text:
Founder Editor in Chief: Octavian-Dragomir Jora ISSN (print) 2537 - 2610
ISSN (online) 2558 - 8206 Contact Editorial Team RAFPEC The Idea
No. 21, Jan.-Feb. 2020Issued every two months
TheMarketForIdeas
IDEAtorial
AntiSinTHESES
BUSINESSance
CasusBelleARTE
ecON/OFFice
EVENTureland
DiploMATTERS
BOOKracy
TheFILEstarters
KNOWlegacy
ToBeContinued
UNCOVERstory
UNI(di)VERSITY
THE AGE OF COMMUNITY SCHISM
FOR BREXIT PRESS ENTER
Romania's Anti-Communist Straussianism
Bogdan C. Enache
The decision of the Bucharest Court of Justice on Friday, September 20th 2019, to uphold the verdict issued in May by the National Council for the Study of the Archives of the "Securitate" (CNSAS) regarding former President Traian Băsescu's collaboration with the Communist regime's secret police has been received with a sense of avenged satisfaction on the part of his long-time critics and adversaries. This was doubled by a feeling of avowed surprise on the part of his most loyal and ardent supporters. Neither of these opposite attitudes is however justified by a careful analysis of the country's recent politics.
Friends' and foes' feelings
Although Băsescu has appealed the decision at the High Court of Cassation and Justice – known officially as the Supreme Court of Justice before 2003 – and there is some scope for hair splitting CNSAS' verdicts, the facts are pretty clear and cannot be changed: as a naval cadet, young Traian Băsescu informed under the alias "Petrov" to the Department of State Security, colloquially known as Securitatea, that two of his colleagues were planning to leave the country, which in those times obviously meant derailing their careers and making their life in Romania not only permanent but also miserable.
When Communism imploded and the difficult transition to capitalist democracy began, there were two conflicting societal options for managing the process. The first was oblivion and amnesty for whatever wrongdoings happened up to that point and the other was remembrance and lustration of the political personnel involved. At first sight, the conflicting options overlap squarely with the (neo)communist-anti-communist camps, but, in reality, things proved to be a lot muddier.
All over Central and Eastern Europe, the fall of the totalitarian Communist regimes has generated a political cleavage between (former) Communists and anti-communists which, 30 years on, still polarizes public opinion, although it has become considerably muted. Unlike in Russia, where Communism lasted longer and marked an infant society under the Czarist autocracy more thoroughly, the fall of the regime in these countries generally brought to the fore the victims and various organized opposition groups which the former Communist elites, who continue to retain considerable power, could not ignore. These victims and opposition groups did more than simply delegitimize the former regime as such, which had gained the support and affection of a significant section of the working class population it nurtured, as shown by the recurring nostalgia for the job security and social stability of that era during times of economic stress. They also delegitimized or tried to delegitimize the former Communist elites, who were busy reinventing themselves as democratic politicians, technocrats and capitalist businessmen, thus reproducing their preeminent status from one regime into the next. Whence the moral and emotional charge of the revelation that Romania's first President who unequivocally condemned the Communist regime as "criminal and genocidal" was himself involved with its most repressive institutions.
In the view of Traian Băsescu's most prominent critics – mostly historians gathered around The Romanian Institute for Recent History (IRIR), who hinted at unconfirmed rumours regarding Băsescu's collaboration with the Securitate since the middle of 2000 –, he was no less a man of the past and no less corrupt than the former Communist left-wing politicians he took aim at; a man with a dictatorial mindset and extraordinary versatility who embodied a neoconservative right-wing populism. His supporters, on the other hand, who are mostly philosophers among the Romanian intelligentsia, saw in his rough manners and socialist political career useful qualities to succeed against the "neocommunist" political "system" which, by his own admission, defeated the only previous right-wing Romanian President, Emil Constantinescu.
The (re)call of duty
The Communist regimes had a gigantic and multilayered bureaucratic apparatus specialised in enforcing conformity, ideological loyalty, propaganda and repression which involved millions of people in all aspects of their life. In Romania, for instance, around half a decade passed since CNSAS was established in 1999 for its board members to access classified Securitate files and settle on a new "nomenklature" of personal responsibilities for communist regime misdeeds: informant, collaborator, officer etc. Given the scale of the human effort involved, even some dissidents turned out to have sometimes collaborated with the Communist regime's repressive institutions at one point or another, informing on fellow dissidents, friends and even family. As efforts to make the past clearer turned it murkier, even highly celebrated anti-communists such as the Polish intellectual Adam Michnik turned against lustration, in apparent agreement with the former Communist elites who argued that probing into the past fosters disunity, conflict and… injustice in the present.
The use of the national security apparatus – with all the Communist-era bad reputation and questionable democratic control that still surrounds it – to address grave social problems, such as corruption broadly defined, was not Băsescu's invention, but a practice dating from the late 1990s, when in the mind of the Liberal elite it became a top-down way to correct what more transparent but weak ordinary police and judicial institutions failed to do in the chaos of the political transition, thus perpetuating in a way some Communist-era institutional routines and more general structural shortcomings of the Romanian centralized state.
Although Băsescu was an unbearably controlling type of personality, who live-called – and still does, now as a Member of the European Parliament – TV hosts whenever his name came up on the screen, and his party did try to cut corners whenever institutional rules put him at a disadvantage and pack independent institutions with loyalists whenever the opportunity arose, he was a far cry from the Putin analogy his Social-Democratic adversaries and – after 2007, in particular – Liberal former coalition partners made use of with too much liberality. Unlike Putin, who always had Medvedev as "Mini-me" by his side, in his ten years as President of Romania, Băsescu – despite his efforts to turn the presidency into a government oversight office – had to share power most of the time with a reluctant or hostile Prime Minister of a different party. His most controversial decisions, such as declaring the politically involved big business-owned press a national security liability, were indeed pushed through exceptional, though constitutional, institutions like the Supreme Council for the Defence of the Country (CSAT), where army generals and intelligence agency chiefs have an equal seat with Government Ministers at the table. However, the use of the national security apparatus – with all the Communist-era bad reputation and questionable democratic control that still surrounds it – to address grave social problems, such as corruption broadly defined, was not Băsescu's invention, but a practice dating from the late 1990s, when in the mind of the Liberal elite it became a top-down way to correct what more transparent but weak ordinary police and judicial institutions failed to do in the chaos of the political transition, thus perpetuating in a way some Communist-era institutional routines and more general structural shortcoming of the Romanian centralized state. True, Băsescu's brand of Western, or more precisely American-oriented, nationalism and steady support for George W. Bush's war on terror, which included the deployment of Romanian troops in both Afghanistan and Iraq as well as American resupply bases near the Black Sea, revitalised old Securitate-linked cadres and infused them with a new sense of purpose, medals on top, something that can be justified – even if not accepted from somebody who condemned Communism in such clear and harsh terms – by a policy of Machiavellian national interest which he also purported to embody. But, although such a thing cannot be excluded, there is currently no proof other than speculations that he used these secret services systematically and in a biased, around the law, manner against his internal adversaries in politics and big business as well, as many of them claim.
"Good behaviour" certificate
Then and now, the two failed attempts to impeach Traian Băsescu, in 2007 and 2012, appear groundless, hypocritical, and even comical as formulated, no matter how unpleasant and, in a very real sense, unfit his personality might have been for the office he occupied. They have polarized the country, since the procedure called for a popular referendum, weakened its institutions and – in light of the outrageous populism that followed Băsescu's second term – offered no better alternative, but augured something worse: Trump-style "neocommunist" populism. Băsescu's active attempts to "presidentialize" the government, particularly after the governmental coalition between his former (socialist) Democratic Party and the National Liberal Party of Prime Minister Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu began to unravel, were mostly the result of a forceful use of Article 87 – which allows the President to chair Government meetings particularly when foreign and defence policy is discussed – and Article 86 – which grants the President the power to confirm the appointment of individual Ministers when there is a Government reshuffle – of Romania's 1992 Constitution, although his team of advisors tried in Gaullist fashion to turn the Presidency into a sort of Executive brain, with commissions analysing and writing strategies doubling almost every Ministry.
In reality, Traian Băsescu, leader of the junior party in a new two party centre-right coalition, was thrust into the presidential race precisely because he was the opposite of a President like Emil Constantinescu whom Theodor Stolojan – minus his Communist "technocratic" career – could only duplicate: well-educated, politically or ideologically clean, but highly ineffective in reforming an administration still run by former Communist personnel and routines probably to a much higher degree than Romania's North-Western neighbours.
None of this was new in Romania's postcommunist political practice, however, but it was a little out-of-step with the 2003 constitutional revision, which aimed however ambiguously to temper the weak semipresidential aspect of the regime set-up by Ion Iliescu. Although several of Băsescu's relatives (brother, older daughter, nephew, son-in-law… even presumed paramour and fellow politician Elena Udrea) were charged and even condemned for corruption and other misdemeanours, Băsescu himself – unlike many of his adversaries – was not found guilty of a crime, despite considerable efforts and a long trial to make him responsible for irregularities in the privatisation and disappearance of Romania's communist-era commercial fleet in the early 1990s, then one of the world's largest. He was obviously guilty of nepotism in mobilising his party to elect his youngest daughter, Elena Băsescu, as a pale and falsely independent Member of the European Parliament (MEP), but unfortunately no statute condemns electoral nepotism in Romania. The 2012 charge, in the aftermath of Romania's Crisis-required austerity measures, that he impoverished the people and led the country to ruin were obviously nonsense and economically illiterate, since the political responsibility for the pre-Crisis policies that led to the 2010 austerity measures was shared with his adversaries and the spending cuts did at least prevent a Greek-style sovereign debt crisis. Finally, the lustration law which was adopted in 2012 by Băsescu loyalists was such a sham that, even if back then the public would have had proof of his Securitate collaboration instead of a 2004 CNSAS certificate of good behaviour, no sanction could be applied to elected leaders and it is doubtful that this blatant lie constitutes perjury in Romanian jurisprudence.
As a famous character in Giuseppe di Lampedusa's novel The Leopard put it best, if things were going to stay the same, things now had to change.
Nevertheless, from a moral standpoint there is responsibility for Băsescu's failings, Securitate collaboration included, and that responsibility lies primarily with the close-knit group of people who promoted him, supported him, advised him and backed him up at critical points in his 10 years as President. These ardent supporters, who now claim naiveté or even deception regarding Băsescu's Securitate entanglements, can hardly be more credible than the Putin-analogy group in their public interpretation of events. In 2004, when, a few months before the elections, Băsescu replaced in a surprise move Theodor Stolojan, a Communist era technocrat, as presidential candidate of the "Truth and Justice Alliance" and then in 2007, when the Liberal-Democrat alliance broke-up, they knew exactly who they were getting, CNSAS stamp of approval or not. True, back then, when the CNSAS was still in its infancy, Băsescu obtained a certificate of good behaviour under Communism, but, given incomplete archives and the Communist practice of destroying Securitate files for those who acceded to party positions, speculations continued.
Majores terrae
In 2004, Băsescu was the acting Mayor of Bucharest, viciously obstructed by the Social Democratic Government of former Communist Adrian Năstase, marred by accusations of corruption, who had a majority in the City Council and controlled the lower, sectoral, level mayoralties in the capital, which only succeeded in making him really popular, particularly among the young voters. As the leader of the Democratic Party (PD) – a reformist faction of the "neocommunist" National Salvation Front (FSN) of 1990-1992, which he took over from Petre Roman in a sort of party-coup organised behind the congress hall scenes –, he was up to that point viewed with suspicion by anti-communist political and intellectual circles, some of which even blamed him for the break-up of the National Democratic Convention (CDR) "anti-communist" government of 1996-1999, in which he was Transportation Minister, and thus for the failure of that centre-right coalition and in particular for the disappearance from Romanian parliamentary politics, after 2000, of what seemed until then as the most anti-communist of all the anti-communist revived parties: the National Christian-Democratic Peasant Party (PNȚCD).
Politics is for him an inescapable passion he theorizes intimately at length, a well-to-do man's privilege as well as duty and true nature, pretty much in the sense of the Ancient Greeks.
In reality, Traian Băsescu, leader of the junior party in a new two party centre-right coalition, was thrust into the presidential race precisely because he was the opposite of a President like Emil Constantinescu whom Theodor Stolojan – minus his Communist "technocratic" career – could only duplicate: well-educated, politically or ideologically clean, but highly ineffective in reforming an administration still run by former Communist personnel and routines probably to a much higher degree than Romania's North-Western neighbours. The man who arranged it all and who stood by him throughout his Presidency, former National Liberal Party (PNL) Chairman Valeriu Stoica, negotiated in 2001 a controversial parliamentary agreement with Năstase's Social Democrats in the name of preserving democracy against the anti-system Greater Romania Party (PRM), which won second place in the previous year's elections. When the agreement was signed, PNL was officially chaired by Mircea Ionescu-Quintus – a man who served several years in labour camps during the early days of Communism, but later it turns out he became a Securitate collaborator – and was the only parliamentary political force left which did not originate from Communist organisations, having gained around 7% of the vote. On the occasion, however, Stoica – a very successful lawyer, now owning one of the largest and most exclusive law firms in Bucharest; a former CDR Minister of Justice; and, less known, a judge during the last decades of Communism – also declared intransigent anti-communism dead. Clearly, at this point Valeriu Stoica no longer believed – to the extent that he ever believed – that the early 1990s anti-communist political program formulated by former political prisoners, dissidents and exiled Romanians, which included the restoration of the constitutional monarchy and the uncompromising lustration of former Communists, could be or was really worth putting into practice. But, in 2003, Băsescu, with whom he negotiated the D.A. ("Truth and Justice") Alliance, presented Stoica with an opportunity for something different. As a famous character in Giuseppe di Lampedusa's novel The Leopard put it best, if things were going to stay the same, things now had to change.
Loyal lawyer
Among Romanian political leaders, and Liberal political figures in particular, of the last three decades, Valeriu Stoica, quite an inconspicuous figure in an otherwise circus-like environment, is often overlooked, but his behind the scene political influence is quite extraordinary. By age, profession and career, he is very much like Adrian Năstase, Romania's ambitious Social-Democratic Prime Minister between 2000 and 2004, whose presidential aspirations he thwarted with Traian Băsescu's election. As in the case of Năstase, politics is for him an inescapable passion he theorizes intimately at length, a well-to-do man's privilege as well as duty and true nature, pretty much in the sense of the Ancient Greeks, but, unlike Năstase, he does not relish the everyday personal exercise of power. Or if he did, he never really showed it. Among fellow PNL members (a party which he is believed to have saved in 1999 and 2000, when he pulled it out of the CDR coalition with PNȚCD, and whose rise to power in 2004 he masterminded), he was never really popular and, in fact, he entered into sharp disagreement with the more business-oriented Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu, the new Liberal Prime Minister, and his friend Dinu Patriciu, although he was credited as a very able political strategist. If the microcosmos of the Romanian postcommunist political elite were Ancient Athens, one can picture Valeriu Stoica more in the role of Plato concerned with the "big things" than in the role of one of the Thirty Tyrants, although he will not hesitate to take the stage, advise or support them as long as they move the polity closer to his ideals of political perfection. And, like Plato, Stoica built his own sort of Academy: a network of benefactors, intellectuals and public opinion shapers who share his views or, at any rate, act as such since it is not always easy to identify the direction of causality, and who, in various settings, will back his political choices and narrative every step of the way.
As for Băsescu himself, he actually hinted candidly at an admission of guilt during the live debate of the 2004 electoral campaign, when in a much commented and sibylline scene he turned towards his opponent Adrian Năstase at the end and declared that it is a curse for Romanians to still have to choose between… two Communists!
Like every self-avowed Romanian Liberal, Valeriu Stoica professes admiration for the legacy of the Brătianu family, modern Romania's "second dynasty", and he personally got involved in the ongoing reconstruction of I.C. Brătianu's monumental statue in Bucharest's University Square to show for it, but his "followers" at least like him more in the role of Petre P. Carp, Ionel Brătianu's Conservative rival in the years leading up to World War One. This analogy fits better with his critique of the narrow-minded, "elitist", corrupt or even immoral, business-interests vehicle kind of liberalism that Tăriceanu and Patriciu wanted for PNL after his attempts to promote a fusion between PD and PNL failed and he was excluded from the Liberal Party for supporting Băsescu in 2007. But his simulacrum of the ancient Junimea Society – modelled more on American political patronage and pressure networks his godson Paul-Dragoș Aligică is intimately familiar with than on the original 19th century Romanian intellectual club and composed of various politicians, public officials, professors, writers, editors, journalists and so on, inside as well as outside the country – is no less "elitist" or sectarian and no less a political vehicle than the value-voided money and power interests he purportedly abhors, even though it finds strategic value in superficially catering to folk wisdom. In politics, there are rarely any disinterested Maecenas.
Sailing in dark waters
In the thought of the neoconservative political philosopher Leo Strauss, history is irrelevant for politics, because the issues that political action has to confront are engrained in the permanent and eternal aspects of human nature. From this perspective, there is absolutely no contradiction or tension in the fact that a former Communist, even Securitate collaborator, would condemn Communism if political rationale requires it, just as Strauss could find agreement between what most accounts would describe as irreconcilably opposing political thinkers. This is all the more the case if the person in question has achieved a true understanding of politics along the way.
Given Valeriu Stoica's pretty standard career for the Romanian postcommunist political elite and the breadth and knowledge of the group he assembled, invoking ignorance regarding Traian Băsescu's collaboration with the Securitate is hardly credible. During the communist regime, practically everyone who went to a Western country had to face the Securitate. This was all the more relevant for a privileged category of people within domains of national interest like that of maritime, long-distance, sailors, who by profession had to interact with Western countries. Even their training was done in an institution which, then, as now, is militarized and, even if they follow the civilian track, could and can be mobilized if need be as navy reserve. But Traian Băsescu was not just any maritime sailor. He was the relatively young captain of Romania's largest ever oil tanker in the aftermath of the Arab oil crisis. Loyalty to the regime on his part had to be assured almost by definition, lest the regime would risk an embarrassing defection and asylum request in a foreign port. The notes that he gave to the Securitate agents regarding the plans of a colleague to leave the country on the basis of which he was declared a Securitate collaborator by CNSAS amount precisely to a test of regime loyalty which was an absolute requirement, not an exception, for persons in his position. Consequently, the best that this group of staunch supporters can claim – which counts among its ranks people such as the philosopher, book publisher and self-confessed victim of Securitate surveillance Gabriel Liiceanu; writer, philosopher and former CNSAS Board Member in the early 2000s Horia-Roman Patapievici; or the Romanian-born American expert on Romanian communism Vladimir Tismăneanu – is not deception or betrayed trust, but self-deception. And this is very much a charitable interpretation of the facts. As for Băsescu himself, he actually hinted candidly at an admission of guilt during the live debate of the 2004 electoral campaign, when in a much commented and sibylline scene he turned towards his opponent Adrian Năstase at the end and declared that it is a curse for Romanians to still have to choose between… two Communists!
The postcomunist anti-communist Communist
In the thought of the neoconservative political philosopher Leo Strauss, who is not an unknown reference to Valeriu Stoica and the many philosophers in his group, history (and even the little history that is biography) is irrelevant for politics, because the issues that political action has to confront are engrained in the permanent and eternal aspects of human nature. From this perspective, there is absolutely no contradiction or tension in the fact that a former Communist, even Securitate collaborator, would condemn Communism if political rationale requires it, just as Strauss could find agreement between what most accounts would describe as irreconcilably opposing political thinkers. This is all the more the case if the person in question has achieved a true understanding of politics along the way. Neither is it immoral in any sense to conceal any compromising detail that might derail his political mission, as democratic ethics might require, since most people are not actually equipped to opine on such matters political and this kind of knowledge in the wrong hands can produce more harm than good for the polity as a whole.
Neither is it immoral in any sense to conceal any compromising detail that might derail his political mission, as democratic ethics might require, since most people are not actually equipped to opine on such matters political and this kind of knowledge in the wrong hands can produce more harm than good for the polity as a whole.
Thus, Băsescu's ascension to the Presidency, which at first sight amounts to a usual case of political pragmatism, hypocrisy and even cynicism treading over principles, constituted in reality a huge and deliberate political and ideological transformation of the Romanian postcommunist right, which Stoica correctly identified as moribund since 2001 and lacking any direction. He wanted a President and a political force that would deliver what Constantinescu and the CDR Government he served in could not before the window of opportunity closed and Romania would be left in the grey area alongside former Soviet republics like Ukraine: anchoring Romania in the American security space and in the European Union's institutional structures. In 1996, Constantinescu and practically all of the CDR leaders bet on the left-liberalism of the American Democratic Party, but other than a consolation visit by Bill Clinton to Bucharest in 1997, they got nothing from the United States. George W. Bush's "war on terror" now offered an opportunity for the former, while Western European countries were not yet experiencing enlargement fatigue and could still entertain the latter. Băsescu was, at that point in time, judged to be the man fit to steer the ship in this direction and – for the higher good of the country, as it were – all other Romantic and purist considerations regarding the past or the future had to be subordinated to this goal. The Romanian right, in the view of Stoica and his friends, had to get on board the neoliberal and neoconservative popular right before the train left the station instead of continuing its petty, provincial and outdated divisions and concerns.
…a President and a political force that would deliver what Constantinescu and the CDR Government he served in could not before the window of opportunity closed and Romania would be left in the grey area alongside former Soviet republics like Ukraine: anchoring Romania in the American security space and in the European Union's institutional structures.
What Valeriu Stoica did not anticipate, however, was the fierce backlash against Traian Băsescu's style of leadership and against his proposed grand presidential centre-right party modelled on Anglo-Saxon examples from the part of his PNL rival, namely Prime Minister Călin Popescu Tăriceanu, which dragged on for seven years and in a sense still does. This backlash was not reduced to mutual accusations regarding the betrayal of principles, of anti-communism or of true liberalism. It often took the form of a quasi-conspiracy theory regarding a hostile takeover engineered by a group of Romanians from abroad and their contacts in various foreign governments and international institutions under the auspices of the foreign intelligence service (SIE), which was prolonged inside the country through a bias fight against corruption orchestrated by the National Anticorruption Directorate (DNA) in collaboration with the internal intelligence service (SRI). After Băsescu left office and the new PNL-backed President Klaus Iohannis – initially a candidate of the anti-Băsescu and anti-Liberal-Democratic Party (PDL) coalition – refused to support Tăriceanu's and Dragnea's Social-Democrats' plans to roll-back the anticorruption institutions, this quasi-conspiracy theory became known as the "parallel state" theory, which claims that there is a state within the Romanian state entrenched in the intelligence services, the high prosecutors' offices and other key state offices which follows its own agenda, possibly with outside involvement but in any case beyond the control of democratically elected institutions.
The end?
The majority of the Romanian public still support the fight against corruption and believe in the soundness of the judicial reforms made during Traian Băsescu's two terms as President and in the impartiality of the former DNA Director Laura Codruța Kovesi, recently appointed to head the European Public Prosecutor's Office. But Băsescu, who has become somewhat critical of too much anti-corruption activism, and his ardent group of neoconservative supporters have lost considerable credibility, a loss which the CNSAS' late coming revelations regarding his Securitate collaboration only reinforces. Valeriu Stoica's projected grand united centre-right party – the Liberal-Democratic Party (PDL) – imploded after the 2012 elections and what was left of it was absorbed ironically by PNL, the party it was supposed to consume, which has nonetheless officially turned conservative in international ideological affiliations. Some of the Stoica group's ideas and many of Băsescu's less prominent and younger supporters, including a much discussed network of Romanians from abroad, have jumped-started two new political parties which act as a sort of holding-party: The Save Romania Union (USR) and The Party of Liberty, Unity and Solidarity (PLUS). But the only thing these two new one-party consistently seem to do is to disassociate themselves from the neoconservative ideology of Băsescu and the now defunct PDL to the point that they claim to have no ideology whatsoever or adhere to a vague "macronism", although the link between them is clearly there in the personnel as well as in many of the ideas promoted, like in a father-to-son relationship. Conservatism, it seems, is no longer fashionable or assumed in Romania, except at the small Party of the Popular Movement (PMP), of which Băsescu is now an MEP. Thus, one year before new legislative elections, the Romanian centre-right political space seems to have resolutely reverted to the CDR-era pluripartidism that the Stoica attempts of unification wanted to eliminate, due to the high costs and instability of the coalitions it can generate. But if some aspects of human nature are indeed eternal, this sort of reinvention and multiplication might be just another Straussian ploy.
The Market for Ideas
WISEWIDEWEB
Made in common sense
The Idea RAFPEC Rubrics Writers Dossiers Archives PRIVACY POLICY TERMS OF USE
The Market for Ideas is an essay journal "made in common sense", hosting a community of individuals and a communion of individualities. It is a modest tribute to the ideal of a society of high standards which fosters reasoned debate and principled argumentation.
Copyright © 2016 | The Market for Ideas


Bradlee Dean, kicked out of Walmart.
It's been a rough week for Bradlee Dean. On Friday the gay-baiting minister was universally denounced by just about every state lawmaker who could get near a microphone.
Now it turns out that not only is Dean permanently unwelcome in the state legislature -- he's also banned from the Walmart parking lot.
Dean's You Can Run But You Can't Hide youth ministry was sighted yesterday hosting a fund-raising booth outside the Hutchinson Walmart.
We checked in with Walmart headquarters to ask if they knew they were playing host to a guy who says gay folks should be thrown in jail and has praised religious extremists who execute suspected homosexuals.
Walmart spokeswoman Ashley Hardie said Walmart didn't know -- because the ministry lied to them.
"They registered their request to solicit outside the store using a false name," Hardie said. "As soon as we learned the group's true identity, they were asked to leave."
And just as Kurt Zellers promised "That type of person will never, ever be allowed on this House floor again," Hardie said the ministry's hateful message has earned them a permanent ban from operating on Walmart property.
"Due to their actions towards our customers, we will no longer allow them to solicit outside our stores," Hardie said.
Banned from the big box.
Will the Walmart ban be a setback for Dean? In his ministry's tax filings, Dean claims that his "street teams" raised $446,126 last year, working six days a week. Some have wondered whether operations like the one in Hutchinson yesterday can possibly be pulling in $1,400 a day.
Either way, they won't be doing it at Walmart anymore. There is one place Dean is still welcome, though: the State Fair.


My ecs v2 has just arrived, hurray.
However, I cannot find instructions on how to fit this to an A600. I have the A604n fitted already so I know I'm good to go and could maybe work it out just by looking but would prefer some official instructions.
1. 3 pins on the board were bent. In attempting to straighten them all 3 snapped off.
The Amiga boots and I get a picture out of the VGA connection. All looked well but, after opening a few windows I start to see graphical corruption on the screen e.g. big clumps of random pixels when a new window opens.
To see if the device wasn't happy with one of my other devices I removed my ethernet card and my Furia accelerator and booted from a 2.04 Wokbench floppy. The problem was visible immediately, with the frame around the main workbench screen broekn up with missing pixels and flickering.
The same graphical corruption can be seen through the regula RGB port if the Indivision is connected.
I removed the Indivision and now everything is back to normal.
Breaking off three pins does take some force - the graphical corruption surely comes from a contact problem. If you can't fix that on your end, send the card back and we'll replace the pins.
Please understand that mechanical damages are not covered by warranty.
I'll have to send it back. There is good electrical contact from the indivision to the 604n; I measured it in-situ.
Anyhow, what address should I send it back to? Shall I just include my original order number in the box with it?
I understand I am responsible for paying for it to be fixed.
We only have this one company address - you can find it on the invoice and in the imprint. Please use the original packing, so the product is protected from further damage.
Device works perfectly in my A2000.
Wondering if power was a problem? I did try taking the furia card out to reduce psu burden but it was no better.
TL;DR I don't think the Indivision is faulty so will keep it. Would really like it for my A600 if poss though. Anyone have any thoughts or suggestions?
There's another support case in conjunction with an A600 in the German part of this forum. I'll have to make a test-setup after Xmas to make in-depth tests.
I do remember that ACA500plus customers had trouble with a Gotek drive, but that may really be PSU related - if you have time, please try to remove the Gotek drive and see if there's any difference. To my knowledge, the CPU in there is very low-power, but I don't know about the momentary requirements of the overall circuit and the way that the rest of the design deals with power.
Changed the title of the thread from "Ex's v2 in a600" to "ECS v2 in a600".
Hi...I have the same setup apart from the Geotec drive.....Everything works fine here....Furia...SD2IDE(32gb card)....800x600 16 colours...A604n etc....did you make the "recovery disk" ?
I did. I didn't work properly right out the box though. Has been working fine for days in my 2000 though. I think either my 600 or the 604n is faulty.
have you had your A600 Recapped...?...clean the Edge Connector and push the A604n right in..
Yeah was recapped a month ago. I could check the edge connector yeah. Weird that the 604n otherwise works just fine but I guess the workbench windows are going through chip memory so it makes sense kind of, maybe.
I have a Pal version A600, will this Ecs card work in my NTSC monitor?
The device outputs a vga signal. There is no ntsc or pal in the world of vga as far as I know. You should start your own thread really Tim.
I am currently investigating the problem and also found the cause why I did not find any problems during development: I probably used a different version of the A604n.
The actual cause is a little more complex, but there's a simple fix that you can do: Isolate pin#35 of the Denise-socket from Indivisino ECS V2. On the previous version of the A604n, this was always isolated (no pin there!), but the current versions have the 7MHz pin connected to a signal of the A600 trapdoor port that may or may not carry a 14MHz signal (depending on the board revision and Agnus used on that board). This confuses the current version of the FPGA core.
The easiest way to isolate pin#35 is to modify the socket that goes between the flicker fixer and the A604n. I have snapped a quick picture of the socket with pin#35 removed: I only used a soldering iron to heat up the pin, so it floats in the plastic and can be pushed out easily.
While we are working on an updated FPGA core, this is the recommended solution. It may still be required for some combinations of A600 board and A604n, and I'm happy to do the required mod for customers who don't feel confident enough to do that on their own.
That did the trick! Thanks.
I'm hooked up to a very modern widescreen lcd 1080p display. Some screen modes I can't get quite right e.g. the rightmost and bottom pixels are not displayed no matter how much I change backporch etc. If I were to use a crt super vga or multisync monitor am I likely to achieve better results?


partment of mines and mining.
state convention for the U. S.
location of the veracity which !
brought dishonor upon his !
taken by them of his death. !
ing of a career which might have !
City, and two daughtess, Mrs.
creatures are exterminated or not.
point of their actual disappear .
of these sea birds. "


text:
Sequel To Keanu Reeves Constantine Still A Go
Lyn Francisco | November 10, 2022 |
The 2005 Constantine sequel is still a 'go' starring Keanu Reeves which will also have director Francis Lawrence and writer Akiva Goldsman. We previously reported this September, and the sequel is indeed happening. Furthermore, all three are definitely on board the project. The question now is how is the script coming along? And whether they have a timetable already in place for the production.
The answer: Reeves, Lawrence and Goldsman are actively working on it.
Image: Warner Bros.
In an interview for a separate project, Slumberland, the director Francis Lawrence tells comicbook that the three of them are getting the story right. Not having the script yet is actually a sign they are trying to cover all grounds. At the same time, making sure that the story is right. Lawrence answers:
We don't have a script, but Keanu, me, and Akiva [Goldsman] who all worked on the first one together have all been trying over the years to get another one going. It's been tricky because of the DC/Vertigo world and who owns the character and who has control over the characters, trying to get the right people to go forward. We've got that now and now we need the story. We'd all love to do it.
Apparently, they have been pondering on the sequel for years. Only, as corporate policies go, copyright ownership and distribution rights have been very tricky. Now, after the momentous transition into Warner Bros Discovery and the birth of DC Studios, things are looking clearer. Indeed, the director sounds positive about the progress of the sequel now more than ever.
As for schedule, the only item that is indicative of Reeves' schedule getting more accommodating is him letting go of Devil in the White City. Other than that, Reeves has BRZRKR and Ballerina, which are both in pre-production. Meanwhile, Lawrence is currently filming The Hunger Games: The Ballad of Songbirds and Snakes. Also, his Bioshock is in pre-production. For Goldsman, it's likely that he is simultaneously working on Constantine 2 and the screenplay adaptation of Ringworld for Amazon Studios, Startling and MGM Television.
There is no secret that the new DC Studios mean to be better at listening to fans. Almost immediately, people are already becoming more hopeful in the future projects they are developing. Many positive news about characters and movies they plan to make are making it into online discussion. These very same discussions lead them to get the bigger picture of what the audience wants. And now, everybody wants a revisit to favorites and an introduction of long-favored characters into the big screen.
2005 Constantine is still on HBO Max. The story will continue.
HBO Max's Constantine Initial Story Details
Keanu Reeves Shares Thoughts About John Wick Director In SDCC
James Cameron May Relinquish Helming Avatar 4 And 5

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


So when I started this blog post my ideas was to list and describe all of the necessary things you need to do after a devastating storm. I didn't want to create a laundry list of what you should have done before the storm. At this point, it's too late and maybe in poor taste as folks are trying to get their lives back. Right now, in Houston, we needed something that helped businesses recover.
I spent some time volunteering last week at Common Threads but felt that wasn't enough. Since I am no good with a hammer and my services are rather abstract, I thought that one way I could help was to create a website that will gather various recovery resources that directly benefit businesses.
I created the Hurricane Business Recovery website to collect various government and private resources and donations sites. Things like donating office equipment, shredding destroyed computers, and office space are being offered but not many people know about it.
Shout out to Growthli, a Houston-based co-working and learning center, for all they are doing!
I hope to keep adding local Houston businesses that are doing what they can to help other companies get back to work. If you know of anyone or any company that is donating their time, their business services or is accepting donations on behalf of businesses, please complete this Google form; https://gxweb.site/hurricaneharvey-addabusinesslisting. We'd love to add more!
Wow! This is an extraordinary idea for Houston, and any of the areas devastated by recent natural disasters. Good for you, Christina Hawkins.
Nice idea! Really happy for you Christina. Great hope in the midst of disaster.


The 2017 Victoria's Secret Fashion Show in Shanghai is right around the corner on November 28th, and to prepare, we caught up with VS PINK model Zuri Tibby. The "Angel" is currently in pre-show, prep mode for the iconic runway—Tibby will be walking for her second consecutive year! But before her big trip to China, Tibby made an appearance at West Virginia University for the annual PINK Nation University event.
WVU had won PINK's collegiate competition, beating out 2,000 other schools in three days of competition on the PINK Nation App. In celebration of the victory, PINK created a multi-sensory PINK house with Instagram-ready themed rooms, giveaways, musical performances and a visit from VS PINK models Grace Elizabeth and Zuri Tibby themselves.
Below, Zuri Tibby tells us all about her (rigorous!) fitness routine and her super-simple skincare regime.
What was it like when you got the call that you had been cast in this year's VS Show?
When I got the call that I was in the show again I was SO excited. This year is my second year, but I still have nerves like it was my first!
What did you learn at last year's show that surprised you?
I learned that when you are on the runway it seems like you are on there for way longer than you actually are. I have to remember to pose longer at the end of the runway.
Do you get nervous beforehand?
Of course I get nervous! It's very intimidating knowing that so many people are watching you walk a runway in little clothing. To try and calm down before the show, my friends and I (who are also walking) will huddle for a pep talk to psych each other up.
What is your fitness routine like leading up to the show?
I work out year round so I am generally a healthy person. I work out at Dogpound six days a week and have recently started to go to Cryofuel, which helps regenerate the muscles and burn calories.
What is your day-to-day beauty routine like?
Every morning when I wake up, I wash my face with a Cetaphil Gentle Cleanser and use the Foreo Luna cleansing machine. Then I'll do under eye cooling patches and finish my skin off with Kiehl's Moisturizer. I always wash my face off before bed and in the morning.
What are your winter style essentials?
The VS PINK Date Bra. It goes with everything and my Acne leather jacket and a good pair of black boots.


KARACHI: The general elections scheduled for July 25 will not be election but rather selection because except the party of the 'Ladla', which enjoys "full freedom of electioneering", hurdles are being created for other parties by 'aliens' in carrying out their election campaign.
However, whatever the circumstances, the situation demanded that no one should boycott the elections.
This was stated by PML-N Sindh chapter president Shah Mohammad Shah while addressing a press conference at his house on Friday.
Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party Sindh chapter president Nazeer Jan, who was present at the PML-N leader's house, said that not only their party candidate from NA-249 had withdrawn in favour of PML-N president Shahbaz Sharif, who is also a candidate from the same constituency, but also decided to extend full support to all other PML-N candidates in Karachi.
Mr Nazeer Jan said "in the larger interest of democracy and sovereignty of people, the situation demands that all political parties unite on one platform".
Earlier PML-N Sindh chief Shah Mohammad Shah said that July 25 elections were part of the drama being played in the country for the past 70 years.
He accused Pemra of not allowing media to cover welcome rally of Nawaz Sharif on his arrival from London.
Replying to a question, Mr Shah said that the PML-N did not approve of the division of Sindh in the name of carving out administrative units and termed the demand tantamount to treason.
PML-F leader and information secretary of the Grand Democratic Alliance (GDA) Sardar Abdul Raheem also addressed a press conference at the Karachi Press Club here on Friday.
The PML-F and GDA leader said that they already had expressed their vote of no-confidence in the Sindh caretaker government as there was no difference in the present government machinery and the former PPP rule.
Similarly, he claimed that the election commission was also not discharging its constitutional responsibilities for conducting free, fair and transparent polls in the province.
Sardar Raheem added that until the government machinery became neutral, holding of transparent and fair elections would be impossible.
He claimed that in present situation all deputy commissioners, SSPs, SHOs and patwaris were same who were appointed during the PPP government and they had close ties with the former PPP ministers and leaders and in their presence, fair and free elections were not possible.
He said the GDA through a letter had drawn attention of the chief election commissioner, chief justice of Pakistan and chief justice of Sindh High Court, provincial election commissioner, chief minister, chief secretary and other authorities towards these issues and also wrote a letter on July 9 to all of them in this connection, but to no avail.
Replying to a question, he claimed he had a list of all such officials of Sindh government who were working for the PPP openly.
Similarly most of the assistant returning officers (AROs) who had been taken from the education department included those facing NAB cases, he claimed.
The PML-F leader claimed that the PPP planned to rig the election from postal ballots sent to employees of the health department.
He added that the GDA had massive appeal in Sindh and if fair elections were held, the GDA would form the next government in Sindh.
Imran Khan is the next PM of Pakistan. He s honest, young, hardworking and highly qualified than all the other leaders. Every party is going to loose this elections. The days of looters and gangsters are coming to end. Long Live my Pakistan.
But both PML N&Q are accustomed to unlevel playing field! Where is the problem?


Lay the first wing over another piece of cardboard and cut out a second wing. Cut out the inside of the wings leaving a 1-inch thick outline along the outside edge of the wing. Leave a center cross piece of cardboard at the thickest point of the wing for extra stability.


text:
Meet Peter
About Wills
The Wills Survey
Grants for Wills
Wills Youth Advisory Committee
Pensioners & Seniors Kit
Contact Peter
Arabic Chinese (Simplified) English Greek Italian Nepali Turkish
Peter Khalil MP Discusses Impact of Terrorism on Muslim Australians
Peter Khalil, the Federal Member for Wills spoke on ABC Radio World Today program on Tuesday morning. Mr Khalil said members of the Islamic community in his electorate are already working extremely hard to combat radicalisation.
"There is a degree of frustration there, I think, that they're constantly called upon to do more. They are doing a lot and I see this first-hand in my work with many of the communities in my electorate," said Mr Khalil.
"They're doing everything they can because it's about their struggle as much as our struggle. We're actually in this together."
Mr Khalil said the debate over whether the Bourke Street terrorist acted as a result of radicalisation or mental illness misses the point.
"Radicalisation works on vulnerable people. In many respects, they're the shock troops. Those that have that latent anger, or problems or weaknesses. They are manipulated, they are brought into this perverted definition of Islam and this minority, and then used as the shock troops to conduct that violence"
"As a society we're all responsible for making sure the conditions are right for young people not to fall into the trap of radicalisation and that includes providing them with pathways [like] education, making sure they have a way to feel part of being Australian."
The Federal electorate of Wills has a Muslim population of 9.5%, compared with a Victorian average of 3.3% and a national average of 2.6% according to the Australian Bureau of Statistics.
The full ABC Radio segment including Mr Khalil's interview is available here.
We acknowledge the traditional custodians of the land on which our offices stand, the Wurundjeri People (Coburg) and the Ngunnawal and Ngambri People (Canberra) and we pay our respects to Elders past, present and emerging. We acknowledge the sorrow of the Stolen Generations and the impacts of colonisation on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. We also recognise the resilience, strength and pride of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities.
Authorised by Peter Khalil, Australian Labor Party (Victorian Branch), 1/240 Sydney Road, Coburg
Built by Principle Co.


I planted a Raspberry Bush in April 2011.
The Raspberry Bush was from Home Depot.
This is showing some signs of recovery but its a far cry from what it should be. At least the new growth is fresh and its not dead. With luck this should recover for next year and really start doing what I thought it would and spread prolificly.
As of August 2011 its not done much other than die and start a new shoot which I think got a bit crowded by the weeds. Its got hints of new shoots but its not too exciting. I hope it survives as it cost quite a bit, as did most plants, plus im peckish for raspberries.


text:
Amanda Krupa, MSc
Amanda Krupa, MSc is a nationally-recognized medical writer, editor, and content strategist. For over eight years, she was the lead Editor of HealthyChildren.org at the American Academy of Pediatrics. Her work has also appeared in various national print and digital publications including Parents magazine and PBSKids for Parents. She is a graduate of Boston University's inaugural class with a master's degree in health communication and carries post-graduate certification in medical writing and editing from the University of Chicago. She also holds a bachelor's in English writing from St. Mary's College, Notre Dame. Amanda has three children, who she calls her greatest accomplishments and content inspirations. Follow her on Twitter @amandakrupa.
Latest from Amanda Krupa, MSc
Watch the video: Webinar Understanding Product Category Rules PCR Towards a Practical LCA (January 2023).
Copyright 2023 \ Amanda Krupa, MSc ...


text:
Ian and Esther on the impact of addiction on your relationship
When Esther gets to know Ian, he barely drinks alcohol. But during their marriage he begins to drink more and more and becomes addicted. His addiction has a major impact on Ian and Esther's relationship. They talk about it candidly: "It's truly a miracle that our relationship survived."
"We met for Operation Mobilization in Ghent," says Esther. "We fell in love, but you weren't allowed to have a relationship there, so we kept it a secret. Until we were caught by our team leader. We were not sent away, but we were no longer allowed to live in one house. Then we could openly admit our relationship."
After a few years, Esther and Ian get married in Holland, they are 21 and 24 years old respectively. In England, where Ian comes from, they celebrate a wedding in his congregation. The couple gets along well. The only thing that bothers Esther is that Ian keeps getting drunk at English weddings. "I found it very strange," she says, "because he usually didn't drink much or anything. I thought it was annoying at the time, but a wedding like that only happened once every two years. So I associated it with England and not with everyday life ."
Yet alcohol plays an increasingly important role in Ian's life. "It started with more drinking at parties," recalls Ian, "but it gradually went from parties to drinking alone. It really started after my mother died. She died suddenly in 2004 at the age of 61. It was a real big blow, I had a very good relationship with my mother."
I didn't drink to numb, but just to feel something
Ian says he has problems with his emotions. "I am very flat in my emotions, I have to make a lot of effort to get to my feelings, only anger is easy. I was very happy that I felt something when I drank. So I didn't drink to numb, but just to feel something. I couldn't cry until I had a drink."
"I was very loving at first when I saw him crying," says Esther. "Until at one point I made the connection that he had always been drinking. At one point I felt disgusted seeing him like that."
Ian's alcohol consumption increases and Esther tries to save Ian. "I just wanted him to stop drinking alcohol. And it was my job to see to that. For example, I had to put stripes on the bottle to keep an eye on it."
Consequences of addiction on the relationship
Ian's addiction to alcohol has a major impact on their relationship. Esther: "My trust has been greatly let down. My basic security was gone, I had no respect for him anymore. One minute he was the funny partner, the perfect son-in-law, the funny dad on the soccer field, the talented guitarist. And in the second moment he was drunk in the room. There was also no intimacy anymore, because I no longer had any respect for him." Ian: "I was supposed to be Esther's partner, but it was more like Esther was single with three kids instead of two."
Esther talks about the bottom of Ian's addiction: "Ian was lying on the landing upstairs and our five-year-old daughter stepped over him and said, 'Daddy's drunk again,' as if it was completely normal. That was really the low point for me. I I felt so hopeless, also because I couldn't protect the children from it." This is the last straw for Esther, and she gives Ian an ultimatum.
I thought I could just stop
Ian: "I had no idea how big the problem was. While people around me, even people who were a little further away from me, saw it. I thought I could stop like this. That I could only drink at the weekend, that I could buy alcohol-free beer at home. I had already found so many intermediate solutions, but none of them worked."
Ian is a guitarist and worship leader at the church. "As an alcoholic, I led worship at our church. From the perspective of: none Perfect. My cry to God felt like a cry to a closed sky, a ceiling. I want to say that we prayed and I felt God's warmth and then I was healed. But unfortunately that is not the case."
After Esther's ultimatum, Ian chooses to go to rehab. "The clinic was a very safe environment. I was there for seven weeks. I was very excited to leave the clinic again. There is no alcohol in the clinic, so no temptation. In normal life it is everywhere. When I got home I clung to the AA meetings, I went to a meeting five times a week at first."
Esther then has to learn to trust Ian again: "I knew that eighty percent of addicts relapse in the first year, so I kept a close eye on Ian. Constantly scanning him for signs of a relapse."
Ian: "I've been clean for eleven years now, but I'm an alcoholic. I am very careful about calling myself an ex-addict or ex-alcoholic. I just don't drink anymore."
To trust
When asked how they regained trust, Ian replies: "We're still working on it." Esther adds: "Ian is now drinking non-alcoholic beer again after eleven years. When he suddenly ordered it for my birthday recently, I was shocked. I thought: here we go again, couldn't you have discussed it? I know in my heart, that he won't relapse, but I'm an addiction expert so I know the numbers. It scares me sometimes."
That our relationship survived is truly a miracle
"80 percent of couples are no longer together after such severe addiction, so that we survived is truly a miracle. But we still have couples therapy. We are soulmates, we love each other very much. Although we still have a hard time at times, we know that we really belong together."
You can hear the whole story of Ian and Esther and how their relationship survived in the 'Hart against Hart' podcast. Listen to the episode below.
Categories relationship
Dogecoin Price Prediction – Will DOGE Price Explode Again?
Crypto exchange CEO predicts a Bitcoin price of $40,000 in June this year


text:
Autism and Adults: Finding Independence
By JOHN DONVAN
Life for an Adult With Autism
May 30, 2006 — -- There's been a lot of attention focused on the unexplained swell of children with autism that began in the 1990s and now affects one in every 166 births in the United States.
But there are adults, like Paul DiSavino, who were ahead of that wave.
He was born in 1968 and made it through childhood and adolescence long ago. At age 37, he's well into manhood.
"Adults with autism are adults; they're not just little kids in big bodies," said Dr. Pete Gerhardt at the Organization for Autism Research.
DiSavino has spent his lifetime training hard for the skills most of us pick up with relative ease, such as learning what burns our skin and how to navigate a simple conversation. But despite his achievements, he will always be autistic and will always need a support system.
"He's totally vulnerable," said his mother, Marlene DiSavino. "He's totally naive. He needs to be taught everything."
He's found a place to live his adult life, in a group home in New Milford, N.J., that he shares with other disabled adults.
But places like the group home where he lives -- places that both liberate and shelter an adult with autism -- are still extremely rare. DiSavino waited 10 years to get accepted to the one where he now lives.
"We have a bunch of adults out there, a bunch of adolescents who are turning into adults, a bunch of kids who are eventually going to be adults, who can be contributing, involved but supported members of the community. So let's make that commitment," Gerhardt said.
That, of course, is the challenge. It costs $75,000 a year to give Paul this place in the world. With an estimated 500,000 kids in America with autism who will be adults before long, the commitment to make this possible for all of them will have to be huge.
"World News Tonight" continues its series on autism through Thursday, June 1 at 6:30 p.m. ET.


text:
Q: Regex to not match final group when one group has a match I have data I need to split up in the following format:
22Dec17 DEB ACME 16.27
22Dec17 DEB BIG CO STORE 50.33
123353443
22Dec17 FEE CHARGE NAME 39.91 DR
123434454
22Dec17 DEB NAMENAME 12.91 123.23
22Dec17 DEB NAME 6 91

In the above example, the first two lines of data would be:
22Dec17, DEB, ACME, 16.27,
22Dec17, DEB, BIG CO STORE, 50.33, 123353443
22Dec17, FEE, CHARGE NAME, 39.91, 123434454
22Dec17, DEB, NAMENAME, 12.91,
22Dec17, DEB, NAME, 6 91,

I am using the following regex which mostly works:
([0-9]{1,2}[A-Za-z]{1,3}[0-9]{2}) ([A-Z]{2,3}) ([A-Za-z.,\/& ]*) ?([0-9.]{1,8}[\. ][0-9.]{2})? ?(?:[0-9.]{1,8}[\. ][0-9.]{2})?\n?(?![0-9]{1,2}[A-Za-z]{1,3}[0-9]{2})([0-9A-Z-\/ .]*)

The problem comes when there is a number in the name, like so:
27Dec15 DEB TESCO UPT 123 34.90

This creates the regex result:
27Dec15, DEB, TESCO UPT, 123 34, .97

How can I make this number only match when it is part of last two values? When it is in the format 12 34 or 12.34 only, and know that in 123 34.90 is does not consider 123 34 and .90 parts of that match?
One way would be to force the \n char to be required. I have it optional for now, as otherwise it prevents all matches. Could it be part of the lookahead?
Is the part of the regex that checks if the next line does not contain a date correct? >
\n?(?![0-9]{1,2}[A-Za-z]{1,3}[0-9]{2})([0-9A-Z-\/ .]*)

A: /(\d{0,2}[a-z]{3}\d{0,2})\s([^.]+)\s([\d.]+)[\n]?(\d+\s)?/gi
This regex should get what you're after, demo in the code example. You'll just have to sanitize out the newlines later.
Breakdown:

*

*(\d{0,2}[a-z]{3}\d{0,2})\s match the date block, followed by a space

*([^.]+)\s Get the company name, so any character that isn't ., followed by a mandatory space

*([\d.]+) Get the cost

*[\n]?(\d+\s)? Optionally grab that extra line of digits, if it exists

var teststrs = `22Dec17 DEB ACME 16.27
22Dec17 DEB BIG CO STORE 50.33
123353443
22Dec17 FEE CHARGE NAME 39.91 DR
123434454
22Dec17 DEB NAMENAME 12.91 123.23
22Dec17 DEB NAME 6 91`

var rgx = /(\d{0,2}[a-z]{3}\d{0,2})\s([^.]+)\s([\d.]+)[\n]?(\d+\s)?/gi

console.log(teststrs.match(rgx))

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Supporting Hudson Valley Community College ensures that the college remains at the forefront of higher education in the Capital Region.
Your generous support enables the college to prosper leaving a legacy of academic excellence that future generations will benefit from. Gifts may be designated for a specific purpose or may be given without restrictions.
When you pick up the phone during our 2019 Phonathon and make a donation, you enrich scholarship opportunities for students, purchase vital classroom equipment, provide funding for innovative academic initiatives and curriculum development, support scientific projects and much more.


text:
(-) Report
A New Old Threat
China is once again conducting cyber-enabled theft of U.S. intellectual property to advance its technological capabilities. To combat the problem, the United States should build a multinational coali…
Report by Lorand Laskai and Adam Segal Digital and Cyberspace Policy Program
Using Incentives to Shape the Zero-Day Market
In early 2016, the Federal Bureau of Investigation reportedly paid more than $1.3 million for a software flaw that allowed it to unlock an iPhone without Apple's assistance. The purchase was possible…
Report by Adam Segal Digital and Cyberspace Policy Program
Digital Policy
Holding the Multistakeholder Line at the ITU
The United States heads to the 2014 International Telecommunications Union (ITU) Plenipotentiary Conference in Busan, South Korea, looking to defend its approach to Internet governance. Washington an…
Addressing Cyber Threats to Oil and Gas Suppliers
Overview In this Energy Brief, Blake Clayton and Adam Segal argue that cyber threats to oil and gas suppliers pose an increasingly challenging problem for U.S. national security and economic compe…
Report by Blake Clayton and Adam Segal Digital and Cyberspace Policy Program
Summary Report for the Workshop on Cybersecurity, Foreign Policy, and Business
Introduction In early 2011, the Council on Foreign Relations held a workshop focused on the intersection of cybersecurity, foreign policy, and global business. The program, which included a keynot…
Report by Adam Segal
Energy Innovation
Overview Low-carbon technology innovation and diffusion are both essential aspects of an effective response to climate change. Studying China, India, and Brazil, Michael A. Levi, Elizabeth C. Econ…
Report by Michael A. Levi, Elizabeth C. Economy, Shannon K. O'Neil, and Adam Segal Renewing America
Adam Segal
Ira A. Lipman Chair in Emerging Technologies and National Security and Director of the Digital and Cyberspace Policy Program


text:
Police on track with enhanced computer-use policy
Crack-down on misuse rolls into 2009
Stephen Bell 21 May, 2008 22:00
The new Police code of conduct includes provisions covering misuse of computer systems, but the detail is yet to be completed — with some implementation dates as late as June 2009.
The revised code — drafted in response to Margaret Bazley's 2007 report on Police misconduct — was published last week and immediately came under fire for its lack of provisions referring directly to sexual misconduct.
Allegations of such misconduct were the primary cause of the inquiry that resulted in the Bazley report.
Computer misuse was a minor point of focus (Computerworld, April 9, 2007). In April 2005, a scan of internal Police emails uncovered "inappropriate" images sent, on several occasions, by 351 staff. Twelve of the images, held by 28 people, were classified as legally "objectionable" by the Chief Censor.
Complaints have also been made about alleged staff use of information from Police databases for purposes not relevant to the job.
The code of conduct lists under the heading "Serious Misconduct" "sending or saving inappropriate or offensive emails and/or their attachments, or using the internet or the Police computer system in breach of Police policy", as well as "using any Police databases for an unauthorised or personal purpose".
A more detailed Police list of the status of implementation of the Bazley recommendations says two recommendations (No 41, requiring firm directions on appropriate use with no allowance for "individual interpretation" and No 42, requiring all staff to sign a document saying they have read and understood the directions) were implemented in 2006, while Bazley's investigations were still in process.
However, response to Recommendation 43, "all police officers should be required to acknowledge that they have read and understood any changes to police computer use policies. These requirements should also be fully explained to all recruits during their training," is marked "estimated to complete June 2009".
Currently, officers are required to acknowledge the acceptable use policies every time they log on to the computer system. New recruits, during training "are given a full copy of the policy, which they must read," says the implementation-status list.
"They are led through the basic process of logging in and out of the Police IT systems and application of the policy is discussed using examples. They are required to sign a letter stating they have read and understood the policy."
Claims by employees not to have understood or to have forgotten such requirements have been given weight in employment tribunal hearings, for example one concerning Air New Zealand staff in 2006.
On the Police schedule for future development is "an online facility for Police staff, which will be capable of tracking delivery of online publications and opening of the documents by staff" and "a facility to require each staff member to answer online, a series of questions from the content of the policy or instruction and record that data. This will ensure that staff have read the instructions and understand it."
Against Recommendation 44, on regular reporting of staff internet use, the list records that monthly reporting is in place. Incorporation of this into a broader "early intervention system" is scheduled to be complete by June.
Tags policypolicecomputerSecurity ID


text:
Q: For loop returns undefined variable var formobj = document.h1;
for (var j = 0; j < formobj.elements.length; j++) {
    if (formobj.elements[j].type == "radiobutton" && formobj.elements[j].checked) {
        var wholebase = formobj.elements[j].value;
    }
}

Later in the script, the variable is set to the inner html of a div and is labeled as undefined. Is there a flaw in my for loop?

A: There is no type radiobutton, I think you want type == 'radio'.

A: Your wholesale variable is defined within the inner scope. Once you leave this scope the variable no longer exists. Read about Javascript scope here or here.
You can change your code like this:
var wholebase = null; //<-- declare the variable here
var formobj = document.h1;
for (var j = 0; j < formobj.elements.length; j++){
        if (formobj.elements[j].type == "radiobutton" && formobj.elements[j].checked){
        wholebase = formobj.elements[j].value;
    }
}


text:
Queen Letizia, Charlotte Casiraghi and Queen Rania: Gallery of the week's best royal style
Charlotte Casiraghi made a rare appearance at the LACMA Film and Art Gala this week, dazzling in a navy blue dress designed by Gucci as she mingled with some fashion's elite.
Meanwhile, Queen Letizia of Spain wowed in slim black trousers and a checked top as she received the organizers of solidarity campaign A Toy, An Illusion at Zarzuela Palace. The stylish royal also wowed in a ruby red ensemble during a visit to Portugal later in the week.
And elsewhere, Queen Rania of Jordan sported an elegant purple dress teamed with red and white shawl, as she visited a secondary school in Jordan.
Hello! takes a look back at some of the best royal style of the week...
CLICK ON THE PHOTO BELOW FOR THE FULL GALLERY
Queen Letizia
Queen Rania
The week's best celebrity style: Kim Kardashian, Rita Ora, Jennifer Connelly and more
Unusual and unique celebrity baby names
Queen Máxima of the Netherlands' top fashion moments from her visit to Tokyo and South Korea


text:
Home Photographs Looking north from Bellarmine Hall
Looking north from Bellarmine Hall
Title Looking north from Bellarmine Hall
Photographer Rev. Michael J. Ahern, S.J.
Date as Text 1942
High Resolution http://digital.fairfield.edu/fuhp/hires/PR000036.jpg
Description This photograph was taken looking north from Bellarmine Hall - that is, Bellarmine is behind you (behind the camera). You can see the circular flower bed, sculpted shrubbery and a flagpole in the distance.
Notes Bellarmine Hall, formerly known as Hearthstone Hall because of its many fireplaces, was a forty-four room mansion built in 1920 by Walter B. Lashar, owner of the American Chain and Cable Company. During the Depression, the 105-acre Lashar estate became town property through a tax foreclosure and was up for sale. In early 1942, the Jesuits purchased the property for $62,500. The house was renamed in honor of St. Robert Bellarmine, the sixteenth century cardinal and theologian, and became the first Jesuit faculty residence for Fairfield College Preparatory School. The two tall trees are no longer there, and the sculpted plantings are now much smaller. Also Donnaruma Hall, now seen looking north from Bellarmine, has not yet been built.
Original Format Photographic print; black-and-white; 8 x 10 in.
Digital Specifications These images exist as archived TIFF images and one or more JPEG versions for general use. They were scanned at 400 dpi, 24 bit from the original using an Epson Expression 10000XL scanner.
Identifier PR000036