text:
The 16-Minute Zero-Equipment Workout I'm Short on Time
Christie Calucchia
Christie has been writing for MyDomaine for almost two years. She was an assistant editor for the site for over a year before starting as a contributing freelance writer.
MyDomaine's Editorial Guidelines
As a person who genuinely enjoys working out, I'm happy to spend an entire evening at a steamy hot yoga class or outside on a long run. However, my busy schedule doesn't always accommodate my beloved long workouts. In order to keep up with my health goals even when time is limited, I've turned to one 16-minute high-intensity interval training routine to knock out a full-body workout in a fraction of the time I typically spend exercising. It's based on the popular workout called Tabata, which first popped up on my radar after an interview with celebrity fitness trainer Erin Oprea. After learning it was one of her personal favorites (and that each exercise lasts for just four minutes), I was intrigued enough to give it a try myself.
@christie_carm
A typical Tabata workout lasts four minutes and is structured in 20-second intervals of work followed by 10 seconds of rest for eight rounds. It's based on high-intensity interval training principles, which have been proven to have a greater impact on aerobic and anaerobic systems in the body compared longer and more frequent moderate exercises.
I put the workout to the test and tried out a routine comprised of four different basic exercises each lasting four minutes, for a total workout time of just 16 minutes flat. A long-time runner and yogi, I was skeptical of how much 16-minutes of work without any equipment could accomplish, but after trying the regimen out for myself, I was shocked at how exhausted and sweaty the quick workout left me. Now, it's become a go-to of mine for when I'm pressed for time but want to squeeze in a fast workout and get my heart pumping. All you need to do this workout at home is a stopwatch and a mat. Here's how it's done:
1. Push-Ups
Do as many push-ups as you can for 20 seconds (rest your knees on the ground to modify). Rest for 10 seconds. Do push-ups for 20 seconds. Continue with these intervals for four minutes. Rest for one minute.
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Do as many squats as you can for 20 seconds. Rest for 10 seconds. Do squats for 20 seconds. Continue with these intervals for four minutes. Rest for one minute.
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3. Burpees
Do as many burpees as you can for 20 seconds. Rest for 10 seconds. Do burpees for 20 seconds. Continue with these intervals for four minutes. Rest for one minute.
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4. Mountain Climbers
Do as many mountain climbers as you can for 20 seconds. Rest for 10 seconds. Do mountain climbers for 20 seconds. Continue with these intervals for four minutes. Rest for one minute.
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Try this quick and effective Tabata at-home workout for yourself next time you're pressed for time and see for yourself just how tough 16-minutes can be.
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Q: Mysql query for booking car and driver for given interval of time I have mysql table having 4 column- Driver, startdate, Enddate, car.
Now i need to write query to book driver, if driver and car free at particular time(between starttime and endtime) then book driver and car. If driver free but car not free ( book by other) also not book
the driver(means booking fail) because car not available.
i am try like this but not get correct answer.
select * from driver
where DiverName=?
and Car=? between StartDateTime=? and EndDateTime=?

select StartDateTime='2014-11-28 12:59:00'  and EndDateTime=' 2014-12-31 13:59:00 '
from driver
where DriverName='rohit' or CarDetails='discover'

these are wrong I now , but give me correct one query plz.
always remember we need both car and driver free in between time interval

A: Lets declare the time you want to find out if the driver and car is free :
  Declare @time datetime
    Set @time = '2014-11-28 12:59:00'

Then you can find out if there is a free driver and car by using this:
select * from driver
where @time not between StartDateTime and EndDateTime

This will show you, if there are cars and drivers that are free for your specific time.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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Table of Contents » Title 17.1. Courts of Record » Chapter 2. Clerks, Clerks' Offices and Records » Article 7. Fees » § 17.1-283. Statements required of clerks of courts of record; exceptions
Title 17.1. Courts of Record
Chapter 2. Clerks, Clerks' Offices and Records
§ 17.1-283. Statements required of clerks of courts of record; exceptions.
A. Every clerk of a court of record, except the Clerks of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeals, shall file monthly with the Compensation Board a full and accurate statement showing all such fees, allowances, commissions, salaries or other compensation or emolument of office, derived from the Commonwealth or any political subdivision thereof, or from any other source whatever, collected or received by him. The statements shall include the date of collection and sources from which the collections were made, and shall be verified by a procedure agreed upon by the Compensation Board and the Auditor of Public Accounts. The statements shall be open to public inspection at all times.
B. The statements shall show in detail all sums actually paid for necessary office expenses, premiums on official bond of the principal and deputies, name and amount of compensation to each deputy or assistant, and a detailed statement of every other expense in connection with the administration of the office actually paid out.
Code 1950, §§ 14-145, 14-147, 14-148; 1952, c. 446; 1960, c. 584; 1962, c. 439; 1964, c. 386, §§ 14.1-136, 14.1-138, 14.1-139; 1971, Ex. Sess., c. 155; 1983, c. 293; 1996, c. 696; 1998, c. 872.

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Sign up at the Information Desk once the announcement is made regarding the class starting.


text:
We're From the International Community and We're Here to Help
"I've always felt the nine most terrifying words in the English language are: I'm from the Government, and I'm here to help," Ronald Reagan famously said. But the most terrifying words in every other language are, "We're from the international community and we're here to help."
In Haitian Creole that would be, "Nou soti nan kominote entènasyonal la e nou isit la pou ede."
When an earthquake hit Haiti in '10, everyone who was anyone in the international community quickly showed up. Bill Clinton had been appointed as the UN Special Envoy for Haiti a year earlier where he had touted the "unique opportunities for public and private investment" in Haiti. The earthquake opened up those opportunities to Clinton Foundation donors.
A year later, Bill Clinton was touting a $45 million new hotel owned by an Irish cell phone tycoon who was a close pal as the only thing a country with a million homeless needed. A CNN puff piece claimed that the hotel would house "aid workers, potential investors and other visitors". Like Anderson Cooper, who needs someplace to take a hot shower after standing waist deep in water for 5 minutes on camera.
Haiti was a gold mine for the Clintons. Literally. Hillary's brother was added to the board of a small company that got a gold mining permit at half the standard rates with a 25 year renewal option. Tony, Hillary's brother, is a college dropout who had worked as a repo man and a prison guard.
The Clintons not only turned a disaster into a slush fund, but even got Hillary's idiot brother a gig.
But inflicting the Clintons on Haiti wasn't the worst thing that the United Nations did to the impoverished island. The worst thing that the UN can do to any country is send in the blue helmets.
Before the UN peacekeeping mission arrived, Haiti was a disaster. After it left, it was a disaster with cholera. The UN peacekeepers brought the disease with them and spread it around, killing 10,000 people and infecting at least 800,000 others. None of them could get into a Clinton luxury hotel.
Before the UN showed up, Haiti had 99,000 problems, but cholera wasn't one of them. Then UN peacekeepers spread their multinational fecal matter into the Artibonite River. Soon the UN was trying to raise $400 million to clean up the national disaster that it created on top of an existing national disaster. It asked its staff for money and those donations added up to $6K or a week in the Presidential Suite of the Royal Oasis, Haiti's first 5-star hotel, with financing from the Clinton Bush Haiti Fund.
But say what you will about the Clintons, unlike the UN, they've never given anyone cholera. (That we know of.) So far the UN has only come up with a few million. And everyone is demanding that the United States pay for the cholera that the United Nations spread even though we are already a cholera importer, bringing in top grade cholera from Latin American outbreaks to New York, Kansas and Virginia.
But that's globalization for you. In a flattening world, Nepalese peacekeepers bring an exotic strain of cholera to Haiti. Refugees from Haiti bring it to America. Hillary Clinton's brother tries to get in on a gold mine. And a horse breeder in Kentucky and a plumber in Michigan have to pay for the UN's cholera.
But it would be a slow day at the United Nations if all it did was start a cholera epidemic that infected hundreds of thousands of people, lie about it for years, then pretend to take responsibility, refuse to actually pay for it, and then try to blame the whole thing on Trump who had been hosting Season 10 of The Apprentice back then. Unlike the UN, The Apprentice never infected 800,000 people with cholera.
Since it was the UN, it also had to sexually abuse children to give Haiti the full multilateral experience.
"One boy was gang raped in 2011 by peacekeepers who disgustingly filmed it on a cell phone. What do we say to these kids?" UN Ambassador Nikki Haley asked.
Those were the Uruguayans. The Sri Lankans had their own child sex ring of some 134 peacekeepers paying children 75 cents to abuse them and the Nepalese gave most of the country cholera.
That's the international community for you. If it doesn't get you one way, it'll get you another way.
It's hard not to look at that and conclude that the United Nations is its own war crime and that the best possible punishment is to put everyone involved on trial in one of the UN's patented multi-generational war crimes tribunals that only end when everyone dies of old age. After 11 years, the Cambodia tribunal managed three convictions. Two others died of old age. That's how the UN coddles those monsters it wants to punish. Haiti is an example of how it treats those victims it claims to want to help.
The UN might be more effective the other way around. Just imagine if North Korea's Kim Jong Un had to worry about being "helped" and "protected" by sex-crazed and cholera-infected UN peacekeepers.
But it wasn't just the Clintons and the United Nations living it up in Haiti.
The latest scandal has hit Oxfam. The leftist alliance claims to want to fight poverty, but it spends more time denouncing the rich. Its global inequality report is a staple of leftist talking points. Its Even It Up campaign is a blatant call for wealth redistribution. The anti-Israel group's spat with actress Scarlett Johansson over her endorsement of Israeli products led to, what its boss called, a "PR disaster".
But Oxfam had no idea what a real PR disaster was until the lefty charity's own Haiti scandal hit.
Oxfam's Haiti director was using the villa rented by the charity to host prostitutes. Senior Oxfam aid workers had exploited women and possibly even children. Oxfam had covered up the scandal in '11 and tried sweeping it under the rug. And now it's offering awkwardly unconvincing apologies.
While the Haitians suffered, Oxfam aid workers lived it up in a style worthy of Bill Clinton and the UN. "These girls wearing Oxfam T-shirts, running around half-naked, it was like a full-on Caligula orgy. It was unbelievable. It was crazy," a London Times source stated.
Even it up indeed.
An Oxfam spokesfiend explained that the cops hadn't been called because it was "extremely unlikely that reporting these incidents to the police would lead to any action being taken." Fear that the police will do nothing is generally why organizations don't report crimes committed by their members to the authorities. That and a deep concern that their donors will stop subsidizing their child rape villas.
"I don't think it was in anyone's best interest to be describing the details of the behaviour in a way that was actually going to draw extreme attention to it," Oxfam's boss said.
It certainly wasn't in Oxfam's interest, but it might have been in the interest of the Haitians it was claiming to help. The interest of those same people for whom Bill Clinton raised all that money, whom the UN sent in peacekeepers to protect and on whose behalf Oxfam had fundraised. But it was never really about the Haitians. It was about the gold mines, child sex rings and villa orgies. It was about the Clinton Foundation, the UN budget and all the money to be made from promising to save the world.
"We're from the international community and we're here to help."
The lefty politicians and professional activists who rushed to Haiti were as enthusiastic about helping the Haitians as the Congressional Black Caucus is about lowering black unemployment. The left isn't a charity. When it shows up to help, there are going to be luxury hotels, villas and sex rings involved.
And the people it claims to be helping will be even worse off than they were before.
Daniel Greenfield is a Shillman Journalism Fellow at the David Horowitz Freedom Center. This article previously appeared at the Center's Front Page Magazine.
Click here to subscribe to my articles. And click here to support my work with a donation.
Infidel 11/3/18
Massive crime scams using phony charities (and international organizations) as cover.
DS 11/3/18
Fantastic Thank you.
Bruce 11/3/18
Cambodia got the full "Untidy Notions" treatment as well, back in the days after the Viet troops, who had removed Pol Pot, went home.
And, let's not forget Rwanda, the massacre at the Kibeho "refugee camp" in particular and the daily slaughter in the streets of towns everywhere.
Rules of engagement were simple, and typically UN: "DO NOT engage any persons unless your own life is in immediate mortal danger". Thus, the Blue Helmets were LEGALLY obliged to stand by and WATCH locals hacking other locals to death with machetes, or shooting swathes of unarmed men, women and children, without slipping off the safety catch, or even yelling at them to stop. A friend of mine was there as a UN "peacekeeper". Having been "stood down" to see and hear the systematic slaughter at Kibeho, he and his fellow "peacekeepers" then had to wade through the piles of bodies and COUNT THEM.
When he returned, he told the army where they could stick the job and left his home country for good.
Gary Fouse 12/3/18
When I retired from DEA in 1995, a private firm asked me to go to Haiti for 6 months or a year to train Haitian drug cops. The pay and per diem would have been lucrative, but I turned it down for a variety of reasons, one of which being that I knew I couldn't change anything. How sad it is that the Clintons changed nothing but enriched themselves while the Haitians continued to suffer.
Millie_Woods 12/3/18
Bono's charity is different, the workers only abuse each other...that we know of.
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text:
Buchanan and market Leninism (re-re-post)
by John Quiggin on January 11, 2013
Summer[1] is the best time for reruns. A tweet from Kieran commenting to Matt Yglesias on the work of the late James Buchanan points to this 2003 post, which is itself a rerun of an article published back in the early 1990s. For added nostalgia value, it links to CT, before I joined. Thanks to Twitter, everything has a DD-style "Shorter" version now, and Kieran does a nice job "Buchanan allowed Economists to have a Marxist-Leninist theory of the capitalist state".
The article was originally published in an Australian libertarian magazine, and annoyed plenty of readers. I expect that some readers here will be annoyed, for different reasons, and I wouldn't write the article quite this way for a different audience (I would have qualified some points, and emphasized others, for example), but I don't see any reason to change the basic argument.
Repost over the fold.
Henry Farrell at Crooked Timber posted some critical remarks on public choice theory, and Kieran Healy chimed in with a piece on "Shake'n'Bake social theory" of the general form "A is really B". For example, public choice theory can be stated as "politics is really a market for votes". All of this can be applied at the metalevel, in the form "Theory A is really Theory B, with a change of names". As it happens, I've used precisely this move to argue, that "Public Choice theory is really the Marxist-Leninist theory of the state, and the associated political program is really Leninism".
The central points of the Marxist-Leninist theory are
(1) Politics is about struggle between economic classes. The state acts in the interest of the capitalist class as a whole, and arbitrates differences among 'fractions' of capital;
(2) Political ideas (except Marxism-Leninism) are 'ideologies' designed to rationalise class rule;
(3) The masses acquiesce because of 'false consciousness' associated with submission to a dominant or 'hegemonic' ideology.
Translating to public choice theory, we get:
(1) Politics is about the struggle between interest groups. The state responds to the pressure of organised interest groups, typically tight coalitions of producer groups. Logrolling between these groups produces an outcome which benefits them collectively at the expense of taxpayers and consumers;
(2) Political ideas (except free-market ideas) are ideologies designed to rationalise policies serving various interest groups;
(3) Voters acquiesce because of 'rational ignorance' which leads them to take little interest in politics and makes them easily subject to manipulation by political interests.
On the Leninist implications of both theories
If ideas do not matter, free speech is at best a luxury and at worst a distraction. Even if speech is not actually suppressed, it is debased. When political debate is seen as a charade by its participants, it naturally becomes one. Furthermore, since the system cannot be changed by reason, some form of 'short sharp shock' is required. The result is a cult of ruthlessness (the catchphrase here is 'tough decisions'). Since opposition to one's policies is interpreted as a sign that interest groups are being hurt, it may be taken as evidence of correctness. The correct response is not to persuade one's opponents, but to override them.
This was in a piece published in, of all places, the Centre for Independent Studies journal, Policy. The editor in those days, Michael James, was an interesting person – too interesting for the CIS in the end, as I recall.
I've done one piece of historical revision. I didn't explicitly identify authoritarian Marxism with Leninism in the original piece, and I owe the idea of 'Market Leninism' to New Zealand economist Brian Easton.
If you want to read the entire article, it's posted below.
< !more>
The Private Interest Theory: Liberal or Authoritarian ?
In articles on the economic analysis of political processes, it is customary to begin with the claim that there are two schools of thought concerning these processes. The first, described as the 'public interest' theory, is said to hold that political actors are motivated by benevolence and a desire to promote the public good. No representatives of this school are ever cited. Attention is turned to the 'private interest' theory, which is based on the assumption that political actors pursue their own self-interest. Not surprisingly, it is the latter theory which is invariably used as the basis for analysis.
The rise of the private interest theory has been closely associated with a resurgence of free-market economic ideas, and it is natural to see it as a liberal theory. Nevertheless I shall argue that it represents a break with the classical liberal democratic tradition as represented by J.S. Mill, and that it shares many elements in common with Marxist-Leninist theories of the state, and with authoritarian views going back to Hobbes and Machiavelli.
The foundations of Mill's theory were methodological individualism and utilitarianism. Although Mill stressed the fact that people display a mixture of self-interested and altruistic motives, he assumed they were the best judges of their own interests, and derived the corollary that the utilitarian ideal will be best served by democracy. Given the inefficiency of direct democracy, Mill examined the problems of a system of representative democracy. His work was concerned, first, with the problems of majority rule, and, second, with the problem of ensuring that representatives keep faith with their constituents.
Mill regarded these difficulties as soluble. The central problem for a democratic society lay, not in ensuring that the rulers pursued the best interests of the ruled, but in determining where those best interests lay. The core of Mill's theory was the belief that only in a liberal political order, characterised by freedom of speech and political activity, could truth be advanced and error exposed.
Mill's support for free markets was not of a piece with his support for political freedom, but was contingent on the belief, supported by classical political economy, that market arrangements yielded higher social utility than any feasible alternative. Later variants of the liberal political tradition, such as Fabian socialism and Keynesianism rejected this view while remaining essentially within the political framework laid down by Mill.
Because the outcome of debate cannot be prescribed in advance, Mill's version of liberal political theory does not provide a secure basis for liberal (or any other) economic institutions. The basic belief is that free discussion and democratic processes will yield rational outcomes in the long term. Hence no particular set of views, such as liberal economic theories, can be given any special standing. By contrast, a major project for some advocates of the private interest theory, such as Buchanan, has been the creation of a special constitutional status for liberal economic institutions, to protect them from the vagaries of majority rule.
For economists, Mill's framework implies that the appropriate task is to determine those economic arrangements which will advance social welfare, so that the process of open debate and democratic decision-making will, in the long run, move society towards those arrangements. It is this approach which is often caricatured as the 'public interest' theory. As can be seen from the outline above, it does not depend in any way on an assumption that politicians and bureaucrats are altruists.
For most of the 20th Century, the main challenger to the liberal democratic theory has been the Marxist-Leninist theory of the state, advanced by theorists such as Gramsci, Miliband and Poulanczas. Although there are many variants, the key tenets of this theory are:
In the Marxist-Leninist framework, opposing arguments are not errors, but represent class interests. The appropriate response is not to refute these arguments, but to show how they are derived from your opponent's class interests. Correct analysis is the exclusive property of the working class (or rather its intellectual representatives),and given the right class position, the truth is self-evident. Marxist-Leninist theory is openly antithetical to liberal democracy.
This theory flourished in a period during which the general trend in both ideas and policy was socialist. It had particular appeal to intellectual and social elite groups, which adopted socialist ideas more rapidly, and more completely, than the broader society. These groups were frustrated by the slow pace of change and the failure of avowedly socialist parties to undertake a fundamental transformation of capitalism.
Marxist-Leninist political theory is now confined to an academic fringe, but there has been no resurgence of political liberalism, at least among elite groups. Instead, its place has been taken by an interest group model. As with Marxism-Leninism, there are many variants of the interest group model, some of which are more sophisticated than the version which has achieved dominance in the broader economics profession and the policymaking elite at large. With few exceptions however, these variants are elaborations on, or qualifications of, the basic themes presented here.
The private interest theory is similar to the Marxist-Leninist theory in a number of respects. The key notions are:
(1) The state responds to the pressure of organised interest groups, typically tight coalitions of producer groups. Logrolling between these groups produces an outcome which benefits them collectively at the expense of taxpayers and consumers;
It follows that arguments for government intervention in the economy should be refuted, not by welfare analysis, but by demonstration of the way in which they are produced by dominant interest groups.
The appeal of the private interest theory is similar in kind to that of the Marxist-Leninist theory, and is similarly greatest among elite groups. In its early phase, the theory appealed to economists and others who rejected the general expansion of government up to the mid 70's. As free-market ideas came to dominate the intellectual and policy elites, the theory explained the limited success of free-market governments in reining in the public sector share of GNP.
In fact, the private interest group model is not very well adapted to explaining broad political outcomes of this kind. The model may explain why some interest groups receive greater benefits from tariffs or regulation than others, but it has essentially nothing to say about the political feasibility of across-the-board liberalisation (or socialisation). Even in the more limited domain, its record of empirical success is unimpressive.
Private interest theorists failed to predict the substantial deregulation and privatisation of the 1980's. Moreover, this event invalidated most of their explanations for the earlier growth of government. Typically these explanations were based on two kinds of arguments. The first, essentially static in nature, showed that the size of the public sector in political market equilibrium would be larger than the socially optimal level. The second category were arguments showing an inherent tendency to expansion of the public sector. An example is Olson's model of the accumulation of interest groups. (It should be noted, however, that Olson is careful to avoid a facile equation between the accumulation of interest groups and the growth of government). None of these models involves any significant role for ideas or beliefs about the working of the economy.
It is impossible to explain the postwar growth of government without reference to the perceived failure of market institutions in the interwar period and the appeal of Keynesian ideas. Similarly, the retreat of government in the 1980's must be explained in large measure by the failure of Keynesian demand management to live up to the expectations created by its advocates and by the resurgence of free-market ideas, initially in macroeconomics and then in microeconomics.
Although private interest theorists make formal obeisances to methodological individualism, the most popular variants of the theory ignore individuals in practice and treat interest groups as the real actors. The shift from individualism to an interest-group model is usually justified by reference to Olson's (1965) Logic of Collective Action. Olson argued that the collective interests of particular groups would be pursued only if individuals would benefit from joining actions aimed at furthering those interests. Hence, small concentrated interests are likely to be better represented than large diffuse interests. A number of problematic issues in Olson's work, such as the notion of selective incentives, are generally overlooked, as are more sophisticated treatments of the role of ideas by Olson himself. Moreover, groups such as the environmental movement, which are organized to seek highly diffuse benefits, are uncritically included in interest group analyses.
My main concern, however, is not with the theoretical and empirical deficiencies of the model, but with its implications for a liberal democratic order. The purely political implications are not drawn out or agreed upon, but are generally abridgements of democracy. First, the model yields suggestions for constitutional limitations on the power of government as discussed above. Second, there are changes which would make the system less democratic and, supposedly, less vulnerable to interest group pressure. The most notable example, in the current policy debate, is the proposal for longer terms for governments, thereby insulating them from electoral pressures. This idea enjoys almost universal support among the political elite. The underlying assumption is that everyone who counts knows what the correct policies are, and that the only thing required is the "political will" to implement them.
To a certain extent theories of government are self-fulfilling prophecies. If it is generally accepted that democratic politics is nothing more than a battleground for competing interest groups, then reality will come to resemble the model. An example arises with conscious attempts to manipulate the so-called political business cycle (a strategy closely associated with the idea of extended terms of office). The basic idea is to seek election on the basis of electorally attractive policies. On gaining office, these policies are dumped in favor of a program which is supposed to be economically correct. As the next election approaches, the rigor of this program is relaxed, and if all goes well, reelection is secured on the basis that conditions are improving. The adoption of this strategy implies a degree of contempt for the electorate which arises naturally from the interest group model's view that the electorate is 'ignorant and greedy' (the characterization is from Mueller's survey Public Choice, and is taken from Bagehot's attack on proposals to enfranchise the working class).
An important part of this strategy is the making of election promises with the conscious intention of abandoning them after the election. Indeed, the refinement of targeted election campaigns, notably by the Hawke and Greiner governments, is such that, even as promises are made, code words are given out to assure elite groups that the promises will not be fulfilled. The untrustworthy nature of political promises has long been proverbial. However, the interest group theory makes a positive virtue of dishonesty. Since election promises are merely bribes to interest groups, they should be broken whenever possible.
An even more fundamental cleavage with classical liberalism arises from interest group theorists' disdain for ideas, which draws on a long tradition going back through Marx to Hobbes and Machiavelli. When the view that ideas are a cloak for vested interests forms part of a critical analysis of the state by outsiders, it may be useful, though it yields the curious spectacle of professional dealers in ideas arguing strenuously that ideas and arguments are of no importance. However, when such an analysis informs the thinking of political and bureaucratic elites, it is positively dangerous.
If ideas do not matter, free speech is at best a luxury and at worst a distraction. Even if speech is not actually suppressed, it is debased. When political debate is seen as a charade by its participants, it naturally becomes one. Furthermore, since the system cannot be changed by reason, some form of "short sharp shock" is required. The result is a cult of ruthlessness (the catchphrase here is "tough decisions"). Since opposition to one's policies is interpreted as a sign that interest groups are being hurt, it may be taken as evidence of correctness. The correct response is not to persuade one's opponents, but to override them.
Not all interest group theorists have followed this line of reasoning. The most important exception is Buchanan. Unlike many advocates of efficiency-oriented policies, Buchanan takes seriously the notion that efficient policies yield potential Pareto improvements, and concludes that a move toward such policies should be able to command universal consent. In Buchanan's view, however, the ordinary workings of democratic politics do not permit the potential gains from trade to be realized, and it is necessary to enshrine limits on interest group activity in a constitutional framework. However, Buchanan's arguments as to why liberal institutions would command universal assent in a constitution-making setting and not in a democratic legislature are unconvincing. In the recent period of socialist retreat, it has been more common for legislatures to introduce market institutions into societies with socialism enshrined in their constitutions.
An intermediate position is expressed by Douglas. Like Buchanan, he assumes that an across-the-board assault on interest group privileges will lead to a Pareto-improvement. Hence, a short sharp shock will arouse less opposition than piecemeal reform, and will receive unanimous endorsement ex post. The main problem with this position arises when the short sharp shock turns into a long march. As the realization of Pareto improvements is postponed, there is more and more a temptation to fall back on the interest group model as a ground for dismissing distributional concerns altogether.
The cynical appeal of the interest group theory cannot be denied, but it should be resisted. Contrary to the predictions of interest group theorists, the intellectual predominance of free-market ideas has been translated into political outcomes, just as the previous predominance of socialist ideas was reflected in the expansion of government. However, in a liberal democratic order, no victory is ever final. The resurgence of free market ideas was largely due to the failure of socialist and mixed economies to live up to expectations. It remains to be seen whether free markets can deliver the goods.
fn1. Writing this, I realize it's winter in the antipodes. It must be strange to have snow in January!
JQ: "Private interest theorists failed to predict the substantial deregulation and privatisation of the 1980's. Moreover, this event invalidated most of their explanations for the earlier growth of government."
This might be a good example of mistaking the cover story for the reality. I'd say Mancur Olson got the predicted growth of lobbying for rentier interests exactly right.
JQ: "To a certain extent theories of government are self-fulfilling prophecies. If it is generally accepted that democratic politics is nothing more than a battleground for competing interest groups, then reality will come to resemble the model."
That's the problem with libertarian analysis of Public Choice: they are like medical doctors, back from research studying cancer, and instead of proposing a course of treatment or suggesting a cure, they prescribe cancer, they prescribe the disease they purport to scorn.
John: "he assumes that an across-the-board assault on interest group privileges will lead to a Pareto-improvement. "
I think that there's a strong hidden assumption that the 'interest groups' are not the economic elites.
The purely political implications are not drawn out or agreed upon, but are generally abridgements of democracy. First, the model yields suggestions for constitutional limitations on the power of government as discussed above. Second, there are changes which would make the system less democratic and, supposedly, less vulnerable to interest group pressure.
I am distinctly doubtful that these results are illiberal (I will grant undemocratic.)
First, because limitations on government are generally a key part of liberal programs, going all the way back to Locke and Mill. (The government shall not restrict speech and petition; the government shall not punish people without a trial; and so forth–I don't think most people would imagine such restrictions to be illiberal.)
Second, becaue it is a very major part of the liberal (in the US sense and context) program to move decisions from democratic bodies to less democratic ones–both from elected officials to judges and (unelected) regulators, and from small local responsive elected bodies to larger ones. (Two examples: carbon policy–restrictions have been been rejected by the legislature every time they have been proposed, but the courts and the EPA press on undaunted with regulations; policy relating to homosexuality, where, again, the legislatures and ballot propositions are routinely ignored by the courts.)
CJColucci 01.11.13 at 9:38 pm
Although Mill stressed the fact that people display a mixture of self-interested and altruistic motives, he assumed they were the best judges of their own interests
As I get older, and suffer the consequences of my earlier mistakes, I begin to wonder about this assumption. It seems to me that I am very likely not the best judge of my own interests, even as I conceive them to be. It seems ever more likely, as well, that my own conception of what my best interests are is itself mistaken.
True, I have privileged insight into my confusing, and quite possibly incompatible, collection of wants, but that is a different thing entirely.
To be sure, it is irksome to have one's own set of mistakes about one's interests constantly over-ruled — and perhaps all the more irksome when the over-rulers are right. So I don't endorse a system in which people who may very well know what is in my interests better than I do constantly make these decisions for me. I wouldn't want a steady diet of such stuff, and I don't think anyone else does, either. But the reasons, weighty as they may be, have little to do with who is the best judge.
I'm a little vague on this, but didn't Mill have a notion of enlightened self-interest, that is the value of a deliberately considered self-interest, informed by ideas and the experience of others, and respect of the mutual benefits realized only in cooperation in society, which could be distinguished from a narrow and antisocial concept of self-interest, which might be at war with the society, or fractions of society?
Ian Welsh has an interesting essay on the point that knowing what to do, as Quiggin's Mill would have it, is never enough. Mustering will can be difficult for the individual, mired in addiction or self-indulgence, and the same is true of the whole society of multiplicitous self-interest.
http://www.ianwelsh.net/to-know-what-to-do-is-not-enough/
With JQ's argument that "public choice theory is really the Marxist-Leninist theory of the state," compare Knight & Johnson's argument (in The Priority of Democracy) that "public choice theory, as correctly interpreted, is really the pragmatist theory of democracy." (yes, that's probably a bit of a caricature, but I liked the symmetry of phrasing)
Clarification: sorry, misleading quote marks. I was not quoting them.
john c. halasz 01.12.13 at 12:00 am
For "free market Leninist", I think the perfect exemplar would be Vaclav Klaus.
"It had particular appeal to intellectual and social elite groups, which adopted socialist ideas more rapidly, and more completely, than the broader society. These groups were frustrated by the slow pace of change" WWI, Great Depression, Rise of Totalitarianism, WWII & the Holocaust.
Crybabies and utopians all.
Mao Cheng Ji 01.12.13 at 10:27 am
Do advocates of these doctrines really insist on (or even imply) the exceptions in parentheses? I don't think so.
Here's Lenin, for example:
http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/quotes.htm
"… the only choice is – either bourgeois or socialist ideology."
So, what you have here is not the mirror image, but, in fact, the same exact view, expressed by advocates of the two competing ideologies.
"The cynical appeal of the interest group theory cannot be denied, but it should be resisted."
Well, it certainly doesn't look like the 'post-politics', post-ideological consensus, has much of a future.
roger gathman 01.12.13 at 11:03 am
This is an interesting interpretation of Mill:
"Because the outcome of debate cannot be prescribed in advance, Mill's version of liberal political theory does not provide a secure basis for liberal (or any other) economic institutions. The basic belief is that free discussion and democratic processes will yield rational outcomes in the long term. Hence no particular set of views, such as liberal economic theories, can be given any special standing."
Mill, in his essay on parliamentary reform, finessed this problem in this way:
When all have votes, it will be both just in principle and necessary in fact, that some mode be adopted of giving greater weight to the suffrage of the more educated voter; some means by which the more intrinsically valuable member of society, the one who is more capable, more competent for the general affairs of life, and possesses more of the knowledge applicable to the management of the affairs of the community, should, as far as practicable, be singled out, and allowed a superiority of influence proportioned to his higher qualifications.
The most direct mode of effecting this, would be to establish plurality of votes, in favour of those who could afford a reasonable presumption of superior knowledge and cultivation. If every ordinary unskilled labourer had one vote, a skilled labourer, whose occupation requires an exercised mind and a knowledge of some of the laws of external nature, ought to have two. A foreman, or superintendent of labour, whose occupation requires something more of general culture, and some moral as well as intellectual qualities, should perhaps have three. A farmer, manufacturer, or trader, who requires a still larger range of ideas and knowledge, and the power of guiding and attending to a great number of various operations at once, should have three or four. A member of any profession requiring a long, accurate, and systematic mental cultivation,—a lawyer, a physician or surgeon, a clergyman of any denomination, a literary man, an artist, a public functionary (or, at all events, a member of every intellectual profession at the threshold of which there is a satisfactory examination test) ought to have five or six. A graduate of any university, or a person freely elected a member of any learned society, is entitled to at least as many. A certificate of having passed through a complete course of instruction at any place of education publicly recognised as one where the higher branches of knowledge are taught, should confer a plurality of votes; and there ought to be an organization of voluntary examinations throughout the country (agreeably to the precedent set by the middle-class examinations so wisely and virtuously instituted by the University of Oxford) at which any person whatever might present himself, and obtain, from impartial examiners, a certificate of his possessing the acquirements which would entitle him to any number of votes, up to the largest allowed to one individual. The presumption of superior instruction derived from mere pecuniary qualification is, in the system of arrangements we are now considering, inadmissible. It is a presumption which often fails, and to those against whom it operates, it is always invidious. What it is important to ascertain is education; and education can be tested directly, or by much stronger presumptive evidence than is afforded by income, or payment of taxes, or the quality of the house which a person inhabits."
Another way to finesse the problem, in our times, is simply to buy off both major parties. The U.S. has lead the way here.
Louis Proyect 01.12.13 at 1:38 pm
Marxist-Leninist political theory is now confined to an academic fringe
This is a really crude article but to be expected from a blog that is hostile to Marxism. Speaking of which, I have no idea what "Marxist-Leninist political theory" has to do with the ongoing work of scholars at places like Columbia University with at least 20 percent of the tenured faculty describing themselves as Marxist to one degree or another–by my estimation. Crooked Timber makes a useful contribution but when it comes to its polemics against its adversaries to the left, it simply reflects a lack of familiarity with Marxist theory. For example, the article states "Marxist-Leninist theory is openly antithetical to liberal democracy." To begin with, this sentence does not make sense. Marx and Engels risked prison sentences fighting for liberal democracy in the 1840s. I doubt that anybody on the moderation board of CT (except for Scott McLemee and Corey Robin) have read August Nimtz's "Marx and Engels: Their Contribution to the Democratic Breakthrough" but it demonstrates how false this dichotomy between Marxism and democracy is. I think if the article had more honestly stated that Marxism is hostile to liberalism, there would be no argument.
Christopher Young 01.12.13 at 3:43 pm
it simply reflects a lack of familiarity with Marxist theory.
This is simply not the case with respect to Chris Bertram at least.
Marx and Engels risked prison sentences fighting for liberal democracy in the 1840s.
And nobody is likely to deny it. Lenin, in contrast, derived his theory of democracy from Saint-Just, with the result that it was quite distinct from the ordinary modern usage of the term, and meant that his praxis was likewise quite distinct from that of Marx and Engels. To assert that Marxist-Leninist theory is antithetical to liberal democracy is scarcely open to question, and says nothing about the beliefs of the first generation of Marxists or of subsequent non-Leninist strands of theory.
FRauncher 01.12.13 at 4:11 pm
@Proyect #12
It seems important to distinguish between Marxism and Marxism–Leninism. Lenin's adaptations of Marxism such as democratic centralism and dictatorship of the proletariat rendered Soviet Marxism– Leninism more antagonistic to liberal democracy than the pure Marxist variety (whatever that is).
Remember "People's Democratic Republic of" [fill in the blank] Marxism-Leninism wanted it all, I think, even if "all" was frequently contradictory — just more fodder for synthesis.
Political rhetoric of all stripes is forever sinking under the hopeless morass of individual attachment to treasured emotional resonance with this or that word, catchphrase, or slogan. Isolation from power is all too likely to correlate with isolation from reality, and the reconciliation of logical contradictions or the resolution of practical difficulties is postponed, in favor of adding numbers to the brethren. The days when the orthodox may busy themselves policing heresies lies in a future, when the orthodox have the power to do so, although much passionate rehearsal of such drama, in disputes of surpassing insignificance, may help to pass the time.
The hostility of marginalized idealists, jealous of the complacent, self-justifying, often reactionary or apologetic ideologies of those enjoying power and status hardly constitutes, in itself, a coherent philosophical position, and it is foolish to look for one. Historically, the 19th century socialists propounded an infinite spectrum of political notions, barely held together by a common hope of remaking a world already remaking itself at a breathtaking pace.
It seems to me that the parallels Quiggin wryly outlines arise not from any common commitments or hostilities, but from a common desire to side-step or avoid certain embarrassing difficulties, in their respective political projects, while continuing to pay ritual homage in rhetoric to certain treasured homilies of their respective ideological or philosophical heritages. That politicians and political theorists with a great variety of agendas down through the ages find themselves singing paeans to "freedom" is evidence of little, except the irrational roots and functions of much political argument and belief.
For myself, I'll admit to being a somewhat Whiggish liberal, progressive and idealist in temperament, and, like all true liberals, quite unsure that I am in exclusive possession of the whole truth, let alone the Whole Truth, but still enough of a vertebrate, that I rankle a bit at Quiggin's suggestion, referencing Mill's version of liberalism, that a liberal is not a constitutionalist. Constitutions are an original, historically defining liberal project.
roger gathman 01.12.13 at 6:44 pm
I believe S.M. Amadae, in Rationalizing Capitalist Democracy, The Cold War Origins of Rational Choice, also points out that the economic determinism that runs beneath the founders of rational choice looks very much like the Cold War Marxism (not necessarily Marx) that they were trying to counter: "Defenders of Western Liberalism opposed the coercive scheme of the "dictatorship of the proletariat…" and yet Marx offered what they too sought: to understand the interconnection between government and economic institutions. Marx offered a scientific, interest based analysis of the political economy. Rational choice theorists pursued the same line of research…"
Watson Ladd 01.13.13 at 4:24 pm
Marxism was never ment to be an academic theory divorced from politics. When Lenin was writing in 1914 about the controversy in the SDP, he was arguing against a politics of social democracy that lead directly to the First World War. Does anyone think the democratic, constitutional, state of Germany was justified in such an act by the undemocratic nature of the coup that voting against the war would have required?
The alternative to the Russian Revolution was not constitutional monarchy but the Black Hundreds.
rootless (@root_e) 01.13.13 at 5:11 pm
which is why Grover Norquist has a bust of Lenin on his desk.
However, one can employ class analysis without faith in the existence of an enlightened vanguard able to escape the bound of class and reason objectively.
Stephen 01.13.13 at 7:59 pm
Watson Ladd @17: I'm struggling to understand how you can believe that voting (in a democratic, constitutional state) against a war constitutes an undemocratic coup.
Also: I would have hoped you knew that there were alternatives to the Russian Revolution other than the Black Hundreds. In the 1917 elections to the Constituent Assembly, the Socialist Revolutionaries (Kerensky & Co) won 370 out of 703 seats: the Bolsheviks won 175. But you do seem to have very odd ideas about voting, don't you?
Watson Ladd 01.14.13 at 2:01 am
Stephen, I don't think the vote itself would have necessitated a coup, but the crisis that that outcome would have led to would have. The ostensibly democratic parties were unwilling to have the Junkers lose real power, as shown by their actions four years later.
In Russia Kerensky may have had the votes, but he had no ability to resist Kornilov, nor to end the war. The idea of social democratic government in Russia during 1917 was a mirage: Power had already transfered to the soviets, and the October Revolution merely confirmed the reality that had taken place earlier.
reason 01.15.13 at 9:03 am
Bruce Wilder @1
"they are like medical doctors, back from research studying cancer, and instead of proposing a course of treatment or suggesting a cure, they prescribe cancer, they prescribe the disease they purport to scorn."
There is a perfectly good name for this cancer, corruption. It is the greatest disservice of this approach that the disease is not given its proper (and criminal) name.
As a personal point, and I'm JQ will appreciate, one of the best methods of combating the (admitted) tendency to corruption in the political process, is compulsory voting, which dilutes the impact of highly motivated special interests in marginal elections.
The problems with proportional representation, cannot be denied however, when (like in Israel) extremists potentially hold the balance of power. Why this particularly line of research never lead to more discussions about the details of the electoral system puzzles me.
SamChevre @3
I concede point 1. It is a very important point. It is a shame that Libertarianism has decided to attach itself to "rights" and limited them to meaning unrestricted property rights.
Point 2 is a function not of liberalism as such but the peculiar and disfunctional institutions in the US in particular.
"It must be strange to have snow in January!"
It's cold here, but no snow yet!
Now it has snowed.
But John – surely snow at any time of year is strange in Queensland.
I have lived a total of approximately 30 years in Australia, and in that time, the only snowfall I directly experienced was in February! (On Mount Wellington near Hobart).


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We open again Monday 5 November.
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text:
Performing Life
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Spiking in the sand
Brooklyn Wiedenheft has been playing volleyball since she was 7. "I've always just had a passion for the sport, it's a lot of fun," said Wiedenheft. Although she has played volleyball for a long time, she has only played sand for three years. Three years may seem like a short time, but Brooklyn has already accomplished so much. "My partner Cassie Smits and I made it to the junior Olympics one year, that was a really cool experience," said Wiedenheft, "I also really like being on the beach for tournaments."
"My favorite part of sand is that you have so much court to fill with two people," said Wiedenheft. Sand volleyball has many rules that make the game unique, "A weird rule is that you can't set or open hand tip over the net," said Wiedenheft, "We also have to ref our own games, it makes it kind of bias if you don't like the person, but for the most part I'd say it's pretty fair." Anyone can play sand volleyball, "My tip for people who want to play is that it starts out tough, but you have to keep practicing and push through," said Wiedenheft. Sand is all about placement, and you don't have to be a power hitter, you just have to know where to put the ball on the court.
 Brooklyn says she sees herself playing sand volleyball after high school if she gets the opportunity. She is eager to continue her career in sand.
Story by Sierra Johnson


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The ESRC Festival of Social Science is an annual nationwide event enabling the wider public to engage with social science research.
In the afternoon, creative practitioners will share work informed by two social science research projects on contemporary migration in the Mediterranean Sea.
The day will feature the screening and director's Q&A of 'Ccà semo Here we are, lives on hold in Lampedusa', a documentary produced by Dr. Michela Franceschelli (UCL), as part of a sociological research project. The documentary tells the stories of the people of Lampedusa, the Italian island and first port entry into Europe for migrants and refugees crossing the Mediterranean Sea.
The afternoon also features a participatory performance and audio installation developed by young refugees from Pan-Intercultural Arts and Refugee Youth. The performance is in response to Boat 195, collected by Dr Domenico Sergi as part of the Italy and Mediterranean Encounter, currently displayed in the World Gallery.
The two projects use ethnographic fieldwork and interviews to explore contemporary migration in the Mediterranean Sea, bringing to the fore the unheard voices of both Lampedusans and refugees.
The event disseminates findings from social science research, drawing from sociological and anthropological projects that will provide the framework for discussions.


text:
Q: How to check if Set B has at least one element that is not in Set A So I have two sets: A and B. I need to check if set B contains anything that is not in the set A. There are maybe intersections, so I cannot just check if set A contains set B.
I can obviously do this:
for (String string : setA) {
  if (!setB.contains(string) {
    break;
  }
}

or using the Guava library:
Sets.intersection(setA, setB).containsAll(setB); // returns false if there are elements outside.

But is there any way that would perform better or may be just cleaner or more elegant?
Thanks.

A: Merge all elements into another set and compare the total elements:
Set ab = new Set(a);
ab.addAll(b);

if (ab.size() != b.size()) break; // that means `a` had some element that was not in b

A: Another way to use streams (parallel) and functional mix
setB.parallelStream().filter(((Predicate<String>)setA::contains).negate()).findFirst();

same as
setB.parallelStream().filter(bi -> { return !setA.contains(bi);}).findFirst();

A: "B contains an element not in A" is the exact opposite of "A contains all elements of B", therefore, the already existing method containsAll is sufficient to answer that question.
if(!setA.containsAll(setB)) {
    System.out.println("setB contains an element not in setA");
}

You may shortcut using setB.size()>setA.size() || !setA.containsAll(setB), but this requires that the sets agree on the definition of equality, e.g. if one set is a SortedSet using String.CASE_INSENSITIVE_ORDER as comparator and the other is a HashSet, this won't work (but the definition of the correct outcome is tricky with such combinations anyway).
If setB is really large, you might get a benefit from using a parallel stream like
if(!setB.parallelStream().allMatch(setA::contains)) {
    System.out.println("setB contains an element not in setA");
}

but this is rather rare.

A: Straight Java

*

*Duplicate the "target" set.

*duplicateSet.removeAll(otherSet)

*If duplicateSet is not empty, then the target contains one or more elements that are not in the "otherSet"

Apache SetUtils

*

*xyz = SetUtils.difference(seta, setb);

*if xyz.size() > 0 then seta contains one or more elements that are not in setb.

A: You can try algorithm with removing elements from setB:
if (setB.size() > setA.size()) {
  return true;
}
for (String s : setA) {
  //boolean contains = setB.contains(s);
  boolean contains = setB.remove(s);
  if (contains) return true;
}


However the message gives no clue which object was involved.
Then you have to browse through all your objects to find it.
Today i asigned new materials to all objects in my age.
I shared every material as often as possible between objects and gave them a nice name, so i reduced the total number of materials drasticaly.
This is the only way to make a larger age and sharing materials is a normal workflow .
Well the export result is a complete mess. All objects have a wrong shadowmap.
With closer look to it, i notice that it seems to go wrong when an object has multiple materials.
In those cases, material 1 needs only a part of the total UVmap and material 2 the other part.
It looks however that the total uv map is applied to both materials concerning the shadowmap .
That seems the reason i could not use shared materials.
Here is an example of an an entrance with a door inside, this is an object with 2 materials.
then 2 objects (left and right handed door ) with the same wooden material as the entrance bow.
You see the complete map of the entrance together with the maps of the doors used as a shadowmap for the doors.
The doors have only 1 material , but it is shared with the entrance.
I hope you can see what i try to explain.
You're not alone. I've been running into these bugs too, but haven't figured out what's going on.
It looks like you've narrowed it down, so hopefully Hoikas will be able to use this to understand what's wrong here. Thank you for putting in so much work to debug that problem!
I have good hope hè will.
ii might be able to suggest a possible solution.
If i am right the materials of different objects are combined and after that a shadowmap map is created for the whole bunch.
However before adding the uv map of an object you have to make sure to add only the uv faces from the intended material.
So first go to edit mode of the object.
Go to material prperties and select the material(s) you don't want to add.
Now activate the remaing faces an add the remaing faces to the totalmap.
Go back to the 3D window, unhide all faces.
Repelt this proces until you mapped all faces of Each material.
In the very end activate all faces and go to object mode.
That is the workflow i would do manually and i think is also required for the script.
As a little test i "parted " the wooden bow in the entrance by selecting the faces using the material properties.
So it is an separate object now. and entrance one and entrance 2 each contain one material.
then after making them single user of the material it was ok again.
but as soon as i share the wooden material between the bow and both doors its wrong again and you see the bow map in the door.
... and this is with a single material!
1) you have only 1 material in each object.
2) you do not share a material between objects.
If the age grows you will reach the moment that plasma does not accept more materials to fast.
Then you see the object appearing without shadowmaps.
I hope this gives a bit insight to you.
As a final remark , the previews of the shadowmaps are correct for the individual objects in each situation.
Please keep sharing everything you find dendwaler. This is all extremely useful information... I'm not certain what's going on here, but I have lots of thoughts--I'll need some dedicated time to sit down and look at both Korman and URU's code at the same time.
I will do that, but i reached a point that makes it hard to be able to continue.
I wil prepare a few blendfiles for you during the day(s).
1) The blendfiles of this current age without shared materials.(The one where the shadowmap disappeared for a few object because of possibly an overflow)Then if you disable a few random objects its back to normal again.I assume this one is perfect to see what happens in plasma, and you cant use here a small example.
2) The same blendfie but now with shared materials.
3 )I will try to make one or two very small blendfiles with as least as possible materials and objects, but where the noticed problems do exist.
Assuming this will help the making debugging a lot easyer.
I think to have found something important!
As i said i would try to isolate the problems as simple as possible.
So i took the object that triggered me.
Here you see it duplicated 5 times, but all slightly turned to get different lightmaps.
But also the object settings are a little different.
The only door with a wrong lightmap is number 4.
and i think to know why!
First tell you the diffrences in the objects.
Door left (number 1) contains 4 objects with 1 material each.
and the stone entrance around the whole.
The third door is exactly the same as the second door, only slightly turned.
So my conclusion is here, that 2 materials in one object gives no problem!
The third and the fifth door are the same as the second door only different positioned and turned.
You see that both got two different lightmaps , they differ from the second door.
But it looks like it took over the lightmap from door3 but the preview lightmap tells me a different story.
I predict that is the addition of lightmap 3 with lightmap 5!
Korman goes through each lightmapped object, selects all the vertices, applies uv mapping as you describe here, and switches to a temporary lightmap texture. Then Korman bakes batches of objects that have the same layer selections to those temporary textures.
and because the uvlayout for door 3 and 5 are the same , they have perfect fitting overlap and add to each other .
So when it would have been a different object , it will result in a mess.
Probably the solution is that you have to perform a new "crtr P" to repack all those overlapped uv maps again in your combined, temporarely material layer.
the lightmap in door 4 is not an addition its a pure copy of the lightning of door 3, its not darker as i thought.
I did additional test to find that.
as you can see in the next screenshot.
and on door 4 i projected a red spot and on door 5 on the same place also a red spot .
If it was an addition of lightmaps then on door 4 would have been visible both, the green and the red spot.
Since it is only the green spot that appears it must be a copy.
So its all a bit more complicated.
Are these kind of tests helpfull ?
If so, i will continue, at some point it must become clear i think.
as you see these lightmaps are generated absolutely good!, because 3 has the green spot and four has the red spot.
So why is this lightmap not used?
You can't build above a panic region , even if nothing crosses the region borders!
In the test age "example" i point this out.
you can export this age as ,( the region is initionaly disabled as plasma object) and all works fine!
If you enablethe panic region as plasma object and export it again, then you will panic link on places where you should not.
Besides that this example includes my former lightning tests.
textures are included and will be loaded well if you use a relative path setup.


This article is about the NPC starship. For the playable vessel, see Breen Sarr Theln Carrier.
Sarr Theln Warships are battleships used by the Breen Confederacy. These warships are heavily armed, rivaling Romulan D'deridex Battleships in power and armament. Compared to the smaller Chel Grett Cruiser, the Sarr Theln lacks in maneuverability but features stronger shielding and can launch Bleth Choas Fighters.
"Destiny": A ship of this class leads a Breen Confederacy battle group, commanded by Thot Mer, sent to destroy the flagship of the Klingon Emperor Kahless in the Sanek System.
"Vorgon Conclusions": The player engages a Sarr Theln Warship in orbit of 24th Century Earth when pursuing Vorgon operatives attempting to steal the Tox Uthat from Starfleet Command.
"Aiding the Deferi (Daily)": Sarr Theln Warships attack the Kelvani Belt and the Deferi Patrol as well as Deferi Outpost 3.
"Cold Call": A Sarr Theln Warship attacks Ambassador Surah's Jeska in the orbit of Defera.
"Out in the Cold": A Sarr Theln Warship is pursuing Deferi refugees trying to escape the Breen mine on Zaria.
Sarr Theln Warships are part of Breen forces engaged in Deep Space Encounters in the Alpha Quadrant.
Orthographic views of the old Breen Sarr Theln.
Unlike the Apex Battleship, the Sarr Theln Warship's appearance was not altered to match the playable version added in the 2014 Q's Winter Wonderland event until the release of Agents Of Yesterday on 6 July 2016.
Last modified: 13 October 2018 at 08:22.


Last Friday four of our sixth form students that are studying A level Performing Arts were invited and attended a RADA presentation and workshop at Beckfoot Upper Heaton. This was delivered by the Director of RADA who was incredibly inspirational. It was a wonderful opportunity for the students who absolutely loved the experience and gained so many useful tips and advice from it.


text:
Latest Career Contact
A big world for small listeners
For the launch of the app Spotify Kids, we wanted to put children in focus - for real. We decided to outsource our work to a group of young talents and let their imagination run free.
A musical playground for kids
Spotify Kids is an app focusing on young listeners, aged 3-7 years. The app is filled with inspiring handpicked content, such as pop hits, lullabies, and stories. it's a tool for children to explore sound and they can safely use the app on their own or together with an adult.
A very creative creative session
When we started working on the campaign, we quickly realized that the best way to reach parents is through their children. So we decided that our communication should not only be inspired by kids, it should be created by them. By including them in the process, we could take advantage of their unlimited imagination and the genuine way they describe things and feelings.
We invited a group of kids to a creative session in a studio filled with meters of paper, crayons, and music, and let the kids play around while recording the whole process. The result became one of our most heart-warming and colourful campaigns to date.
4433598B-6865-4A0F-B4A9-6B4DD6A1C00B Created with sketchtool.
If it's good enough for the fridge, it's good enough for Stureplan*.
*Stockholm's very own Times Square.
Next Case
From thinking. To doing.
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Draw us like French girls
Tell us your dirtiest secret, give us an elevator pitch or simply say hi and send it to our slack channel #napkins.
New napkin
Group Created with Sketch. Undo
Oh my! Such art!
Much Da Vinci. Thanks.
Draw Again


text:
FBI announces search for Gabby Petito in Grand Teton National Park
Body camera video shows distress between missing woman, fiance
Body camera video from police in Utah shows missing Florida woman Gabby Petito and her boyfriend, Brian Laundrie, during an investigation into possible domestic violence. Officers did not file any charges against either of them, despite an earlier fight.
TAMPA, Fla. - The Federal Bureau of Investigation in Denver announced Saturday it will search the Grand Teton National Park for signs of a missing North Port woman.
Gabrielle "Gabby" Petito went missing while on a road trip with her fiancé, Brian Laundrie. Petito, 22, was last in contact with her family in late August when she and Laundrie were visiting Grand Teton National Park in Wyoming.
The announcement of a search signals that investigators are working on the assumption that Petito might still be in the location where she told her family she was headed.
In a series of tweets, the FBI Denver office said the investigation into Gabby's disappearance was active and ongoing and asked the public to "maintain distance from any law enforcement personnel, equipment, vehicles, and their related activity," as they conduct their search.
If the public has any details concerning Ms. Petito relevant to this investigation, they may be submitted online at tips.fbi.gov or by phone to 1-800-CALL-FBI or 303-629-7171. Photos & videos may be uploaded to fbi.gov/petito. ow.ly/e42V30rUoiC
Timeline of disappearance of Gabby Petito
From the last time Gabby's family heard from her on August 25 to the disappearance of her fiance, Brian Laundrie, who is also a person of interest in her disappearance, here is a timeline of events in the case
TIMELINE: Disappearance of Gabby Petito
Police have confirmed that law enforcement has access to pings from Brian and Gabby's mobile phones, however, it's unclear if those devices were currently turned on and providing investigators with current location information.
The last confirmed sighting of Petito was when she checked out of the Fairfield Inn and Suites on Aug. 24 in Salt Lake City, according to reports.
Her mother said she last saw her daughter over Facetime around the same time that Petito and Laundrie were believed to have left Utah for Grand Teton National Park in Wyoming.
Petito's most recent social media posts that provided a tagged location were made at Arches National Park in Utah.
Meanwhile, a search is underway for Laundrie, who was reported missing by his family in North Port, Florida, on Friday, September 17. They reported Brian having left their family home Tuesday, but he never returned.
About 50 officers from the North Port Police Department and the FBI canvassed the Carlton Reserve in Venice based on the family's assumption Laundrie had gone there, according to North Port PD spokesperson Josh Taylor.
North Port police gives update on search for Brian Laundrie
North Port Police Department Public Information Officer Josh Taylor said Laundrie's family spoke with officers Friday night because they were concerned about the well-being of their son. The family told officers they believed he entered the reserve earlier this week.
MORE: Gabby Petito body camera video reveals emotional encounter with boyfriend Brian Laundrie
North Port Police Department public information officer Josh Taylor said Laundrie's family spoke with officers Friday night because they were concerned about the well-being of their son.
Gabby Petito case: Full Utah bodycam video
Full video from the Moab City Police Department in Utah shows officers investigating an incident between Gabby Petito and her boyfriend, Brian Laundrie.
This story was reported from Tampa, Florida.
Northern Virginia community grapples with how to handle pickleball noise complaints


text:
Q: After subshell ends, "wait" waits for ENTER command Given a file with a list of tables to Sqoop, this script launches a Sqoop import command with a list of options. The intel here is in the "scheduler", which I borrowed from here, meaning that I want the script to launch no more than a max number of subprocesses, defined in a variable, watch over them and as soon as one of them completes, launch another to fill up the queue. This is done until the end of the tables to Sqoop.
The script and the scheduler works correctly, except that the script ends before the subshells have completed their job.
I tried inserting wait at the end of the script, but this way it waits for me to press ENTER.
I can't disclose the full script, I'm sorry. Hope you understand it anyway.
Thanks for your help.
#!/bin/bash

# Script to parallel offloading RDB tables to Hive via Sqoop

confFile=$1
listOfTables=$2
# Source configuration values
. "$confFile"
# This file contains various configuration options, as long as "parallels",
#  which is the number of concurrent jobs I want to launch

# Some nice functions.
usage () {
  ...
}

doSqoop() {

  This function launches a Sqoop command compiled with informations extracted
# in the while loop. It also writes 2 log files and look for Sqoop RC.

}

queue() {
    queue="$queue $1"
    num=$(($num+1))
}

regeneratequeue() {
    oldrequeue=$queue
    queue=""
    num=0
    for PID in $oldrequeue
    do
        if [ -d /proc/"$PID"  ] ; then
            queue="$queue $PID"
            num=$(($num+1))
        fi
    done
}

checkqueue() {
    oldchqueue=$queue
    for PID in $oldchqueue
    do
        if [ ! -d /proc/"$PID" ] ; then
            regeneratequeue # at least one PID has finished
            break
        fi
    done
}

# Check for mandatory values.
 ...

#### HeavyLifting ####

# Since I have a file containing the list of tables to Sqoop along with other
# useful arguments like sourceDB, sourceTable, hiveDB, HiveTable, number of parallels,
# etc, all in the same line, I use awk to grab them and then
# I pass them to the function doSqoop().

# So, here I:
# 1. create a temp folder
# 2. grab values from line with awk
# 3. launch doSqoop() as below:
# 4. Monitor spawned jobs

awk '!/^($|#)/' < "$listOfTables" | { while read -r line;
do

  # look for the folder or create it
  # .....

  # extract values fro line with awk
  # ....

  # launch doSqoop() with this line:
  (doSqoop) &

  PID=$!
  queue $PID

  while [[ "$num" -ge "$parallels" ]]; do
    checkqueue
    sleep 0.5
  done

done; }
# Here I tried to put wait, without success.

EDIT (2)
OK so I managed to implement what DeeBee suggested, and as of my knowledge it is correct. I did not implement what Duffy say, because I did not understand quite well and I don't have time ATM.
Now the problem is that I moved some code inside the doSqoop function, and it is not able to create the /tmp folder needed for logs.
I don't understand what's wrong. Here's the code, followed by the error.
Please consider that the query argument is very long and contains spaces
Script
#!/bin/bash

# Script to download lot of tables in parallel with Sqoop and write them to Hive

confFile=$1
listOfTables=$2
# Source configuration values
. "$confFile"
# TODO: delete sqoop tmp directory after jobs ends #

doSqoop() {

  local origSchema="$1"
  local origTable="$2"
  local hiveSchema="$3"
  local hiveTable="$4"
  local splitColumn="$5"
  local sqoopParallels="$6"
  local query="$7"
  local logFileSummary="$databaseBaseDir"/"$hiveTable"-summary.log
  local logFileRaw="$databaseBaseDir/"$hiveTable"-raw.log

  databaseBaseDir="$baseDir"/"$origSchema"-"$hiveSchema"
  [ -d "$databaseBaseDir" ] || mkdir -p "$databaseBaseDir"
  if [[ $? -ne 0 ]]; then
    echo -e "Unable to complete the process. \n
    Cannot create logs folder $databaseBaseDir"
    exit 1
  fi

  echo "#### [$(date +%Y-%m-%dT%T)] Creating Hive table $hiveSchema.$hiveTable from source table $origSchema.$origTable ####" | tee -a "$logFileSummary" "$logFileRaw"
  echo -e "\n\n"

  quote="'"

  sqoop import -Dmapred.job.queuename="$yarnQueue" -Dmapred.job.name="$jobName" \
  --connect "$origServer" \
  --username SQOOP --password-file file:///"$passwordFile" \
  --delete-target-dir \
  --target-dir "$targetTmpHdfsDir"/"$hiveTable" \
  --outdir "$dirJavaCode" \
  --hive-import \
  --hive-database "$hiveSchema" \
  --hive-table "$hiveTable" \
  --hive-partition-key "$hivePartitionName" --hive-partition-value "$hivePartitionValue" \
  --query "$quote $query where \$CONDITIONS $quote" \
  --null-string '' --null-non-string '' \
  --num-mappers 1 \
  --fetch-size 2000000 \
  --as-textfile \
  -z --compression-codec org.apache.hadoop.io.compress.SnappyCodec |& tee -a "$logFileRaw"

  sqoopRc=$?
  if [[ $sqoopRc -ne 0 ]]; then
    echo "[$(date +%Y-%m-%dT%T)] Error importing $hiveSchema.$hiveTable !" | tee -a "$logFileSummary" "$logFileRaw"
    echo "$hiveSchema.$hiveTable" >> $databaseBaseDir/failed_imports.txt
  fi

  echo "Tail of : $logFileRaw" >> "$logFileSummary"
  tail -10 "$logFileRaw"  >> "$logFileSummary"
}
export -f doSqoop

# Check for mandatory values.
if [[ ! -f "$confFile" ]]; then
  echo -e "   $confFile does not appear to be a valid file.\n"
  usage
fi

if [[ ! -f "$listOfTables" ]]; then
  echo -e "   $listOfTables does not appear to be a valid file.\n"
  usage
fi

if [[ -z "${username+x}" ]]; then
  echo -e "   A valid username is required to access the Source.\n"
  usage
fi
if [[ ! -f "$passwordFile" ]]; then
  echo -e "   Password File $password does not appear to be a valid file.\n"
  usage
fi

if [[ -z "${origServer+x}" ]]; then
  echo -e "   Sqoop connection string is required.\n"
  usage
fi

#### HeavyLifting ####
awk -F"|" '!/^($|#)/ {print $1 $2 $3 $4 $5 $6 $7}' < "$listOfTables" | xargs -n7 -P$parallels bash -c "doSqoop {}"

Error
mkdir: cannot create directory `/{}-'mkdir: : Permission deniedcannot create directory `/{}-'
mkdir: : Permission denied
cannot create directory `/{}-': Permission denied
Unable to complete the process.

    Cannot create logs folder /{}-
mkdir: cannot create directory `/{}-': Permission denied
Unable to complete the process.

    Cannot create logs folder /{}-
Unable to complete the process.

    Cannot create logs folder /{}-
Unable to complete the process.

    Cannot create logs folder /{}-
mkdir: cannot create directory `/{}-': Permission denied
Unable to complete the process.

    Cannot create logs folder /{}-
mkdir: cannot create directory `/{}-': Permission denied
mkdir: cannot create directory `/{}-': Permission denied
Unable to complete the process.

    Cannot create logs folder /{}-
mkdir: mkdir: cannot create directory `/{}-'cannot create directory `/{}-': Permission denied: Permission denied

Unable to complete the process.

    Cannot create logs folder /{}-
Unable to complete the process.

    Cannot create logs folder /{}-
Unable to complete the process.

    Cannot create logs folder /{}-

A: Since you're pushing doSqoop to a background job with &, the only thing limiting script execution time is the sleep 0.5 and however long it takes checkqueue to run.
Have you considered using xargs to run the function in parallel?
Example of what I think is approximating your use case:
$ cat sqoop.bash
#!/bin/bash
doSqoop(){
  local arg="${1}"
  sleep $(shuf -i 1-10 -n 1)  # random between 1 and 10 seconds
  echo -e "${arg}\t$(date +'%H:%M:%S')"
}
export -f doSqoop  # so xargs can use it

threads=$(nproc)  # number of cpu cores
awk '{print}' < tables.list | xargs -n1 -P${threads} -I {} bash -c "doSqoop {}"

$ seq 1 15 > tables.list

Result:
$ ./sqoop.bash
3   11:29:14
4   11:29:14
8   11:29:14
9   11:29:15
11  11:29:15
1   11:29:20
2   11:29:20
6   11:29:21
14  11:29:22
7   11:29:23
5   11:29:23
13  11:29:23
15  11:29:24
10  11:29:24
12  11:29:24

Sometimes it's nice to let xargs do the work for you.
Edit:
Example passing 3 args into the function, up to 8 operations in parallel:
$ cat sqoop.bash
#!/bin/bash
doSqoop(){
  a="${1}"; b="${2}"; c="${3}"
  sleep $(shuf -i 1-10 -n 1)  # do some work
  echo -e "$(date +'%H:%M:%S') $a $b $c"
}
export -f doSqoop

awk '{print $1,$3,$5}' tables.list | xargs -n3 -P8 -I {} bash -c "doSqoop {}"

$ cat tables.list
1a 1b 1c 1d 1e
2a 2b 2c 2d 2e
3a 3b 3c 3d 3e
4a 4b 4c 4d 4e
5a 5b 5c 5d 5e
6a 6b 6c 6d 6e
7a 7b 7c 7d 7e

$ ./sqoop.bash
09:46:57 1a 1c 1e
09:46:57 7a 7c 7e
09:47:05 3a 3c 3e
09:47:06 4a 4c 4e
09:47:06 2a 2c 2e
09:47:09 5a 5c 5e
09:47:09 6a 6c 6e

A: Using GNU Parallel you can probably do:
export -f doSqoop
grep -Ev '^#' "$listOfTables" |
  parallel -r --colsep '\|' -P$parallels doSqoop {}

If you just want one process per CPU core:
  ... | parallel -r --colsep '\|' doSqoop {}

A: After some time I now have some moments to reply to my question, since I really want no one else to fall in this kind of issue.
I experienced more than one issue, related to bugs in my code and to the use of xargs. In hindsight and based on my experience, I can surely suggest not to use xargs for this kind of stuff. Bash is not the most suited language to do this, but if you are forced to it, consider using GNU Parallel. I'll move my script to this, soon.
Regarding the issues:

*

*I had problems passing arguments to the function. At the fist place because they contained special chars I didn't noticed, and then because I was not using -I args. I solved this issue cleaning the input lines from newlines in between of then and using xargs' options -l1 -I args. This way it treats the line as a single argument, passing it to the function (where I parse them with awk).

*The scheduler I was trying to implement just did not work. I ended up using xargs to parallelize the execution and custom code inside the function to write some control files that helped me understanding (at the end of the script) what went wrong and what worked.

*Xargs doesn't provide a facility to collect output for separate jobs. It just dump it on stdout. I work with hadoop, I have a lot of output, it's just a mess.

*Again, xargs is fine if you use it with other shell commands like find, cat, zip, etc. Don't use it if you have my use case. Just don't, you'll end up with a white hair. Insted, spend some time learning GNU Parallel, or better use a full featured language (if you can).


text:
Somaratne Dissanayake is a Sri Lankan film director, Screenwriter and Producer. He is the Chairman of Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation and the president of the Film Makers Guild of Sri Lanka (FMG). He won the Peace prize of Chicago International Children's Film Festival and bronze award for Independent Theatrical Feature Films at Worldfest Houston for his debut film, Saroja (2000). In 2007, he received Presidential award for directing Samanala Thatu (2006).

Biography
Somaratne abandoned his life in Australia to pursue a career in film. He started the stage play, Mee Pura Wesio in 1984 and then a television drama, Iti Pahan in mid 1990s. He did not come to the cinema industry at once. He studied cinema for another 10 years. He earned his MA in performing arts from the University of Sydney, Australia. He also obtained his PhD in cinema from the University of Colombo.

He made his debut in the Sinhala film in 2000 with a controversial but blockbuster film Saroja (2000 film). He is also well known for other films he directed and screened such as Punchi Suranganavi, Sooriya Arana, Samanala Thatu, Siri Raja Siri, Bindu and Siri Parakum. In 2016, Dissanayake directed and screened the film Sarigama which was a sinhala remake of the world famous film The Sound of Music. All of his films have been well-received, and almost every film has been a record success.

He is married to producer and television host Renuka Balasooriya.

In January 2015, he was appointed as the Chairman of the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC), only to resign later that year in August, due to personal reasons.

Alleged Curse
Shortly after the release of Jangi Hora. The Sri Lankan release of the film ended up unpopular and cinemas stopped showings of the film abruptly within a few days although the film was promoted heavily through movie trailers that aired on television to billboards in the streets of Colombo. Anyhow following the film's lack of success, Somaratne started to face financial difficulty and became thinner due to lack of money to buy food and eventually he started to make Sinhabahu, a film about the legendary Sinhabahu starring Jackson Anthony, however when it was reported that Jackson had got admitted to hospital following a series of injuries caused by an elephant slipping twice onto his red cab. Because of this, the film is now in development hell. Some people link this with a curse caused by the release of Jangi Hora into Sri Lankan theaters.

However it appears that Somaratne Dissanayake has returned to his original weight and is doing fine now but is now slightly depressed. He also released a trailer for Sinhabahu but with a different actor playing the title role instead of Jackson Anthony. Jackson was soon discharged from hospital with his family who took care of him.

Awards and nominations

Filmography

References

External links
 බෙදාහැරීම සංස්ථාව සතුකර ගැනීමට කැප වෙනවා
 වැඩේ හරි! ක්‍රමය වැරැදියි

Living people
Sri Lankan film directors
Curses
1946 births

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Grab The MyMagic Mobile App
Louisiana First Alert
Local Restaurant Listings
D. L. Hughley
Lenny Green
Grab the Magic 92.1 App
Southern Soul Weekend Party Mix with Steve PostonSouthern Soul Weekend Party Mix with Steve Poston
Gov. Edwards Announces New Rental Assistance Program
Governor John Bel Edwards announced a new $24 million emergency rental assistance program for Louisiana residents who are experiencing hardships due to the coronavirus pandemic.
This program will assist individuals and families that have been financially impacted by COVID-19 resulting in layoffs, reduced work hours, shutdowns, unpaid leave, etc. It's designed to help the most vulnerable Louisiana households with income ranges of $13,500 - $25,450, dependent upon household size.
The new program is administered and funded by the Louisiana Housing Corporation (LHC) in partnership with the State of Louisiana Office of Community Development (OCD).
OCD Executive Director Pat Forbes said:
The COVID-19 pandemic is creating particular hardships for our most vulnerable residents, most of whom rely on rental housing...many of these individuals and families are facing potential eviction because their incomes have been impacted by the pandemic. This allows the state to address that threat in a way that helps our people be more secure in their housing situations.
If approved, monthly emergency rental payments will be paid directly to the landlord on the tenant's behalf, according to the amount on the lease agreement.
For more information and to sign up, visit LaRentHelp.com or dial 2-1-1.
CORONAVIRUS NEWS, UPDATES, AND ALERTS
READ MORE: Here are 10 ways to help others who are struggling right now
Filed Under: Coronavirus Updates
Categories: Medical & Health, SWLA News
Biden Looks To Raise Minimum Wage To $15 Per Hour
Lake Charles Business Listings
2021 Magic 92.1 FM, Townsquare Media, Inc. All rights reserved.


No, I don't miss summer and I don't miss the sun, we just said goodbye two days ago. As soon as winter time started weather changed too and there is a huge amount of rain falling down, perfect for the thirsty earth and trees.
Explore more mosaics at ArtMind's blog and join the fun!
gorgeous choice. I love this colour. It's so soothing.
:) Green is the most beautiful of all nature's colours. I love it! Makes me feel full of energy! I wanna sun!
Oh, and this is really calm and beautiful!!
lovely mosaic!!! It is late and loooooooooooooooooooooooooong summer here this year - usualy at this time of the year the winter starts , and still we are melting here under the very hot sun!!
Beautiful, but I miss the sunshine! Love the zing in this though, it makes me feel very refreshed!
Love the Indian summer feel in this one!
it has a very fresh feeling to it!
I love anything green, and this collection is just gorgeous!
such beautiful tones ~ i love it!
I could use some of the energy you've captured in your mosaic. This week has been rainy but fortunately weekend should bring sunshine. And minus degrees, brrr!


AMIR에서 제공하는 중동학관련 오픈 학술잡지 목록이다.
Annual review of Islam in South Africa.
Contemporary practices : visual arts from the Middle East.
Journal asiatique : ou recueil de mémoires, d'extraits et de notices relatifs à l'histoire, etc.
Nāmah-'i Farhangistān = Name-ye Farhangestan = نامه فرهنگستان : quarterly journal of the Academy of Persian Language and Literature.
Transcendent philosophy: an international journal for comparative philosophy and mysticism.


text:
MENTOS CLOSE TO ENDING (article first published : 2005-10-24)
The Mentos International Comedy Festival - presented by East Coast Radio is currently running at Sibaya Casino and Entertainment Kingdom until October 30.
Durban audiences are reportedly in a riot of laughter as the antics of these 13 comedians from around the world converge on Sibaya each evening to present a festival of completely crazy, off-the-wall and seriously outrageous comedy.
The festival is held in two venues. The iZulu Theatre features Ian Stone (UK) as MC, Junior Simpson (UK), Glen Wool (Canada), John Fothergill (Ireland), Tarun Mohanbhai (New Zealand/India), and Cokey Falkow (SA). For want of a better description - this is the safer venue. Pure Munate star Loyiso Gola from Johannesburg has also just joined the line-up.
Then - hold on to your hats – 'cos the Danger Zone is an extreme comedy spot, strictly adults only, and completely outrageous. The larger than life Canadian Greek Angelou Tsaroukas (Canada) leads the team comprising Jim Jefferies (UK), Eddie Ifft (USA), Pierre (USA) and Bevan Cullinan (SA). This is also the venue to catch the much-talked about insane comic Phil Nicol from Canada who literally rips up the place and will has audiences screaming for more.
The shows run nightly at the iZulu Theatre from Mondays to Saturdays at 20h00 and Monday to Saturdays at Krakatoa at 20h30. On Sunday, the international comedians battle it out in a fast and furious comedy showdown in the "Best of the Best" at 18h00.
Tickets R85 per show and bookings can be made through Computicket or 031 580 5555.


text:
Thomas Wingett (Tom) Corbett, Jr. (Philadelphia (Pennsylvania), 17 juni 1949) is een Amerikaans politicus van de Republikeinse Partij. Hij was de gouverneur van Pennsylvania van 2011 tot 2015.

Externe link
  Officiële website

Amerikaans gouverneur
Amerikaans procureur-generaal
Republikein (Verenigde Staten)