Soaring sales of raw milk direct from a growing number of dairy farms has prompted the formation of a new group which aims to head off concerns over anticipated new government controls.
The Raw Milk Producers Association (RMPA) has been established this week to ensure farmers' voices are heard by the Government's Food Standards Agency (FSA) as it plans to tighten controls around the sale of raw milk.
Typically sold via on-farm vending machines or pre-bottled, the diversification is a lifeline for smaller family-run dairy farms that could otherwise have gone bust because of low market returns that often fail to cover production costs.
The new organisation, made up of raw milk producers from across the country, including two in Yorkshire, is keen both to promote high production standards of raw milk among farmers and to work with the FSA to ensure any new controls on their product are "proportionate and supportive".
It will also offer networking and training to producers with many currently geographically isolated from one another and will run an online forum for producers to share expertise. Sales of raw milk in England and Wales are worth at least £3.2m a year and since 2012, sales have risen from 610,000 litres to 3.5 million litres last year. In 2014, there were around 100 raw milk producers.
As of last month, there were 171 registered producers. Existing rules dictate that producers register with the FSA, but there is little official guidance on production standards, hygiene or microbiological testing.
As of last month, there were 171 registered producers. Existing rules dictate that producers register with the FSA, but there is little official guidance on production standards, hygiene or microbiological testing. Farmers carry out their own milk sample testing but do not need to report any negative test results, though farms are routinely inspected by government agencies.
Speaking to The Yorkshire Post, Christine Page, secretary of the RMPA, said: "Anyone who has watched FSA board meetings over the last 18 months knows they are increasingly concerned about food-borne illnesses and the controls that are put in place could make it difficult for producers.
She believes that sales of raw milk have spiked as increasingly discerning consumers have sought more food products direct from farms, a trend which is of great value to dairy farmers. Ms Page added: "For some dairy farmers selling raw milk can be the difference between breaking even or losing money.
It can be a lifeline to some dairy farms and has kept some afloat that would have gone under." Some scientists studies have linked raw milk consumption with lower risks of getting asthma and eczema, but there is no conclusive proof.


text:
<?php

namespace App\Models\Conversations;

use Illuminate\Database\Eloquent\Model;
use Illuminate\Database\Eloquent\SoftDeletes;

class Conversation extends Model
{
	use SoftDeletes;
	/**
	 * The database table used by the model.
	 *
	 * @var string
	 */
	protected $table = 'conversations';

	/**
	 * The attributes that are mass assignable.
	 *
	 * @var array
	 */
	protected $fillable = [
		'title',
		'description',
		'description_height',
		'class',
		'owner_id',
		'owner_type',
		'facility_id',
		'tagged_id',
		'user_id',
	];

	/**
	 * The attributes that should be mutated to dates.
	 *
	 * @var array
	 */
	protected $dates = ['deleted_at'];

	public function message()
	{
		return $this->hasMany('App\Models\Conversations\Message');
	}

	public function user()
	{
		return $this->hasMany('App\Models\Users\User');
	}

	public function project()
	{
		return $this->belongsTo('App\Models\Projects\Project');
	}
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


Although they originally nested in natural sites such as caves and hollow trees of old-growth forests, Chimney Swifts now nest primarily in chimneys and other artificial sites with vertical surfaces and low light (including air vents, old wells, abandoned cisterns, outhouses, boathouses, garages, silos, barns, lighthouses, and firewood sheds). Both members of a breeding pair may fly toward several potential nest locations, then cling side by side at one particular site, with one member of the pair giving a rhythmic chipping call.
The nest is a half-saucer of loosely woven twigs, stuck together and cemented to the chimney wall with the bird's glue-like saliva. Both parents independently contribute to the nest: they break off small twigs with their feet while flying through branches, then return to the nest site with the twigs in their bills. The completed nest measures 2–3 inches from front to back, 4 inches wide, and 1 inch deep.
Steeves, Tanner K., Shannon B. Kearney-McGee, Margaret A. Rubega, Calvin L. Cink and Charles T. Collins. 2014. Chimney Swift (Chaetura pelagica), version 2.0. In The Birds of North America (P. G. Rodewald, editor). Cornell Lab of Ornithology, Ithaca, New York, USA.


text:
Etext of State of the Union Addresses by Franklin D Roosevelt
2021 • 63 Pages • 446.21 KB • English
Summary of Etext of State of the Union Addresses by Franklin D Roosevelt
The Project Gutenberg EBook of State of the Union Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, by Franklin D. Roosevelt This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. Title: State of the Union Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt Author: Franklin D. Roosevelt Posting Date: December 3, 2014 [EBook #5038] Release Date: February, 2004 First Posted: April 11, 2002 Last Updated: December 16, 2004 Language: English Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESSES *** Produced by James Linden. HTML version by Al Haines. State of the Union Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt The addresses are separated by three asterisks: *** Dates of addresses by Franklin D. Roosevelt in this eBook: January 3, 1934 January 4, 1935 January 3, 1936 January 6, 1937 January 3, 1938 January 4, 1939 January 3, 1940 January 6, 1941 January 6, 1942 January 7, 1943 January 11, 1944 January 6, 1945 *** State of the Union Address Franklin D. Roosevelt January 3, 1934 Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Senators and Representatives in Congress: I come before you at the opening of the Regular Session of the 73d Congress, not to make requests for special or detailed items of legislation; I come, rather, to counsel with you, who, like myself, have been selected to carry out a mandate of the whole people, in order that without partisanship you and I may cooperate to continue the restoration of our national wellbeing and, equally important, to build on the ruins of the past a new structure designed better to meet the present problems of modern civilization. Such a structure includes not only the relations of industry and agriculture and finance to each other but also the effect which all of these three have on our individual citizens and on the whole people as a Nation. Now that we are definitely in the process of recovery, lines have been rightly drawn between those to whom this recovery means a return to old methods--and the number of these people is small--and those for whom recovery means a reform of many old methods, a permanent readjustment of many of our ways of thinking and therefore of many of our social and economic arrangements. . . . . Civilization cannot go back; civilization must not stand still. We have undertaken new methods. It is our task to perfect, to improve, to alter when necessary, but in all cases to go forward. To consolidate what we are doing, to make our economic and social structure capable of dealing with modern life is the joint task of the legislative, the judicial, and the executive branches of the national Government. Without regard to party, the overwhelming majority of our people seek a greater opportunity for humanity to prosper and find happiness. They recognize that human welfare has not increased and does not increase through mere materialism and luxury, but that it does progress through integrity, unselfishness, responsibility and justice. In the past few months, as a result of our action, we have demanded of many citizens that they surrender certain licenses to do as they please in their business relationships; but we have asked this in exchange for the protection which the State can give against exploitation by their fellow men or by combinations of their fellow men. I congratulate this Congress upon the courage, the earnestness and the efficiency with which you met the crisis at the Special Session. It was your fine understanding of the national problem that furnished the example which the country has so splendidly followed. I venture to say that the task confronting the First Congress of 1789 was no greater than your own. I shall not attempt to set forth either the many phases of the crisis which we experienced last March, or the many measures which you and I undertook during the Special Session that we might initiate recovery and reform. It is sufficient that I should speak in broad terms of the results of our common counsel. The credit of the Government has been fortified by drastic reduction in the cost of its permanent agencies through the Economy Act. With the twofold purpose of strengthening the whole financial structure and of arriving eventually at a medium of exchange which over the years will have less variable purchasing and debt paying power for our people than that of the past, I have used the authority granted me to purchase all American-produced gold and silver and to buy additional gold in the world markets. Careful investigation and constant study prove that in the matter of foreign exchange rates certain of our sister Nations find themselves so handicapped by internal and other conditions that they feel unable at this time to enter into stabilization discussion based on permanent and world-wide objectives. The overwhelming majority of the banks, both national and State, which reopened last spring, are in sound condition and have been brought within the protection of Federal insurance. In the case of those banks which were not permitted to reopen, nearly six hundred million dollars of frozen deposits are being restored to the depositors through the assistance of the national Government. We have made great strides toward the objectives of the National Industrial Recovery Act, for not only have several millions of our unemployed been restored to work, but industry is organizing itself with a greater understanding that reasonable profits can be earned while at the same time protection can be assured to guarantee to labor adequate pay and proper conditions of work. Child labor is abolished. Uniform standards of hours and wages apply today to 95 percent of industrial employment within the field of the National Industrial Recovery Act. We seek the definite end of preventing combinations in furtherance of monopoly and in restraint of trade, while at the same time we seek to prevent ruinous rivalries within industrial groups which in many cases resemble the gang wars of the underworld and in which the real victim in every case is the public itself. Under the authority of this Congress, we have brought the component parts of each industry together around a common table, just as we have brought problems affecting labor to a common meeting ground. Though the machinery, hurriedly devised, may need readjustment from time to time, nevertheless I think you will agree with me that we have created a permanent feature of our modernized industrial structure and that it will continue under the supervision but not the arbitrary dictation of Government itself. You recognized last spring that the most serious part of the debt burden affected those who stood in danger of losing their farms and their homes. I am glad to tell you that refinancing in both of these cases is proceeding with good success and in all probability within the financial limits set by the Congress. But agriculture had suffered from more than its debts. Actual experience with the operation of the Agricultural Adjustment Act leads to my belief that thus far the experiment of seeking a balance between production and consumption is succeeding and has made progress entirely in line with reasonable expectations toward the restoration of farm prices to parity. I continue in my conviction that industrial progress and prosperity can only be attained by bringing the purchasing power of that portion of our population which in one form or another is dependent upon agriculture up to a level which will restore a proper balance between every section of the country and between every form of work. In this field, through carefully planned flood control, power development and land-use policies in the Tennessee Valley and in other, great watersheds, we are seeking the elimination of waste, the removal of poor lands from agriculture and the encouragement of small local industries, thus furthering this principle of a better balanced national life. We recognize the great ultimate cost of the application of this rounded policy to every part off the Union. Today we are creating heavy obligations to start the work because of the great unemployment needs of the moment. I look forward, however, to the time in the not distant future, when annual appropriations, wholly covered by current revenue, will enable the work to proceed under a national plan. Such a national plan will, in a generation or two, return many times the money spent on it; more important, it will eliminate the use of inefficient tools, conserve and increase natural resources, prevent waste, and enable millions of our people to take better advantage of the opportunities which God has given our country. I cannot, unfortunately, present to you a picture of complete optimism regarding world affairs. The delegation representing the United States has worked in close cooperation with the other American Republics assembled at Montevideo to make that conference an outstanding success. We have, I hope, made it clear to our neighbors that we seek with them future avoidance of territorial expansion and of interference by one Nation in the internal affairs of another. Furthermore, all of us are seeking the restoration of commerce in ways which will preclude the building up of large favorable trade balances by any one Nation at the expense of trade debits on the part of other Nations. In other parts of the world, however, fear of immediate or future aggression and with it the spending of vast sums on armament and the continued building up of defensive trade barriers prevent any great progress in peace or trade agreements. I have made it clear that the United States cannot take part in political arrangements in Europe but that we stand ready to cooperate at any time in practicable measures on a world basis looking to immediate reduction of armaments and the lowering of the barriers against commerce. I expect to report to you later in regard to debts owed the Government and people of this country by the Governments and peoples of other countries. Several Nations, acknowledging the debt, have paid in small part; other Nations have failed to pay. One Nation--Finland--has paid the installments due this country in full. Returning to home problems, we have been shocked by many notorious examples of injuries done our citizens by persons or groups who have been living off their neighbors by the use of methods either unethical or criminal. In the first category--a field which does not involve violations of the letter of our laws--practices have been brought to light which have shocked those who believed that we were in the past generation raising the ethical standards of business. They call for stringent preventive or regulatory measures. I am speaking of those individuals who have evaded the spirit and purpose of our tax laws, of those high officials of banks or corporations who have grown rich at the expense of their stockholders or the public, of those reckless speculators with their own or other people's money whose operations have injured the values of the farmers' crops and the savings of the poor. In the other category, crimes of organized banditry, coldblooded shooting, lynching and kidnapping have threatened our security. These violations of ethics and these violations of law call on the strong arm of Government for their immediate suppression; they call also on the country for an aroused public opinion. The adoption of the Twenty-first Amendment should give material aid to the elimination of those new forms of crime which came from the illegal traffic in liquor. I shall continue to regard it as my duty to use whatever means may be necessary to supplement State, local and private agencies for the relief of suffering caused by unemployment. With respect to this question, I have recognized the dangers inherent in the direct giving of relief and have sought the means to provide not mere relief, but the opportunity for useful and remunerative work. We shall, in the process of recovery, seek to move as rapidly as possible from direct relief to publicly supported work and from that to the rapid restoration of private employment. It is to the eternal credit of the American people that this tremendous readjustment of our national life is being accomplished peacefully, without serious dislocation, with only a minimum of injustice and with a great, willing spirit of cooperation throughout the country. Disorder is not an American habit. Self-help and self-control are the essence of the American tradition--not of necessity the form of that tradition, but its spirit. The program itself comes from the American people. It is an integrated program, national in scope. Viewed in the large, it is designed to save from destruction and to keep for the future the genuinely important values created by modern society. The vicious and wasteful parts of that society we could not save if we wished; they have chosen the way of self-destruction. We would save useful mechanical invention, machine production, industrial efficiency, modern means of communication, broad education. We would save and encourage the slowly growing impulse among consumers to enter the industrial market place equipped with sufficient organization to insist upon fair prices and honest sales. But the unnecessary expansion of industrial plants, the waste of natural resources, the exploitation of the consumers of natural monopolies, the accumulation of stagnant surpluses, child labor, and the ruthless exploitation of all labor, the encouragement of speculation with other people's money, these were consumed in the fires that they themselves kindled; we must make sure that as we reconstruct our life there be no soil in which such weeds can grow again. We have plowed the furrow and planted the good seed; the hard beginning is over. If we would reap the full harvest, we must cultivate the soil where this good seed is sprouting and the plant is reaching up to mature growth. A final personal word. I know that each of you will appreciate that. I am speaking no mere politeness when I assure you how much I value the fine relationship that we have shared during these months of hard and incessant work. Out of these friendly contacts we are, fortunately, building a strong and permanent tie between the legislative and executive branches of the Government. The letter of the Constitution wisely declared a separation, but the impulse of common purpose declares a union. In this spirit we join once more in serving the American people. *** State of the Union Address Franklin D. Roosevelt January 4, 1935 Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: The Constitution wisely provides that the Chief Executive shall report to the Congress on the state of the Union, for through you, the chosen legislative representatives, our citizens everywhere may fairly judge the progress of our governing. I am confident that today, in the light of the events of the past two years, you do not consider it merely a trite phrase when I tell you that I am truly glad to greet you and that I look forward to common counsel, to useful cooperation, and to genuine friendships between us. We have undertaken a new order of things; yet we progress to it under the framework and in the spirit and intent of the American Constitution. We have proceeded throughout the Nation a measurable distance on the road toward this new order. Materially, I can report to you substantial benefits to our agricultural population, increased industrial activity, and profits to our merchants. Of equal moment, there is evident a restoration of that spirit of confidence and faith which marks the American character. Let him, who, for speculative profit or partisan purpose, without just warrant would seek to disturb or dispel this assurance, take heed before he assumes responsibility for any act which slows our onward steps. Throughout the world, change is the order of the day. In every Nation economic problems, long in the making, have brought crises of many kinds for which the masters of old practice and theory were unprepared. In most Nations social justice, no longer a distant ideal, has become a definite goal, and ancient Governments are beginning to heed the call. Thus, the American people do not stand alone in the world in their desire for change. We seek it through tested liberal traditions, through processes which retain all of the deep essentials of that republican form of representative government first given to a troubled world by the United States. As the various parts in the program begun in the Extraordinary Session of the 73rd Congress shape themselves in practical administration, the unity of our program reveals itself to the Nation. The outlines of the new economic order, rising from the disintegration of the old, are apparent. We test what we have done as our measures take root in the living texture of life. We see where we have built wisely and where we can do still better. The attempt to make a distinction between recovery and reform is a narrowly conceived effort to substitute the appearance of reality for reality itself. When a man is convalescing from illness, wisdom dictates not only cure of the symptoms, but also removal of their cause. It is important to recognize that while we seek to outlaw specific abuses, the American objective of today has an infinitely deeper, finer and more lasting purpose than mere repression. Thinking people in almost every country of the world have come to realize certain fundamental difficulties with which civilization must reckon. Rapid changes--the machine age, the advent of universal and rapid communication and many other new factors--have brought new problems. Succeeding generations have attempted to keep pace by reforming in piecemeal fashion this or that attendant abuse. As a result, evils overlap and reform becomes confused and frustrated. We lose sight, from time to time, of our ultimate human objectives. Let us, for a moment, strip from our simple purpose the confusion that results from a multiplicity of detail and from millions of written and spoken words. We find our population suffering from old inequalities, little changed by vast sporadic remedies. In spite of our efforts and in spite of our talk, we have not weeded out the over privileged and we have not effectively lifted up the underprivileged. Both of these manifestations of injustice have retarded happiness. No wise man has any intention of destroying what is known as the profit motive; because by the profit motive we mean the right by work to earn a decent livelihood for ourselves and for our families. We have, however, a clear mandate from the people, that Americans must forswear that conception of the acquisition of wealth which, through excessive profits, creates undue private power over private affairs and, to our misfortune, over public affairs as well. In building toward this end we do not destroy ambition, nor do we seek to divide our wealth into equal shares on stated occasions. We continue to recognize the greater ability of some to earn more than others. But we do assert that the ambition of the individual to obtain for him and his a proper security, a reasonable leisure, and a decent living throughout life, is an ambition to be preferred to the appetite for great wealth and great power. I recall to your attention my message to the Congress last June in which I said: "among our objectives I place the security of the men, women and children of the Nation first." That remains our first and continuing task; and in a very real sense every major legislative enactment of this Congress should be a component part of it. In defining immediate factors which enter into our quest, I have spoken to the Congress and the people of three great divisions: 1. The security of a livelihood through the better use of the national resources of the land in which we live. 2. The security against the major hazards and vicissitudes of life. 3. The security of decent homes. I am now ready to submit to the Congress a broad program designed ultimately to establish all three of these factors of security--a program which because of many lost years will take many future years to fulfill. A study of our national resources, more comprehensive than any previously made, shows the vast amount of necessary and practicable work which needs to be done for the development and preservation of our natural wealth for the enjoyment and advantage of our people in generations to come. The sound use of land and water is far more comprehensive than the mere planting of trees, building of dams, distributing of electricity or retirement of sub-marginal land. It recognizes that stranded populations, either in the country or the city, cannot have security under the conditions that now surround them. To this end we are ready to begin to meet this problem--the intelligent care of population throughout our Nation, in accordance with an intelligent distribution of the means of livelihood for that population. A definite program for putting people to work, of which I shall speak in a moment, is a component part of this greater program of security of livelihood through the better use of our national resources. Closely related to the broad problem of livelihood is that of security against the major hazards of life. Here also, a comprehensive survey of what has been attempted or accomplished in many Nations and in many States proves to me that the time has come for action by the national Government. I shall send to you, in a few days, definite recommendations based on these studies. These recommendations will cover the broad subjects of unemployment insurance and old age insurance, of benefits for children, form others, for the handicapped, for maternity care and for other aspects of dependency and illness where a beginning can now be made. The third factor--better homes for our people--has also been the subject of experimentation and study. Here, too, the first practical steps can be made through the proposals which I shall suggest in relation to giving work to the unemployed. Whatever we plan and whatever we do should be in the light of these three clear objectives of security. We cannot afford to lose valuable time in haphazard public policies which cannot find a place in the broad outlines of these major purposes. In that spirit I come to an immediate issue made for us by hard and inescapable circumstance--the task of putting people to work. In the spring of 1933 the issue of destitution seemed to stand apart; today, in the light of our experience and our new national policy, we find we can put people to work in ways which conform to, initiate and carry forward the broad principles of that policy. The first objectives of emergency legislation of 1933 were to relieve destitution, to make it possible for industry to operate in a more rational and orderly fashion, and to put behind industrial recovery the impulse of large expenditures in Government undertakings. The purpose of the National Industrial Recovery Act to provide work for more people succeeded in a substantial manner within the first few months of its life, and the Act has continued to maintain employment gains and greatly improved working conditions in industry. The program of public works provided for in the Recovery Act launched the Federal Government into a task for which there was little time to make preparation and little American experience to follow. Great employment has been given and is being given by these works. More than two billions of dollars have also been expended in direct relief to the destitute. Local agencies of necessity determined the recipients of this form of relief. With inevitable exceptions the funds were spent by them with reasonable efficiency and as a result actual want of food and clothing in the great majority of cases has been overcome. But the stark fact before us is that great numbers still remain unemployed. A large proportion of these unemployed and their dependents have been forced on the relief rolls. The burden on the Federal Government has grown with great rapidity. We have here a human as well as an economic problem. When humane considerations are concerned, Americans give them precedence. The lessons of history, confirmed by the evidence immediately before me, show conclusively that continued dependence upon relief induces a spiritual and moral disintegration fundamentally destructive to the national fibre. To dole out relief in this way is to administer a narcotic, a subtle destroyer of the human spirit. It is inimical to the dictates of sound policy. It is in violation of the traditions of America. Work must be found for able-bodied but destitute workers. The Federal Government must and shall quit this business of relief. I am not willing that the vitality of our people be further sapped by the giving of cash, of market baskets, of a few hours of weekly work cutting grass, raking leaves or picking up .papers in the public parks. We must preserve not only the bodies of the unemployed from destitution but also their self-respect, their self-reliance and courage and determination. This decision brings me to the problem of what the Government should do with approximately five million unemployed now on the relief rolls. About one million and a half of these belong to the group which in the past was dependent upon local welfare efforts. Most of them are unable for one reason or another to maintain themselves independently--for the most part, through no fault of their own. Such people, in the days before the great depression, were cared for by local efforts--by States, by counties, by towns, by cities, by churches and by private welfare agencies. It is my thought that in the future they must be cared for as they were before. I stand ready through my own personal efforts, and through the public influence of the office that I hold, to help these local agencies to get the means necessary to assume this burden. The security legislation which I shall propose to the Congress will, I am confident, be of assistance to local effort in the care of this type of cases. Local responsibility can and will be resumed, for, after all, common sense tells us that the wealth necessary for this task existed and still exists in the local community, and the dictates of sound administration require that this responsibility be in the first instance a local one. There are, however, an additional three and one half million employable people who are on relief. With them the problem is different and the responsibility is different. This group was the victim of a nation-wide depression caused by conditions which were not local but national. The Federal Government is the only governmental agency with sufficient power and credit to meet this situation. We have assumed this task and we shall not shrink from it in the future. It is a duty dictated by every intelligent consideration of national policy to ask you to make it possible for the United States to give employment to all of these three and one half million employable people now on relief, pending their absorption in a rising tide of private employment. It is my thought that with the exception of certain of the normal public building operations of the Government, all emergency public works shall be united in a single new and greatly enlarged plan. With the establishment of this new system we can supersede the Federal Emergency Relief Administration with a coordinated authority which will be charged with the orderly liquidation of our present relief activities and the substitution of a national chart for the giving of work. This new program of emergency public employment should be governed by a number of practical principles. (1) All work undertaken should be useful--not just for a day, or a year, but useful in the sense that it affords permanent improvement in living conditions or that it creates future new wealth for the Nation. (2) Compensation on emergency public projects should be in the form of security payments which should be larger than the amount now received as a relief dole, but at the same time not so large as to encourage the rejection of opportunities for private employment or the leaving of private employment to engage in Government work. (3) Projects should be undertaken on which a large percentage of direct labor can be used. (4) Preference should be given to those projects which will be self-liquidating in the sense that there is a reasonable expectation that the Government will get its money back at some future time. (5) The projects undertaken should be selected and planned so as to compete as little as possible with private enterprises. This suggests that if it were not for the necessity of giving useful work to the unemployed now on relief, these projects in most instances would not now be undertaken. (6) The planning of projects would seek to assure work during the coming fiscal year to the individuals now on relief, or until such time as private employment is available. In order to make adjustment to increasing private employment, work should be planned with a view to tapering it off in proportion to the speed with which the emergency workers are offered positions with private employers. (7) Effort should be made to locate projects where they will serve the greatest unemployment needs as shown by present relief rolls, and the broad program of the National Resources Board should be freely used for guidance in selection. Our ultimate objective being the enrichment of human lives, the Government has the primary duty to use its emergency expenditures as much as possible to serve those who cannot secure the advantages of private capital. Ever since the adjournment of the 73d Congress, the Administration has been studying from every angle the possibility and the practicability of new forms of employment. As a result of these studies I have arrived at certain very definite convictions as to the amount of money that will be necessary for the sort of public projects that I have described. I shall submit these figures in my budget message. I assure you now they will be within the sound credit of the Government. The work itself will cover a wide field including clearance of slums, which for adequate reasons cannot be undertaken by private capital; in rural housing of several kinds, where, again, private capital is unable to function; in rural electrification; in the reforestation of the great watersheds of the Nation; in an intensified program to prevent soil erosion and to reclaim blighted areas; in improving existing road systems and in constructing national highways designed to handle modern traffic; in the elimination of grade crossings; in the extension and enlargement of the successful work of the Civilian Conservation Corps; in non-Federal works, mostly self-liquidating and highly useful to local divisions of Government; and on many other projects which the Nation needs and cannot afford to neglect. This is the method which I propose to you in order that we may better meet this present-day problem of unemployment. Its greatest advantage is that it fits logically and usefully into the long-range permanent policy of providing the three types of security which constitute as a whole an American plan for the betterment of the future of the American people. I shall consult with you from time to time concerning other measures of national importance. Among the subjects that lie immediately before us are the consolidation of Federal regulatory administration over all forms of transportation, the renewal and clarification of the general purposes of the National Industrial Recovery Act, the strengthening of our facilities for the prevention, detection and treatment of crime and criminals, the restoration of sound conditions in the public utilities field through abolition of the evil features of holding companies, the gradual tapering off of the emergency credit activities of Government, and improvement in our taxation forms and methods. We have already begun to feel the bracing effect upon our economic system of a restored agriculture. The hundreds of millions of additional income that farmers are receiving are finding their way into the channels of trade. The farmers' share of the national income is slowly rising. The economic facts justify the widespread opinion of those engaged in agriculture that our provisions for maintaining a balanced production give at this time the most adequate remedy for an old and vexing problem. For the present, and especially in view of abnormal world conditions, agricultural adjustment with certain necessary improvements in methods should continue. It seems appropriate to call attention at this time to the fine spirit shown during the past year by our public servants. I cannot praise too highly the cheerful work of the Civil Service employees, and of those temporarily working for the Government. As for those thousands in our various public agencies spread throughout the country who, without compensation, agreed to take over heavy responsibilities in connection with our various loan agencies and particularly in direct relief work, I cannot say too much. I do not think any country could show a higher average of cheerful and even enthusiastic team-work than has been shown by these men and women. I cannot with candor tell you that general international relationships outside the borders of the United States are improved. On the surface of things many old jealousies are resurrected, old passions aroused; new strivings for armament and power, in more than one land, rear their ugly heads. I hope that calm counsel and constructive leadership will provide the steadying influence and the time necessary for the coming of new and more practical forms of representative government throughout the world wherein privilege and power will occupy a lesser place and world welfare a greater. I believe, however, that our own peaceful and neighborly attitude toward other Nations is coming to be understood and appreciated. The maintenance of international peace is a matter in which we are deeply and unselfishly concerned. Evidence of our persistent and undeniable desire to prevent armed conflict has recently been more than once afforded. There is no ground for apprehension that our relations with any Nation will be otherwise than peaceful. Nor is there ground for doubt that the people of most Nations seek relief from the threat and burden attaching to the false theory that extravagant armament cannot be reduced and limited by international accord. The ledger of the past year shows many more gains than losses. Let us not forget that, in addition to saving millions from utter destitution, child labor has been for the moment outlawed, thousands of homes saved to their owners and most important of all, the morale of the Nation has been restored. Viewing the year 1934 as a whole, you and I can agree that we have a generous measure of reasons for giving thanks. It is not empty optimism that moves me to a strong hope in the coming year. We can, if we will, make 1935 a genuine period of good feeling, sustained by a sense of purposeful progress. Beyond the material recovery, I sense a spiritual recovery as well. The people of America are turning as never before to those permanent values that are not limited to the physical objectives of life. There are growing signs of this on every hand. In the face of these spiritual impulses we are sensible of the Divine Providence to which Nations turn now, as always, for guidance and fostering care. *** State of the Union Address Franklin D. Roosevelt January 3, 1936 Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: We are about to enter upon another year of the responsibility which the electorate of the United States has placed in our hands. Having come so far, it is fitting that we should pause to survey the ground which we have covered and the path which lies ahead. On the fourth day of March, 1933, on the occasion of taking the oath of office as President of the United States, I addressed the people of our country. Need I recall either the scene or the national circumstances attending the occasion? The crisis of that moment was almost exclusively a national one. In recognition of that fact, so obvious to the millions in the streets and in the homes of America, I devoted by far the greater part of that address to what I called, and the Nation called, critical days within our own borders. You will remember that on that fourth of March, 1933, the world picture was an image of substantial peace. International consultation and widespread hope for the bettering of relations between the Nations gave to all of us a reasonable expectation that the barriers to mutual confidence, to increased trade, and to the peaceful settlement of disputes could be progressively removed. In fact, my only reference to the field of world policy in that address was in these words: "I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others--a neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors." In the years that have followed, that sentiment has remained the dedication of this Nation. Among the Nations of the great Western Hemisphere the policy of the good neighbor has happily prevailed. At no time in the four and a half centuries of modern civilization in the Americas has there existed--in any year, in any decade, in any generation in all that time--a greater spirit of mutual understanding, of common helpfulness, and of devotion to the ideals of serf- government than exists today in the twenty-one American Republics and their neighbor, the Dominion of Canada. This policy of the good neighbor among the Americas is no longer a hope, no longer an objective remaining to be accomplished. It is a fact, active, present, pertinent and effective. In this achievement, every American Nation takes an understanding part. There is neither war, nor rumor of war, nor desire for war. The inhabitants of this vast area, two hundred and fifty million strong, spreading more than eight thousand miles from the Arctic to the Antarctic, believe in, and propose to follow, the policy of the good neighbor. They wish with all their heart that the rest of the world might do likewise. The rest of the world--Ah! there is the rub. Were I today to deliver an Inaugural Address to the people of the United States, I could not limit my comments on world affairs to one paragraph. With much regret I should be compelled to devote the greater part to world affairs. Since the summer of that same year of 1933, the temper and the purposes of the rulers of many of the great populations in Europe and in Asia have not pointed the way either to peace or to good-will among men. Not only have peace and good-will among men grown more remote in those areas of the earth during this period, but a point has been reached where the people of the Americas must take cognizance of growing ill-will, of marked trends toward aggression, of increasing armaments, of shortening tempers--a situation which has in it many of the elements that lead to the tragedy of general war. On those other continents many Nations, principally the smaller peoples, if left to themselves, would be content with their boundaries and willing to solve within themselves and in cooperation with their neighbors their individual problems, both economic and social. The rulers of those Nations, deep in their hearts, follow these peaceful and reasonable aspirations of their peoples. These rulers must remain ever vigilant against the possibility today or tomorrow of invasion or attack by the rulers of other peoples who fail to subscribe to the principles of bettering the human race by peaceful means. Within those other Nations--those which today must bear the primary, definite responsibility for jeopardizing world peace--what hope lies? To say the least, there are grounds for pessimism. It is idle for us or for others to preach that the masses of the people who constitute those Nations which are dominated by the twin spirits of autocracy and aggression, are out of sympathy with their rulers, that they are allowed no opportunity to express themselves, that they would change things if they could. That, unfortunately, is not so clear. It might be true that the masses of the people in those Nations would change the policies of their Governments if they could be allowed full freedom and full access to the processes of democratic government as we understand them. But they do not have that access; lacking it they follow blindly and fervently the lead of those who seek autocratic power. Nations seeking expansion, seeking the rectification of injustices springing from former wars, or seeking outlets for trade, for population or even for their own peaceful contributions to the progress of civilization, fail to demonstrate that patience necessary to attain reasonable and legitimate objectives by peaceful negotiation or by an appeal to the finer instincts of world justice. They have therefore impatiently reverted to the old belief in the law of the sword, or to the fantastic conception that they, and they alone, are chosen to fulfill a mission and that all the others among the billion and a half of human beings in the world must and shall learn from and be subject to them. I recognize and you will recognize that these words which I have chosen with deliberation will not prove popular in any Nation that chooses to fit this shoe to its foot. Such sentiments, however, will find sympathy and understanding in those Nations where the people themselves are honestly desirous of peace but must constantly align themselves on one side or the other in the kaleidoscopic jockeying for position which is characteristic of European and Asiatic relations today. For the peace-loving Nations, and there are many of them, find that their very identity depends on their moving and moving again on the chess board of international politics. I suggested in the spring of 1933 that 85 or 90 percent of all the people in the world were content with the territorial limits of their respective Nations and were willing further to reduce their armed forces if every other Nation in the world would agree to do likewise. That is equally true today, and it is even more true today that world peace and world good-will are blocked by only 10 or 15 percent of the world's population. That is why efforts to reduce armies have thus far not only failed, but have been met by vastly increased armaments on land and in the air. That is why even efforts to continue the existing limits on naval armaments into the years to come show such little current success. But the policy of the United States has been clear and consistent. We have sought with earnestness in every possible way to limit world armaments and to attain the peaceful solution of disputes among all Nations. We have sought by every legitimate means to exert our moral influence against repression, against intolerance, against autocracy and in favor of freedom of expression, equality before the law, religious tolerance and popular rule. In the field of commerce we have undertaken to encourage a more reasonable interchange of the world's goods. In the field of international finance we have, so far as we are concerned, put an end to dollar diplomacy, to money grabbing, to speculation for the benefit of the powerful and the rich, at the expense of the small and the poor. As a consistent part of a clear policy, the United States is following a twofold neutrality toward any and all Nations which engage in wars that are not of immediate concern to the Americas. First, we decline to encourage the prosecution of war by permitting belligerents to obtain arms, ammunition or implements of war from the United States. Second, we seek to discourage the use by belligerent Nations of any and all American products calculated to facilitate the prosecution of a war in quantities over and above our normal exports of them in time of peace. I trust that these objectives thus clearly and unequivocally stated will be carried forward by cooperation between this Congress and the President. I realize that I have emphasized to you the gravity of the situation which confronts the people of the world. This emphasis is justified because of its importance to civilization and therefore to the United States. Peace is jeopardized by the few and not by the many. Peace is threatened by those who seek selfish power. The world has witnessed similar eras--as in the days when petty kings and feudal barons were changing the map of Europe every fortnight, or when great emperors and great kings were engaged in a mad scramble for colonial empire. We hope that we are not again at the threshold of such an era. But if face it we must, then the United States and the rest of the Americas can play but one role: through a well-ordered neutrality to do naught to encourage the contest, through adequate defense to save ourselves from embroilment and attack, and through example and all legitimate encouragement and assistance to persuade other Nations to return to the ways of peace and good-will. The evidence before us clearly proves that autocracy in world affairs endangers peace and that such threats do not spring from those Nations devoted to the democratic ideal. If this be true in world affairs, it should have the greatest weight in the determination of domestic policies. Within democratic Nations the chief concern of the people is to prevent the continuance or the rise of autocratic institutions that beget slavery at home and aggression abroad. Within our borders, as in the world at large, popular opinion is at war with a power-seeking minority. That is no new thing. It was fought out in the Constitutional Convention of 1787. From time to time since then, the battle has been continued, under Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson. In these latter years we have witnessed the domination of government by financial and industrial groups, numerically small but politically dominant in the twelve years that succeeded the World War. The present group of which I speak is indeed numerically small and, while it exercises a large influence and has much to say in the world of business, it does not, I am confident, speak the true sentiments of the less articulate but more important elements that constitute real American business. In March, 1933, I appealed to the Congress of the United States and to the people of the United States in a new effort to restore power to those to whom it rightfully belonged. The response to that appeal resulted in the writing of a new chapter in the history of popular government. You, the members of the Legislative branch, and I, the Executive, contended for and established a new relationship between Government and people. What were the terms of that new relationship? They were an appeal from the clamor of many private and selfish interests, yes, an appeal from the clamor of partisan interest, to the ideal of the public interest. Government became the representative and the trustee of the public interest. Our aim was to build upon essentially democratic institutions, seeking all the while the adjustment of burdens, the help of the needy, the protection of the weak, the liberation of the exploited and the genuine protection of the people's property. It goes without saying that to create such an economic constitutional order, more than a single legislative enactment was called for. We, you in the Congress and I as the Executive, had to build upon a broad base. Now, after thirty-four months of work, we contemplate a fairly rounded whole. We have returned the control of the Federal Government to the City of Washington. To be sure, in so doing, we have invited battle. We have earned the hatred of entrenched greed. The very nature of the problem that we faced made it necessary to drive some people from power and strictly to regulate others. I made that plain when I took the oath of office in March, 1933. I spoke of the practices of the unscrupulous money-changers who stood indicted in the court of public opinion. I spoke of the rulers of the exchanges of mankind's goods, who failed through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence. I said that they had admitted their failure and had abdicated. Abdicated? Yes, in 1933, but now with the passing of danger they forget their damaging admissions and withdraw their abdication. They seek the restoration of their selfish power. They offer to lead us back round the same old corner into the same old dreary street. Yes, there are still determined groups that are intent upon that very thing. Rigorously held up to popular examination, their true character presents itself. They steal the livery of great national constitutional ideals to serve discredited special interests. As guardians and trustees for great groups of individual stockholders they wrongfully seek to carry the property and the interest...
Etext of State of the Union Addresses by Franklin Pierce
Etext of State of the Union Addresses by Theodore Roosevelt
Etext of State of the Union Addresses by Dwight D Eisenhower
State Of The Union Addresses by Abraham Lincoln
Etext of State of the Union Addresses 17902006
2006 • 1789 Pages • 13.87 MB
Etext of State of the Union Addresses by Ronald Reagan
Etext of State of the Union Addresses by Jimmy Carter
Etext of State of the Union Addresses by Barack Obama
State of the Union Addresses by John F Kennedy
Etext of State of the Union Addresses by Benjamin Harrison
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Etext of State of the Union Addresses by Woodrow Wilson
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Etext of State of the Union Addresses by Grover Cleveland
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


•TEV-IB1: 3 x opto-input/ 3 x relay output board (each EM1000-TEV system has two of them). Opto-inputs can optionally be used to connected a Wiegand or clock/data reader.
The TEV-IBx boards are connected to the TEV-MB0 motherboard through a 2x10-pin connector. Each two pins of the connector are combined together for better electrical contact. Therefore, the connector effectively has 10 lines.
Each EM1000-TEV system has four interface boards and each board is controlled through one of the four serial ports of the EM1000 module.
* I/O pins of the EM1000 module. Not all pin functions are shown. See EM1000 documentation for full description.


Hydraulic Sample Extruder - Gilson Co.
HM-524 Hydraulic Sample Extruder (115V/60Hz) ejects undisturbed soil samples from full size thin-walled samplers (Shelby Tubes) in one stroke. It is used in sample preparation for a variety of soil tests including triaxial, permeability, direct shear, consolidation, unconfined compression and more. The bench-top extruder is set up for 3in (76mm) diameter tubes of 30in or 36in (762mm or 914mm) length, but can also process 2in (51mm) diameter tubes with the optional HMA-282 2in Sample Adapter. The smooth, easily controlled piston stroke permits easy handling and rapid processing of samples.
The extruder can apply up to 5,600lbf (24.9kN) of force to eject even stubborn samples. The hydraulic system precisely controls the horizontally mounted piston. The HM-524 unit comes with a sample receiving trough to ensure minimal disturbance while ejecting and logging sample. The 1.7gpm (6.4lpm) hydraulic pump is powered by a 1hp electric motor and the hydraulic oil reservoir has a 2.5gal (47L) capacity.


Posted from Can Tho, Can Tho, Vietnam.
My boat driver carves me a pineapple whilst steering us down the river.
The morning air is cool along the river. Goosebumps dot my arms, but I hardly notice. It's pitch black and somehow my boat driver is winding his way along the Mekong avoiding the river traffic with ease, and what I can only guess is years of experience. Rose, my guide, explains to me little things about the river that I can make out in these pre-dawn hours, but there isn't much to see just yet, only hear. I really didn't know why I chose to leave on this tour at 5 a.m., but I'm smiling from ear to ear at being in a tiny longtail boat winding my way down the Mekong River in Can Tho, Vietnam.
Ms. Ha, the owner of Mekong Delta Experience, a little company that brings foreigners on personalized tours through the Mekong on little personal boats, told me that it would be good to go early in the morning as "not as many tourists." One of the floating markets was about 20 km away. Looking at the size of my boat and the bity fan that acted as its motor, I can see why we need the extra time.
A worker separates the ground rice through water to create rice powder.
One person spoons out the rice, salt and water mixture onto a large flat griddle and steams it covering it with a lid. After less than a minute it is removed and put on a bamboo rack to be laid in the sun to dry.
The dried rice pancakes are then cut into noodles. They'll make 500 kg of noodles in a day.
Onward we go to the other floating market. The sun is rising behind us turning the horizon a marigold orange. The boat driver is carving a pineapple as Ms. Ha said she would treat me to breakfast. I slurp it down and I think this is the best pineapple I've ever had in my life. Rose points things out along the river's edge until we get to the next market.
Phong Dien is a smaller floating market than the other one – meaning the boats are smaller and therefore not as much volume enters and leaves the market. But I'm blown away by so many things. The traders put what they have for sale or trade high on a stick aboard their boat. People will come and buy or trade or sell. There's fruit, veggies, rice patties, flowers, baskets and herbs. I'm sure there's other stuff I can't see. (Fish is traded at a fish market.) From their tiny longtail boats ladies and men alike are perched, shoeless, on the ends of their vessels swapping huge watermelons for bushels of bananas, papayas for mangosteens, onions for cabbage, or even rice cakes for garlic. With the season of Tet approaching, flowers and other seasonal favourites are more common, like tiny red onions which they pickle for a holiday dish.
Approaching the Phong Dien floating market. Life is normal on the river for so many. Tea?
Two friends improve their produce throughout the day for their markets.
Rose, my guide, tells me to not put my hands outside the edges of the boat. Over and over. There's a lot of close contact between the boats and most of these seasoned pros are guiding their floating markets hand over hand along the edges of the other boats. I tell Rose we don't have anything like this in Canada. I tell her how our rivers freeze and beyond farmers markets most of our food ends up in store houses and transport trucks and grocery stores. She explains to me that the government has no part in this. The waterways belong to the people. She tells me how people who own the rundown little shacks (homes) along the river don't pay rent or taxes (or so I can understand.) She explains about the wet season and how the homes flood and so some people make theirs float. I am blown away.
A river resident washes her clothes. She will wash them once more with clean water.
We go down another little canal and Rose and I get out and walk down a path to a local village. She points out the papayas growing on the trees, the bananas and pineapple, vú sữa, lemons and mangoes. She tells me how they can't grown strawberries. I treat her and the boat driver to some soup and spend a whopping $6 on lunch.
One of the more poor houses by the village by rice fields. These days, Rose says, the villagers have more wealth than people in the city.
Time for a wash in the river.
We get back to the first floating market with the big boats. People are still trading, but I'm not as enthralled with it as I was with the little market. We spend little time there. I see people from the bus ride into Can Tho and we take some photographs, but the feeling sneaks into me that the tour is over. We get some gas at one of the many gas stops along the river and Rose and the driver drop me off at a tiny dock. She says good-bye and they drive away. It's over. I meander up the street to my hotel, stopping to buy a scarf and retiring to my hotel room. I think I'm really beginning to like this place called Vietnam.
Much bigger boats with a lot more fruit.


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My brother's albums: AC/DC, Back in Black
Back in Black has meant different things to me over the course of forty(mumble-mumble) years.
In my childhood, the album represented scandal. My dad hated the color black, which meant this album got his withering disapproval. The mock calligraphy of the band's logo surely meant something altogether unseemly, and didn't AC/DC stand for "After Christ/Devil Comes?" That was just too much for my devoutly Catholic parents.
But my brother took it all in. Asia, Blue Oyster Cult, Foreigner, Toto, AC/DC — it seemed pretty rebellious to me. I stuck with ABBA and Manhattan Transfer.
In my teen-aged years, the album represented stagnation. I had become an insufferable post-punk, and I sneered at classic rock. The future was R.E.M., the Dead Milkmen, Camper Van Beethoven. If you listened to AC/DC, you were stuck in the past and had no clue.
In my early adulthood, the album was persona-non-grata. There was all this Japanese indie rock to explore. And all the music festival buzz bands. And a few local bands who put on great shows. AC/DC? I'm not their target market. They've got enough fans to earn them coin. They don't need my cash.
Today, Back in Black, for me, is that-one-album-you-get-from-a-band-of-which-you're-not-a-fan. You know the one: Oh, Inverted World, Storm Front, Born in the USA, White Blood Cells. It's the album that transcends any misgivings you may have about a band.
AC/DC hew close to the blues-based tradition forged by the Rolling Stones and Led Zeppelin, a tradition rejected by the punk-rooted bands of my formative years. But Back in Black struck that fine balance between rock 'n' roll grit and pop radio polish that allowed the album to belong to more than just than fans.
Even if you didn't like blues-based rock, it was hard to get the riff that started side two out of your head.
Back in Black didn't convince me to become an AC/DC devotee, but it also helped me not to dismiss them out of hand. I may never become their target market, but at the very least, I'm a fan of something they made.
Tags: ac/dc, my brother's albums, sibling rivalry collection race


Second and third graders participate in our group which meets once a month during the school year for fun events such as Coldstone tours and ice cream making, laser tag and holiday events. Machar -niks begin associating Jewish life and friends with fun.
Move up in 4th, 5th, and 6th grade to meeting once a month for events such as bowling, Chanukah parties, Community Day, and Weekend Fun at Camp Ranch in the woods. It is a wonderful way to develop strong Jewish friendships and connections to the Jewish community. Through joint chapter and regional events, everyone becomes aware of a larger Jewish world while learning how to become a part of it.
We're on Facebook! – "friend" US!
Weekend programs of all types such as indoor rock climbing and ice skating.
Opportunities to meet Jewish teens outside of our Congregation.
Trips to Israel, New York and other European cities, as well as summer programs.
10th graders are invited to participate in our Confirmation program which involves Torah, Avodah and G'milut Chasadim. Confirmants study with our Rabbi monthly, mentor younger children and participate in community service projects together. The year concludes with a trip to New York City or Los Angeles and a Confirmation ceremony. Click here for Confirmation calendar.
Our program allows teens in grades 9-12 to gain leadership experience and skills working with children one-on-one, in a classroom setting, and with special school projects as an aid in the Torah School. Teens make a commitment for the year and are matched up with a particular class to assist the teacher in class projects and day-to-day activities.
WE WANTS YOU…& YOUR FRIENDS TOO!!
Receive discounts for events & kinnusim (weekends) by bringing new participants to our events! Never been to a kinnus before?
Ask about the first-timers scholarship!
Event information also available through flyer mailings, e-mail updates, and the monthly Kolenu.


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Georgia Hall- Wiki, Age, Height, Husband, Net Worth, Ethnicity
Georgia Hall is an English professional golfer. Additionally, Georgia Hall participates in the Ladies European Tour and LPGA Tour. Similarly, she won the 2018 Women's British Open at Royal Lytham.
in-relation
Harry Tyrrell
English-White
Georgia Hall Biography
Georgia Kelly Hall, better known as Georgia Hall, was born in Bournemouth, England, on April 12, 1996. According to her date of birth, this golfer is 26 years old and a citizen of England. In addition, her astrological sign is Aries, and she is of English descent.
Additionally, this golfer is a Christian. She is the daughter of Wayne Hall (father), but the identity of his mother is unclear. Similarly, she does not reveal information about her siblings or her childhood. We may presume that Georgia's parents gave her a good upbringing as a child.
In discussing her academic background, she has not yet divulged details on this golfer's academic credentials. In addition, we might suppose that Georgia may have graduated from a prestigious university in England.
Georgia Hall Height And Weight
This English golfer is 5 feet 7 inches tall and approximately 55 kg in weight. In addition, she has dark brown hair and blue eyes, but there is no information on her other body measurements.
Georgia Hall debuted as a professional golfer at Canford Magna Golf Club. In 2013, she won two gold medals at the Australian Youth Olympic Festival. In addition, she won the 2013 British Ladies Amateur Golf Championship, bringing a stellar amateur golfing career to a close.
She turned professional in July 2014, and she won her maiden tournament in the LET Access Series at the Open Generali de Strasbourg. Beginning in 2016, she won the Oates Victorian Open on the ALPG Tour.
In 2017, she was awarded the Ladies European Tour Order of Merit after finishing the season with seven top 10 finishes, including a tie for third at the Women's British Open and a tie for tenth at the Evian Championship. This golfer earned her LPGA Tour card for 2018 via qualifying school.
Moreover, she finished the August 2018 Women's British Open two strokes ahead of Pornanong Phatlum to win her first major championship. By winning the Ladies European Tour Order of Merit for a second time at the conclusion of the season, she became the youngest player to successfully defend her championship.
In addition, she won two tournaments on the Rose Ladies Series in 2020, when the major circuits were suspended due to the COVID-19 epidemic, and she finished second overall, behind Charley Hull. She defeated Ashleigh Buhai in a sudden-death playoff to win the Cambia Portland Classic in September for the second time on the LPGA Tour and the first time in the United States.
Georgia Hall's Net worth
Regarding her personal worth, it is estimated that she has a net worth of more than $1.5 million as of November 2022. Georgia has earned $189,505 thus far in 2021 and is now ranked 44th. As of March 2020, her LPGA competition earnings amounted to $2,626,070. She is still relatively young in her field and is anticipated to earn millions of dollars.
Georgia Hall Husband, Marriage
Georgia Hall is very forthright about her romantic life. Harry Tyrrell, her longtime boyfriend, is her significant other. They have been together for longer than three years.
They have not openly discussed their first meeting. Harry currently caddies for his girlfriend, Georgia. The two continue to travel frequently for both holidays and golf competitions. Both partners appear to be quite supportive of one another.
Related tags : Georgia Hall Georgia Hall age Georgia Hall net worth
Astrid Menks- Wiki, Age, Height, Husband, Net Worth, Ethnicity
Who Is Johnny Weir From "Criss Angel's Magic With the Stars" Season 1?
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Who is Chris Gardner? Wiki, Age, Wife, Net Worth, Ethnicity, Career
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Rachel Hargrove is a celebrity chef, Ayurvedic practitioner, and television personality noted for her culinary skills and cooking recipes. Furthermore, Hargrove is well-known for his role in Below Dec


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Home / Features and News / Index Effect Raises New Concerns
Index Effect Raises New Concerns
Paul Amery
The rising popularity of smart beta could cause a drag on benchmark performance.
[This article previously appeared on our sister site, IndexUniverse.eu.]
In the 1970s an economic advisor to the Bank of England defined a rule that is still used. According to Charles Goodhart, "when a measure becomes a target, it ceases to be a good measure".
Goodhart's law was widely cited in the 1980s, when the UK government tried to control inflation by targeting the money supply. But policymakers found that as soon as they focused on a monetary aggregate such as M-3, the measure started to misbehave.
The law is familiar to those in the indexing business, too. Investors have long been aware of the distortions that can arise when large volumes of money track or reference a particular measure of the stock market.
This "index effect" can cause substantial swings in the prices of stocks being added to or deleted from a popular benchmark. In 2010 fund manager Aviva even set up an "Index Opportunities fund" to take advantage of such rebalancing trades.
In a presentation, Aviva showed examples of the effect: a near-10 percent rise in the price of power generator Aggreko between the date of the announcement of its addition to the FTSE 100 index in 2009 and the actual index change, two weeks later; and substantial late-day price jumps in new MSCI index constituents Lanxess and Bekaert on 30 November 2010, one of MSCI's semi-annual rebalancing dates.
Index firms and the managers of index-tracking funds have developed a variety of strategies to fend off other market participants—typically, hedge funds and high-frequency traders—who try to "game", or exploit, such predictable, index-related buying and selling patterns.
At index providers, the most common approach is to give as much advance warning as possible of index changes, allowing the managers of passive funds to stagger their purchases and sales, rather than conducting trades at a single point in time.
However, some index designers take the opposite view. Fund manager Ossiam, which has worked with external index providers to develop a range of minimum variance strategies, only releases details of its indices' new portfolio weights a day ahead of the rebalancing date, and to a limited group of market participants. The new index weightings are disclosed on Ossiam's website two days after each monthly rebalancing.
"It's important that information is not disclosed to too many people at the same time as you want to avoid front-running," Ossiam's CIO, Fabien Dornier, told IndexUniverse.eu.
"All indices—whether capitalisation-weighted or smart beta—are prone to this phenomenon," said Dornier. "Some index providers release information on the stocks entering and exiting the benchmark a week or two in advance of the rebalancing date. We prefer to keep the time frame shorter. We also filter out the smaller and less-traded stocks to focus on the larger, liquid names whose prices are less subject to manipulation."
Another approach is to make rebalancing events less predictable.
More by Paul Amery
It's Structure, Not HFT That Needs Fixing
Building Funds By Module
China's Index Challenge
Source Deal Could Trigger More Consolidation
Active ETFs Are The Next Big Thing
In Search Of An Active ETF Model
Clash Of The Protocols
ETF Portfolio Ideas For A Deflationary 2014
Parsing Active And Passive Investing
The Looming Bond Fund Crash
Active Or Passive In Small Caps?


xsn0wbellx Ezlink charm was expired already but seller was great and provided a refund immediately! Pity it doesn't work though.
team.cny Smooth and easy transaction, committed buyer. Thanks!
mrc1986 Fuss free transaction! Great buyer to deal with! Pleasant transaction! Highly recommended! I hope you like the item! Thank you!
theclosetdiet Great buyer to deal with! Thanks!
premiumgoods Speedy replies decisive Pleasant transaction! Great buyer to deal with! Thank you!
Meetup at braddell or tpy mrt preferred, open to trades. ***** Not liable for lost normal mail!
Minor defects at the edges, can request for photos. Lightly used.
Bnip. Bought wrong model thus selling.
Selling the colour naked as it does not suit me only swatched twice and sanitized. Authentic and bought from a carouseller at $26.
Beautiful wine red knitted knee socks, perfect for cool weather. Good thick quality.
Really beautiful wine red knitted knee socks, good for cool weather.
brand new but I don't use hard cover cases. Normal mail $1.50 not responsible for lost mail.
All use less then one week. Minion Batman (brand new): (sold) Batman (9/10): (sold) Chanel (9/10): (sold) Moschino bear (9/10): (sold) Pikachu (9/10): $10 Buy more price negotiable but no lowballers.
Authentic bought in Korea. Brand new unopened mint condition, seal intact. ×3 instocks!
Used once but does not provide the heavy coverage that I'm used to. It's in a squeeze tube very hygienic.
Bought from Kylie site. 100% authentic. Used once but didn't like it as it's too dry for my chapped lips. Pencil needs to be sharpened. Lipstick has been sanitized and no double dipping.


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HomeReportsHuman Rights Reports...Custom Report - a8b14a22fd
Despite a constitutional provision giving citizens the ability to choose their government in periodic elections based on universal and equal suffrage, there had been no free and fair elections in the country. There was no bona fide political opposition to the president, and alternative candidates came from derivative party structures, such as the state-controlled Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs, or were members of individual initiative groups. Elections were conducted by secret ballot. The constitution declares the country to be a secular democracy in the form of a presidential republic. It calls for separation of powers among the branches of government but vests a disproportionate share of power in the presidency. The president's power over the state continued to be nearly absolute. According to the OSCE, the election law does not meet OSCE standards.
In 2016 parliament ratified a new constitution that extended the presidential term in office from five to seven years and failed to reinstitute term limits for the presidency.
Recent Elections: In the February 2017 presidential election, President Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov won 97.69 percent of the vote.
The government invited an OSCE/ODIHR Election Assessment Mission (EAM) team, the Commonwealth of Independent States Executive Committee, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation to observe the election. According to the OSCE/ODIHR EAM, "The presidential election took place in a strictly controlled political environment. The predominant position of the incumbent and the lack of genuine opposition and meaningful pluralism limited voters' choice. The lack of clear regulations for key aspects of the process had a negative impact on the administration of the election, especially at lower levels."
In March, 125 members of parliament (Mejlis), 240 provincial-level, and 1,200 district-level representatives of the People's Council (Halk Maslahaty), and 5,900 local municipality (Gengesh) candidates were elected. In the election 31 women were entered parliament.
An OSCE/ODIHR EAM team monitoring the elections reported in May that "the elections lacked important features of a genuinely democratic electoral process. The political environment is only nominally pluralist, and the exercise of fundamental freedoms was severely curtailed. Despite measure to demonstrate transparency, the integrity of the elections was not ensured, leaving the veracity of results in doubt."
Political Parties and Political Participation: The law makes it extremely difficult for genuinely independent political parties to organize, nominate candidates, and campaign, since it grants the Ministry of Justice broad powers over the registration process and the authority to monitor party meetings. The law prohibits political parties based on religion, region, or profession as well as parties that "offend moral norms." The law does not explain how a party may appeal its closure by the government. The law permits public associations and organizations to put forth candidates for elected office. State media covered the activities of President Berdimuhamedov, the Democratic Party, the Party of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs, the Agrarian Party, and trade and professional unions.
Neither organized opposition nor independent political groups operated in the country. The three registered political parties were the ruling Democratic Party (the former Communist Party), the Party of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs, and the Agrarian Party. Each of these parties, which were progovernment in orientation, nominated a candidate for the February presidential election. Initiative groups put forward six additional candidates who were running in their individual capacities. The government did not officially prohibit membership in other political organizations, but there were no reports of persons who claimed membership in political organizations other than these three parties and a smattering of representatives of individual initiative groups. Authorities did not allow opposition movements based abroad–including the National Democratic Movement of Turkmenistan, the Republican Party of Turkmenistan, and the Fatherland (Watan) Party–to operate within the country.
Participation of Women and Minorities: Although women served in prominent government positions, including as speaker of parliament, only one woman served in the 12-member Cabinet of Ministers (as the deputy chairwoman for Culture, TV, and Press). The government gave preference for appointed government positions to ethnic Turkmen, but ethnic minorities occupied some senior government positions. Members of the president's Ahal-Teke tribe, the largest in the country, held the most prominent roles in cultural and political life.
While the law provides criminal penalties for official corruption, the government did not implement the law effectively, and officials reportedly often engaged in corrupt practices with impunity. Corruption existed in the security forces and in all social and economic sectors. Factors encouraging corruption included the existence of patronage networks, low government salaries that in the latter half of the year were paid as much as three months behind schedule, a lack of fiscal transparency and accountability, the absence of published macroeconomic data, and the fear of government retaliation against citizens who choose to highlight corrupt acts. According to Freedom House and the World Bank's Worldwide Governance Indicators, the country had a severe corruption problem.
Corruption: The former minister of agriculture and water resources, former deputy chairperson of the state committee on television and radio, and 30 officials in the Ministry of Labor and Social Protection were arrested during the year over allegations of corruption. The minister of national security was fired after five months of service over allegations of corruption.
Financial Disclosure: The law does not require elected or appointed officials to disclose their incomes or assets. Financial disclosure requirements are neither transparent nor consistent with international norms. Government enterprises are not required to publicize financial statements, even to foreign partners. Local auditors, not internationally recognized firms, often conducted financial audits.


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LEXIKAT ARTISTS
Michael Donovan
Mike Tyus
Sam Faulkner
Jesse Green
Edgar Godineaux
Tom Jacobson
Jon and Al Kaplan
Shannon Lewis
Spencer Liff
Rachel Montez Minor
Michael Matthews
Tiler Peck
Janet Roston
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On Stage & Screen
Broadway Dreams
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Sam Faulkner was born and raised in Charlotte NC where he began performing at age nine. By the time he was thirteen, Faulkner not only had over twenty regional productions under his belt, but he also booked his first professional gig outside of North Carolina where he was hired to promote the national tour of A Christmas Story the musical, appearing as Ralphie Parker in all promotion and television appearances for the production. Although he began his formal dance training when he was nine years old, it was at age thirteen that Sam really shifted his foucus to his training with his eyes on the future. Two years later Sam got his Equity Card at fifteen years old playing the role of Billy in Billy Elliot the musical at the Ogunquit Playhouse. During his run, Sam even got the chance to play Billy in front of former President George H. W. Bush. A few months later, Sam went on to reprise his role as Billy in the North Carolina Theatre production of Billy Elliot the musical. Faulkner's performance as Billy in both productions received awards and critical acclaim. Since then, Sam's unique dance abilities have caught the eye of many, and even won him the title of Mr. Dance of America 2017. Currently in his senior year of high school, in the midst of applying to colleges, Sam is also getting ready to appear as one of the Nicest Kids in the upcoming broadcast of Hairspray Live! on NBC airing December 7th!
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US, NATO should collaborate to deter Putin's nuclear threats
By Kim Sang-woo
The apparent attack and sinking of the Black Sea Fleet's flagship, the Moskva, represents a symbolic blow to the Kremlin. The Moskva was the pride of its fleet and the most prestigious vessel involved in the war against Ukraine.
"The sinking of the Moskva is not just a significant loss, it is emblematic of the shambolic Russian military campaign," said Michael Kofman, the research program director and a Russia expert at the Center for Naval Analysis.
Confirmation of the sinking came as CIA Director William Burns warned that Vladimir Putin may resort to using a tactical or low-yield nuclear weapon in light of his country's military setbacks.
During a speech in Atlanta, Burns said: "Given the potential desperation of President Putin and the Russian leadership … none of us can take lightly the threat posed by a potential resort to tactical nuclear weapons or low-yield nuclear weapons."
The Kremlin placed Russian nuclear forces on high alert shortly after beginning the war on Feb. 24, and furthered its nuclear rhetoric on April 14 when it said it would be forced to strengthen its defenses in the Baltic if Finland and Sweden join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), including by deploying nuclear weapons.
Burns, however, said the U.S. has not seen "a lot of practical evidence" of any actual deployments that could cause more worry.
Recently, Russia successfully tested the Sarmat ICBM and President Vladimir Putin boasted: "This truly unique weapon will … ensure the security of Russia from external threats, and make those who try to threaten our country think twice."
Asked about Putin's comments, a senior U.S. defense official called them irresponsible. "We find that rhetoric to be unhelpful … certainly it's not the kind of thing that we would expect from a responsible nuclear power, especially in the current environment."
Douglas Barrie, a senior fellow for military aerospace at the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), said that the Sarmat's ability to carry ten or more warheads ― and decoys ― and Russia's option of firing it over either of the earth's poles, posed a challenge to ground and satellite-based radar and tracking systems: "This complicates where you've got to look."
Launching the Ukraine invasion, Putin made a pointed reference to Russia's nuclear forces and warned the West that any attempt to get in its way "will lead you to such consequences that you have never encountered in your history."
Failure in Ukraine could put Putin's own political survival at risk. His ultimate risks are his removal from office, imprisonment, and possibly even execution. Accordingly, Putin is far more likely to press harder in Ukraine than to acquiesce to a negotiated settlement that leaves him without tangible gains.
The use of tactical nuclear weapons inside Ukraine is also a possibility in a last bid to achieve a military success. As NATO's nuclear umbrella doesn't extend over Ukraine, Putin may discount the possibility of retaliation.
The shock of such an event would be profound and could even lead to Ukraine submission or acceptance of unfavorable terms.
To counter the threat of a Russian first-use nuclear strike and regain freedom of action, the United States and NATO must return to the core deterrence principles of capability and credibility.
NATO's nuclear forces, though much reduced, are absolutely capable of overwhelming Russia's. NATO's credibility, on the other hand, is constantly undermined when leaders publicly express fears that Putin will employ his nuclear arsenal, and they must at all costs avoid pushing him into a corner. A resolve not to be bullied is essential.
Deterrence works best when leaders are direct, unambiguous, resolute, and calm. As President Emmanuel Macron reminded Russia recently, the West has nuclear weapons too.
Over the last few weeks, such nuclear talk has arisen over a myriad of issues. If the war continues to go badly for Russia, at what point will a seemingly erratic Putin begin issuing nuclear redlines to Ukraine and its allies?
Would a crushing military defeat push Putin over the edge ― facing the possible end of his regime?
Ukraine nuke talk spins off into lots of other places. Nuclear North Korea is resuming its ballistic missile launches to intimidate non-nuclear South Korea and Japan. China is rapidly expanding its nuclear stockpiles as well.
On April 17, North Korea test-fired a new type of tactical guided weapon designed to boost its nuclear fighting capability. The Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) said Kim Jong-un and other top officials observed the launch.
It said that the weapon tested has "great significance in drastically improving the firepower of the frontline long-range artillery units, enhancing the efficiency in the operation of (North Korea's) tactical nukes and diversification of their firepower missions."
The mention of the word "tactical nukes" suggests that the weapon is likely capable of carrying a battlefield nuclear warhead that could hit strategic targets in South Korea, including U.S. military installations.
Leif-Eric Easley, a professor of international studies at Ewha University in Seoul said, "Pyongyang's purposes likely exceed deterrence and regime survival. Like Russia employs the fear it could use tactical nukes, North Korea may want such weapons for political coercion, battlefield escalation and limiting the willingness of other countries to intervene in a conflict."
Lately, the media seems fixated on hyping the relative stockpiles and megatonnage of various nuclear states, as if they were GDP or energy output data.
The world seems nuclear-obsessed. Is there a danger in normalizing the abnormal and casually thinking the unthinkable?
"The prospect of nuclear conflict, once unthinkable, is now back within the realm of possibility," United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said last month.
This "strange voyage," in Winston Churchill's words, is a journey into the unknown, as all wars are. The best we can do is to prepare for the worst.
At stake now is an international order founded on something other than brute force and imperial ambition.
Kim Sang-woo (swkim54@hotmail.com) is a former lawmaker and is currently the chairman of the East Asia Cultural Project. He is also a member of the board of directors at the Kim Dae-jung Peace Foundation.


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Chersodromia orlandinii is een vliegensoort uit de familie van de Hybotidae. De wetenschappelijke naam van de soort is voor het eerst geldig gepubliceerd in 1984 door Raffone.

Hybotidae

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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Economic Concepts
Top 10 Countries in the Red
by Cristen Conger
A Greek beggar holds a sign reading "I'm hungry."
Milos Bicanski/Getty Images
Public debt as percentage of GDP: 142
Population: 11 million
A legacy of exorbitant public spending following its entrance into the European Union in 1981 has landed Greece in the undesirable position of the most cash-strapped economy [source: BBC]. Since the country received its first economic bailout in May 2010, Greece's financial woes have only worsened. Failing to meet spending cuts and repayment timelines built into the bailout, the country's credit rating has taken a beating, making it more costly for them to borrow any money to help them weather their financial crisis, further handicapping the government. The Standard and Poor's credit-rating agency has named Greece the "least credit-worthy" country on its books [source: BBC]. That pitiful credit rating pushed it a notch beyond Japan, which has more debt to pay off, but hasn't received such severe credit downgrades.
Additional proposed government spending cuts and widespread unemployment have only stirred civil unrest, which has manifested as strikes and rioting. To make matters worse, analysts predict that Greece's economy will sink even lower before a possible recovery takes place [source: Economist].
Top 5 Countries the U.S. Owes Money To
How Debt Works
How Treasury Bills Work
How Currency Works
How Banks Work
What's the difference between a recession and a depression?
BBC. "Eurozone crisis explained." Oct. 3, 2011. (Oct. 7, 2011) http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-13798000
BBC. "Europe's PIGS: Country by Country." Feb. 11, 2010. (Oct. 7, 2011) http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/8510603.stm
CIA. "Africa: Zimbabwe." The World Fact Book. (Oct. 7, 2011) https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/zi.html
CIA. "Central American and Caribbean: Saint Kitts and Nevis." The World Fact Book. (Oct. 7, 2011) https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/sc.html
CIA. "Country Comparison: Public Debt." The World Fact Book. (Oct. 7, 2011) https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/rankorder/2186rank.html
CIA. "Europe: Italy." The World Fact Book. (Oct. 7, 2011) https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/it.html
CIA. "Europe: Portugal." The World Fact Book. (Oct. 7, 2011) https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/po.html
Dinmore, Guy. "Italy turns to China for help in debt crisis." Financial Times. Sept. 12, 2011. (Oct. 7, 2011) http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/90c4c7f6-dd54-11e0-9dac-00144feabdc0,Authorised=false.html?_i_location=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.ft.com%2Fcms%2Fs%2F0%2F90c4c7f6-dd54-11e0-9dac-00144feabdc0.html&_i_referer=#axzz1a7uFSqUF
Dumaine, Brian and Rapp, Nicolas. "Who's Most in Debt?" Fortune. Aug. 15, 2011. (Oct. 7, 2011) http://nicolasrapp.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/08/CHARTIST_DEBT.gif
Economist. "Counting the cost." March 21, 2011. (Oct. 7, 2011) http://www.economist.com/blogs/dailychart/2011/03/natural_disasters
Economist. "The global debt clock." (Oct. 7, 2011) http://www.economist.com/content/global_debt_clock
Goldfarb, Zachary A. "S&P downgrades U.S. credit rating for first time." Washington Post. Aug. 5, 2011. (Oct. 7, 2011) http://www.washingtonpost.com/business/economy/sandp-considering-first-downgrade-of-us-credit-rating/2011/08/05/gIQAqKeIxI_story.html
International Monetary Fund. "Caribbean's St. Kitts Gets Opportunity for Transformation." Sept. 2, 2011. (Oct. 7, 2011) http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/survey/so/2011/car090211a.htm
Lahart, Justin and Light, Joe. "U.S. Household Net Worth Climbs 1.2%." The Wall Street Journal. June 10, 2011. (Oct. 7, 2011) http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052702304392704576375532111391562.html
McGovern, Stephanie. "Italy debt: The budget that cannot be built in a day." BBC. July 14, 2011. (Oct. 7, 2011) http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-14137873
Norris, Floyd. "Debt Levels Alone Don't Tell the Whole Story." The New York Times. Sept. 23, 2011. (Oct. 7, 2011) http://www.nytimes.com/2011/09/24/business/debt-numbers-alone-tell-little-about-fiscal-stability.html?_r=1
Reuters. "Timeline – Greece's debt crisis." Oct. 5, 2011. (Oct. 7, 2011) http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/10/05/greece-economy-events-idUSL5E7KS6HZ20111005
Reuters. "French debt flirting with danger zone – audit office." June 22, 2011. (Oct. 7, 2011) http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/06/22/france-debt-idUSLDE75K1VF20110622
Tremlett, Giles. "Portuguese learn price of €78bn debt bailout." The Guardian. May 4, 2011. (Oct.7, 2011) http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2011/may/04/portugal-bailout-austerity-measures
The New York Times. "Why Some European Government Debt Seemed Deceptively Small." Sept. 23, 2011. (Oct. 7, 2011) http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2011/09/23/business/economy/Why-Some-European-Government-Debt-Seemed-Deceptively-Small.html?ref=business
The Telegraph. "Iceland accuses Europe of Bullying over Debt Payments." Sept. 5, 2011 (Oct. 11, 2011)
Winfield, Nicole. "Fitch downgrades Italian, Spanish debt ratings." Oct. 7, 2011. (Oct. 7, 2011) http://www.forbes.com/feeds/ap/2011/10/07/business-financials-eu-italy-financial-crisis_8723349.html
UPI. "Zimbabwean dollar pronounced dead." March 20, 2009. (Oct. 7, 2011) http://www.upi.com/Business_News/2009/03/20/Zimbabwean-dollar-pronounced-dead/UPI-64171237570510/
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