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Open Access Articles- Top Results for Truss
For other uses, see Truss (disambiguation).
In engineering, a truss is a structure that "consists of two-force members only, where the members are organized so that the assemblage as a whole behaves as a single object".[1] A "two-force member" is a structural component where force is only applied to two points. Although this rigorous definition allows the members to have any shape connected in any stable configuration, trusses typically comprise five or more triangular units constructed with straight members whose ends are connected at joints referred to as nodes. In this typical context, external forces and reactions to those forces are considered to act only at the nodes and result in forces in the members which are either tensile or compressive forces. For straight members, moments (torques) are explicitly excluded because, and only because, all the joints in a truss are treated as revolutes, as is necessary for the links to be two-force members.
A planar truss is one where all the members and nodes lie within a two dimensional plane, while a space truss has members and nodes extending into three dimensions. The top beams in a truss are called top chords and are generally in compression, the bottom beams are called bottom chords and are generally in tension, the interior beams are called webs, and the areas inside the webs are called panels.[2]
File:RRTrussBridgeSideView.jpg
Truss bridge for a single-track railway, converted to pedestrian use and pipeline support
File:Wells egyptian ship red sea.png
An Egyptian ship with a rope truss, the oldest known use of trusses. Trusses did not come into common use until the Roman era.
1 Etymology of truss
2 Characteristics of trusses
2.1 Planar truss
2.2 Space frame truss
3 Truss types
3.1 Pratt truss
3.2 Bowstring truss
3.3 King post truss
3.4 Lenticular truss
3.5 Town's lattice truss
3.6 Vierendeel truss
4 Statics of trusses
5 Analysis of trusses
5.1 Forces in members
5.2 Design of members
5.3 Design of joints
6.1 Post frame structures
Etymology of truss
Truss is derived from the Old French word trousse, around c.1200, which means "collection of things bound together."[3][4] The term truss has often been used to describe any assembly of members such as a cruck frame[5][6] or couple of rafters[7][8] but often means the engineering sense of "A truss is a single plane framework of individual structural member connected at their ends of forms a series of triangle (sic) to span a large distance."[9]
Characteristics of trusses
A truss consists of typically (but not necessarily) straight members connected at joints, traditionally termed panel points. Trusses are typically (but not necessarily[10]) composed of triangles because of the structural stability of that shape and design. A triangle is the simplest geometric figure that will not change shape when the lengths of the sides are fixed.[11] In comparison, both the angles and the lengths of a four-sided figure must be fixed for it to retain its shape. The joint at which a truss is designed to be supported is commonly referred to as the Munter Point.
Planar truss
File:Trusses 008.jpg
Planar roof trusses
File:Santa croce, navata, capriate.JPG
The roof trusses of the basilica di Santa Croce (Florence)
The simplest form of a truss is one single triangle. This type of truss is seen in a framed roof consisting of rafters and a ceiling joist,[12] and in other mechanical structures such as bicycles and aircraft. Because of the stability of this shape and the methods of analysis used to calculate the forces within it, a truss composed entirely of triangles is known as a simple truss.[13] However, a simple truss is often defined more restrictively by demanding that it can be constructed through successive addition of pairs of members, each connected to two existing joints and to each other to form a new joint, and this definition does not require a simple truss to comprise only triangles.[10] The traditional diamond-shape bicycle frame, which utilizes two conjoined triangles, is an example of a simple truss.[14]
A planar truss lies in a single plane.[13] Planar trusses are typically used in parallel to form roofs and bridges.
The depth of a truss, or the height between the upper and lower chords, is what makes it an efficient structural form. A solid girder or beam of equal strength would have substantial weight and material cost as compared to a truss. For a given span, a deeper truss will require less material in the chords and greater material in the verticals and diagonals. An optimum depth of the truss will maximize the efficiency.[15]
A space frame truss is a three-dimensional framework of members pinned at their ends. A tetrahedron shape is the simplest space truss, consisting of six members which meet at four joints.[13] Large planar structures may be composed from tetrahedrons with common edges and they are also employed in the base structures of large free-standing power line pylons
Simple tetrahedron
Diagram of a planar space frame such as used for a roof
A pylon, a three-dimensionally trussed structure
Truss types
File:Large Timber Howe Truss.jpg
A large timber Howe truss in a commercial building
For more truss types, see List of truss types or Truss Bridge.
There are two basic types of truss:
The pitched truss, or common truss, is characterized by its triangular shape. It is most often used for roof construction. Some common trusses are named according to their web configuration. The chord size and web configuration are determined by span, load and spacing.
The parallel chord truss, or flat truss, gets its name from its parallel top and bottom chords. It is often used for floor construction.
A combination of the two is a truncated truss, used in hip roof construction. A metal plate-connected wood truss is a roof or floor truss whose wood members are connected with metal connector plates.
Pratt truss
Pratt Truss The Pratt truss was patented in 1844 by two Boston railway engineers,[16] Caleb Pratt and his son Thomas Willis Pratt.[17] The design uses vertical members for compression and horizontal members to respond to tension. What is remarkable about this style is that it remained popular even as wood gave way to iron, and even still as iron gave way to steel.[18] The continued popularity of the Pratt truss is probably due to the fact that the configuration of the members means that longer diagonal members are only in tension for gravity load effects. This allows these members to be used more efficiently, as slenderness effects related to buckling under compression loads (which are compounded by the length of the member) will typically not control the design. Therefore, for given planar truss with a fixed depth, the Pratt configuration is usually the most efficient under static, vertical loading.
The Southern Pacific Railroad bridge in Tempe, Arizona is a 393 meter (1,291 foot) long truss bridge built in 1912.[19] The structure is composed of nine Pratt truss spans of varying lengths. The bridge is still in use today.
The Wright Flyer used a Pratt truss in its wing construction, as the minimization of compression member lengths allowed for lower aerodynamic drag.[20]
Bowstring truss
Named for their shape, bowstring trusses were first used for arched truss bridges, often confused with tied-arch bridges.
Thousands of bowstring trusses were used during World War II for holding up the curved roofs of aircraft hangars and other military buildings. Many variations exist in the arrangements of the members connecting the nodes of the upper arc with those of the lower, straight sequence of members, from nearly isosceles triangles to a variant of the Pratt truss.
King post truss
Main article: King post
One of the simplest truss styles to implement, the king post consists of two angled supports leaning into a common vertical support.
Queen Post Truss
The queen post truss, sometimes queenpost or queenspost, is similar to a king post truss in that the outer supports are angled towards the centre of the structure. The primary difference is the horizontal extension at the centre which relies on beam action to provide mechanical stability. This truss style is only suitable for relatively short spans.[21]
Lenticular truss
File:Waterville Bridge in Swatara State Park HAER 462-14.jpg
The Waterville Bridge in Swatara State Park in Pennsylvania is a lenticular truss
Lenticular trusses, patented in 1878 by William Douglas (although the Gaunless Bridge of 1823 was the first of the type), have the top and bottom chords of the truss arched, forming a lens shape. A lenticular pony truss bridge is a bridge design that involves a lenticular truss extending above and below the roadbed.
Town's lattice truss
Main article: Lattice truss bridge
Lattice Truss
American architect Ithiel Town designed Town's Lattice Truss as an alternative to heavy-timber bridges. His design, patented in 1820 and 1835, uses easy-to-handle planks arranged diagonally with short spaces in between them.
Vierendeel truss
File:Grammene-vierendeelbridge 20030618.jpg
A Vierendeel bridge; note the lack of diagonal elements in the primary structure
See also: Arthur Vierendeel and Vierendeel bridge
The Vierendeel truss is a structure where the members are not triangulated but form rectangular openings, and is a frame with fixed joints that are capable of transferring and resisting bending moments. As such, it does not fit the strict definition of a truss (since it contains non-two-force members); regular trusses comprise members that are commonly assumed to have pinned joints, with the implication that no moments exist at the jointed ends. This style of structure was named after the Belgian engineer Arthur Vierendeel,[22] who developed the design in 1896. Its use for bridges is rare due to higher costs compared to a triangulated truss.
The utility of this type of structure in buildings is that a large amount of the exterior envelope remains unobstructed and can be used for fenestration and door openings. This is preferable to a braced-frame system, which would leave some areas obstructed by the diagonal braces.
Statics of trusses
A truss that is assumed to comprise members that are connected by means of pin joints, and which is supported at both ends by means of hinged joints or rollers, is described as being statically determinate. Newton's Laws apply to the structure as a whole, as well as to each node or joint. In order for any node that may be subject to an external load or force to remain static in space, the following conditions must hold: the sums of all (horizontal and vertical) forces, as well as all moments acting about the node equal zero. Analysis of these conditions at each node yields the magnitude of the compression or tension forces.
Trusses that are supported at more than two positions are said to be statically indeterminate, and the application of Newton's Laws alone is not sufficient to determine the member forces.
In order for a truss with pin-connected members to be stable, it does not need to be entirely composed of triangles.[10] In mathematical terms, we have the following necessary condition for stability of a simple truss:
<math> m \ge 2j - r \qquad \qquad \mathrm{(a)} </math>
where m is the total number of truss members, j is the total number of joints and r is the number of reactions (equal to 3 generally) in a 2-dimensional structure.
When <math> m=2j - 3</math>, the truss is said to be statically determinate, because the (m+3) internal member forces and support reactions can then be completely determined by 2j equilibrium equations, once we know the external loads and the geometry of the truss. Given a certain number of joints, this is the minimum number of members, in the sense that if any member is taken out (or fails), then the truss as a whole fails. While the relation (a) is necessary, it is not sufficient for stability, which also depends on the truss geometry, support conditions and the load carrying capacity of the members.
Some structures are built with more than this minimum number of truss members. Those structures may survive even when some of the members fail. Their member forces depend on the relative stiffness of the members, in addition to the equilibrium condition described.
Analysis of trusses
File:Cremonadiagram.jpg
Cremona diagram for a plane truss
Because the forces in each of its two main girders are essentially planar, a truss is usually modelled as a two-dimensional plane frame. If there are significant out-of-plane forces, the structure must be modelled as a three-dimensional space.
The analysis of trusses often assumes that loads are applied to joints only and not at intermediate points along the members. The weight of the members is often insignificant compared to the applied loads and so is often omitted. If required, half of the weight of each member may be applied to its two end joints. Provided the members are long and slender, the moments transmitted through the joints are negligible and they can be treated as "hinges" or 'pin-joints'. Every member of the truss is then in pure compression or pure tension – shear, bending moment, and other more complex stresses are all practically zero. This makes trusses easier to analyze. This also makes trusses physically stronger than other ways of arranging material – because nearly every material can hold a much larger load in tension and compression than in shear, bending, torsion, or other kinds of force.
Structural analysis of trusses of any type can readily be carried out using a matrix method such as the direct stiffness method, the flexibility method or the finite element method.
Forces in members
On the right is a simple, statically determinate flat truss with 9 joints and (2 x 9) − 3 = 15 members. External loads are concentrated in the outer joints. Since this is a symmetrical truss with symmetrical vertical loads, it is clear to see that the reactions at A and B are equal, vertical and half the total load.
The internal forces in the members of the truss can be calculated in a variety of ways including the graphical methods:
Cremona diagram
Culmann diagram
the analytical Ritter method (method of sections).
Design of members
A truss can be thought of as a beam where the web consists of a series of separate members instead of a continuous plate. In the truss, the lower horizontal member (the bottom chord) and the upper horizontal member (the top chord) carry tension and compression, fulfilling the same function as the flanges of an I-beam. Which chord carries tension and which carries compression depends on the overall direction of bending. In the truss pictured above right, the bottom chord is in tension, and the top chord in compression.
The diagonal and vertical members form the truss web, and carry the shear force. Individually, they are also in tension and compression, the exact arrangement of forces is depending on the type of truss and again on the direction of bending. In the truss shown above right, the vertical members are in tension, and the diagonals are in compression.
File:Shanghai Shimao Plaza Construction.jpg
A building under construction in Shanghai. The truss sections stabilize the building and will house mechanical floors.
In addition to carrying the static forces, the members serve additional functions of stabilizing each other, preventing buckling. In the picture to the right, the top chord is prevented from buckling by the presence of bracing and by the stiffness of the web members.
The inclusion of the elements shown is largely an engineering decision based upon economics, being a balance between the costs of raw materials, off-site fabrication, component transportation, on-site erection, the availability of machinery and the cost of labor. In other cases the appearance of the structure may take on greater importance and so influence the design decisions beyond mere matters of economics. Modern materials such as prestressed concrete and fabrication methods, such as automated welding, have significantly influenced the design of modern bridges.
Once the force on each member is known, the next step is to determine the cross section of the individual truss members. For members under tension the cross-sectional area A can be found using A = F × γ / σy, where F is the force in the member, γ is a safety factor (typically 1.5 but depending on building codes) and σy is the yield tensile strength of the steel used.
The members under compression also have to be designed to be safe against buckling.
The weight of a truss member depends directly on its cross section—that weight partially determines how strong the other members of the truss need to be. Giving one member a larger cross section than on a previous iteration requires giving other members a larger cross section as well, to hold the greater weight of the first member—one needs to go through another iteration to find exactly how much greater the other members need to be. Sometimes the designer goes through several iterations of the design process to converge on the "right" cross section for each member. On the other hand, reducing the size of one member from the previous iteration merely makes the other members have a larger (and more expensive) safety factor than is technically necessary, but doesn't require another iteration to find a buildable truss.
The effect of the weight of the individual truss members in a large truss, such as a bridge, is usually insignificant compared to the force of the external loads.
Design of joints
After determining the minimum cross section of the members, the last step in the design of a truss would be detailing of the bolted joints, e.g., involving shear of the bolt connections used in the joints, see also shear stress. Based on the needs of the project, truss internal connections (joints) can be designed as rigid, semi rigid, or hinged. Rigid connections can allow transfer of bending moments leading to development of secondary bending moments in the members.
Post frame structures
Component connections are critical to the structural integrity of a framing system. In buildings with large, clearspan wood trusses, the most critical connections are those between the truss and its supports. In addition to gravity-induced forces (a.k.a. bearing loads), these connections must resist shear forces acting perpendicular to the plane of the truss and uplift forces due to wind. Depending upon overall building design, the connections may also be required to transfer bending moment.
Wood posts enable the fabrication of strong, direct, yet inexpensive connections between large trusses and walls. Exact details for post-to-truss connections vary from designer to designer, and may be influenced by post type. Solid-sawn timber and glulam posts are generally notched to form a truss bearing surface. The truss is rested on the notches and bolted into place. A special plate/bracket may be added to increase connection load transfer capabilities. With mechanically-laminated posts, the truss may rest on a shortened outer-ply or on a shortened inner-ply. The later scenario places the bolts in double shear and is a very effective connection.
80ft Double Chorded Heavy Timber Truss.JPG
Double chorded heavy timber truss with 80 foot clear span.
HK Bank of China Tower View.jpg
The Hong Kong Bank of China Tower 中銀大廈 (香港) has an externally visible truss structure.
HK HSBC Main Building 2008.jpg
The HSBC Main Building, Hong Kong has an externally visible truss structure.
Below Auckland Harbour Bridge Hossen27.jpg
Support structure under the Auckland Harbour Bridge.
Auckland Harbour Bridge Watchman.jpg
The Auckland Harbour Bridge from Watchman Island, west of it.
The Little Belt Bridge (1935).jpeg
Little Belt: a truss bridge in Denmark
Bow-string-truss.jpg
Pre-fabricated steel bow string roof trusses built in 1942 for war department properties in Northern Australia.
Truss Dachstuhl.jpg
Roof truss in a side building of Cluny Abbey, France.
Queen-post-truss.png
A section through a Queen post roof truss, see Timber roof truss
Woodlands mall3 texas.jpg
A space truss carrying a floor in The Woodlands Mall.
Elledningsstolpe2 lund.jpg
Electricity pylon
Andreini tessellations, the only 28 ways to fill 3D space with trusses that have identical joints everywhere
Brown truss
Geodesic dome, a truss in the shape of a sphere
Serrurier truss, a truss form used for telescopes
Stress:
Compressive stress
Tensegrity truss, a truss where no compression member touches any other compression member
Truss rod, a guitar part
^ Costanzo, Francesco (2013). Engineering Mechanics: Statics (2nd ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill Companies Inc. pp. 364–407. ISBN 0-07-338029-6.
^ Ching, Frank. A Visual Dictionary of Architecture. 2nd ed. Hoboken, N.J.: Wiley, 2012. 277. Print. ISBN 9780470648858
^ Reif, F., etymonline.com (1965).
^ Oxford English Dictionary
^ Noble, Allen George. Traditional buildings a global survey of structural forms and cultural functions. London: I.B. Tauris ;, 2007. 115. ISBN 1845113055
^ Davies, Nikolas, and Erkki Jokiniemi. Dictionary of architecture and building construction. Amsterdam: Elsevier/Architectural Press, 2008. 394. ISBN 0750685026
^ Davies, Nikolas, and Erkki Jokiniemi. Architect's illustrated pocket dictionary. Oxford: Architectural Press, 2011. 121. ISBN 0080965377
^ Crabb, George. Universal Technological Dictionary Or Familiar Explanation of the Terms used in All Arts and Sciences...", Volume 1 London: 1823. Couples.
^ Shekhar, R. K. Chandra. Academic dictionary of civil engineering. Delhi: Isha Books, 2005. 431. ISBN 8182051908
^ a b c Beer, Ferd; Johnston, Russ (2013). Vector Mechanics for Engineers: Statics (10th ed.). New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. pp. 285–313. ISBN 0-07-740228-6. |accessdate= requires |url= (help)
^ Ricker, Nathan Clifford (1912) [1912]. A Treat on Design and Construction of Roofs. New York: J. Wiley & Sons. p. 12. Retrieved 2008-08-15.
^ Maginnis, Owen Bernard (1903). Roof Framing Made Easy (2nd edition ed.). New York: The Industrial Publication Company. p. 9. Retrieved 2008-08-16.
^ a b c Hibbeler, Russell Charles (1983) [1974]. Engineering Mechanics-Statics (3rd edition ed.). New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc. pp. 199–224. ISBN 0-02-354310-8.
^ Wingerter, R., and Lebossiere, P., ME 354, Mechanics of Materials Laboratory: Structures, University of Washington (February 2004), p.1
^ Merriman, Mansfield (1912) [192]. American Civil Engineers' Pocket Book. New York: J. Wiley & Sons. p. 785. Retrieved 2008-08-16. The Economic Depth of a Truss is that which makes the material in a bridge a minimum.
^ Bethanga Bridge at the NSW Heritage Office; retrieved 2008-Feb-06
^ A Brief History of Covered Bridges in Tennessee at the Tennessee Department of Transportation; retrieved 2008-Feb-06
^ The Pratt Truss courtesy of the Maryland Department of Transportation; retrieved 2008-Feb-6
^ Tempe Historic Property Survey at the Tempe Historical Museum; retrieved 2008-Feb-06
^ http://www.arct.cam.ac.uk/personal-page/james/ichs/Vol%202%201221-1232%20Gasparini.pdf
^ Covered Bridge's Truss Types
^ Vierendeel bruggen
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Elegant design Gold Plated Bracelet matched with both chunky Czech Black Onyx and Red Ruby Quartz stones created specially to suit all occasions.
Gold Plated, Black Onyx and Red Ruby Quartz Czech Stones.
Product ID: 1416 SKU: SB33. Categories: Bracelets, Heart Victoria.


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Mark Lagon
Mark P. Lagon is chief policy officer at Friends of the Global Fight Against AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. He is also adjunct professor, Centennial Fellow, and Distinguished Senior Scholar in Georgetown's School of Foreign Service. Lagon previously was president of Freedom House and served as U.S. ambassador-at-large, directing the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons.

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Who Killed My Mum?
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Who Killed My Mum? Patricia (Pat) Grainger. Sheffield Hartley Brook Murder 10/08/1997 Appealing for information on the murder of my mum patricia grainger in sheffield on 10th august 1997
Home/News Articles/Sheffield man issues final plea for help to catch mum's killer, as deadline to claim £10,000 reward looms
Sheffield man issues final plea for help to catch mum's killer, as deadline to claim £10,000 reward looms
29/10/2020 News Articles Comments Off on Sheffield man issues final plea for help to catch mum's killer, as deadline to claim £10,000 reward looms
A Sheffield man desperate for justice has issued a final plea for help to catch his mum's killer.
Pat Grainger (L) with her son Danny (R), who is fighting for his mum's murder never to be forgotten
A £10,000 reward for information leading to the arrest and conviction of the killer is set to be withdrawn on November 17, with relatives of murder victim Patricia Grainger desperate for people tempted by the cash to come forward.
The reward was put forward by Crimestoppers and Pat's family over the summer to mark the 23rd anniversary of the murder.
Pat, who had learning difficulties, was 25 when she was found dumped under a bed base in a brook close to her home in Buchanan Road, Parson Cross, on August 10, 1997.
The mum-of-one, whose son, Danny, was five years old at the time of her death, had been stabbed, strangled and sexually assaulted.
Arrests have been made over the years but nobody has ever been charged over the death.
Pat's son, Danny, said he hopes advances in forensic science may one day help identify the killer but he is convinced that people in the Parson Cross community know who was responsible and urged them to come forward.
He said: "As time is getting closer to the end of Crimestoppers being involved, I feel this is possibly our last shot.
"Those responsible have gotten away with this for 23 years.
"My mum took her last breaths in the brook in Parson Cross. She suffered horrendously at the hands of these monsters. A defenseless woman, younger than I am now, sexually abused in ways you cannot imagine for nothing more than to make her suffer for their own sick enjoyment. Yet they still get away with it.
"Regardless how small you may believe your information to be or how long it's been or why, just please come forward.
"The violence and sexual nature of my mother's murder leads us to believe this sort of murder does not happen once. The sort of people who commit these murders, don't do it once.
"It's possible more than one person could be involved.
"It's possible these monsters are local.
"It's possible they continue to hurt or cause misery
"Please, speak up, speak now."
By Claire Lewis
Thursday, 29th October 2020, 12:22 pm
Original Source: TheStar
Tags Murder Murdered News Article Parson Cross patricia grainger Patricia Grainger Murder Real Crime Reward Sheffield South yorkshire police The Star Newspaper Unsolved Crime Unsolved Murder
Previous Murder: Crimestoppers 85 Day Deadline Approaches for £10,000 Reward
Next Reward deadline has now passed.
Related Article – Bringing murderers and sex attackers to justice in South Yorkshire 'who think they have got away with it for years'
Pat Grainger murder: £10,000 reward unclaimed and still no justice for Sheffield family
Another year of agony for devastated family of Sheffield mum as anniversary of unsolved murder passes
Forensic science expert gives hope to find who killed Patricia Grainger
Friday, 16th July 2021 – Daniel Grainger. South Yorkshire police have introduced a forensic science …
Mystery of Patricia Grainger's Brutal Murder | Video Podcast by All I'm Saying Is 26/05/2022
Related Article – Bringing murderers and sex attackers to justice in South Yorkshire 'who think they have got away with it for years' 02/05/2022
My honest thought's.. they've killed again.. Somewhere. 05/02/2022
Pat Grainger murder: £10,000 reward unclaimed and still no justice for Sheffield family 17/10/2021
Another year of agony for devastated family of Sheffield mum as anniversary of unsolved murder passes 29/08/2021
Forensic science expert gives hope to find who killed Patricia Grainger 16/07/2021
🤞Hopefully no stone will be left unturned. Patricia Grainger Murder. 09/05/2021
Reward deadline has now passed. 19/11/2020
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I mostly work with colour images but now and then I find one that I think benefits from the monochrome treatment. I have a preference for the sepia effect but usually prefer to create this myself rather than use a ready made filter.
This footbridge is featured in the StillWalks video below – Troserch Woodland Walk – but not this shot of it and not in monochrome.
Posted in Photography, Video, Walks and tagged Carmarthenshire, footbridge, monochrome, photography, relaxation, sepia, stillwalks, stress relief, Troserch, video, wales, walking, walks, woodland.
Thanks 🙂 Me too, and they provide a useful "way marker" or "milestone" in the sequence of images in a StillWalk video – not just the image but the sound of footsteps crossing it too.


text:
As We See It / As We Don't See It
The twentieth century went back and forth between two extremes. On one side, individualism would reign supreme in the ambitions of 'great men', in the excesses of Wall Street and in the quest for meaning in art and literature. On the other hand, the glorification of a caricature of the human community in the phony communism of nationalized industry under a party dictatorship. On both sides of the Iron Curtain, a battle raged between the need for social action on the parts of large groups of people and the debasement of humanity that happened in the name of this action. A simultaneous perversion of humanity and the individual occurred.
As We See It/As We Don't See it stand out as one of the best attempts at expressing a politics that both reflects the battle between these poles and cuts to the nature of this tension. No doubt like anything that old, parts of it are now a bit dated, but the basic sentiment and approach are as relevant now as they ever were.
These texts were taken from the on-line Solidarity and Subversion archive at af-north.org
As we see it / Don't see it
by Solidarity
I. As We See It
Throughout the world the vast majority of people have no control whatsoever over the decisions that most deeply and directly affect their lives. They sell their labour power while others who own or control the means of production accumulate wealth, make the laws and use the whole machinery of the State to perpetuate and reinforce their privileged positions.
During the past century the living standards of working people have improved. But neither these improved living standards, nor the nationalisation of the means of production, nor the coming to power of parties claiming to represent the working class have basically altered the status of the worker as worker. Nor have they given the bulk of mankind much freedom outside of production. East and West, capitalism remains an inhuman type of society where the vast majority are bossed at work and manipulated in consumption and leisure. Propaganda and policemen, prisons and schools, traditional values and traditional morality all serve to reinforce the power of the few and to convince or coerce the many into acceptance of a brutal, degrading and irrational system. The 'Communist' world is not communist and the 'Free' world is not free.
The trade unions and the traditional parties of the left started in business to change all this. But they have come to terms with the existing patterns of exploitation. In fact they are now essential if exploiting society is to continue working smoothly. The unions act as middlemen in the labour market. The political parties use the struggles and aspirations of the working class for their own ends. The degen- eration of working class organisations, itself the result of the failure of the revolutionary movement, has been a major factor in creating working class apathy, which in turn has led to the further degeneration of both parties and unions.
The trade unions and political parties cannot be reformed, 'captured', or converted into instruments of working class emancipation. We don't call however for the proclamation of new unions, which in the conditions of today would suffer a similar fate to the old ones. Nor do we call for militants to tear up their union cards. Our aims are simply that the workers themselves should decide on the objectives of their struggles and that the control and organisation of these struggles should remain firmly in their own hands. The forms which this self – activity of the working class may take will vary considerably from country to country and from industry to industry. Its basic content will not.
Socialism is not just the common ownership and control of the means of production and distribution. It means equality, real freedom, reciprocal recognition and a radical transformation in all human relations. It is 'man's positive self-consciousness'. It is man's understanding of his environment and of himself, his domination over his work and over such social institutions as he may need to create. These are not secondary aspects, which will automatically follow the expropriation of the old ruling class, On the contrary they are essential parts of the whole process of social transformation, for without them no genuine social transformation will have taken place.
A socialist society can therefore only be built from below. Decisions concerning production and work will be taken by workers' councils composed of elected and revocable delegates, Decisions in other areas will be taken on the basis of the widest possible discussion and consultation among the people as a whole. This democratisation of society down to its very roots is what we mean by 'worker's power'.
Meaningful action, for revolutionaries, is whatever increases the confidence, the autonomy, the initiative, the participation, the solidarity, the equalitarian tendencies and the self -activity of the masses and whatever assists in their demystification. Sterile and harmful action is whatever reinforces the passivity of the masses, their apathy, their cynicism, their differentiation through hierarchy, their alienation, their reliance on others to do things for them and the degree to which they can therefore be manipulated by others – even by those allegedly acting on their behalf.
No ruling class in history has ever relinquished its power without a struggle and our present rulers are unlikely to be an exception. Power will only be taken from them through the conscious, autonomous action of the vast majority of the people themselves. The building of socialism will require mass understanding and mass participation. By their rigid hierarchical structure, by their ideas and by their activities, both social- democratic and Bolshevik types of organisations discourage this kind of understanding and prevent this kind of participation. The idea that socialism can somehow be achieved by an elite party (however revolutionary') acting 'on behalf of' the working class is both absurd and reactionary.
We do not accept the view that by itself the working class can only achieve a trade union consciousness. On the contrary we believe that its conditions of life and its experiences in production constantly drive the working class to adopt priorities and values and to find methods of Organisation which challenge the established social order and established pattern of thought. These responses are implicitly socialist, On the other hand, the working class is fragmented, dispossessed of the means of communication, and its various sections are at different levels of awareness and consciousness. The task of the revolutionary Organisation is to help give proletarian consciousness an explicitly socialist content, to give practical assistance to workers in struggle, and to help those in different areas to exchange experiences and link up with one another.
We do not see ourselves as yet another leadership, but merely as an instrument of working class action. The function of SOLIDARITY is to help all those who are in conflict with the present authoritarian social structure, both in industry and in society at large, to generalise their experience, to make a total critique of their condition and of its causes, and to develop the mass revolutionary consciousness necessary if society is to be totally transformed.
II. As We Don't See It
When, in 1967, we first published 'As We See It' we felt it to be both an accurate and a fairly concise summary of our views. Alternatives had been discussed and every possible effort made to avoid ambiguities. We thought we had produced a fairly explicit text, acceptance of which should be the basis of adherence to a SOLIDARITY group.
Over the years we have come to realize that we were wrong, There was either something the matter with the document – or with some of those who read it. Or perhaps there was something the matter with us – for having thought the text was self-explanatory. Radicals repeatedly told us that they agreed with every word of the statement … and in the next breath asked us why we were not doing faction work in the Labour Party, or living in communes, or campaigning for the T. U. 'lefts', or eulogising the Black Panthers or Karume's anti-imperialist regime in Zanzibar, or participating in the anti-Common Market agitation. Some even asked why we were not advocating the launching of a 'real, revolutionary, Leninist party'.
We now feel it necessary to dot some i's and cross some t's. What follows is an attempt to state explicitly thoughts that were only hinted at, and to formulate in writing propositions that were only implied. 'As We Don't See It' would convey the general tenor of what follows. In an attempt to avoid further ambiguity we will also discuss some matters that were not dealt with in the original text.
'Throughout the world' means exactly what it says. It does not mean everywhere except Social-Democratic Sweden, Castro's Cuba., Tito's Yugoslavia, Israel's kibbutzim or Sekou Toure's Guinea. 'Throughout the world' includes pre-Stalinist, Stalinist and post-Stalinist Russia, Ben Bella's and Boumedienne's Algeria and the Peoples Republics of Uzbekistan and North Vietnam. Everywhere also includes Albania (and China).
Our comments about contemporary society apply to all these countries just as much as to the USA or to Britain (under either Labour or Conservative governments). When we talk of privileged minorities who 'control the means of production! and who use the whole machinery of the state to maintain themselves in power we are making a universal critique to which, at the moment, we can see no exceptions.
IT FOLLOWS that we don't regard any of these countries as socialist and that we don't act as if we had lurking suspicions that they might be something other than what they are: hierarchically structured class societies based on wage slavery and exploitation. Their identification with socialism – even as deformed variants – is a slander against the very concept of socialism (abortions, after all, share some of the attributes of their parents). It is moreover a source of endless mysti- fication and confusion, It also follows from this basic assessment that we do not support China against Russia, or Russia against China (or alternatively the one and then the other), that we do not carry NLF flags on demonstrations (the enemies of our enemies are not necessarily our friends), and that we refrain from joining sundry choruses demanding more East-West trade, more Summit Conferences or more ping-pong diplomacy.
In every country of the world the rulers oppress the :ruled and persecute genuine revolutionaries. In every country the main enemy of the people is their own ruling class, This alone can provide the basis of a genuine internationalism of the oppressed.
Socialism cannot be equated with the 'coming to power of parties claiming to represent the working class'. Political power is a fraud if working people do not take over and retain power in production. If they achieve such power, the organs exerting it (Workers Councils) will take and implement all the necessary political decisions. IT FOLLOWS that we don't advocate the formation of 'better' or 'more revolutionary' political parties whose function would remain the 'capture of state power'. The Party's power may grow out of the barrel of a gun. The power of the working class grows out of its management of the economy and of society as a whole.
Socialism cannot be equated with such measures as the 'nationalisation of the means of production'. These may help the rulers of various class societies to rationalise their system of exploitation and solve their own problems. We refuse to choose between options defined by our class enemies. IT FOLLOWS that we don't urge nationalisation (or anything else for that matter) on governments of either 'right' or 'left'.
Section II implies that modern capitalism can further develop the means of production. At a cost, it can improve living standards. But neither of these has any socialist content. Anyone who wants three square meals a day and the prospect of endless employment can find them in any well -run gaol. IT FOLLOWS that we don't denounce capitalism primarily on the basis of its inadequacies in these fields. Socialism, for us, is not about transistors for the prisoners. It is about the destruction of the industrial prison itself. It is not only about more bread, but about who runs the bakery.
The section finally emphasises the multiple methods whereby the system perpetuates itself. By mentioning propaganda as well as policemen, schools as well as prisons, traditional values and traditional morality as well as traditional methods of physical coercion, the section stresses an important obstacle to the achievement of a free society, namely the fact that the vast majority of the exploited and the manipulated have internalised and largely accepted the system's norms and values (for example such concepts as hierarchy, the division of society into order-givers and order-takers, wage labour, and the polarity of sexual roles) and consider them intrinsically rational, Because of all this IT FOLLOWS that we reject as incomplete ( and hence inadequate) notions which attribute the perpetuation of the system solely to police repression or to the 'betrayals' of various political or trade union leaders.
A crisis of values and an increased questioning of authority relations are, however, developing features of contemporary society. The growth of these crises is one of the preconditions for socialist revolution. Socialism will only be possible when the majority of people understand the need for -social change, become aware of their ability to transform society, decide to exert their collective power to this end, and know with what they want to replace the present system. IT FOLLOWS that we reject analyses (such as those of every variety of leninist or trotskyist) who define the main crisis of modern society as a 'crisis of leadership'. They are all generals in search of an army, for whom recruitment figures are the main yardstick of success. For us revolutionary change is a question of consciousness: the cons- ciousness that would make generals redundant.
When we refer to the 'traditional parties of the left' we don't only have in mind the social-democratic and 'communist' parties. Parties of this type have administered, administer and will continue to administer exploitative class societies, Under the title of 'traditional parties of the left' we also include the trad revs (traditional revolutionaries), i. e. the various leninist, trotskyist and maoid sects who are the carriers of state capitalist ideology and the embryonic nuclei of repressive, state- capitalist power.
These groups are prefigurations of alternative types of exploitation, Their critiques of the social-democratic, 'stalinist' or 'revisionist' left may appear virulent enough, but they never deal with fundamentals (such as the structure of decision-making, the locus of real power, the primacy of the Party, the existence of hierarchy, the maximisation of surplus value, the perpetuation of wage labour, and inequality). This is no accident and flows from the fact that they themselves accept these fundamentals, Bourgeois ideology is far more widespread than many revolutionaries believe and has in fact deeply permeated their thinking. in this sense Marx's statement about 'the dominant ideas of each epoch being the ideas of its ruling class, is far more true than Marx could ever have anticipated.
As far as authoritarian class society (and the libertarian-socialist alter- native) is concerned the trad revs are part of the problem, not part of the solution. Those who subscribe to social-democratic or Bolshevik ideology are themselves either the victims of the prevailing mystification (and attempts should be made to demystify them), or they are the conscious exponents and future beneficiaries of a new form of class rule (and should be ruthlessly exposed). In either case IT FOLLOWS that there is nothing 'sectarian' in systematically proclaiming our opposition to what they stand for. Not to do so would be tantamount to suppressing our critique of half of the prevailing social order. It would mean to participate in the general mystification of traditional politics (where one thinks one thing and says another) and to deny the very basis of our independent political existence.
Because the traditional parties cannot be 'reformed', 'captured', or converted into instruments of working class emancipation – and because we are reluctant-to indulge in double-talk and doublethink – IT FOLLOWS that we do not indulge in such activities as 'critically supporting' the Labour Party at election time, calling for 'Labour to Power' between elections, and generally participating in sowing illu- sions, the better at a later date to 'take people through the experience' of seeing through them. The Labour and Communist parties may be Marginally superior to the Conservative Party in driving private cap- italism along the road to state capitalism. The trad revs would certainly prove superior to both. But we are not called upon to make any choice of this kind: it is not the role of revolutionaries to be the midwives of new forms of exploitation. IT FOLLOWS that we would rather fight for what we want (even if we don't immediately get it) than fight for what we don't want and get it.
The trade union bureaucracy is an essential component of developing state capitalist societies, The trade union leaders neither 'betray' nor 'sell out' when they manipulate working class struggles and seek to use them for their own ends. They are not 'traitors' when they seek to increase their material rewards or to lessen the frequency with which they have to submit to election – they are acting logically and according to their own interests, which just happen to be different from those of working people. IT FOLLOWS that we do not urge people to elect 'better' leaders, to 'democratise' the unions or to create new ones, which under the circumstances of today would suffer exactly the same fate as the old ones. All these are 'non-issues' about which only those who have failed to grasp the real root of the problem can get worked up.
The real need is to concentrate on the positive task of building the alternative (both in people's minds and in reality) namely autonomous job organisations, linked to others in the same industry and elsewhere, and controlled from below. Sooner or later such organisations will either enter into conflict with the existing outfits claiming to 'represent' the working class (and it would be premature at this stage to define the possible forms of this conflict), or they will bypass the old organisations altogether.
This section differentiates our concept of socialism from most of those prevailing today. Socialism, for us, is not just a question of economic reorganisation from which other benefits will 'inevitably' follow, without consciously being fought for. It is a total vision of a completely different society, Such a vision is linked to the total critique of capitalism we have previously referred to.
Social-democrats and Bolsheviks denounce equality as 'utopian', 'petty- bourgeois', or 'anarchist'. They dismiss the advocacy of freedom as 'abstract', and reciprocal recognition as 'liberal humanism'. They will concede that the radical transformation of all social relations is a valid ultimate objective, but cannot see it as an essential, immediate ingredient of the very process of meaningful change.
When we talk of 'man's positive self-consciousness' and of 'his under- standing of his environment and of himself' we mean the gradual discarding of all myths and of all types of false consciousness (religion, nationalism, patriarchal attitudes, the belief in the rationality of hierarchy, etc.). The pre-condition of human freedom is the understanding of all that limits it.
Positive self -consciousness implies the gradual breakdown of that state of chronic schizophrenia in which – through conditioning and other mechanisms most people succeed in carrying mutually incompatible ideas in their heads. it means accepting coherence, and perceiving the relation of means and ends. It means exposing those who organise conferences about 'workers control' .. , addressed by union officials elected for life. It means patiently explaining the incompatibilities of 'People's capitalism', parliamentary socialism', 'Christian communism', 'anarcho-zionism', 'Party-led "workers councils" ', and other such rubbish. It means understanding that a non-manipulative society cannot be achieved by manipulative means or a classless society through hierarchical structures. This attempt at both gaining insight and at imparting it will be difficult and prolonged. It will doubtless be dismissed as 'intellectual theorising' by every 'voluntarist' or 'activist, tendency, eager for short cuts to the promised land and more concerned with movement than with direction.
Because we think people can and should understand what they are doing, IT FOLLOWS that we reject many of the approaches so common in the movement today. In practice this means avoiding the use of revolutionary myths and the resort to manipulated confrontations, intended to raise consciousness. Underlying both of these is the usually unformulated assumption that people cannot understand social reality and act rationally on their own behalf.
Linked to our rejection of revolutionary myths is our rejection of ready- made political labels. We want no gods, not even those of the marxist or anarchist pantheons. We live in neither the Petrograd of 1917 nor the Barcelona of 1936. We are ourselves: the product of the 'disintegration of traditional politics, in an advanced industrial country, in the second half of the 20th century. It is to the problems and conflict of that society that we must apply ourselves.
Although we consider ourselves part of the 'libertarian left' we differ from most strands of the 'cultural' or 'political' underground. We have nothing in common, for instance, with those petty entrepreneurs, now thriving on the general confusion, who simultaneously promote such commodities as oriental mysticism, black magic, the drug cult, sexual exploitation (masquerading as sexual liberation) – seasoning it all with big chunks of populist mythology. Their dissemination of myths and their advocacy of 'non-sectarian politics' do not prevent them from taking up, in practice, many reactionary stances. In fact, they ensure it. Under the mindless slogan of 'Support for people in struggle', these tendencies advocate support for various nationalisms (today always reactionary) such as those of both IRAs and of all the NLFs.
Other strands, calling themselves 'libertarian marxist', suffer from middle class feelings of guilt which make them prone to workeritis, Despite this, their practice is both reformist and substitutionist. For instance, when they (correctly) support struggles for limited objectives, such as those of squatters or Claimants' Unions, they often fail to stress the revolutionary implications of such collective direct action. Historically, direct action has often clashed with the reformist nature of the objectives pursued. Again, such tendencies support the IRAs and NLF s and refrain from criticizing the Cuban, North Vietnamese or Chinese regimes. Having rejected the Party, they nevertheless share with leninism a bourgeois concept of consciousness.
Because we think our politics should be coherent we also reject the approach of others in the libertarian movement who place their whole emphasis on personal liberation or who seek individual solutions to what are social problems. We dissociate ourselves from those who equate the violence of the oppressor with the violence of the oppressed (in a condemnation of fall violence'), and from those who place the rights of strikers on the picket line on the same footing as the right of scabs to blackleg (in an abstract defence of 'freedom as such'). Similarly, anarcho-catholicism and anarcho-maoism are internally inco- herent outlooks, incompatible with revolutionary self -activity.
We feel that there should be some relation between our vision of socialism and what we do here and now. IT FOLLOWS that we seek as from now, and starting with those closest to us, to puncture some of the more widely held political myths. These are not confined to the 'right' – with its belief that hierarchy and inequality are of the essence of the human condition. We consider it irrational (and/or dishonest) that those who talk most of the masses (and of the capacity of the working class to create a new society) should have the least confidence in people's ability to dispense with leaders. We also consider it irrational that the most radical advocates of 'genuine social change' should incorporate in their own ideas, programmes and organisational prescriptions so many of the values, priorities and models they claim to oppose.
When we say that socialist society will be 'built from below', we mean just that. We do not mean 'initiated from above and then endorsed from below'. Nor do we mean 'planned from above and later checked from below'. We mean there should be no separation between organs of decision and organs of execution. This is why we advocate workers' 'management' of production, and avoid the ambiguous demand for workers' 'control'. (The differences – both theoretical and historical – between the two are outlined in the introduction to our book on 'The Bolsheviks and Workers Control: 1917 -1921'.)
We deny the revolutionary organisation any specific prerogative in the post-revolutionary period, or in the building of the new society, Its main function in this period will be to stress the primacy of the Workers Councils (and of bodies based on them) as instruments of decisional authority, and to struggle against all those who would seek to lessen or to bypass this authority – or to vest power elsewhere. Unlike others on the left who dismiss thinking about the new society as 'preoccupation with the cookshops of the future' we have outlined our ideas about a possible structure of such a society in some detail in our pamphlet on The Workers Councils.
This section is perhaps the most important and least understood of the whole statement. It is the key to how we view our practical work. It defines yardsticks with which we can approach everyday political life and rationally use our mental and physical resources. It explains why we consider certain questions significant while others are dismissed as 'non-issues Within the limits of our own coherence, it explains the content of our paper.
Because we do not consider them of particular relevance to the attitudes and aptitudes we seek to develop, we do not get worked up about such matters as parliamentary or trade union elections (getting others to do things for one), the Common Market or the convertibility crisis (partisan involvement in the problems of the rulers is of no help to the ruled), or about the struggle in Ireland or various putches in Africa ('taking sides' in struggles waged under the domination of a totally reactionary false consciousness), We cannot ignore these events without ignoring a portion of reality but we can at least avoid endowing them with a relevance to socialism they do not possess. Conversely we think the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 and the French events of May 1968 were deeply significant (for they were struggles against the bureaucracy, and attempts at self -management in both Eastern and Western contexts).
These yardsticks also help clarify our attitude to various industrial disputes. While most are a challenge to the employer, some have a deeper socialist content than others. Why for instance are 'unofficial' actions on conditions of work, waged under the close control of the rank and file, usually of deeper significance than 'official' actions on questions of wages, run from afar by the union bureaucrats? In terms of the development of socialist consciousness how a struggle is waged and what it is about are of fundamental importance. Socialism, after all, is about who takes the decisions. We believe this needs stressing, in practice, from now.
In our accounts of disputes our guide line is that one cannot tidy up reality, and that more is gained by honestly analysing real difficulties than by living in a mythical world, where one takes one's wishes for reality, IT FOLLOWS that we seek to avoid the 'triumphalist' (in reality manipulatory) tone that mars so much of the industrial reporting and so many of the 'interventions' of the trad revs.
Finally the emphasis in Section VII on self -activity, and its warning about the harmful effects of manipulation, substitutionism or reliance on others to do things for one have deeper implications, of relevance to our own organisation.
We are not pacifists. We have no illusions about what we are up against. In all class societies, institutional violence weighs heavily and constantly on the oppressed. Moreover the rulers of such societies have always resorted to more explicit physical repression when their power and privileges were really threatened. Against repression by the ruling class we endorse the people's right to self-defence, by whatever means may be appropriate.
The power of the rulers feeds on the indecision and confusion of the ruled. Their power will only be overcome if confronted with ours: the power of a conscious and self-reliant majority, knowing what it wants and determined to get it. In modern industrial societies the power of such a majority will lie where thousands congregate daily, to sell their labour power in the production of goods and services.
Socialism cannot be the result of a putch, of the capture of some Palace, or of the blowing up of some Party or Police Headquarters, carried out 'on behalf of the people' or 'to galvanise the masses'. If unsuccessful, all that such actions do is to create martyrs and myths – and to provoke intensified repression. If 'successful', they would only substitute one ruling minority for another, i. e. bring about a new form of exploitative society. Nor can socialism be introduced by organisations themselves structured according to authoritarian, hierarchical, bureaucratic or semi-military patterns. All that such organisations have instituted (and, if 'successful', are likely to continue instituting) are societies in their own image.
The social revolution is no Party matter. It will be the action of the immense majority, acting in the interests of the immense majority. The failures of social-democracy and of Bolshevism are the failure of a whole concept of politics, a concept according to which the oppressed could entrust their liberation to others than themselves. This lesson is gradually entering mass consciousness and preparing the ground for a genuinely libertarian revolution.
Because we reject Lenin' s concept that the working class can only develop a trade union (or reformist) consciousness IT FOLLOWS that we reject the leninist prescription that socialist consciousness has to be brought to the people from the outside, or injected into the movement by political specialists: the professional revolutionaries. It further follows that we cannot behave as if we held such belief's.
Mass consciousness, however, is never a theoretical consciousness, derived individually through the study of books. In modern industrial societies socialist consciousness springs from the real conditions of social life, These societies generate the conditions for an adequate consciousness. On the other hand, because they are class societies, they usually inhibit accession to that consciousness. Here lies both the dilemma and the challenge confronting modern revolutionaries.
There is a role for conscious revolutionaries. Firstly through personal involvement, in one's own life and where possible at one's own place of work. (Here the main danger lies in 'prolier than thou' attitudes, which lead people either to believe that there is little they can do if they are not industrial workers, or to pretend to be what they are not,in the false belief that the only relevant areas of struggle are in relation to industry.) Secondly, by assisting others in struggle, by providing them with help or information they are denied. (Here the main danger lies in the offering of 'interested help', where recruitment of the militant to the revolutionary' organisation is as much an objective of the 'help' as is his victory in the struggle in which he is involved.) Finally , by pointing out and explaining the deep (but often hidden) relations between the socialist objective and what people are driven to do, through their own experiences and needs, (This is what we mean when we say revolutionaries should help make 'explicit' the 'implicitly' socialist content of many modern struggles.)
This section should differentiate SOLIDARITY from the traditional type of political organisation. We are not a leadership and do not aspire to be one. Because we do not want to lead or manipulate others, we have no use for hierarchy or for manipulatory mechanisms within our own ranks. Because we believe in the autonomy – ideological and organisational of the working class, we cannot deny groups such autonomy within the Solidarity movement itself, On the contrary, we should seek to encourage it.
On the other hand we certainly wish to influence others and to disseminate SOLIDARITY ideas (not just any ideas) as widely as possible. This requires the coordinated activity of people or groups, individually capable of self-activity and of finding their own level of involvement and their own areas of work, The instruments of such coordination should be flexible and vary according to the purpose for which coordination is required.
We do not reject organisation as necessarily implying bureaucracy. If we held such views there would be no socialist perspective whatsoever, On the contrary, we hold that organisations whose mechanisms (and their implications) are understood by all can alone provide the framework for democratic decision-making. There are no institutional guarantees against the bureaucratisation of revolutionary groups, The only guarantee is the perpetual awareness and self- mobilisation of their members. We are aware, however, of the danger of revolutionary groups becoming 'ends in themselves'. In the past, loyalties to groups have often superseded loyalties to ideas. Our prime commitment is to the social revolution – not to any particular political group, not even to SOLIDARITY. Our organisational structure should certainly reflect the need for mutual assistance and support. But we have no other ulterior objectives, aspirations or ambitions. We therefore do not structure ourselves as if we had.
III. Revisions
The revised version
Socialism is not just the common ownership and control of the means of production and distribution. It means equality, real freedom, the end of oppression based on restrictive male/female social roles, reciprocal recognition and a radical transformation in all human relationships. It is people's understanding of their environment and of themselves, their domination over their work and over such social institutions as they may need to create. These are not secondary aspects, which will automatically follow the expropriation of the old ruling class. On the contrary they are essential parts of the whole process of social transformation, for without them no genuine social transformation will have taken place.
A socialist society can therefore only be built from below. Decisions concerning production and work will be taken by workers' councils composed of elected and revocable delegates. Decisions in other areas will be taken on the basis of the widest possible discussion and consultation among the people as a whole. This democratisation of society down to its very roots is what we mean by 'workers' power'.
Self-managed institutions and collectivities will be the living framework of a free society. There can be no socialism without self-management. Yet a society made up of individual self-managed units is not, of itself, socialist. Such societies could remain oppressive, unequal and unjust. They could be sexist or racist, could restrict access to knowledge or adopt uncritical attitudes towards 'expertise'. We can imagine the individual units of such a society – of whatever size or complexity (from chicken farms to continents) – competing as 'collective capitalists'. Such competition could only perpetuate alienation and create new inequalities based on new divisions of labour.
Genuine freedom will only be possible when our lives are no longer the object of economic, cultural and political forces which we experience as external to ourselves, and which constantly tend to regenerate capitalist or authoritarian social relations. A socialist society would therefore abolish not only social classes, hierarchies and other structures of domination, but also wage-labour and production for the purpose of sale or exchange on the market. Th fulfil their needs and desires, people would live and work in free co-operation. The national frontiers of armed states would be replaced by a democratic human community, on a world scale. The elimination of competition (and the decay of competitive attitudes) would have profound social effects which we can hardly imagine today.
As We Don't See It
This section differentiates our concept of socialism from most of those prevailing today. Socialism, for us, is not just a question of economic reorganisation from which other benefits will 'inevitably' follow, without consciously being fought for. It is a total vision of a completely different society. Such a vision is linked to the total critique of capitalism we have previously referred to.
Social-democrats and Bolsheviks denounce equality as 'utopian', 'petty.bourgeois', or'anarchist'. They dismiss the advocacy of freedom as 'abstract', and reciprocal recognition as 'liberal humanism'. They will concede that the radical transformation of all social relations is a valid ultimate objective, but cannot see it as an essential, immediate ingredient of the very process of meaningful change.
When we talk of people's understanding of their environment and of themselves, we mean the gradual discarding of all myths and of all types of false consciousness (religion, nationalism, patriarchal attitudes, the belief in the rationality of hierarchy, etc.). The pre-condition of human freedom is the understanding of all that limits it. Positive self-consciousness implies the gradual breakdown of that state of chronic schizophrenia in which-through conditioning and other mechanisms-most people succeed in carrying mutually incompatible ideas in their heads. It means accepting coherence, and perceiving the relation of means and ends. It means exposing those who organise conferences about 'workers control' . . . addressed by union officials elected for life. It means patiently explaining the incompatibilities of 'people's capitalism', 'parliamentary socialism', 'christian communism', 'anarcho-zionism', 'Party-led "workers councils"', and other such rubbish. It means understanding that a non-manipulative society cannot be achieved by manipulative means or a classless society through hierarchical structures. This attempt at both gaining insight and at imparting it will be difficult and prolonged. It will doubtless be dismissed as 'intellectual theorising' by every 'voluntarist' or 'activist' tendency, eager for short cuts to the promised land and more concerned with movement than with direction.
Linked to our rejection of revolutionary myths is our rejection of ready-made political labels. We want no gods, not even those of the marxist or anarchist pantheons. We live in neither the Petrograd of 1917 nor the Barcelona of 1936. We are ourselves: the product of the disintegration of traditional politics, in the advanced industrial world, in the second half of the 20th century. It is to the problems and conflicts of that society that we must apply ourselves.
Although we consider ourselves part of the 'libertarian left' we differ from most strands of the 'cultural' or 'political' underground. We have nothing in common, for instance, with those petty entrepreneurs, now thriving on the general confusion, who simultaneously promote such commodities as oriental mysticism, black magic, the drug cult, sexual exploitation (masquerading as sexual liberation) seasoning it all with big chunks of populist mythology. Their dissemination of myths and their advocacy of 'non.sectarian politics' do not prevent them from taking up, in practice, many reactionary stances. In fact, they ensure it. Under the mindless slogan of 'Support for people in struggle', these tendencies advocate support for various nationalisms (today always reactionary) such as those of both IRAs and of all the NLFs.
Other strands, calling themselves 'libertarian marxist', suffer from middle class feelings of guilt which make them prone to workeritis. Despite this, their practice is both reformist and substitutionist. For instance, when they (correctly) support struggles for limited objectives, such as those of squatters or Claimants' Unions, they often fail to stress the revolutionary implications of such collective direct action. Historically, direct action has often clashed with the reformist nature of the objectives pursued. Again, such tendencies support the IRAs and NLFs and refrain from criticizing the Cuban, Vietnamese or Chinese regimes. Having rejected the Party, they nevertheless share with leninism a bourgeois concept of consciousness.
Because we think our politics should be coherent we also reject the approach of others in the libertarian movement who place their whole emphasis on personal liberation or who seek individual solutions to what are social problems. We dissociate ourselves from those who equate the violence of the oppressor with the violence of the oppressed (in a condemnation of 'all violence'), and from those who place the rights of strikers on the picket line on the same footing as the right of scabs to blackleg (in an abstract defence of 'freedom as such'). Similarly, anarcho-catholicism and anarcho-maoism are internally incoherent outlooks, incompatible with revolutionary self-activity.
We feel that there should be some relation between our vision of socialism and what we do here and now. IT FOLLOWS that we seek as from now, and starting with those closest to us, to puncture some of the more widely held political myths. These are not confined to the 'right'-with its belief that hierarchy and inequality are of the essence of the human condition. We consider it irrational (and/or dishonest) that those who talk most of the masses (and of the capacity of the working class to create a new society) should have the least confidence in people's ability to dispense with leaders. We also consider it irrational that the most radical advocates of 'genuine social change' should incorporate in their own ideas, programmes and organisational prescriptions so many of the values, priorities and models they claim to oppose.
When we say that socialist society will be 'built from below', we mean just that. We do not mean 'initiated from above and then endorsed from below'. Nor do we mean 'planned from above and later checked from below'. We mean there should be no separation between organs of decision and organs of execution. This is why we advocate workers' 'management' of production, and avoid the ambiguous demand for workers' 'control'. (The differences both theoretical and historical between the two are outlined in the introduction to our book on 'The Bolsheviks and Workers Control 1917-1921')
We deny the revolutionary organisation any specific prerogative in the post-revolutionary period, or in the building of the new society. Its main function in this period will be to stress the primacy of the Workers Councils (and of bodies based on them) as instruments of decisional authority, and to struggle against ail those who would seek to lessen or to bypass this authority – or to vest power elsewhere. Unlike others on the left who dismiss thinking about the new society as 'pre-occupation with the cookshops of the future' we have outlined our ideas about a possible structure of such a society in our pamphlet on workers councils and in discussion in our magazine.
This section seeks to evoke a fuller vision of a new society than is encompassed in the usual economistic definitions. It also seeks to rescue the term 'self-management' from those who, for various (and often contradictory) reasons, have sought to debase it. But it does more. It also raises awkward questions such as 'what is the "self" that it is to be self-managed?' However self-managed, a racist or sexist 'self' cannot abolish racism or sexism. A 'self' that accepts heirarchy will encourage the appearance of hierarchs. The ignorance of the many both allows and fosters manipulation by the few
If society is to be truly self-managed, then all aspects of collective life must be democratically controlled by the people. The persistence of market forces would remove the area of work from the control of those involved in it. Such forces would perpetuate the alienation of the producers from their product, and the state of affairs where people go-to-work-to-get-money-to-buy-the-things-that-keep-them-alive-to-go-to-work, and so on, ad nauseum.
Economic competition between 'self-managed' units would inevitably restore hierarchical social structures. Self-management in production, therefore, means the total control by the producers over their products and the ending of production for sale or exchange. A self-managed society would constantly strive to overcome the division between work and play, and would realise (in both senses of the word) the joy of creative activity.
The social institutions of the new society will not develop (or even survive) within a value system inherited from capitalism. The old will reassert itself unless specifically fought against. The process of change involves us all – and starts here and now. It implies an on-going and conscious cultural revolution in which – unlike what happened in China – there will be no taboos whatsoever, and no attempts by anyone (with or without bayonets) to restrict the 'permissible' areas of criticism, experiment or debate.
Posted in Organizing Tagged Anarchist Federation, Bureaucracy, Crisis, Revolutionaries, Socialism, Solidarity, Trade Union, Uk, Union Bureaucracy, Unions, Working Class


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Hundreds of places in Virginia were listed in the famed 'Green Book.' This project seeks to find them all.
By Katherine Hafner
The Attucks Theatre on Church Street in Norfolk, then called the Booker T. Theatre, was one of dozens of local businesses listed in the early 20th-century "Green Book" guide that advised Black Americans where was safe to patron. (Kaitlin McKeown/Virginia Media)
Several years ago, Reginald Robinson found himself at Buckroe Beach in Hampton, trying to point out to his wife exactly where he'd spent so much time as a young kid, playing in the sand.
Living in Richmond in the 1960s, Robinson and his parents would travel often to then-Bay Shore Beach and stay at the Bay Shore Hotel, like thousands of other Black Americans up and down the East Coast.
Back then, there were few options. Black families weren't allowed at beaches in Ocean View or Virginia Beach, and "you still had no access to public pools or anywhere to cool off," said Robinson, now 59.
But Bay Shore was like a mecca for young Reginald, he recalled, complete with a merry-go-round and bumper cars. As a kid, he didn't even notice the fence that ran down the sand, segregating Bay Shore from the much larger and whites-only Buckroe.
Before his time, noted acts such as Duke Ellington and Ella Fitzgerald often played at the hotel.
When Robinson was trying to point out the spots to his wife a little over a decade ago, however, he couldn't quite remember. Until a few years ago, there was nothing there to indicate Bay Shore ever existed. (A historical marker was put up in 2018.)
Few mementos remain of Bay Shore, which closed and was torn down in 1973 after integration. Buckroe memorabilia is much easier to find.
But there's one place where you can find Bay Shore's name reliably in print, preserving its importance to local Black history: the famed "Green Book" that advised Black Americans throughout the Jim Crow era where it was safe to travel, eat and sleep without fear of harm or harassment. (The book was also the subject of the Oscar-winning film of the same name in 2018.)
An ad for the Bay Shore Hotel at Buckroe Beach in the 1962 "Green Book." (New York Public Library Digital Collections)
"A fine resort on the Chesapeake Bay," an advertisement for Bay Shore reads in the 1962 edition.
A new project from a small team of historians seeks to document every site in Virginia — and eventually, the country — that was listed in the "Green Book," to ensure places like Bay Shore don't disappear without a trace.
The "Negro Motorist Green Book," more commonly referred to as "Green Book," was created by Victor Hugo Green, a Black mailman from Harlem in New York City. It first published in 1936.
Expanding access to automobiles in the early 20th century theoretically enabled Black Americans to be able to travel more freely and safely than when they relied on public transportation, said Susan Hellman, an architectural historian in Northern Virginia who's leading the new project.
But state-sanctioned segregation, especially Jim Crow laws throughout the South, meant that they faced the constant threat of harassment or assault if a car broke down in the wrong part of town, for instance.
Travel guides popped up to help African Americans safely navigate through that landscape. Green's, which ran through 1966, became the preeminent, with an ever-expanding list of establishments that ultimately spanned all 50 states and even some foreign destinations, Hellman said.
"There will be a day sometime in the near future when this guide will not have to be published," the authors wrote in the 1948 edition, according to History.com. "That is when we as a race will have equal opportunities and privileges in the United States. It will be a great day for us to suspend this publication for then we can go wherever we please, and without embarrassment."
About five years ago, Hellman was chatting with a former graduate school friend, Catherine Zipf, now a historian in Rhode Island. Zipf had begun researching all the "Green Book" sites in her state, and inspired Hellman to do the same — a bigger undertaking, considering the commonwealth's size and southern location.
Since then, Hellman — who does the work outside her day job for the city of Alexandria — has found 315 sites in Virginia by poring through digital copies of the books available through the New York Public Library. She made a Google map with all included, listing the building status, years they were in the "Green Book" and a photo if Hellman's traveled there yet.
The University of Virginia also has come on board recently and will serve as the new home of the data, not just for Virginia but eventually nationwide when enough volunteer historians can be recruited to do the same for their states. A team at the university's Institute for Advanced Technology in the Humanities is working to develop a centralized platform and eventually will supplant Hellman's homegrown website devoted to the effort.
About a third of the state's sites are in Hampton Roads.
There are a handful of recognizable names, such as Bay Shore and Norfolk's Attucks Theatre, then called the Booker T. Theatre.
But a majority of the sites are not big and flashy. They were simply everyday businesses where someone could grab a bite or spare tire.
Ye Single Inn, for example, was a restaurant in Phoebus in the late 1930s, according to Hellman's research. Google the name, though, and nothing appears but for the Green Book's rosters. A barber shop now sits in its place.
Pearlie's Restaurant on Jefferson Avenue in Newport News is one of the few surviving joints, though at the time of its listing in 1939-50 it was listed as Tavern Rest.
Many are simply houses that were listed as "tourist homes," where owners rented rooms to people passing through.
A page from the 1947 "Green Book" listing businesses in Virginia. (New York Public Library Digital Collections)
In traveling to various sites, Hellman said she often meets people who have no idea of the history hidden in the buildings in which they live, work or pass by daily.
"A lot of it is educational, and awareness," she said. "The fact these sites existed, and the fact they had to exist — I want people to be aware of that."
She's runs into issues with changed addresses, or general locations with no specific address, like a Sportsman's Restaurant & Motel in Portsmouth listed simply as "on Route 2."
And many buildings already have been torn down.
By their very nature as spaces devoted to Black communities, they were more vulnerable to neglect by city leaders more interested in preserving white history.
Louis Nelson, vice provost for academic outreach at the University of Virginia's School of Architecture, said that's a large part of why the university got involved with Hellman's project.
The field of historic preservation, including at U.Va., has historically "done a great job elevating the stories of white people." It's time to catch up and tell everyone's stories, he said.
"Historic preservation has often been used by white communities as a weapon," Nelson said.
The development of the interstate, for example, often ran through Black neighborhoods in order to preserve white ones.
His goal for the "Green Book" documentation project is not only to educate the public, but provide resources for historic preservation offices across the country, so they have the proper information when making policy decisions or drawing up historic districts.
"Part of this is not just to preserve individual 'Green Book' sites but to see where important Black communities operated in their states" that may have since been leveled or gentrified, he said. "This is an important means by which we can reinscribe Black history."
Robinson still lives in Richmond where he runs a small cleaning company, but travels to Hampton often. He's not involved with the Green Book project, but works to preserve Bay Shore history in his own way.
He started digging into Bay Shore in 2013, when he attended a Hampton History Museum event about Buckroe. During a Q&A session, someone asked, "What about Bay Shore?"
The guest speaker responded, "Oh, that was just a little place for the coloreds."
Robinson was stunned. "We're still 'colored' in 2013."
And a "little place?" Robinson thought. "It was mighty large to me."
That sent him on a research journey through the Hampton University archives. (Bay Shore Beach was originally opened in 1898 when a group from the university's precursor, the Hampton Institute, pooled its money to buy a recreation spot for students, according to Pilot archives.) He now holds an annual Bay Shore event at the museum.
Young people are often shocked to learn about the fence that divided the beach between Black and white people, Robinson said.
"Without this (Green) book and the businesses that appeared in it, we could not impress upon the younger generations of today the freedoms that they enjoy this very moment," he said.
Now, he said, anyone can head to a beach day over in Virginia Beach or down in Nags Head.
"You can walk in the sand, eat at the restaurant, sleep in a room. That freedom was not afforded to (Black) ancestors, less than 60 years ago," he said. "Young people need to understand: do not take the freedoms you have today for granted."
You can find more information, including a map of all the Virginia sites, at www.virginiagreenbook.com. You can also find archived versions of the "Green Book" in the New York Public Library's Digital Collections.
Katherine Hafner, 757-222-5208, katherine.hafner@pilotonline.com


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Categories: eCommerceJobsLegalManagementMarketingRegulation
Judge Dismisses Amazon Coronavirus Safety Lawsuit
Image credit: Amazon
Amazon has scored a legal victory in New York over its troubled Staten Island warehouse, that has been at the centre of Coronavirus controversies.
A staff lawsuit against Amazon over its alleged lack of Coronavirus protection for warehouse workers at the Staten Island facility has been dismissed by a US District Judge.
It comes after Amazon last month revealed that nearly 20,000 staff have been infected by Covid-19. That said, the e-commerce giant has undertaken a large number of steps to protect its workforce during the pandemic.
Staten Island Facility
For example, the firm built its own Coronavirus testing labs to monitor the health of its staff back in April, when the pandemic was raging around the world.
Amazon also implemented other anti-pandemic measures including taking the temperature of staff upon their arrival at work and spraying disinfectant on work stations.
Yet criticism has persisted, particularly about cleanliness in warehouses, and working conditions.
Amazon made headlines this year when fired a warehouse worker in its Staten Island (New York), for reportedly breaking quarantine rules at the firm.
Christian Smalls was fired after he had helped organise a walk out at the location (another took place in Detroit) in protest at Amazon's alleged lack of protection of the workforce during the pandemic.
That prompted five US senators to send Amazon chief Jeff Bezos a letter demanding more information on the firing of Christian Smalls.
Lawsuit dismissed
Into this heady mix comes the news that a lawsuit against Amazon over an alleged lack of Covid-19 protections at its Staten Island facility has been dismissed by a US District Judge.
According to CNN, the lawsuit had been filed in June this year, and it alleged that Amazon had erected "a façade of compliance" to meet public health guidelines while simultaneously pressuring employees to report to work under unsafe conditions.
But the US Judge Brian Cogan said the issues should be raised with the US Labor Department's Occupational Safety and Health Administration.
In his decision, he wrote that the workers' claims and proposed injunctive relief "go to the heart of OSHA's expertise and discretion."
"This case concerns state and federal guidance addressing workplace safety during a pandemic for which there is no immediate end in sight," he was quoted by CNN as writing. "Regulating in the age of Covid-19 is a dynamic and fact-intensive matter fraught with medical and scientific uncertainty."
"There is room for significant disagreement as to the necessity or wisdom of any particular workplace policy or practice," Cogan added. "Courts are not expert in public health or workplace safety matters, and lack the training, expertise, and resources to oversee compliance with evolving industry guidance."
Devastating decision?
But his verdict was described as "devastating" by the plaintiffs lawyers.
"The Court's decision to grant Amazon's motion to dismiss the claims of workers at the company's JFK8 facility is devastating for the health and safety of Amazon workers nationwide," said the legal team for the plaintiffs, Make the Road New York, Public Justice, Terrell Marshall Law Group, and Towards Justice, in a statement to CNN Business.
"The Court's deference to the Occupational Safety & Health Administration should be very concerning to anyone who cares about the health of American workers, given that OSHA has been virtually AWOL throughout this crisis," they added.
The team said they are weighing an appeal of the decision.
And Amazon insisted it was doing all it could to protect its workforce during the pandemic.
"Nothing is more important than the health and safety of our employees, which is why at the onset of the pandemic we moved quickly to make more than 150 Covid-19 related process changes," Lisa Levandowski, an Amazon spokesperson, told CNN in a statement. "And, we continue to innovate, learn, and improve the measures we have in place to protect our teams."
Tom Jowitt
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