text:
Kazakhstan becomes toxic graveyard for US diplomacy
The Kazakh Ministry of Health has issued an innocuous disclaimer, denying social media reports about the seizure of a "military biological lab near Almaty by unidentified people."
According to Russia's Tass news agency, social media had speculated that specialists in chemical protection suits were working near the lab as "a leak of dangerous pathogens" occurred.
The carefully worded press release by the Kazakh ministry clarifies: "This is not true. The facility is being protected." Period.
The intriguing report highlights the tip of an iceberg that has implications for public health and holds serious geopolitical ramifications.
Since the late 1990s, when it came to be known that the US was steadily establishing and building up partnerships in biological research with several ex-Soviet republics, Moscow has repeatedly alleged that such cooperation posed a threat to Russia.
These biological research facilities were originally envisaged as part of the so-called Nunn-Lugar Biological Threat Reduction Program to prevent the proliferation of expertise, materials, equipment and technologies that could contribute to the development of biological weapons.
But Moscow suspected that the exact opposite was happening – that in reality, the Pentagon has been sponsoring, lavishly financing and providing technical assistance to these laboratories where "under the guise of peaceful research, the US is building up its military biological potential."
In a sensational statement in October 2018, Major-General Igor Kirillov, the commander of Russia's Radiological, Chemical and Biological Defense Troops, went to the extent of disclosing a discernible pattern of the network of Pentagon labs being located near the borders of Russia and China.
Then-US President Donald Trump and then-Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev shake hands in the Roosevelt Room of the White House on January 16, 2018. Photo: Agencies
US-Kazakh partnership
The US-Kazakh partnership in this field dates back to 2003. Kazakhstan has been an interesting "hotspot" for infectious disease occurrence and surveillance in part because of its history, geography and its diversity of host species. Kazakhstan has maintained infrastructure and a tiered network for infectious disease surveillance since the time of the czars.
The US-funded research projects centered on studies involving select agents including zoonoses: anthrax, plague, tularemia, highly pathogenic avian influenza, brucellosis, etc. These projects funded researchers in Kazakhstan, while project collaborators in the US and UK mentored and guided these researchers to develop and test their hypotheses.
The unassumingly named Central Reference Laboratory (CRL) in Almaty figuring in the Tass report was originally planned in 2013, with the US investing US$102 million in a biosecurity lab to study some of the most deadly pathogens that could potentially be used in bioterrorism attacks.
Rather than locating the new facility in some obscure tract of land in Nevada, the Pentagon deliberately chose a site near Almaty to store securely and study the highest-risk diseases such as plague, anthrax and cholera.
The rationale was that the lab would provide gainful employment to talented Kazakh researchers and get them off the streets, so to speak – that is, discourage them from selling their scientific expertise and services to terrorist groups who may have use for biological weapons.
But the CRL, now operational, is anchored on institutional cooperation between the Kazakh government and the US Defense Threat Reduction Agency under the Pentagon, which is tasked with protecting "US national security interests in a rapidly evolving, globalized threat environment to enable a greater understanding of our adversaries and provide solutions to WMD [weapons of mass destruction] threats in an era of great-power competition."
Many nations have prepared for chemical warfare for decades. Photo: WikiCommons
Why Kazakhstan?
By the way, Germany also has a similar arrangement under the rubric German-Kazakh Network for Biosafety and Biosecurity, which is co-managed by the Bundeswehr Institute of Microbiology (a military research facility of the German armed forces for medical biological defense).
Why is Kazakhstan a sought-after partner? Simply put, the country provides unique access to ethnic Russian and Chinese groups as "specimens" for conducting field research involving highly pathogenic potential biological-warfare agents. Kazakhstan has 13,364 kilometers of borders with its neighboring countries Russia, China, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan.
Is China indifferent to all this? Far from it. Beijing Review featured a report sourced from BBC Monitoring in 2020 conveying China's concerns in the matter. As recently as in November last year, a Russian commentator in Astute News wrote that these bio-labs are virtual Pentagon bases and demanded an international inquiry.
He highlighted that the Kazakh Ministry of Education and Science "now works mainly on Pentagon research programs."
How could Kazakhstan, a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), have gotten away with such conduct? This needs some explaining.
Paradoxically, these biological labs are living examples of something sinister that has been going on that everyone knew and no one wanted to talk about – namely, the extensive penetration of the decadent Kazakh ruling elites by US intelligence.
This penetration has been going on for years, but significantly deepened as the 81-year-old former president Nursultan Nazarbayev's "hands-on" leadership began to loosen and his family members and cronies increasingly began moonlighting (under the patriarch's benevolent gaze, of course) – something akin to the Boris Yeltsin years in Russia.
Sadly, it is a familiar story. The Kazakh elites are notoriously corrupt even by Central Asian standards and have preferred to keep their loot in safe havens in the Western world. Unsurprisingly, they are hopelessly compromised to US intelligence. It's as simple as that.
Russian President Vladimir Putin and then-Kazakhstan President Nursultan Nazarbayev walk along a Caspian Sea embankment while participating in the Fifth Caspian Summit in Aktau, Kazakhstan. Photo: Sputnik / Aleksey Nikolskyi
Moscow watching closely
Most certainly, Moscow sensed that popular disaffection was building up and the ground beneath the feet of Nazarbayev, a close friend of Russian President Vladimir Putin, was shifting.
But it did not – or more likely, would not – interfere, since the US was operating through powerful comprador elements who happened to be the aging patriarch's family members and associates.
Given the clan affiliations in that part of the world, Moscow probably felt it prudent to keep its counsel to itself. An added factor would have been the fear that the US might manipulate the ultra-nationalist forces (as happened in Ukraine) to inflict harm on the vulnerable 3.5 million strong ethnic-Russian minority (18% of the population).
Above all, the fact of the matter is that Nazarbayev cronies held the levers of state power, especially over its security apparatus, which gave Washington a decisive edge.
But things have dramatically changed this past week. Nazarbayev may still have some residual influence, but not good enough to rescue the elite who subserved US interests. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, a low-profile career diplomat by profession, is finally coming into his own.
Two of Tokayev's decisive moves have been the replacement of Nazarbayev as the head of the National Security Council and the dismissal of the country's powerful intelligence chief Karim Masimov (who has since been arrested along with other unidentified suspects as part of a probe into "high treason.")
Indeed, Washington has much to worry about because, at the end of the day, Kazakhstan remains unfinished business unless and until a color revolution can bring about regime change and install a pro-West ruler, as in Ukraine. The current turbulence signified an abortive attempt at color revolution, which boomeranged.
Unlike in Afghanistan, the US Central Intelligence Agency and Pentagon are not in a position to "evacuate" their collaborators. And the torrential flow of events has shocked the Washington establishment.
Kazakhstan is a large country (two-thirds the size of India) and sparsely populated (18 million), and the CSTO forces who moved in are well equipped and led by a tough seasoned general who crushed the insurgency in Chechnya.
The Russian forces have taken with them an advanced Leer-3 electronic warfare system, which includes specially configured Orlan-10 drones, jamming devices and so forth. Borders have been sealed.
The mandate for the Russian forces is to protect "strategic assets." Presumably, such assets include the Pentagon-funded labs in Kazakhstan.
This article was produced in partnership by Indian Punchline and Globetrotter, which provided it to Asia Times.
M K Bhadrakumar is a former Indian diplomat.
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Deadly 2011 Spanish earthquake linked to groundwater drilling
By Philip Bump on Oct 22, 2012
aperiagoA church damaged in the 2011 Lorca earthquake.
Earlier this month, a suburb of Dallas experienced something unusual. Earthquakes. Tiny, subtle earthquakes, but earthquakes nonetheless. It didn't take long for a geologist from the University of Texas to draw a correlation to wastewater wells drilled for nearby fracking. Nor has it taken long to draw similar correlations elsewhere.
It's not only injecting wastewater (well, water mixed with other chemicals, including known carcinogens) into the ground that can result in earthquakes. So can drawing too much water out.
From the Washington Post:
Farmers drilling ever deeper wells over decades to water their crops likely contributed to a deadly earthquake in southern Spain last year, a new study suggests. The findings may add to concerns about the effects of new energy extraction and waste disposal technologies.
Nine people died and nearly 300 were injured when an unusually shallow magnitude-5.1 quake hit the town of Lorca on May 11, 2011. It was the country's worst quake in more than 50 years, causing millions of euros in damage to a region with an already fragile economy.
Using satellite images, scientists from Canada, Italy and Spain found the quake ruptured a fault running near a basin that had been weakened by 50 years of groundwater extraction in the area.
Geologists studying the earthquake note that the fault would likely have ruptured at some other point. The water extraction — and the continuously deeper wells that extraction required — served as a trigger. Earthquakes are about stress relief; fault lines are points of tension between two formations. When they slip past or over one another, an earthquake results.
New Scientist explains why this makes human drilling more dangerous.
[Jean-Philippe Avouac from California Institute of Technology in Pasadena] agrees that stress in the earth's crust has to be released one way or another. But he says human activity — like water extraction — can cause the stress to be released quickly, rather than dissipating slowly over time.
"It's not just that you're advancing an earthquake that would have happened anyway. It's that you're creating more or larger earthquakes," he says.
I'm starting to get the sense that we humans aren't as good at controlling our environment as we like to think.
Thirst for groundwater caused fatal earthquake,
Scientists link deadly 2011 quake in Spain to decades of groundwater extraction,

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
La Nativité est la naissance de Jésus de Nazareth à Bethléem, en Judée. La date de cette naissance a été retenue comme le début de l'ère chrétienne dans le calendrier grégorien. La Nativité est célébrée le 25 décembre par les catholiques et correspond à la fête chrétienne de Noël.

Le mot « nativité » vient du latin nativitas, qui signifie « naissance ». Dans l'art religieux, une « Nativité » est une représentation de la naissance de Jésus sous forme de peintures, sculptures, vitraux et musique sacrée.

Nouveau Testament
Simon Claude Mimouni souligne le fait que, aux , « les récits de Matthieu 1-2, et de Luc 1-2 ne devaient pas être reconnus comme authentiques par tous ». De plus, comme à cette époque, « on ne savait rien de précis sur les origines de Jésus », cette lacune a rendu possible une grande « diversité dans la représentation de la conception et de la naissance de Jésus » dont les apocryphes chrétiens ont gardé la trace. Le même auteur rappelle « l'extrême efflorescence dans la pensée chrétienne quant à l'origine de Jésus », « avant que l'orthodoxie ne vienne unifier ces traditions par la canonisation » des quatre évangiles du Nouveau Testament.

Dans l'Évangile selon Luc, Joseph, accompagné de son épouse Marie, qui était sur le point d'accoucher, est venu à Bethléem afin de s'y faire recenser. N'ayant pas trouvé de place à l'auberge, ils s'installent dans une étable, dans laquelle Jésus serait né. Marie y place son bébé dans une mangeoire à bestiaux.

Dans l'Évangile selon Matthieu, les mages guidés par l'Étoile de Bethléem rendent visite à la Sainte Famille et adorent l'enfant à Bethléem.

Lieu

Hypothèses des historiens

S'il est communément admis que Jésus est un Juif galiléen dont la famille est originaire de Nazareth, le lieu de sa naissance n'est pas connu avec certitude et son historicité douteuse. Les récits des Évangiles de l'enfance relèvent surtout de théologoumènes (affirmations théologiques présentées dans les récits fictifs bibliques comme des faits historiques) de la part des auteurs bibliques qui ont plus une visée doctrinale qu'un souci historique.

Pour la ville natale de Jésus, les historiens hésitent entre le berceau familial de Nazareth, où il passera toute sa jeunesse, le village de Capharnaüm qui apparaît dans les évangiles comme le centre de sa mission, voire la bourgade de Chorazeïn. Le témoignage de Luc et Matthieu sur la ville natale de Bethléem en Judée est contesté car ces deux auteurs évangéliques l'ont probablement choisie pour des raisons théologiques, Bethléem étant la ville du roi David de la lignée duquel le Messie attendu par les Juifs doit descendre, selon la prophétie de Michée.

Évangiles canoniques

L'histoire de la naissance et de l'enfance de Jésus est absente de l'Évangile selon Marc, qui est le plus ancien des quatre évangiles canoniques (écrit vers 70), et de celui de Jean, qui est le plus récent (écrit vers 90-110).

Elle figure, sous des formes différentes, dans les évangiles selon Matthieu et selon Luc, rédigés indépendamment l'un de l'autre dans les années 80.

D'après l'Évangile selon Luc, Jésus est né dans une étable car ses parents n'ont pas trouvé un espace approprié dans la  (kataluma, « salle haute, salle de séjour »), terme qui ne se traduit pas par « hôtellerie », « auberge » ou « relais de caravansérail » mais désigne plus probablement la chambre prévue pour les hôtes, ce qui suggère que la Sainte Famille logeait chez des proches. L'évangile utilise le terme grec , phatnê, traduit en latin dans la Vulgate par  qui désigne l'étable à l'étage inférieur d'une maison israélite ou en plein air dans sa cour (une famille de condition moyenne y abritant la nuit un âne, une vache ou quelques moutons), mais aussi la stalle d'une étable, le râtelier ou la mangeoire selon le principe du pars pro toto. Marie a placé Jésus dans cet endroit probablement attenant à la  sans que l'évangile précise s'il s'agit d'une auge de pierre surmontée d'un râtelier de bois destiné à porter le fourrage des bestiaux comme l'évoquent souvent les scènes de la Nativité. Tout au plus peut-on considérer que l'étable fournissait chaleur et discrétion nécessaires pour un accouchement alors que la chambre d'hôte était pleine ou trop petite. La mangeoire pour les animaux est désignée par le francique *krippia, le latin cripia, d'où est issu le mot « crèche » qui désigne spécifiquement à partir du  la mangeoire dans laquelle le Christ a été déposé à sa naissance.

L'Évangile selon Matthieu () raconte que les mages adorent l'enfant à Bethléem même, dans une oikos (« maisonnée »,  de la Vulgate).

Le récit de la crèche, de l'Annonce aux bergers, de l'Adoration des bergers et des mages ne doit pas faire l'objet d'une lecture littéraliste mais appartient au registre littéraire du merveilleux et à la théologie métaphorique. En effet, les récits de l'enfance de Jésus de Matthieu et Luc « posent de nombreux problèmes littéraires et historiques, tant leur écriture apparaît tardive, relevant plutôt du merveilleux à la manière des récits d'enfance du monde judéo-hellénistique ». De plus, la triple mention de l'enfant « couché dans une crèche » (verset 7, 12 et 16) est un effet littéraire. Outre ce merveilleux, le symbolisme de la crèche ou de la grotte est un rappel du dépouillement et de l'humble cadre du lieu de naissance du Christ, reprenant le motif théologique de la kénose. Enfin, si la Nativité a une dimension festive et joyeuse pour les chrétiens, les évangélistes ont introduit dans ce récit des symboles de la mort prédestinée du Christ : la myrrhe, aromate servant à embaumer les cadavres, désigne l'homme mortel ; l'astre, une conjonction planétaire ou une comète, est souvent perçu comme annonciateur de la mort d'un personnage illustre ; les bergers gardant leurs moutons évoquent l'agneau sacrificiel.

Apocryphes chrétiens

Des récits de la nativité de Jésus se trouvent notamment dans le Protévangile de Jacques, dans l'Ascension d'Isaïe et dans l'Apocalypse d'Adam.

Le thème légendaire de la naissance dans une grotte se développe au , dans le Dialogue avec Tryphon 78,5 de l'apologète et philosophe chrétien Justin de Naplouse, composé vers 160, et dans un évangile apocryphe, le Protévangile de Jacques, également composé au . Selon cette tradition fixée par écrit quelques décennies après la rédaction des évangiles canoniques, au cours du voyage de la Sainte famille de Nazareth à Bethléem, Marie enceinte descend de l'âne pour se reposer auprès d'un point d'eau, dans le village actuel de Bir-el Quadismu (nom arabe signifiant « puits du repos »). Elle n'a pas le temps d'atteindre Bethléem et se rend dans une grotte où Jésus apparaît miraculeusement. Les maisons à flanc de colline pouvaient en effet abriter une étable dans une grotte.

Dans Marie des apocryphes, Enrico Norelli souligne l'importance qu'ont prise dans l'imaginaire chrétien, au sein même de l'Église, des éléments contenus dans un évangile apocryphe comme le Protévangile de Jacques : « l'âge avancé de Joseph ; la virginité in partu [virginité de Marie pendant l'accouchement], absente des textes devenus canoniques mais clairement affirmée ici ; la naissance dans une grotte » ; « alors que d'un côté les autorités ecclésiales rejetaient fermement les apocryphes, de l'autre elles en prélevaient des éléments, passant sous silence leur origine ou les blanchissant via une nouvelle légitimation du récit ».

Un autre évangile apocryphe, l'Évangile du Pseudo-Matthieu du  combine la version de la grotte et celle de la crèche : le voyage des parents est interrompu sur l'ordre d'un ange qui invite Marie à entrer dans une grotte où jaillit une lumière miraculeuse qui resplendit pendant tout son accouchement. Deux jours après la naissance, Marie quitte la grotte, entre dans une étable et dépose l'enfant dans une crèche, le bœuf et l'âne l'adorant. La tradition de l'association de ces deux animaux est probablement une influence intertextuelle des premiers commentateurs chrétiens comme Grégoire de Nysse et Léon le Grand qui rattachent la scène de la Nativité au Livre d'Ésaïe, interprétant le bœuf comme le peuple juif enchaîné par la Loi, et l'âne, bête de charge qui supporte le fardeau de l'idolâtrie, comme les Gentils. La Basilique de la Nativité de Bethléem est d'ailleurs construite au  au-dessus de plusieurs grottes.

Coran
Jésus ne naît pas dans une étable ou dans une grotte, dans le Coran, mais sous un palmier, près d'une source. Selon Patricia Crone, ce récit coranique s'inspire du récit chrétien de la fuite en Égypte (où le palmier peut trouver sa place).

Date

L'année de sa naissance n'est pas non plus connue précisément. Les dates retenues peuvent osciller entre 9 et 2 av. J.-C.. Les évangiles selon Matthieu et selon Luc la situent sous le règne d'Hérode  le Grand dont le long règne s'achève en 4 avant notre ère. L'estimation généralement retenue par les historiens actuels va de 7 à 5 avant notre ère.

Si l'Église catholique et les Églises protestantes célèbrent la Nativité le 25 décembre, les Églises orthodoxes le font selon le calendrier utilisé : le 25 décembre pour le grégorien et le 7 janvier pour le julien avec des Vigiles dès le 6 au soir.

Aucun texte dans les évangiles ne précise la période de l'année où a eu lieu cet événement. C'est le pape Libère qui décide, en 354, que Noël sera fêté le 25 décembre et qui codifie les premières célébrations pour pouvoir assimiler les fêtes populaires et païennes, célébrées autour du solstice d'hiver. Cette nouvelle date est rapidement adoptée en Orient (un sermon de saint Jean Chrysostome l'atteste) et, depuis la fin du , elle supplante la date antique du 6 janvier.

Seule l'Église apostolique arménienne a conservé l'usage ancien de fêter ensemble, le 6 janvier, à la fois la Nativité, l'Adoration des mages et le Baptême du Christ. Le 6 janvier, les Églises d'Orient fêtent aujourd'hui le baptême du Christ et les Occidentaux l'Adoration des mages, événements liés à l'avènement du Christ dans le monde.

Le premier Annus Domini est traditionnellement considéré comme l'année qui a suivi la Nativité : c'est la première année de l'ère chrétienne dans le calendrier grégorien. La circoncision de Jésus (fêtée le  janvier) marque le début de cette année.

Célébrations de l'événement

La christianisation de Noël sous l'Empire romain a conduit à en faire la fête de la Nativité pour les chrétiens. C'est une des fêtes religieuses les plus importantes de l'année liturgique chrétienne. Chaque année, au début de l'Avent (période des quatre dimanches avant Noël), les familles catholiques installent dans leur maison une crèche qui représente la scène. La crèche est le plus souvent retirée en même temps que le sapin après l'Épiphanie début janvier, même si une tradition veut qu'elle demeure en place jusqu'à la Chandeleur. On trouve également une crèche dans chaque église à cette époque de l'année. Les pratiquants vont soit à la veillée de Noël suivie d'une messe de minuit le 24 décembre au soir, soit à la messe du jour de Noël le 25, soit participent aux deux. Dans les pays de tradition chrétienne se perpétuent depuis des siècles les chants de Noël, compositions populaires qui célèbrent la naissance de l'Enfant Jésus et les événements qui l'accompagnent (visite des bergers, des rois mages, etc.).

Représentations

À travers les siècles, la Nativité fait partie des thèmes chrétiens les plus représentés. La sobriété et la symbolique du récit des évangiles sur ce thème ont laissé place à beaucoup d'interprétation pour les artistes.

Les représentations populaires de la Nativité montrent Joseph et Marie penchés sur le berceau de Jésus, entourés d'animaux de ferme (le bœuf et l'âne). L'étable où ils auraient trouvé refuge est, selon l'inspiration des artistes, soit une grotte, soit une grange, voire une interprétation architecturale (Botticelli). Des bergers et leurs moutons arrivent, alertés par des anges.

Les premières fresques des catacombes ayant pour sujet la Nativité datent du milieu du  : dans la catacombe de Priscille, la Vierge allaite son nourrisson. Une peinture murale du  ornant la chambre mortuaire d'une famille chrétienne ayant vécu aux environs de 380, découverte dans les catacombes de Saint-Sébastien à Rome. Une autre mention à la même époque fait référence à une scène peinte sur un sarcophage de la Basilique Sainte-Marie-Madeleine de Saint-Maximin-la-Sainte-Baume représentant l'adoration de l'Enfant Jésus par les rois mages. Mais l'essentiel des représentations remonte en occident au Moyen Âge, tandis qu'en Orient les icônes ont très tôt représenté la Nativité. De très nombreux peintres y ont depuis trouvé leur inspiration.

Musique

Eustace Du Caurroy, 5 fantaisies sur "Une jeune fillette" (1610), premier Noël connu sur instruments.
Heinrich Schütz, Weihnachts-Historie (Oratorio de Noël), 1664 (SWV 435)
Nicolas Gigault, 17 Noëls variés (1682).
Marc-Antoine Charpentier a laissé 9 compositions vocales célébrant la Nativité, respectivement, H.9, H.314, H.393, H.414, H.416, H.420, H.421, H.482, ( H.483 - H.483 a - H.483 b) et 2 compositions instrumentales, H.531 et H.534.
Messe de Minuit H.9 pour solistes, choeur, flûtes, cordes et basse continue (1690)
In nativitatem Domini canticum H.314 pour 4 voix, 2 flûtes, 2 violons et basse continue (1690 - 92)
Canticum in nativitatem Domini H.393 pour 3 voix, 2 dessus instrumentaux et basse continue (1675 - 76)
Pastorale de Noël H.414 pour solistes, choeur, 2 dessus instrumentaux et basse continue (1684)
Oratorio de Noël H.416 pour solistes, choeur, flûtes, cordes et basse continue (1690)
Dialogus inter angelos et pastores Judae in nativitatem Domini H.420 pour solistes, choeur, flûtes, cordes et basse continue (1692- 99)
In nativitatem Domini Nostri Jesu Christi canticum H.421 pour 3 voix et basse continue (après 1699)
Pastorale de Noël H.482 pour solistes, choeur, 2 dessus de violes et basse continue (1683-85)
Pastorale de Noël H.483 H.483 a H.483 b pour solistes, choeur, 2 flûtes, 2 dessus de violes et basse continue (1683-85)
Noël pour les instruments H.531 pour flûtes, cordes et basse continue (1688?)
Noël sur les instruments H.534 pour flûtes, cordes et basse continue (1698)
 Sébastien de Brossard a composé vers 1700 une Messe de Noël (Missa quinti toni).
Nicolas Gigault, 17 Noëls variés
Charles-Hubert Gervais, Suites de noëls, (flutes, hautbois, bassons, violons, basse continue) 1733
Joseph Valette de Montigny, Noël à grand chœur JVM.34 (1730)
Alessandro Scarlatti, Oratorio de Noël  (1705)
André Campra, Oratorio de Noël, Nativitas Domini Jesu Christi (1710)
 Michel-Richard de Lalande, Symphonies de Noël S 130 (1727-36 et 1736-45)
Bernard-Aymable Dupuy a laissé 16 compositions (BAD.044 à BAD.059)
Louis Grénon, Messe en Noëls en si bémol majeur
Jean Sébastien Bach, Oratorio de Noël BWV 248-I à 248-VI (1734)
Nicola Porpora, Oratorio de Noël
Giusppe Valentini, Sinfonia per Santissimo Natales
 Pierre Dandrieu publie vers 1714, un Livre de 42 Noëls pour orgue, certains pour clavecin.
 Michel Corette, sur des thèmes de noëls
 Concerto Spirituel, 1731.
 Pastorale, 1732.
 III Concerto de Noëls, 1735.
 Noëls Suisses, 1737.
 Noël Allemand "Lobt Gott, ihr Christen, alle gleich", 1741.
 Concerto de noëls, 1754, perdu.
 François-Joseph Gossec, La Nativité, Oratorio (1774)
 Jean-François Lesueur, Messe oratorio de Noël (1786)
 Camille Saint-Saëns, Oratorio de Noël op. 12 pour 5 solistes, choeur mixte, orgue, harpe et orchestra à cordes (1858)
 Hector Berlioz a composé la trilogie sacrée L'Enfance du Christ op. 25 (1854)
 Alexandre Guilmant, Noëls Opus 60
 Gabriel Pierné, Les Enfants à Bethlehem, Mystère en deux parties pour solistes, chœur d'enfants et Orchestre (1907)
 Olivier Messiaen, La Nativité du Seigneur, neuf méditations pour orgue (1935) ; Vingt Regards sur l'Enfant-Jésus, suite pour piano (1944)
Arthur Honneger, Une Cantate de Noël (1953)
Jean-Michel Cayre, Oratorio de Noël (1982)

Notes et références

Notes

Versets

6 Catalogue raisonné de H.W. Hitchcock, édition Picard 2002

Références

Voir aussi

Articles connexes
 Enfant-Jésus
 Crèche de Noël
 Santon

Liens externes

Évangile selon Luc

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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Like most other people who are keyed into the left/progressive activist milieu, I had been following the Occupy Wall Street events since before the occupation began, mostly via Twitter but also through other sources on the web and a few professional colleagues. I've been paying attention to actions like these for a long time as part of my scholarship–I've spent the past 5 years or so studying and writing about anarchist activists–so I was expecting Occupy Wall Street to be another in a long line of interesting but not-too-remarkable events. Indeed, as the first several days of the occupation passed, things seemed par for the course. The mainstream media outlets weren't paying attention, but I had never really expected them to. (One exception was a New York Times "article" which was so blatantly biased against the protesters that I barely paid attention to it, assuming it must be someone's blog post that got misfiled in the serious journalism section.) When the protests finally became "newsworthy" this past weekend, I was again unsurprised. Unsurprised that what made people pay attention was violent conflict between police and protesters. Thoroughly unsurprised that, though it seems all the violence was *by* police *against* peaceful protesters, organizations like ABC News chose headlines like "Protests Turn Violent," implying that protests lead to violence just as naturally as clouds lead to rain. Still, par for the course.
It was only when I sat down to write my lectures for this week that I realized I could probably use the coverage as an excellent case study in one of my courses. I'm currently teaching two sections of Introduction to Media Criticism at NYU's Steinhardt School, in the Department of Media, Culture, and Communication. My students have spent the last four weeks learning basic critical theories of culture. I'm teaching theorists so familiar to me by now they feel like old friends–Marx, Gramsci, Adorno, Hall. We've talked about the ruling classes and the ruling ideas, media's function in winning the consent of the governed to dominant ideologies, the standardization and pseudo-individualism of the culture industries, the way our understandings of reality are filtered through the maps of meaning offered to us by cultural institutions like television. Standard Media Studies stuff. Tuesday's class was to focus on television news programming, in particular the ways hegemonic values are subtly encoded in televisual journalistic conventions (think for instance of how "reporter on the scene" clips reinforce the widely accepted myth that news reports are authentic representations of reality, stabilized and confirmed for us by the emotionally detached anchor in the studio). I always like to show my students a timely, relatable example after dropping abstract ideas on them, so they can practice applying theory for themselves. Of course, the mainstream coverage of Occupy Wall Street came to mind. NYU's campus is just a short subway ride from Liberty Plaza/Zuccotti Park, so I figured all of the students would have heard plenty about the occupation, and maybe some of them would have even been down there personally or know people who had been. I found a few clips to show (the ABC news one linked above, and this one from NBC) and felt confident we'd have a productive discussion on Tuesday, before moving on to other topics on Thursday.
For this activity, you are to compare news coverage with your own observation of "newsworthy" events. The first step is to spend at least 30 minutes observing the Occupy Wall Street protests downtown. You should actually go to Zuccotti Park (or another location where protesters have converged) and spend time observing the protesters, police, and journalists who are on the scene. Please do not engage in illegal activity or anything else that might put you in harm's way! The second step is to compare your observations with mainstream news coverage of the events. You will write up your comparison in a reflection (minimum 1 page). You may also choose to include alternative news coverage via Indymedia or other independent news sources in your reflection.
In Tuesday's class, I announced that Thursday's lecture would be cancelled. Students seemed genuinely excited about getting out of the classroom for a field trip. I was surprised to find that a few of them had not even heard of Occupy Wall Street; I was less surprised that none of them could articulate the purpose of the protest or the beliefs of the protesters. This can be attributed on one hand to the decentralized, autonomous politics of the protesters themselves: they don't actually *have* a singular goal and that's entirely intentional. But mainstream media must shoulder a great deal of blame for neither grasping this aspect of the protest, nor bothering to investigate and clearly represent any of the multiple aims held by individuals camped out at the occupation, beyond what can be expressed in a 10-second soundbite. Mainstream outlets have chosen instead to talk about arrests and pepper spray, representing the fundamental political economic critiques behind the occupation as mere excuses for marches and mayhem. Even those outlets who seemed to be on the side of the victims of police violence devoted all their coverage to that violence, rather than illuminating the systemic violence that spurred the occupation in the first place. Who could blame some of my students for accepting the idea that the protesters are a bunch of misguided whiners, if undeserving of police brutality? I have enough experience with activists (and people in general) to know that there certainly are misguided whiners out there. But I also have enough experience with media discourse to know that this is an extremely convenient frame through which to represent people who pose serious doubts about systemic imbalances of power.
My hope was, of course, that if given the chance to actually observe and talk to the occupiers, my students would get a different picture of the protest than what they had been offered by media accounts. Even if they didn't find themselves on the side of the protesters, at least they would see something that diverged significantly from what they were seeing on the news. Ultimately, my job as a teacher of this course is to train students in the methods and theories of media critique, not to win them to any particular ideological position. I told students they were free to do their observation whenever they wished, but asked if anyone would be interested in going together as a group during class time. It turned out a lot of them liked that idea, so that became our plan. (For the record, I did not absolutely require students to participate in the field trip – I offered an alternative assignment to anyone who wanted one. I had no takers.) In an email I sent to the class to reiterate the assignment and field trip plan, I included a link to a well-reported articlepublished in the blog NYU Local, both to give them and idea of what to expect at the occupation site, and to see how their own school was covering it.
In Part 2, I'll talk about our experience of visiting the occupation today. In Part 3 I'll discuss the write-ups that students will turn in next week, reflecting on their observations and their comparisons with mainstream news coverage. With my students' permission, I will try to post some of their writing, as well as the photos and videos they took of the occupation. In Part 4, I hope to offer my own reflection on this assignment and the pedagogical value I believe it holds.
In the last post I shared the assignment I gave my Introduction to Media Criticism students, the first part of which was to record their first-hand observations of the Occupy Wall Street protest. I wanted them to actually hear unmediated (through tv news) accounts of why people are participating in the occupation, and to actually witness what the protest looked like on a "normal" day, as opposed to during the moments that have become higher profile due to news sensationalism (i.e. moments at which police clashed violently with protesters). They are then going to compare their own observations with mainstream media coverage.
In this post I want to offer my own observations of the occupation, as gathered during two field trips I made with my students to Liberty Plaza (I teach two sections of Intro to Media Crit, both meet on the same days). I gave all of my students the option to visit the occupation on their own time – some of them have other classes that would make it hard for them to get from campus to Liberty Plaza and back in time. The class day I had set aside for the field trip was also during Rosh Hashana, so I knew that several of my students were planning (excused) absences from class that day. About half my 48 students ended up choosing to go with me during the scheduled class periods.
Protester: My reasons? I just found out about it a couple days ago when I was watching videos of what the police were doing to the marchers and it kind of infuriated me that people had a legitimate complaint and they couldn't voice it in public space without being brutalized by the police that are supposed to protect them. And it just raises questions about who the police are actually protecting. And I didn't really know what it was and now that I've gotten here, and all the public forums and discussions, it's like a big experiment in direct democracy.
Student: Do you think it's more of an experiment than a stance?
Protester: Um… I think it's both. Does it have to be one or the other?
As the General Assembly continued , people milled around the rest of the park as well. It had been raining for a while, so most of the beds and other belongings were covered with tarps. I noticed a hand-drawn poster with diagrams instructing how to use the tarps to protect belongings from the rain. A lot of the tarps had occupiers sleeping under them!
Due to the rain and tarps, I wasn't able to see much of the media center, which I had been looking forward to. The kitchen was up and running though, along with a children's play area where I did indeed see several children and parents gathered.
The general assembly meeting wrapped up with announcements of break-out sessions to be held later in the afternoon, and I made my way back to campus for my office hours.
Toward the end of this video you can hear that a march is returning to the plaza. I realized that the crowd hadn't been depleted due to the rain but due to the scheduled afternoon march past the stock exchange. The return of the marchers enlarged the crowd in the park once again and gave the students many more opportunities to converse with participants.
There was a tense moment when several police officers (including one with a bullhorn) gathered near the camp library. It appeared that they were asking organizers to remove the tarps protecting the books from the rain, which provoked objection from the protesters standing nearby (though it was actually impossible for me to tell what was going on and what words were being exchanged between the officers and people standing directly next to the books). After a few minutes the tarps were replaced and the officers filed away from the area through the crowd that had gathered (to chants and applause from some protesters).
I saw no one expressing overt hostility at other individuals or treating passers-by (ostensibly people who are employed in the financial district and who Mayor Bloomberg represented the protesters as being "against") with disrespect. The crowd, based on appearances, seems diverse in terms of age, race, and occupation. A fitting embodiment of the "we are the 99%" sentiment that thematically unifies the protest. Overall, the aspect of the occupation I found most striking was the sheer number of personal conversations going on, in which people were discussing their concerns in a serious, open, thoughtful manner.
These weren't just insular conversations among people who had been with the occupation for days–everywhere I saw newcomers, visitors, tourists, and media personnel asking questions and being treated with welcoming enthusiasm. To me, this was a poignant metaphor for what (I think) is the central goal of the occupation–to incubate and spread a national conversation about issues that matter to people who neither finance powerful political lobbies nor control powerful media corporations. If political and economic speech are largely unavailable to everyday citizens, they will go the old-fashioned route and just speak.
In Part 3, I will summarize my students reflections and reactions, as written in their assignments and as shared in class discussion. I will hopefully get permission from some of them to post their written reflections here.
In the last post I shared my own personal observations of the field trips my students and I made to Zuccotti Park. In this post, I want to report my student's reactions, as shared during the class period following our field trip and in their write-ups comparing their observations with news coverage. Their opinions are necessarily filtered through my own perceptions and retelling, so let the reader beware that my account is just that–an account. At the same time though, I will attempt to document what my students said, rather than offer my own judgment of their comments' accuracy. I can't say whether the 48 people in my Media Criticism course constitute a "representative sample" of college kids, NYU students, or any other group, so any conclusions that might be drawn about the rhetorical successes and failures of the occupation and its coverage by mainstream media outlets are, again, necessarily partial.
Students noted the diversity of views expressed by the participants with whom they were able to have individual conversations.
The most common sentiment I heard expressed by my students in class was frustration. Frustration that the protesters' message wasn't clear, that there were no goals, or that there were no concrete goals, or no achievable goals, or that the goals had not been achieved yet.
On the other hand, many students were able to identify a unified message of solidarity-in-disastisfaction in the "We are the 99%" slogan, and the effect of the protests in bringing attention to this message.
Some students knew or knew of NYU students who had participated in the protests and at least one who had been arrested during the march on the Brooklyn Bridge on Saturday.
Many students noted that a lot of the protesters (and some of their friends in other cities) were there because it seemed "cool" or "historic"; my impression was that my students did not think these were legitimate reasons to be involved in the event.
Students didn't like when protesters generalized or made blanket statements without specific facts or personal experience to back them up. For example, one student quoted a protester who said she was participating in the occupation because "lobbying doesn't work"; my student doubted that the protester had ever attempted to participate in lobbying.
Some students pointed out that when they visited the occupation site, they did not see violence or hostility, that protesters were "chilling out" or maintaining a joyful atmosphere.
Several people commented on how much the story had grown since we had first started talking about it one week ago.
Students had heard of occupations in other cities, via social media sources like Facebook. Some described exploring Youtube videos, Twitter accounts, and blogs created by protesters in order to learn more.
Many commented on how mainstream news coverage focused on the most visually spectacular of the events, notably instances where police officers exercised physical force on protesters. They noted the difference between their own observations of relative calm and cooperation between police and protesters, and what television news had chosen to highlight. One student observed that the number of views on Youtube videos featuring violence was over ten times the number of views on footage of peaceful protest.
Some noted the differences in visual appearance of the protesters and protest site from what they had expected based on news coverage. For example, one was surprised to find how organized the site was, including a library, food service area, etc.
A few students doubted the representativeness of their own observations, since they were so divergent from the events they had seen on the news.
Students differed in their attitudes toward the news coverage. Some were highly critical, describing coverage as "condescending," "vulgar," and "frustrating." They observed that even coverage which appeared sympathetic to the protesters (like Lawrence O'Donnel's) focused on sensational aspects, like police brutality, instead of discussing protesters' reasons for being there or the developments that had occurred since the dramatic incidents. Others noted that the protesters' own diversity of opinions–and even vagueness–might account for the hesitancy of news outlets to go into detail on what they stand for.
Several students actually asked the protesters what they thought of the media coverage. The trend seemed to be that protesters were happy to receive coverage, though many of them had not personally seen any mainstream stories (given that they had been camped out in the park).
In my next post, I will reflect on this activity as a teaching tool. I will also attempt to offer insights as to how a similar assignment might be used in future media criticism classes.
In this post I want to provide some pedagogical reflections on my use of Occupy Wall Street in my Intro to Media Criticism class. I'm still mulling over a lot of this, so these thoughts are, as always, partial.
Ultimately, my teaching philosophy is that my job is to equip students with skills to engage in productive critique as they interact with media and popular culture after they leave my classroom. This translates to my constantly asking students to practice applying the theories and methods of critique to contemporary examples. Usually this means showing clips in class and having them reflect on how the theories and methods I've taught them can illuminate the text at hand. This time, it meant leaving the classroom and bringing their personal experiences of a "media event" to bear on their analysis of news coverage. My hope is that in the future, students will be able to use their memory of this activity as a reference point when encountering news stories, and will evince an awareness that what they are seeing in the media are necessarily representations of reality that may not correspond to the experiences of people actually involved in the events depicted.
I would have also liked to use students' first-hand experiences of and reactions to the protests themselves as a case study about how ideology shapes what frameworks and discourses we can even bring to bear on our experiences of reality. In other words, ideology isn't just present in news reports, its present in our heads before we ever see the news. Thus even if we see something for ourselves, we cannot escape the ideological frameworks that allow/encourage us to interpret reality in particular ways. This is a trickier point to make, since it forces people to call into question their own deeply held beliefs. Also, while the theory involved in such a lesson would certainly be relevant to the content of my course, I didn't want to spend too much time with this particular example. As ripe for interrogation and analysis as "common sense" views about radical political dissent are, I am cognizant of the fact that the issue may be a bit far outside of students' own interests and experiences. I do think discussions of Occupy Wall Street could be productively used to teach concepts of ideology, hegemony, and discourse in very deep and personal ways. But I was wary of spending too much class time focused on this example, lest students lose sight of the fact that these theories can and should be applied to media texts that are less overtly "political" in topic.
Students received full credit for this assignment simply for turning something in. This is partly due to the fact that I termed it an "activity" which my syllabus says are graded based on whether students are present in class and complete the assignment, not on whether or not they arrive at "correct" answers. There is an ethical dimension to assigning grades this way as well – I wanted there to be no confusion as to whether my own opinions and political positions on the protesters or the media coverage of them would influence the grades assigned. Based on my experience in the classroom over the past 7 years, students tend to skew their responses on assignments like this toward what they think professors want to hear. When this pushes them to learn course material and accurately summarize and apply it, this is a great thing – of course professors "want to hear" that their students have learned something! I'm less comfortable when I suspect that students are claiming to espouse particular political opinions as a way to endear themselves to me. And so, I don't want to set up a situation in which students feel their grade on this assignment reflects the degree to which they were able to align themselves with a particular opinion of the protesters. Of course any professor who teaches from a political position (and this is everyprofessor, whether they are explicit with their students about their position or not) has to strive for some sort of objectivity when assessing student learning (and, it should be noted, the burden will be borne more intensely by faculty whose politics diverge from mainstream, hegemonic ideologies, because their politics will be visible as such rather than taken for granted as common sense by the majority of students). This is thrown into sharper relief when the topics and theories we teach are directly linked to political struggles, as when, for example, I teach feminist perspectives in a class on gender and media and my students are aware that I myself identify as a feminist.
Anyway, this is all to say that an assignment like this could be controversial if it is not carefully framed as an opportunity to apply media theories, versus a recruitment to the protest cause. I also want to reiterate that students were not required to attend the protest in person (and some ended up having scheduling conflicts that prevented them from doing so). I offered them the alternative assignment of comparing non-mainstream/first-person coverage (usually in the form of videos posted to YouTube by participants) with mainstream coverage. These students necessarily engaged in a different kind of analysis, but one that was still productive and relevant to the course.
I would have liked to ask my students to write a more formal paper using materials we have read on television news and ideology. I think their written responses would have been more carefully supported with theories from the class had this been the nature of the assignment. I do balk at requiring students to write formal papers about specific texts though – nearly every assignment I give asks students to choose texts and topics that feel personally relevant to them. I do this not only because I want students to be interested in the work they are doing for class, but because I want to stimulate them to continue the work of media criticism after they have completed my course (as I discussed above). By giving them the opportunity to practice media criticism on texts they actually willingly engage with, I think that my assignments more closely simulate the kind of critique I hope they will do in the future. With this assignment, they did not get the choose the text – I required them to write about Occupy Wall Street stories. As much as I personally find these stories compelling, I can't be assured that my students will too. The concern is doubled when one takes into account the political charge of the story. I want there to be no perception that I am "forcing" students to be politically engaged, let alone to take a particular stance on a political issue.
So the question is, was this assignment successful at giving students the opportunity to 1) demonstrate their knowledge of the ideas presented in the assigned readings; 2) engage in theoretically informed critique of mediated news coverage; and 3) practice critical skills they can use in future encounters with media texts?
I think the answer to all of these questions is a qualified yes. I did find that many students approached the assignment purely as a personal reflection on their encounters with the occupation site, rather than a comparative analysis of news coverage of the occupation. Had the assignment been a longer, formal paper and not an "activity" I probably could have steered them away from taking this approach, and there would have been more concrete incentive to bring their writing into conversation with the assigned readings, which dealt with ideology and news. I do think this was a useful exercise though, and based on a few conversations I've had with students in the weeks since, they have retained some of the insight they gained by doing it. Will they approach future news coverage with the same critical eye this assignment asked them to? I can't know. But I think at the very least they will be able to draw on their class experiences when consuming coverage of the Occupy movement, and considering the significance this story is gaining on a national scale, that is no small thing.


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Henry Dean joins me for a cup of tea and a chat about movies. In this episode, I talk to Henry about his background, his university course, his writing work and his interest in film and movies in general. We also explain and discuss various items of vocabulary related to film. We'll teach you various words and phrases...
136. Cycling from London to Paris
What is the longest bike trip you've ever done? Have you ever run a marathon or walked a very long distance? In this episode, I speak to Ben Fisher, who just this weekend cycled all the way from The River Thames in London to La Seine in Paris, covering a distance of over 460km.Listen to the podcast as Ben and I...
135. Raining Animals - "It's raining cats and dogs"
"It's raining cats and dogs" - Do native speakers of English often use this idiom to describe heavy rain or do they use different expressions? Click here to read vocabulary notes and other information
134. The Story of Salvo
This episode is all about the story of a hardcore punk rock band from London. Listen, and you'll hear an interview with the band members as they talk about how the band started, their influences, and what caused the band to end. CLICK HERE TO READ A TRANSCRIPT FOR THE INTRODUCTION AND MORE INFORMATION
133. Hip-Hop Lyric Analysis
A look at hip-hop culture and analysis of the lyrics to a classic rap song. CLICK HERE TO READ A FULL TRANSCRIPT TO THIS EPISODE and for other useful and interesting links.


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Pediatrics and Neonatology
Pediatrics and Neonatology News
Serious injuries more...
Serious injuries more likely for kids using trampoline centers than home trampolines
Written by Dr. Kamal Kant Kohli Published On 2022-07-25T01:00:13+05:30 | Updated On 2022-07-25T12:09:49+05:30
Children who use trampoline centers are more likely to be seriously injured and require hospital admission than those who use trampolines at home, finds a pooled data analysis of the available international evidence, published online in the journal Injury Prevention.Greater public awareness of the potential dangers and mandatory safety standards for trampoline centers are urgently...
Children who use trampoline centers are more likely to be seriously injured and require hospital admission than those who use trampolines at home, finds a pooled data analysis of the available international evidence, published online in the journal Injury Prevention.
Greater public awareness of the potential dangers and mandatory safety standards for trampoline centers are urgently required, insist the researchers. Trampolining is fun but potentially dangerous, say the researchers. It accounts for nearly 100,000 emergency room visits by children every year in the U.S., while trampoline injuries explain half of all emergency admissions among under-14s in the U.K.
Similarly, in Australia trampoline injuries were responsible for 1,500 children being admitted to hospital every year between 2002 and 2011. In response to safety concerns, industry safety standards have been developed globally to curb potential hazards associated with the manufacture, assembly, maintenance and use of trampolines. But despite this, rates of trampoline injuries haven't fallen, note the researchers.
The number and popularity of trampoline centers have skyrocketed over the past decade: there are currently about 840 commercial trampoline centers in the U.S. and more than 400 were reported in other countries in 2017, they highlight.
To tease out the evidence on the location and type of children's injuries caused by trampolining, the researchers trawled major research databases for relevant observational studies published up to the end of December 2021.
The findings of 11 studies out of an initial haul of 154, detailing nearly 13.9 million injuries, were included in the pooled data analysis. The studies were carried out in the U.S., South Korea, Canada, the U.K., Singapore, Australia and New Zealand.
The analysis revealed a different pattern of injuries sustained at commercial centers and at home, and that children who used trampoline centers tended to be older than those trampolining at home. There was no difference in the risk of head, face, or trunk injuries, dislocated joints, broken bones, or spinal injuries between the two locations.
Leg injuries, sprains, and requirement for surgery were more common at trampoline centers, possibly because of structural differences in the trampoline mat used at home and at trampoline centers, say the researchers.
Kids using trampolining centers were more than twice as likely to sustain orthopedic and musculoskeletal injuries as kids trampolining at home. Leg injuries were three times as common.
"The higher tensile strength used in commercial trampoline centers may produce a harder bounce which amplifies the loading in bones and ligaments," explain the researchers.
While there was no difference in the risk of hospital admission after a trampoline injury at either location, the need for surgery was nearly twice as high for injuries sustained at a trampoline center. A higher risk of injuries was observed in older children and teenagers at trampoline centers. This may reflect higher rates of risk-taking behaviors in pre-teens and teens, suggest the researchers.
And age limit restrictions or greater levels of supervision may explain lower rates of injury among children under the age of 6 at trampoline centers, they add. Fewer arm injuries, cuts, and concussions (52% less likely) were observed among children using trampoline centers.
Wall-to-wall gymnastics-grade protective padding to cover exposed structures and spring mechanisms might explain the lower risk of concussion and cuts in trampoline centers, say the researchers. And a fall from a trampoline often causes an arm injury, with such falls the most common cause of injury among children trampolining at home.
This is an observational study, and as such, can't establish cause, added to which few of the included studies directly compared trampolining injuries sustained at home and at commercial centers. And exactly what caused the injury while trampolining wasn't specified in many of the included studies.
Notwithstanding these caveats, the researchers highlight: "Presently, safety guidelines are not legislated for commercial trampoline centers anywhere in the world."
They go on to say: "Most trampoline centers only demand a user's injury liability waiver before admission, and the current AAP [American Academy of Pediatrics] policy statement on trampolines does not include trampoline centers because of the lack of data regarding the safety of these recreational venues."
While AAP policy discourages backflips and somersaults in the home setting due to reported deaths and spinal cord injuries, many commercial trampoline franchises don't have these rules, they note.
And they conclude: "Considering the rapid global expansion of the commercial trampoline industry in the last decade, the increasing injury rates, and the cost to health systems, the development and implementation of evidence based safety standards and preventative strategies and public awareness campaigns are urgently required."
Nunez C, Eslick GD, Elliott EJTrampoline centre injuries in children and adolescents: a systematic review and meta-analysisInjury Prevention Published Online First: 13 June 2022. doi: 10.1136/injuryprev-2022-044530
Injury Prevention injuries kids trampoline children spinal injuries health systems serious injuries
Source : Injury Prevention
Dr. Kamal Kant Kohli
Dr Kamal Kant Kohli-MBBS, DTCD- a chest specialist with more than 30 years of practice and a flair for writing clinical articles, Dr Kamal Kant Kohli joined Medical Dialogues as a Chief Editor of Medical News. Besides writing articles, as an editor, he proofreads and verifies all the medical content published on Medical Dialogues including those coming from journals, studies,medical conferences,guidelines etc. Before Joining Medical Dialogues, he has served at important positions in the medical industry in India including as the Hony. Secretary of the Delhi Medical Association as well as the chairman of Anti-Quackery Committee in Delhi and worked with other Medical Councils in India. Email: editorial@medicaldialogues.in. Contact no. 011-43720751


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Impact of local steroid or statin treatment of experimental temporomandibular joint arthritis on bone growth in young rats
Callista Holwegner, Adam L Reinhardt, Marian J. Schmid, David B. Marx, Richard A Reinhardt
Pediatrics Rheumatology
Dental Surgical Specialties
Children's Physicians
Introduction Juvenile idiopathic arthritis in temporomandibular joints (TMJs) is often treated with intra-articular steroid injections, which can inhibit condylar growth. The purpose of this study was to compare simvastatin (a cholesterol-lowering drug that reduces TMJ inflammation) with the steroid triamcinolone hexacetonide in experimental TMJ arthritis.
Methods Joint inflammation was induced by injecting complete Freund's adjuvant (CFA) into the TMJs of 40 growing Sprague Dawley rats; 4 other rats were left untreated. In the same intra-articular injection, one of the following was applied: (1) 0.5 mg of simvastatin in ethanol carrier, (2) ethanol carrier alone, (3) 0.15 mg of triamcinolone hexacetonide, (4) 0.5 mg of simvastatin and 0.15 mg of triamcinolone hexacetonide, or (5) nothing additional to the CFA. The animals were killed 28 days later, and their mandibles were evaluated morphometrically and with microcomputed tomography.
Results The analysis showed that the TMJs subjected to CFA alone had decreased ramus height compared with those with no treatment (P <0.05). Groups that had injections containing the steroid overall had decreases in weight, ramus height, and bone surface density when compared with the CFA-alone group (P <0.0001). Groups that had injections containing simvastatin, however, had overall increases in weight (P <0.0001), ramus height (P <0.0001), condylar width (P <0.05), condylar bone surface density (P <0.05), and bone volume (P <0.0001) compared with the groups receiving the steroid injections, and they were not different from the healthy (no treatment) group.
Conclusions Treatment of experimentally induced arthritis in TMJs with intra-articular simvastatin preserved normal condylar bone growth.
American Journal of Orthodontics and Dentofacial Orthopedics
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ajodo.2014.09.016
Hydroxymethylglutaryl-CoA Reductase Inhibitors
Temporomandibular Joint
Freund's Adjuvant
Intra-Articular Injections
X-Ray Microtomography
Juvenile Arthritis
Sprague Dawley Rats
Holwegner, C., Reinhardt, A. L., Schmid, M. J., Marx, D. B., & Reinhardt, R. A. (2015). Impact of local steroid or statin treatment of experimental temporomandibular joint arthritis on bone growth in young rats. American Journal of Orthodontics and Dentofacial Orthopedics, 147(1), 80-88. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ajodo.2014.09.016
Impact of local steroid or statin treatment of experimental temporomandibular joint arthritis on bone growth in young rats. / Holwegner, Callista; Reinhardt, Adam L; Schmid, Marian J.; Marx, David B.; Reinhardt, Richard A.
In: American Journal of Orthodontics and Dentofacial Orthopedics, Vol. 147, No. 1, 01.01.2015, p. 80-88.
Holwegner, C, Reinhardt, AL, Schmid, MJ, Marx, DB & Reinhardt, RA 2015, 'Impact of local steroid or statin treatment of experimental temporomandibular joint arthritis on bone growth in young rats', American Journal of Orthodontics and Dentofacial Orthopedics, vol. 147, no. 1, pp. 80-88. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ajodo.2014.09.016
Holwegner C, Reinhardt AL, Schmid MJ, Marx DB, Reinhardt RA. Impact of local steroid or statin treatment of experimental temporomandibular joint arthritis on bone growth in young rats. American Journal of Orthodontics and Dentofacial Orthopedics. 2015 Jan 1;147(1):80-88. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ajodo.2014.09.016
Holwegner, Callista ; Reinhardt, Adam L ; Schmid, Marian J. ; Marx, David B. ; Reinhardt, Richard A. / Impact of local steroid or statin treatment of experimental temporomandibular joint arthritis on bone growth in young rats. In: American Journal of Orthodontics and Dentofacial Orthopedics. 2015 ; Vol. 147, No. 1. pp. 80-88.
@article{f87513635a354062aab193f177a18eca,
title = "Impact of local steroid or statin treatment of experimental temporomandibular joint arthritis on bone growth in young rats",
abstract = "Introduction Juvenile idiopathic arthritis in temporomandibular joints (TMJs) is often treated with intra-articular steroid injections, which can inhibit condylar growth. The purpose of this study was to compare simvastatin (a cholesterol-lowering drug that reduces TMJ inflammation) with the steroid triamcinolone hexacetonide in experimental TMJ arthritis.Methods Joint inflammation was induced by injecting complete Freund's adjuvant (CFA) into the TMJs of 40 growing Sprague Dawley rats; 4 other rats were left untreated. In the same intra-articular injection, one of the following was applied: (1) 0.5 mg of simvastatin in ethanol carrier, (2) ethanol carrier alone, (3) 0.15 mg of triamcinolone hexacetonide, (4) 0.5 mg of simvastatin and 0.15 mg of triamcinolone hexacetonide, or (5) nothing additional to the CFA. The animals were killed 28 days later, and their mandibles were evaluated morphometrically and with microcomputed tomography.Results The analysis showed that the TMJs subjected to CFA alone had decreased ramus height compared with those with no treatment (P <0.05). Groups that had injections containing the steroid overall had decreases in weight, ramus height, and bone surface density when compared with the CFA-alone group (P <0.0001). Groups that had injections containing simvastatin, however, had overall increases in weight (P <0.0001), ramus height (P <0.0001), condylar width (P <0.05), condylar bone surface density (P <0.05), and bone volume (P <0.0001) compared with the groups receiving the steroid injections, and they were not different from the healthy (no treatment) group.Conclusions Treatment of experimentally induced arthritis in TMJs with intra-articular simvastatin preserved normal condylar bone growth.",
author = "Callista Holwegner and Reinhardt, {Adam L} and Schmid, {Marian J.} and Marx, {David B.} and Reinhardt, {Richard A}",
doi = "10.1016/j.ajodo.2014.09.016",
journal = "American Journal of Orthodontics and Dentofacial Orthopedics",
publisher = "Mosby Inc.",
T1 - Impact of local steroid or statin treatment of experimental temporomandibular joint arthritis on bone growth in young rats
AU - Holwegner, Callista
AU - Reinhardt, Adam L
AU - Schmid, Marian J.
AU - Marx, David B.
AU - Reinhardt, Richard A
N2 - Introduction Juvenile idiopathic arthritis in temporomandibular joints (TMJs) is often treated with intra-articular steroid injections, which can inhibit condylar growth. The purpose of this study was to compare simvastatin (a cholesterol-lowering drug that reduces TMJ inflammation) with the steroid triamcinolone hexacetonide in experimental TMJ arthritis.Methods Joint inflammation was induced by injecting complete Freund's adjuvant (CFA) into the TMJs of 40 growing Sprague Dawley rats; 4 other rats were left untreated. In the same intra-articular injection, one of the following was applied: (1) 0.5 mg of simvastatin in ethanol carrier, (2) ethanol carrier alone, (3) 0.15 mg of triamcinolone hexacetonide, (4) 0.5 mg of simvastatin and 0.15 mg of triamcinolone hexacetonide, or (5) nothing additional to the CFA. The animals were killed 28 days later, and their mandibles were evaluated morphometrically and with microcomputed tomography.Results The analysis showed that the TMJs subjected to CFA alone had decreased ramus height compared with those with no treatment (P <0.05). Groups that had injections containing the steroid overall had decreases in weight, ramus height, and bone surface density when compared with the CFA-alone group (P <0.0001). Groups that had injections containing simvastatin, however, had overall increases in weight (P <0.0001), ramus height (P <0.0001), condylar width (P <0.05), condylar bone surface density (P <0.05), and bone volume (P <0.0001) compared with the groups receiving the steroid injections, and they were not different from the healthy (no treatment) group.Conclusions Treatment of experimentally induced arthritis in TMJs with intra-articular simvastatin preserved normal condylar bone growth.
AB - Introduction Juvenile idiopathic arthritis in temporomandibular joints (TMJs) is often treated with intra-articular steroid injections, which can inhibit condylar growth. The purpose of this study was to compare simvastatin (a cholesterol-lowering drug that reduces TMJ inflammation) with the steroid triamcinolone hexacetonide in experimental TMJ arthritis.Methods Joint inflammation was induced by injecting complete Freund's adjuvant (CFA) into the TMJs of 40 growing Sprague Dawley rats; 4 other rats were left untreated. In the same intra-articular injection, one of the following was applied: (1) 0.5 mg of simvastatin in ethanol carrier, (2) ethanol carrier alone, (3) 0.15 mg of triamcinolone hexacetonide, (4) 0.5 mg of simvastatin and 0.15 mg of triamcinolone hexacetonide, or (5) nothing additional to the CFA. The animals were killed 28 days later, and their mandibles were evaluated morphometrically and with microcomputed tomography.Results The analysis showed that the TMJs subjected to CFA alone had decreased ramus height compared with those with no treatment (P <0.05). Groups that had injections containing the steroid overall had decreases in weight, ramus height, and bone surface density when compared with the CFA-alone group (P <0.0001). Groups that had injections containing simvastatin, however, had overall increases in weight (P <0.0001), ramus height (P <0.0001), condylar width (P <0.05), condylar bone surface density (P <0.05), and bone volume (P <0.0001) compared with the groups receiving the steroid injections, and they were not different from the healthy (no treatment) group.Conclusions Treatment of experimentally induced arthritis in TMJs with intra-articular simvastatin preserved normal condylar bone growth.
U2 - 10.1016/j.ajodo.2014.09.016
DO - 10.1016/j.ajodo.2014.09.016
JO - American Journal of Orthodontics and Dentofacial Orthopedics
JF - American Journal of Orthodontics and Dentofacial Orthopedics
10.1016/j.ajodo.2014.09.016


Escalating fighting in Lebanon along with growing efforts by the US and the European powers to arm the Syrian rebels are raising the risk of a region-wide war. Lebanon, having served as a corridor for arms shipments to US-backed Sunni opposition forces inside Syria, is itself becoming a war theater.
Fighting raged last week between Alawites aligned with Bashar al-Assad and Sunni oppositionists in the Lebanese city of Tripoli, killing at least 23 and wounding 170. As of Sunday night, the Lebanese Daily Star reported that clashes were set to continue today, for the eighth straight day. Significantly, fighting has spread to the Lebanese capital, Beirut. On Sunday, rockets struck Hezbollah–held areas of Beirut, including a residential building and car showroom, leaving at least three wounded. A Syrian rebel, Ammar al-Wawi, stated that the rocket attacks were launched in retaliation for Hezbollah's support of Assad.
Hezbollah leader Hasan Nasrallah declared that his movement will not back away from its support for Assad. "We will continue to the end of the road. We accept this responsibility and will accept all sacrifices and expected consequences of this position," Nasrallah said in the speech Saturday.
The fighting in Lebanon demonstrates the explosive repercussions of Washington's policy of stoking sectarian conflict to advance its strategic aims. As the Washington Post wrote last week, "the two-year Syrian conflict has become a regional war and a de facto US proxy fight with Iran." Iran, which is aligned with Assad and with Hezbollah, has allegedly been flying weapons to the regime in Syria with the support of the Shi'ite majority regime in Iraq.
Fawaz Gerges of the London School of Economics told CNN's Fareed Zakaria that Iran, as well as Hezbollah, "have made it very clear, Assad is a red line." The situation points to a massive, region-wide conflict.
While peace talks are scheduled, dubbed Geneva 2, the US and its regional allies are using the occasion to prepare for war. The US is using the possibility of talks to consolidate its "coalition of the willing," which includes Britain, Turkey, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates.
US and opposition representatives have made clear that they will accept a negotiated solution only on condition that Assad be removed and that the remains of his regime subordinate themselves to a deal with Washington's Sunni Islamist proxies.
The imperialist powers are preparing to ramp up their indirect interventions in Syria. European leaders are meeting in Brussels on Monday, where British representatives will make the case for ending the arms embargo against Syria, opening the way for European efforts to arm the opposition.
Leading Democrats supported the bill, while claiming that Obama has acted too timidly in Syria. "We've all been frustrated that our country hasn't done enough to be responsive," said Sen. Bob Casey. "I think it's in our national-security interests to address this"––that is, arming the rebels.
Republican Senator Rand Paul criticized the vote, saying: "This is an important moment. You will be funding, today, the allies of Al Qaeda." In fact, Washington, both the major US parties, and Washington's Middle East allies have been backing Al Qaeda-linked forces throughout the US proxy war in Syria, which began in 2011.
Opposition representatives have emphasized their unwillingness to accept any settlement that leaves Assad in power despite Assad's agreement "in principle" to attend talks.
"We are ready to enter into negotiations that are aimed towards transferring power to the people, towards a democratic transition. And that of course means Assad cannot be a part of Syria in the future," stated Louay Safi of the opposition Syrian National Coalition. Should the regime reject such demands, as appears likely, the failure of the talks would serve as a pretext for military escalation.
"The international community says that they can remove Assad from power; so does the US," Mr. Kamel added.
The Geneva talks come against the backdrop of serious defeats of the US-backed opposition at the hands of Assad's forces. The opposition, in a sign of its precarious position, is now calling for a "humanitarian corridor" centered on the strategic town of Qusayr, which regime forces seized on May 19, in a major blow to the opposition.
Despite its supposedly "humanitarian" character, such a corridor would be carved out by means of US airstrikes and ground operations, and will serve as a safe-zone, allowing rebel militias to regroup without fear of attack by Assad's forces. The creation of such a safe-zone would require major deployments by the US and its allies. As usual, the language of humanitarianism is being applied to cover a full-scale military incursion by the US.


text:
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Home > Collections > ACOG Publications: October 2018 Issue
Thought you might appreciate this item(s) I saw at Obstetrics & Gynecology.
We Are the Champions of Women's Health Care
Obstetrics & Gynecology134(1):1-3, July 2019.
ACOG Publications: October 2018 Issue
Creator: Green Journal
Contains: 4 items
Document(s) published by the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists in the October 2018 issue of Obstetrics & Gynecology.
ACOG Committee Opinion No. 753: Assessment and Treatment of Pregnant Women With Suspected or Confirmed Influenza
Obstetrics & Gynecology. 132(4):e169-e173, October 2018.
Go to Full Text of this Article
ACOG Committee Opinion No. 754: The Utility of and Indications for Routine Pelvic Examination
ACOG Committee Opinion No. 755: Well-Woman Visit
ACOG Committee Opinion No. 756: Optimizing Support for Breastfeeding as Part of Obstetric Practice
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Welcome to the Transifex Community Portal!
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text:
Q: jsonschemavalidator.net is failing to match dateTime pattern I am trying to validate JSON file against this schema including dateTime regex pattern:
{
  "$schema": "http://json-schema.org/draft-07/schema#",
  "$id": "http://example.com/product.schema.json",
  "title": "title",
  "type": "object",
  "properties": {
    "entries": {
      "description": "date time entries",
      "type": "array",
      "contains": {
        "type": "object"
      },
      "items": {
        "type": "object",
        "properties": {
          "dateTime": {
            "description": "UTC timestamp in format \"YYYY-MM-DDThh:mm:ssTZD\" according to ISO 8601",
            "type": "string",
            "pattern": "^(-?(?:[1-9][0-9]*)?[0-9]{4})-(1[0-2]|0[1-9])-(3[01]|0[1-9]|[12][0-9])T(2[0-3]|[01][0-9]):([0-5][0-9]):([0-5][0-9])(.[0-9]{3})?(?:Z|[+-][01][0-9]:[0-5][0-9])?$"
          }
        }
      }
    }
  }
}

When I try to validate this JSON file:
{
  "description": "date time entries",
  "entries": [
    {
      "dateTime": "2020-10-09T08:48:41.348+02:00"
    },
    {
      "dateTime": "2020-10-09T08:48:52.240+02:00"
    }
  ]
}

I get the following error regarding second entry in the array:
String '2020-10-09T06:48:52.24+00:00' does not match regex pattern '^(-?(?:[1-9][0-9]*)?[0-9]{4})-(1[0-2]|0[1-9])-(3[01]|0[1-9]|[12][0-9])T(2[0-3]|[01][0-9]):([0-5][0-9]):([0-5][0-9])(.[0-9]{3})?(?:Z|[+-][01][0-9]:[0-5][0-9])?$'.
Please note, that the validator correctly validated 1st entry: "2020-10-09T08:48:41.348+02:00".
What I noticed is that the problem is with entries containing milliseconds with "0" at the end, like: ".240"

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
Artificial intelligence as a management and decision-making tool for the education network
A "clean sweep" of the data and computer systems of school service centers, better sharing of existing data between network entities, and interpretation and enhancement of data through artificial intelligence: these are the challenges facing the education network as part of a digital intelligence project set up by the Quebec Minister of Education.
Martine Rioux
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In recent years, there has been a lack of information about student enrollment in the education system. Similarly, the lack of student data can limit dropout prevention. These observations have led the Quebec government to invest $10.6 million in the implementation of new management and decision-making tools, supported by artificial intelligence.
Education Minister Jean-François Roberge made the announcement last week live on Facebook. At the outset, he recognized the importance of having "quality information and information useful for decision-making to be ready to face the challenges.
Currently, however, in the education system, he admitted that it is difficult to get data on absenteeism, tutoring program enrollment, and even graduation rates. "None of the information is quickly and easily accessible. Every time, it's an obstacle course. Unfortunately, this adds pressure to already overburdened teams."
Thus, his department is teaming up with experts "to change the old ways of doing things to become more efficient". The Institut québécois d'intelligence artificielle (Mila), the Institut de valorisation des données (IVADO), the Observatoire international sur les impacts sociétaux de l'intelligence artificielle et du numérique (OBVIA) and GRICS, an information technology company specializing in education in Quebec, are the ministry's partners in the project.
"Big cleanup" of school service center data and IT systems, better sharing of existing data among network entities, and interpretation and leveraging of data through artificial intelligence will be at the heart of the project.
The Minister is already announcing dashboards that can be shared as of the beginning of the 2022 school year. These will concern three main themes: student success (e.g. absenteeism, graduation), human resources (e.g. workforce management) and infrastructure (e.g. maintenance, upgrading).
The Minister maintains that access to data, the creation of dashboards and their sharing throughout the network will support school administrators and all players in the education community in their task. "The objective is to act preventively in order to promote student success.
Recently, we reported on a conference about the potential contribution of artificial intelligence in education.
How will the $10.6 million be spent?
- 1.3 million $ - Data harmonization
- 5 million $ - Deployment of support teams to school service centers
- 500,000 $ - Development of an information system for data sharing
- 100,000 $ - Project Impact Assessment
- 1.1 million $ - Creation of a center of expertise in artificial intelligence dedicated to education
- 2 million $ - Development and implementation of algorithms and predictive models
- 600,000 $ - Development of training tools
In addition :
– The press release from the Ministère de l'Éducation du Québec in connection with the announcement
– Digital intelligence in education (on Québec.ca)
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After studying public communication, Martine worked as a journalist for various publications, before pursuing her career as an interactive communications consultant at La Capitale, a financial group, then at Québec Numérique, an organization she took over as general manager before making the jump. as political advisor in the office of the Minister for Digital Government Transformation. Today she is the online Editor-in-Chief and Special Projects Manager at l'École branchée. Her dream: that everyone has access to technology and can use it as a tool for learning and opening up to the world.
More articles by Martine Rioux
The #Édubrèves - January 24, 2023 edition
A guide to getting started with e-sports in schools
École St-Paul de Trois-Rivières becomes an eSTIMe school
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Education and success for our youth: the government presents its priorities


text:
Lightfoot slams 'overwhelming whiteness' of Chicago press, defends only speaking to reporters of color
By David Rutz
Lightfoot: Anniversary interviews only with journalists of color
Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot defended her controversial announcement to only give individual interviews to journalists of color and blasted Chicago media institutions for their "overwhelming whiteness and maleness" in an extraordinary letter on Wednesday.
CHICAGO - Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot defended her controversial announcement to only give individual interviews to journalists of color and blasted Chicago media institutions for their "overwhelming whiteness and maleness" in an extraordinary letter on Wednesday.
Upon the two-year anniversary of her election, Lightfoot has drawn outrage after white journalists were told by her press office that they couldn't interview her one-on-one because of their skin color.
In a two-page letter to the media, Lightfoot, the first Black woman as well as the first openly gay mayor in Chicago's history, praised her own 2019 election for "breaking barriers" and took a shot at media organizations in the city for not adequately addressing "institutionalized racism" in their ranks.
Her decision to temporarily only speak to Black and Brown reporters, she said, was part of her lifelong battle to fight for diversity and inclusion.
"In looking at the absence of diversity across the City Hall press corps and other newsrooms, sadly it does not appear that many of the media institutions in Chicago have caught on and truly have not embraced this moment," she wrote. "I have been struck since my first day on the campaign trail back in 2018 by the overwhelming whiteness and maleness of Chicago media outlets, editorial boards, the political press corps, and yes, the City Hall press corps specifically."
In the statement, Lightfoot also mocked white reporters and media bosses as hopelessly out of touch.
"It is too heavy a burden to bear, on top of all the other massive challenges our city faces in this moment, to also have to take on the labor of educating white, mostly male, media about...implicit bias...I don't have time for it," the statement said.
Notably absent from Lightfoot's letter was specific examples of alleged bias, implicit or otherwise.
She claimed numerous incidents occurred during her first two years in office, but she did not previously complain publicly for fear of being seen as a "whiner."
Lightfoot reeled off the diversity of the city's leadership, including its "majority Black and Latinx City Council," and called it "unacceptable" that reporters covering City Hall were mostly White.
"Many of them are smart and hard-working, savvy and skilled. But mostly white, nonetheless," she wrote.
She lectured the Chicago media leadership to evolve and diversify, for fear that "this arm of our democratic system is on life support."
Lightfoot has taken heavy criticism for banning White reporters from speaking with her, with one Latino Chicago Tribune reporter saying he had cancelled his scheduled interview with her in protest.
"Fact is, elected officials, candidates, celebrities, athletes etc. choose who they want to interview them all the time. They just don't do so on the basis of race or gender. Or at least they don't admit they do," the Washington Post's Paul Farhi tweeted.
South Side native and longtime journalist Curtis Lawrence was asked what difference it makes if a reporter covering a story is white, Black or otherwise.
"It makes a huge difference! And we all know that," said Lawrence, now an associate professor of journalism at Columbia College.
He said he does not believe that a story involving people of one race can only be covered by reporters of the same race.
Lawrence said he's glad a Chicago mayor is willing to highlight such issues.
A city council foe of Lightfoot agrees, but questions her motivation.
"You have to be a mayor for the entire city. And you can't pick and choose. And then, you know, when the current turns against you, you all of a sudden want to play the race card," said Ald. Anthony Beale of the 9th ward.
Lightfoot concluded the letter by challenging media outlets to hire more women of color at their outlets and to analyze their own coverage for examples of bias. If an outlet only had a white reporter covering City Hall, she suggested, "make sure there's a person of color working with them as well."
For more, go to Fox News.
FOX 32 Political Editor Mike Flannery contributed to this report.