project. The Ancestors Live Here Sa'qewe'ki'k Kikmanaqi'k Wikultisni'k Tett pages, which include a series of videos from across Mi'kma'ki by cultural educator Gerald Gloade, is among the most sought after content on the site. The website also links to the CBC Land and Sea documentary, The Mi'kmaq Journey, which captures one of MDCC's trips to Washington DC to visit one of the best Mi'kmaw collections in the world. The site also serves Shubenacadie Indian Residential School survivors and descendants through dedicated content and discussion pages.
The MDCC project has been continually gathering Elders' stories for more than a decade. These films will be incorporated into exhibitions and programs at the future Centre. Click to view short clips of these videos in the Sharing Our Stories section.
Developing the Mi'kmawey Debert Cultural Centre involves intentional and comprehensive planning for the future—inspired by love for our people and respect for our past. Click to learn more about the planned Centre in the Future Centre section.
For more than eight years we have been compiling Kluskap stories and visiting sacred sites, creating short videos to share this traditional knowledge. Click to view to learn more about the Kluskap Stories Project in the Ancestors Live Here section.
MORE CMM PROGRAMS
Mi'kmaw Ecological Knowledge Studies (MEKS)
The CMM conducts Mi'kmaq Ecological Knowledge Studies (MEKS). A MEKS is a study of historic and current Mi'kmaq land and resource use. An evaluation is completed to determine any impacts a potential project may have on the use of that land. Information obtained from personal interviews and land mapping aids in protection and management of […]
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Maintenance Management Program
The maintenance management technician, as part of and in addition to the ACRS inspections, provides the Bands with prioritized lists of maintenance recommendations. These recommendations will include non-ACRS assets such as oil tank replacement schedules and building maintenance advice. This program is expanding to incorporate energy efficiency initiatives such as those provided through external organizations […]
Tripartite Forum
The Mi'kmaq-Nova Scotia -Canada Tripartite Forum was formed in 1997 as a partnership between the Nova Scotia Mi'kmaq, the Province of Nova Scotia and the Government of Canada. The Tripartite Forum aims to strengthen relationships and to resolve issues of mutual concern affecting Mi'kmaw communities. The CMM administers the Tripartite Secretariat which assists in the […]
The MCG is developing programs on issues involving species-at-risk and participating in programs such as habitat restoration. Through our programs and services we help to promote Netukulimk – taking what you need today and leaving some for tomorrow – in the Bay of Fundy Watershed. Youth Mentorship/Capacity Building Research […]
Climate Change Adaptation Program
MCG is currently working on a project to help water operators in our Communities assess if their water utilities are vulnerable to climate change. But what does that mean? It means protecting our drinking water today for our children's tomorrow. This program is focused on assessing three MCG Community's water utilities and their ability to […]
Mi'kmaw Conservation Group
Today the Bay of Fundy Watershed, which was once so familiar, has changed due to commercial use, population growth, pollution and global warming. The Mi'kmaw Conservation group will endeavor to take on these and other challenges to fulfill their mission… To Promote and Restore the concept of Netukulimk in the Bay of Fundy Watershed. Netukulimk […]
Mi'kmawey Forestry Program
Mi'kmawey Forestry is a revised version of the First Nations Forestry Program that was funded by Natural Resources Canada from 1994-2011. Since then, new funding opportunities have become available to revive the program through numerous sources that include Government agencies, private industry and other non-government organizations. These organizations assist with funding the program, building capacity within […]
Asset Condition and Reporting System (ACRS)
In this program technicians perform inspections on all AANDC funded on reserve assets (schools, roads, offices, water and wastewater systems etc) for all 13 Nova Scotian Bands as well as 3 communities in Newfoundland and Labrador. These inspections are performed once every 3 years and provide the Bands with up to date information on the […]
Community Based monitoring
Connecting with Our Past Mawitaik ta'n tett wejitaik Picture an ice-age landscape with mastodons, caribou, and giant beavers wandering over the tundra that covered Mi'kma'ki more than 11,000 years ago. Imagine communities of people who lived at the base of the Cobequid Mountains for as long as a thousand years. This begins the story of […]
Membership / Elections
Click here to access forms and applications » The CMM Membership program assists band members with applications for registration and membership. The CMM membership clerk issues Indian Status cards within the policy and guidelines set out by the Department of Indian Affairs. All status Indians are registered through the Indian Registry. This confidential database holds […]
Specific Claims Research
Land Claims & Research Since 1987 The CMM has investigated Aboriginal land claims for our six of our member First Nations communities. The Specific Claims Research Department currently conducts research on Specific Land Claims. Comprehensive Land Claims within Nova Scotia are currently not part of our mandate and are being addressed through the Made-in-Nova Scotia […]
The Confederacy of Mainland Mi'kmaq (CMM) continues to distribute its three Wills and Estates Publications: How to Write a Will How to Settle an Estate How to Write a Power of Attorney & Personal Directive To obtain a copy of Mi'kmaq Wills Package: For Nova Scotia Mi'kmaq contact The CMM by calling (902) 895-6385.
Adult Alternative Care
CMM administers contracts with Special Care Facilities throughout Nova Scotia to support First Nation Clients formerly residents on reserve. This year CMM continues to bring the AAC program into Compliance with AANDC Funding Authorities. CMM will continue to maintain visits to all clients, and will continue to be a bridge for guidance and support for […]
The GIS Technician is responsible for developing and maintaining a GIS database for use in mapping the geographic data in the Bay of Fundy Watershed. This database is of importance to MCG for a number of reasons, however, the primary objective for MCG is to collect as much Aboriginal Traditional Knowledge with respect to sites […]
Eastern Woodland Print Communications
We are a self-sufficient Native owned and operated print communications company with particular interest and expertise in serving the First Nation community and related government agencies. Our relationship with our client-base and our understanding of aboriginal culture have helped Eastern Woodland Print Communications become the primary supplier for Native print communications or promotional needs in […]
ICPA (Indigenous Protected and Conserved Area)
Since its inception in 1986, The Confederacy of Mainland Mi'kmaq has maintained a strong fiscal accountability framework. With approximately twenty funding agencies and a variety of funding arrangements, The CMM is regarded as a leader among native organizations across the country. The organization is audited annually by independent audit (Grant Thornton), and has meticulously met […]
With the hiring of a CFLC Officer at the MCG (November 2012) the MCG is now able to have a representative for member Communities at a number of industry meetings. The CFLC communicates any/all changes to fishery related matters to Fisheries Managers and leaders of MCG's member Communities. In turn, these individuals are also providing […]
Legal Services The CMM Legal Advisor provides in- house legal services to the CMM and its five affiliated entities, Mi'kmaq/Maliseet Nations News Association (MMNN), Eastern Woodland Print Communications (EWPC), Mi'kmawey Debert Cultural Centre (MDCC), and Mainland Mi'kmaq Developments Inc. (MMDI). The in-house Legal Advisor represents and protects the interests of the CMM and its affiliated […]
The Confederacy of Mainland Mi'kmaq is pleased to offer internal and external communications to various parts of the organization, its board and its members. For more information on Communications services provided by the CMM, please contact us!
CMM participates in the Atlantic First Nation Housing & Infrastructure Network. The Manager of the LENR unit attends the meetings in order to keep CMM communities well-informed on housing developments and provide an accessible venue for community input. With the end of the Canada Economic Action Plan Program to improve First Nations housing, the demand […]
Department of Aquatic Resources & Fisheries Management
Through the Community Economic Development Opportunities (CEDO) initiative, The Economic Development Advisor administers the Community Economic Development funding for participating Confederacy of Mainland Mi'kmaq (CMM) member bands. The Economic Development Advisor works closely with the Mi'kmaq Project for Innovation and Collaboration (MPIC) team and other relevant stakeholders to share Economic Development information, resources and opportunities with the CMM […]
Lands Management
The Lands Program administers and manages land transactions for The CMM's seven member communities. The program provides quality land management advice and administrative support pertaining to reserve additions, pre-reserve designations and lands referendums. The Lands Management Program is available to member communities for updating land encumbrances, facilitating community land issue settlements, updating community mapping, researching […]
MCG is always happy to be out and about in Communities and looks forward to continuing to attend Community health & job fairs, fishing derbies, educational workshops, opening of facilities and other events. Look for our stories in MMNN and in the MCG quarterly newsletters on our website. You can also follow us on Facebook […]
Pollinator Project
Mi'kmaq Maliseet Nations News
The MMNN is a First Nation owned, community focused monthly newspaper with a particular expertise in Mi'kmaq culture. The objectives of the newspaper are to celebrate and lift people up/lift their spirits with an emphasis on positive stories and success stories in the Mi'kmaq community, to archive and record history, to educate, and to provide […]
The Post-Secondary Assistance Program has been funding students through university and college since 1988. Students from Annapolis Valley, Bear River, Glooscap, and Pictou Landing First Nations are welcome to apply for financial support from The CMM to help with tuition, books and living costs. First Nations Post-Secondary students in Halifax can visit the Native Counseling […]
Mainland Mi'kmaq Development Tagging Initiative
Mainland Mi'kmaq Development Inc. (MMDI) was incorporated July 9th, 1991 under the Canadian Business Corporation Act. MMDI fosters economic development and business skills amongst Native Peoples. MMDI is pleased to offer commercial fishing gear tagging services to include all Commercial Fishers in Atlantic Canada; Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, Newfoundland and Labrador. MMDI […]
"To proactively promote and assist Mi'kmaw communities' initiatives toward self determination and enhancement of community."
© 2014 - The Confederacy of Mainland Mi'kmaq
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Do You Want to Improve the Set up of Your Physical Shopping Center?
If you are planning to earn more, you must have thought of going digital for your business. However, it is important for you to consider the fact that you still need to have physical stores. It is good to conduct online business for computer savvy individuals. On the other hand, you still have some clients who do not want to use their gadgets when buying. What you need to do is to set up physical business for them. Choosing the right place is what you are going to do. It makes sense for you to recognize tips this time knowing that you need to set up your physical store to meet the demands of the people.
What you need to do is to show how affectionate you are to your clients. If you want to show them how good your are in terms of welcoming them, you need to show some positive gestures like smiling. You also need to hire people to sell your products well. The clients will be willing to connect to you if you decide to show to them that you value them from the heart. If they are satisfied, they will certainly show to you their wonderful smiles. You will never regret if you choose to show to them how much you love their presence.
Aside from smiles, it is also important to fix up your store front. Since the floor outside may appear not good at all, it is important for you to conduct asphalt resurfacing. Through asphalt resurfacing, you will never have problems catering to the needs of your clients especially if they are about to park their cars. The way your floor looks would mean how you treat them so you should be sure you can do asphalt resurfacing as soon as possible when there is a need for it. You will surely find it wonderful to conduct asphalt resurfacing knowing that the store in front of you looks good. You need the right company to provide asphalt resurfacing services.
You would surely never go wrong if you decide to avail the right source this time and you will feel better if you would think of providing your clients only those things that they need. You need to know what is in demand today and sell those things. They will feel that the shop is indeed of great value if they can find easily what they need. Having a physical store does not mean you have to neglect your online business. You need to be fair enough so that you could have good ends. When you have both as functioning business, you never go wrong.


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Wrap your child up in soft, warm boa fleece! Pile-lined pockets for added warmth.
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KIDS Pile Lined Sweat Long Sleeve Full Zip Hoodie is rated 3.0 out of 5 by 1.
Rated 3 out of 5 by caesar67 from Perfect but too large A well constructed and very warm hoodie. Bought for my son who at 145cm, was between the size 11 (120) and size 13 (160). The hoodie is really large, it fits me and I am 175 cm. Apart form that it was everything I was looking for. I like that it had no logos.


Ace Aerials Ltd - TV Aerials/Satellite Services based in Christchurch, Dorset.
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Digital aerials. Satellite and Freesat installation.LED and OLED installed.Smart TV setup . Multiroom and all repairs undertaken.


text:
Lawren Stewart Harris
(1885 - 1970) Group of Seven, Canadian Group of Painters
North Shore, Lake Superior
oil on beaverboard
signed on the reverse
11.75 x 14.75 ins ( 29.8 x 37.5 cms )
Auction Estimate: $500,000.00$300,000.00 - $500,000.00
Price Realized $1,032,000.00
Sale date: December 1st 2022
Algoma (Algoma Sketch 48)
inscribed "Lawren Harris" and "Algoma Sketches XL VIII" by Doris Mills on a label on the reverse
Price Realized $977,500.00
Lake Superior (I.D. 463)
pencil sketch
inscribed "39" (striked), "40" and "1925" in the upper left margin
8.5 x 10.75 ins ( 21.6 x 27.3 cms ) ( sheet )
Sale date: November 23rd 2017
Algoma Sketch XCII (Algoma Autumn)
titled on a label on the reverse; a cross in a circle inscribed on the reverse
10.25 x 13.75 ins ( 26 x 34.9 cms )
House, Toronto
titled and inscribed "Lawren Harris" on the reverse; titled "Houses, Group No. XIV" and inscribed "Lawren Harris" by Doris Mills on a label; inscribed "property of Bess Harris 1942"; typed "Howard K. Harris Estate" on a label (titled "House Toronto")
Auction Estimate: $120,000.00$90,000.00 - $120,000.00
Near Métis, Quebec
signed lower right; signed and titled on the reverse
10.5 x 13.75 ins ( 26.7 x 34.9 cms )
Sale date: November 22nd 2021
Shacks
10 x 13 ins ( 25.4 x 33 cms )
Interior of Newfoundland (Hills-Newfoundland) (1921)
signed lower right; signed, titled and inscribed "32" and "$450" on a label on the reverse
Snow-Covered Trees
a signed inscription by A.J. Casson reads "This is an original by Lawren Harris Sr. 1929" within the lower margin
5.5 x 4.5 ins ( 14 x 11.4 cms ) ( subject )
Algoma
3.75 x 5 ins ( 9.5 x 12.7 cms )
Arctic Tent, Pangnirtung, Baffin Island
with artist's notations; inscribed "293" on the reverse; titled on a gallery label on the reverse
7 x 9.5 ins ( 17.8 x 24.1 cms ) ( sight )
Sale date: June 9th 2021
Tonquin Valley, Jasper
insribed with the artist's notations, including "Edith Cavell" top left; inscribed "650" on the reverse
7.5 x 9.75 ins ( 19.1 x 24.8 cms ) ( sheet )
Study for "Lake, North Labrador"
inscribed with the artist's notations; inscribed "308" on the reverse
7.75 x 10 ins ( 19.7 x 25.4 cms ) ( sheet )
Laurentians (LSH 8-9)
inscribed "LSH 8-9" on the reverse
8.5 x 11 ins ( 21.6 x 27.9 cms ) ( sheet )
Algoma Country
sampson-matthews silkscreen
artist name, title and "Issued by the National Gallery of Canada" printed in the margin; a Sampson-Matthews label on the reverse
30 x 40 ins ( 76.2 x 101.6 cms ) ( sheet )
Sale date: August 17th 2021
We are currently seeking works by Lawren Harris to be included in future consignment sales.
If you are interested in selling works by Lawren Stewart Harris or want to get our opinion of value click here for more information or submit your artwork for sale.
Submit artwork by Lawren Harris for sale
Lawren Harris Biography
Lawren Harris was born in Brantford, Ontario and at the age of 19 went to Berlin for academic training. His first two years included study in pencil, charcoal and watercolours. He took instruction in the studio mornings, out-of-doors sketching in the slums of Berlin afternoons, and sketching figures in the studio evenings in watercolour and drawing media. His last two years were spent in the study of portraits and figures in oils. Two of his teachers were Mr. Wille and Mr. Schlabitz. Schlabitz accompanied him in the summer on a walking tour of the Austrian Tyrol where Harris did some sketching. After his study in Germany Harris travelled in Palestine and Arabia with Norman Duncan where he did illustrations. He then visited lumber camps in Minnesota where he made illustrations for Harper's magazine.
By 1910 Harris was back in Toronto where he saw everything with fresh eyes. His work had more vigour and sensitivity to colour and form. His first studio was located over Giles grocery store, north of Bloor and Yonge Streets. His attraction for the poorer areas of town gained him the reputation of socialist painter. His "house portraits" brought a storm of criticism against him. In Toronto the Arts and Letters Club had been formed only two years before Harris' return and it was not long before he was an active member. It was at the Arts and Letters Club that Harris first saw the attractive sketches of J.E.H. MacDonald in 1911. Harris and MacDonald became good friends and shared an appreciation of the arts in depth. They visited Buffalo together in January of 1913 to see the exhibition of Scandinavian art which had been reviewed in art magazines. This exhibition made a deep impression on both artists. Harris took sketching trips with MacDonald in 1912 at Mattawa and Timiskaming and in 1913 they went to the Laurentians. Harris met other artists at the Arts and Letters Club. Many of them like MacDonald were working for the Grip Engraving Company as commercial artists.
In 1914 Harris and Dr. James MacCallum conceived the idea of building a studio building which could accommodate Canadian artists of ability who could devote their full attentions to painting, free from the pressures of commercialism. Many Canadian artists were drifting south to the U.S. and it was Harris' and MacCallum's hope that such a plan would prevent the loss of all of Canada's most talented painters. Harris was well off through his connection with Massey-Harris (his grandfather was a founder of the firm) and so was Dr. MacCallum. They realized their plan and the Studio Building was erected on Severn Street in Toronto.
Harris became the driving force behind the Group of Seven. A.Y. Jackson claimed: "Without Harris there would have been no Group of Seven. He provided the stimulus; it was he who encouraged us always to take the bolder course, to find new trails." By 1918 Lawren Harris had travelled to the Algoma region in the company of MacDonald and Johnston. In 1920 they held an exhibition at the Art Museum of Toronto (Art Gallery of Ontario). Harris wrote "The group of seven artists whose pictures are here exhibited have for several years held a like vision concerning art in Canada. They are all imbued with the idea that an art must grow and flower in the land before the country will be a real home for its people…" Harris made his first trip to the North Shore of Lake Superior in 1921.
His search for a deeper spiritual meaning eventually took him to the stark landscapes of the far north. By the late 1920s the artist's work strove to capture the spiritual essence of the bold landforms of the Rockies and the Arctic. Throughout the ensuing decade Harris continued to simplify and abstract his landscapes until his subjects became non-representational. Lawren Harris worked as a member of the Transcendental Group of Painters in Santa Fe, New Mexico for two years, returning to Canada in 1940 and settling in Vancouver for the remainder of his lifetime.
Source: "A Dictionary of Canadian Artists, Volume II", compiled by Colin S. MacDonald, Canadian Paperbacks Publishing Ltd, Ottawa, 1979


Please be aware that changes to mark records (other than uploading a Proof of Use document or adding/removing labels) are only possible when the mark record has been assigned status incorrect.
The number of labels you can attach to the Mark record is either the number of labels originally attached to the Mark record or 10 labels, whichever number is biggest. Keep in mind adding labels is not possible when a Mark Record is being verified or when it is expired.


The DISA round is a relaxed introduction into shooting outdoor target archery and is the perfect opportunity for archers to join the competition line and old hands to hone their skills.
The DISA round sees a modified version of the 720 round being shot. For more information about the DISA round, please click here. All archers who are members of an affiliated club are welcome to attend.


Literature Circle Find the book we are reading for Literature Circle! COMPREHENSION PRACTICE. Mr. Nussbaum- reading passages Choose a passage then see how well you do answering the questions. FCAT Practice reading passages (Florida). Internet4Classrooms. Lots of links for comprehension practice.
Math and Reading Comprehension Practice. Your username is your first name. Your password is your last name. YOU MUST CAPITALIZE EACH NAME. http:// mrnussbaumpremium.com/xtend/ · http://mrnussbaum.com/mathgames/. 1055 Cedar Lane Lemoore, CA 93245. Phone: 559-924-6850. Fax: 559-924-6859.


For the past six years, Laura Poitras has always had a homecoming party.
Each time the award-winning video journalist has attempted to re-enter the United States, border patrol has detained her, according to a lawsuit she filed against the United States government on Monday. That's more than 50 occasions in total.
Why? That's her question, too. Poitras, creator of the Oscar-, Pulitzer-, and Academy Award-winning documentary Citizenfour—which chronicles the exploits of the NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden—desires to know why security agents repeatedly harassed her during that period when she was working on her films.
Apparently, she had been told during one of many hours-long detainments that her name appeared on a national security threat database. After filing Freedom of Information Act requests for her records, she received few clarifying details. So she's taking legal action.
Poitras will take the departments of justice and homeland security, as well as the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, to court. She has demanded access to the surveillance records that pertain to her.