query: What is the primary language spoken in Laos?

title: Lao language

text: Lao, sometimes referred to as Laotian (ລາວ 'Lao' or ພາສາລາວ 'Lao language') is a tonal language of the Kra–Dai language family. It is the official language of Laos, and it is also spoken in northeast Thailand, where it is usually referred to as the Isan language. A language of the ethnic Lao people, Lao serves as a lingua franca among all citizens of Laos. Approximately 90 different languages are spoken within its borders, many of which are unrelated to Lao.[5] Modern Lao (language) is heavily influenced by the Thai language. A vast number of technical terms as well as common usage are adopted directly from Thai.

title: Iu Mien language

text: Linguists in China consider the dialect spoken in Changdong, Jinxiu Yao Autonomous County, Guangxi to be the standard. This standard is also spoken by Iu Mien in the West, however, because most are refugees from Laos, their dialect incorporates influences from the Lao and Thai languages.

title: Culture of Laos

text: Other major Language families include Austro-Asiatic languages spoken by the Mon-Khmer (Lao Theung) peoples, Hmong-Mien and Burmo-Tibetan (Lao Sung). Chinese and Vietnamese is spoken within their respective ethnic communities.

title: Isan language

text: For the Lao-speaking peoples of Laos, the Lao refer to the Isan sub-group as "phasa Lao" (ພາສາລາວ, ); "phasa Lao Isan" (ພາສາລາວອີສານ), the 'Lao language of Isan', "phasa Lao Thai" (ພາສາລາວໄທ, ) the 'Lao language of Thailand' and "phasa Thai/thai Lao" (ພາສາລາວໄທ), the 'Lao Thai language' or the 'Lao people's language' but "phasa (Thai/thai) Isane" (ພາສາ[ໄທ]ອີສານ, ), the 'Isan Thai language' or the 'Isan people's language', is probably the most common term to refer to the Lao language as spoken in Isan. Also, the Lao word ไท refers to both 'Thailand' and 'Thai' things as well as 'people' in general.

title: Isan language

text: Whereas Thai and Isan are mutually intelligible with some difficulty, there are enough distinctions between the two to clearly separate the Thai and Isan languages based on vocabulary, grammar and pronunciation differences, with even Isan written in Thai recognizable as Isan due to the preponderance of Lao words with no equivalent Thai cognate or have come to mean different things. Isan houses the majority of Lao speakers and the affinity of shared culture with Laos is palpable in the food, architecture, music and language of the region. In its purest spoken form, the Isan language is basically the same as what is spoken in Laos.

title: Lao Nyo language

text: Lao Nyo or Nyo (autonym: "") is a Southwestern Tai language spoken mostly in Banteay Meanchey Province, Cambodia, as well as in Aranyaprathet District, Sa Kaew Province, Thailand. There are between 10,000 and 15,000 speakers of Lao Nyo in Cambodia. Lao Nyo is classified as a dialect of Lao rather than Nyo (Nyaw), based on linguistic data from Aun Loung Svay Chas village in Cambodia.

title: Muscogee language

text: Historically the language was spoken by various constituent groups of the Muscogee or "Maskoki" in what are now Alabama and Georgia. It is related to but not mutually intelligible with the other primary language of the Muscogee confederacy, Hitchiti/Miccosukee, spoken by the kindred Miccosukee (Mikasuki), as well as other Muskogean languages.

title: Lao people

text: The Lao language () is the official language of the Lao People's Democratic Republic and its official script is the Lao alphabet. As the dominant language of most of the Lao Loum and therefore most of the Lao population, the language is enshrined as the dominant language of education, government, and official use. Numerous minority languages are spoken by roughly half the population, and include languages of the Austroasiatic, Sino-Tibetan, Austronesian and Hmong–Mien language families. Although spelling is not fully uniform, despite several reforms to move the language closer to phonetical systems, it has helped stabilise the language. No official standard exists, but the dialect of Vientiane is considered de facto official.

title: Isan language

text: The Isan language is spoken in the 20 provinces that make up the Isan region of north-eastern Thailand, approximately the size of England and Wales combined. It is also the native language of large portions of Uttaradit and Phitsanulok provinces of Northern Thailand and northern areas of most provinces of Eastern Thailand that border the Isan region. The preservation of the Lao language in Isan was aided by its isolation, as the region was separated from Thai speakers by the Phetchabun and Dong Phaya Yen mountain ranges to the west and the Sankamphaeng Range to the south-west of Isan. Lao speakers, as well as speakers of the archaic Northern Khmer language, were separated from Khmer speakers by the Dângrêk Mountains to the south. To the north and east of the region, the Mekong River serves as the 'boundary' with the Lao language proper as spoken in Laos, although the border has always been fairly porous with thousands of people crossing to the river every day for trade, travel and business.

title: Lao language

text: In addition to the dialects of Lao, numerous closely related languages (or dialects, depending on the classification) are spoken throughout the Lao-speaking areas of Laos and Thailand, such as the Nyaw people, Phu Thai, Saek, Lao Wiang, Tai Dam, and Tai Daeng. These Tai peoples are classified by the Lao government as Lao Loum (ລາວລຸ່ມ, láo lūm) or lowland Lao. Lao and Thai are also very similar and share most of their basic vocabulary, but differences in many basic words limit inter-comprehension.

title: Culture of Laos

text:
There are over 90 distinct native languages spoken by the different ethnic populations of Laos. Lao, the official language of Laos, is a monosyllabic tone based language from the Tai-Kadai family as spoken in Vientiane. There are 19 million Lao speakers in Thailand and 3 million in Laos, a reflection of geopolitical history. Lao can be further divided according to regional dialects including Vientiane, northern, northeastern, central and southern. Northern dialects are spoken in Sainyabuli, Bokeo, Phongsali, Luang Nam Tha, Udomxai, and Luang Prabang. Northeastern Lao is spoken mainly in Xiang Khoang and Houa Phan. Central Lao is found in Khammuan and Bolikhamsai. The Southern dialect is used in Champasak, Salavan, Savannakhet, Attapeu, and Sekong.
As part of the Tai-Kadai language family spoken Thai is similar to Lao, with some distinctions. Lao has six tones, whereas Bangkok Thai has five, the standard lexicon, grammar, usage and pronunciations are also different. The two languages are not mutually intelligible, although Lao speakers tend to have an easier time understanding Thai because of the prevalence of Thai radio and media in and around Laos.

title: French language in Laos

text: French is spoken by a significant minority in Laos. Laos has the second largest Francophone community in Southeast Asia, the others being found in Vietnam and Cambodia. French is used as a diplomatic and commercial language and is also studied by over a third of students in Laos.

title: Tsʻün-Lao language

text: Tsʻün-Lao is a Tai language spoken in Lai Châu Province of the Northwest region of Vietnam.

title: Education in Laos

text: Lao, the official and instructional language, is the first language of about 50 percent of the population. Children from homes where Lao is not spoken enter schools with a significant handicap, a condition partly accounting for the high dropout rate. Changing the language of instruction would be a complex problem; however, steps can be taken by schools to assist non-Lao speaking pupils.

title: Isan language

text: The Lao (Isan) language in Thailand is classified by "Ethnologue" as a ""de facto" language of provincial identity" which is defined as a language that "is the language of identity for citizens of the province, but this is not mandated by law. Neither is it developed enough or known enough to function as the language of government business." It continues to be an important regional language for the ethnic Lao and other minorities that live beside them, but it does not have any official status in Thailand. Although the population of Lao speakers is much smaller in Laos, the language there enjoys official status, and it is the primary language of government, business, education, and inter-ethnic communication. Even with close proximity to Laos, Isan speakers must master Thai and very few Isan people can read the Lao script due to lack of exposure.

title: Kra–Dai-speaking peoples

text: The languages spoken by the Tai people are classified in a Tai language family. They are the most widely spoken of the Kra–Dai languages, and include Thai, the national language of Thailand; Lao, the national language of Laos; Burma's Shan language; and Zhuang, a group of languages of southern China. These languages are tonal languages, meaning variations in tone of a word can change that word's meaning.

title: French language in Laos

text: The French language was introduced to Laos in the 19th century when French explorers arrived in Laos trying to make inroads into China after colonizing Vietnam. The French did not pay much attention to the kingdom of Lan Xang but established a consulate in present-day Luang Prabang. The actual catalysts for the establishment of colonial protectorate over Lao cultural regions were French fears of economic and political competition from Britain. By the 1890s, border disputes with Siam and France led to the Franco-Siamese War and the borders of Laos and Siam were established in favor of France and Laos became a French protectorate. Unlike in Vietnam, the French did not pursue to fully exert their influence in Laos and it was not until the 1900s that French began to be introduced into schools in Laos, but it was mostly limited to Vientiane. However, French rule finally gained firmer ground and French soon became the primary language of government and education and the language spread into southern Laos following the founding of Pakse. The French language peaked between the 1910s and World War II and spread throughout the nation but, like Vietnam, was not widely spoken in most rural areas. French eventually became the language of government officials and the elite. When Japan invaded Laos in World War II, French remained in the educational system, unlike in Vietnam, where Vietnamese became the sole language of education, but the Lao language was briefly used in the government. French returned as the sole political language after France resumed its rule of Laos and was co-official with Lao when Laos was granted self-rule in 1949, but Lao became the sole official language after independence in 1953.

title: Nyaw people

text: The Nyaw language is very similar to the Lao language, which is referred to as the Isan language in Thailand. It is most similar to the Phuthai language also spoken within the same regions. Most Nyaw are often also fluent in Thai and Lao.

title: Salavan (city)

text: Salavan's local culture is influenced by the Lao Loum, lowland Lao who form the majority of the population of both the city and country, as well as hilltribe and former colonial French cultures. Salavan is starting to become a popular backpacking destination for tourists in Indochina and has a "frontier town" like feel because of the scarce amount of settlements outside the city. Salavan is known for its version of Lao dance, which has spread to throughout the entire nation. The Lao language is the most spoken language in the city. French is also spoken a minority, a legacy of the French colonial rule.

title: Lao language

text: The Lao language is descended from Tai languages spoken in what is now southern China and northern Vietnam in areas believed to be the homeland of the language family and where several related languages are still spoken by scattered minority groups.

title: Lao Nyo language

text: Nyo is a Southwestern Tai language spoken in Tha Uthen District, Nakhon Phanom Province and Kantharawichai District, Maha Sarakham Province of Thailand, as well as Khamkeut District, Bolikhamxay Province of Laos. However, Trongdee (2014) shows that Lao Nyo of Banteay Meanchey is not Nyo or Yo, although some Lao Nyo tones are more similar to Nyo tones than to Lao tones.

title: Thailand

text:
Sixty-two languages were recognised by the Royal Thai Government in the 2011 Country Report to the UN Committee responsible for the "International Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination", which employed an ethnolinguistic approach and is available from the Department of Rights and Liberties Promotion of the Thai Ministry of Justice. Southern Thai is spoken in the southern provinces, and Northern Thai is spoken in the provinces that were formerly part of the independent kingdom of Lan Na. For the purposes of the national census, which does not recognise all 62 languages recognised by the Royal Thai Government in the 2011 Country Report, four dialects of Thai exist; these partly coincide with regional designations.
The largest of Thailand's minority languages is the Lao dialect of Isan spoken in the northeastern provinces. Although sometimes considered a Thai dialect, it is a Lao dialect, and the region where it is traditionally spoken was historically part of the Lao kingdom of Lan Xang. In the far south, Kelantan-Pattani Malay is the primary language of Malay Muslims. Varieties of Chinese are also spoken by the large Thai Chinese population, with the Teochew dialect best-represented.

title: French language in Laos

text: The French spoken in Laos is based on standard Parisian French but has some minor differences in vocabulary as in other French dialects of Asia. Mixtures of Lao are sometimes added into French, giving it a local flavor. Some Lao words that have found their way into the French language are used in Laos as well. There are some notable differences between Lao and standard French such as:

title: Isan language

text: The population of the region is predominately ethnic Lao and speakers of the Isan language, but the southern third has large minorities of Northern Khmer and Kuy, both Austroasiatic languages, and Khorat Thai, spoken in the mixed Thai, Lao and Khmer settlements of Nakhon Ratchasima Province, considered a dialect of Thai but noticeably influenced by Lao and Khmer. Although the overwhelming majority of the people are ethnic Isan, there are small pockets of other languages spoken in the region, such as the Austroasiatic Thavung, Nyah Kur (Eastern Mon), Bru and Mlabri and 'tribal' Tai languages such as Saek, Tai Dam, Nyaw, Phu Thai and Yoy languages. In addition, small communities of people speaking Central Thai, Chinese (mainly Teochew, Hokkien, Hainanese) and Vietnamese can also be found. The predominance of the Isan language in Isan is in stark contrast to the situation in Laos. Although the language enjoys official status and appears in writing, Lao speakers only make up half the population, and many Lao speakers are likely speakers of related Tai languages that use Lao as a second language. The Lao language is the primary language of riparian areas and most major cities, but is secondary to various Austroasiatic, tribal Tai-Kadai and Sino-Tibetan languages in the mountainous areas that cover most of the country.

title: Lao alphabet

text: Lao script or Akson Lao (Lao: ອັກສອນລາວ ) is the primary script used to write the Lao language and other minority languages in Laos. It was also used to write the Isan language, but was replaced by the Thai script. It has 27 consonants (ພະຍັນຊະນະ ), 7 consonantal ligatures (ພະຍັນຊະນະປະສົມ ), 33 vowels (ສະຫລະ ), and 4 tone marks (ວັນນະຍຸດ ).

title: Lao language

text: Like other Tai languages, Lao has a complex orthography and system of relational markers. Spoken Lao is mutually intelligible with Thai and Isan, fellow Southwestern Tai languages, to a significantly high degree where its speakers are able to effectively communicate each speaking their respective language. These languages are written with slightly different scripts but are linguistically similar and effectively form a dialect continuum.[6]

title: Phanaʼ language

text: Phanaʼ (autonym: '; also called Bana or Pana) is a Loloish language of Laos and China. Phanaʼ is spoken by 500 people in Laos. In China, it is spoken in Mengla County, Yunnan Province (Bradley 2007). It is closely related to Sila, which is spoken by 2,000 people in Laos and Vietnam (Bradley 1997). Badenoch reports that it is similar to ' (Ban Ban Sida).

title: Isan

text: The main language is Isan, one of the Southwestern Tai languages closely related to Lao. Currently written with the Thai alphabet (instead of the slightly different Lao alphabet), Isan belongs to the Chiang Saeng and Lao–Phutai language groups, which along with Thai are members of the Tai languages of the Kra–Dai language family. Central Thai is also spoken by almost everyone and is the language used in education but native in Nakhon Ratchasima Province only. Khmer, the language of Cambodia, is widely spoken in areas along the Cambodian border: Buriram, Surin, and Sisaket. The "Lao Isan" people are aware of their Lao ethnic origin, but Isan has been incorporated as a territory into the modern Thai state through over one hundred years of administrative and bureaucratic reforms, educational policy, and government media. Despite this, since the election of Thaksin Shinawatra as prime minister in the 2001 Thai general election, the "Lao Isan" identity has reemerged, and the "Lao Isan" are now the main ethnolinguistic group involved in the pro-Thaksin "Red Shirt movement" of the United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship. Several Thai prime ministers have come from the region.

title: Lao people

text: The boundaries of Lao dialects also extend into the North-East of Thailand, known as Isan, but the Lao spoken in Thailand as a whole can be differentiated by adoption of much Thai vocabulary and code-switching. The language is not taught or used in schools, government, and most media outlets. Thaification policies removed the alphabet and now the language is written in the Thai alphabet, if at all, and the name changed to Isan to sever the political connection with Laos. Despite this, the Lao language is spoken by 20 million people, almost a third of the population of Thailand, and is the primary language of 88% of Isan households. It continues to serve as an important regional language and a badge of Isan (hence Lao) identity, but it is experiencing a decline in the advance of Thai

title: Isan language

text: Isan or Northeastern Thai () is a group of Lao varieties spoken in the northern two-thirds of Isan in northeastern Thailand, as well as in adjacent portions of northern and eastern Thailand. It is the native language of the Isan people, spoken by 20 million or so people in Thailand, a third of the population of Thailand and 80 percent of all Lao speakers. The language remains the primary language in 88 percent of households in Isan. It is commonly used as a second, third, or fourth language by the region's other linguistic minorities, such as Northern Khmer, Khorat Thai, Kuy, Nyah Kur, and other Tai or Austronesian-speaking peoples. The Isan language has unofficial status in Thailand and can be differentiated as a whole from the Lao language of Laos by the increasing use of Thai grammar, vocabulary, and neologisms. Code-switching is common, depending on the context or situation. Adoption of Thai neologisms has also further differentiated Isan from standard Lao.


query: Who was the original leader of Anushilan Samiti?

title: Anushilan Samiti

text: By 1902, Calcutta had three secret societies working toward the violent overthrow of British rule in India. One was founded by Calcutta student Satish Chandra Basu with the patronage of Calcutta barrister Pramatha Mitra, another was led by Bengali woman Sarala Devi and the third was founded by Aurobindo Ghosh. Ghosh was one of the strongest proponents of militant Indian nationalism at the time.[5][6] By 1905 the work of Aurobindo and his brother, Barin, enabled Anushilan Samity to spread throughout Bengal. Nationalist writings and publications by Aurobindo and Barin, including Bande Mataram and Jugantar, had a widespread influence on Bengal youth. The 1905 partition of Bengal stimulated radical nationalist sentiments in Bengal's Bhadralok community, helping Anushilan acquire a support base of educated, politically-conscious and disaffected members of local youth societies. Its program emphasized physical training, training its recruits with daggers and lathis (bamboo staffs used as weapons). The Dhaka branch of Anushilan was led by Pulin Behari Das, and branches spread throughout East Bengal and Assam.[7] More than 500 branches were opened in eastern Bengal and Assam, linked by "close and detailed organization" to Pulin's headquarters at Dhaka. It absorbed smaller groups in the province, soon overshadowing its parent organisation in Calcutta. Branches of Dhaka Anushilan emerged in Jessore, Khulna, Faridpur, Rajnagar, Rajendrapur, Mohanpur, Barvali and Bakarganj. Estimates of Dhaka Anushilan Samiti's reach indicate a membership of 15,000 to 20,000. Within two years, Dhaka Anushilan devolved its aims from the Swadeshi to that of political terrorism.[8][9]

title: Anushilan Samiti

text: The Samiti was influenced by the writings of the Bengalee nationalist author Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay. The name of the organisation, Anushilan, itself is derived from Bankim's works espousing hardwork and spartan life. Bankim's cultural and martial nationalism exemplified in Anandamath, along with his interpretations of the Bhagavat Gita, are noted to be strong influences on the strain of nationalism that guided the early societies that merged into Anushilan Samiti.[32] To this was later added the philosophies and teachings of Swami Vivekananda. A search of the Dacca Anushilan Samiti library in 1908 showed that the<i data-parsoid='{"dsr":[34854,34862,2,2]}'>Gita was the most widely read book in the library. Among the "rules of membership" books by Vivekananda were strongly recommended for reading,[33] A recurring theme in these were emphasis on "Strong muscles and nerves of steel", which some historian identify as strongly influenced by Shakta Philosophy of Hinduism. The writings of the group's own leader Aurobindo Ghosh popularised Shakti, specifically the concept of Adya Shakti that is exemplified in his work Bhawani Mandir.[33] This marked the beginnings of interest in physical improvement and proto-national spirit among young Bengalees, and was driven by an effort to break away from the colonial stereotype of effeminacy imposed on the Bengalee. Physical fitness was symbolic of the recovery of masculinity, and part of a larger moral and spiritual training to cultivate control over the body, and develop national pride and a sense of social responsibility and service.[34][35] Peter Heehs, writing in 2010, notes the Samiti had three pillars in their ideologies: "cultural independence", "political independence", and "economic independence". In the latter, the Samiti differed from those engaging in the Swadeshi movement, which they decried solely as a "trader's movement".[36]

title: Dhiren Banerjee

text: Banerjee became involved in political struggles during the 1921 Non-Cooperation Movement. He studied at Rajshahi College, where he befriended members of the Anushilan Samiti. He became an active member of the Anushilan Samiti resistance movement in the struggle for Indian independence.

title: Congress Socialist Party

text: During the summer of 1938 a meeting took place between the Marxist sector of the Anushilan movement and the CSP. Present in the meeting were Jai Prakash Narayan (leader of CSP),Jogesh Chandra Chatterji, Tridib Kumar Chaudhuri and Keshav Prasad Sharma. The Anushilan marxists then held talks with Acharya Narendra Deva, a former Anushilan militant. The Anushilan marxists decided to join CSP, but keeping a separate identity within the party. With them came the Anushilan Samiti, not only the Marxist sector. The non-Marxists (who constituted about a half of the membership of the Samiti), although not ideologically attracted to the CSP, felt loyalty towards the Marxist sector. Moreover, around 25% of the membership of the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association joined the CSP. This group was led by Jogesh Chandra Chatterji. The Anushilan marxists were however soon to be disappointed by developments inside the CSP. The party, at that the time Anushilan marxists had joined it, was not a homogeneous entity. There was the Marxist trend led by J.P. Narayan and Narendra Deva, the Fabian socialist trend led by Minoo Masani and Asoka Mehta and a Gandhian socialist trend led by Ram Manohar Lohia, and Achyut Patwardan. To the Anushilan marxists differences emerged between the ideological stands of the party and its politics in practice. These differences surfaced at the 1939 annual session of the Indian National Congress at Tripuri. At Tripuri, in the eyes of the Anushlian marxists, the CSP had failed to consistently defend Subhas Chandra Bose. Jogesh Chandra Chatterji renounced his CSP membership in protest against the action by the party leadership.

title: History of the Anushilan Samiti

text: The Anushilan Samiti, however, failed to make any significant impact in its early years, as was the case for similar Calcutta groups. In 1903, Aurobindo Ghosh sent his younger brother Barindra Kumar Ghosh to Calcutta to rally the nascent organisation. Barindra, however, was forced to return to Baroda that same year following differences with Jatindranath Bannerjee. The society fragmented as a result of the clash, and may have led to the early demise of the still evolving movement. However, the events around 1905, when the controversial plan to partition Bengal was proposed, veered the course otherwise. The plans, implemented by the Viceroy, Charles Hardinge, drew widespread criticisms throughout Bengal. The local population, led by social figures and leaders of the Indian National Congress, refused to accept the Raj's argument that the partition was necessary for improving the administration in the province. It was seen as an attempt to divide Bengal on religious lines to stem the tide of political and nationalist work that was emanating from the region. The Raj argued that the opposition to the partition was motivated by the Hindu middle-class Bhadralok, who feared a loss of their government positions and influence in the administrative set up to the larger Muslim population of eastern Bengal. Opposition to the partition took shape in the Swadeshi movement, where imported goods were boycotted in Bengal and throughout India. These boycotts were enforced by groups of "volunteers" recruited from the youth "Samities". The patronage of the extremist Bengalee politicians in the Congress, including the likes of Bipin Chandra Pal and Brahmabandhab Upadhyaya, helped "Anushilan" stem the decline and rejuvenated its influence and reach, and this in turn helped consolidate the position of the former as radicals within Congress. The unprecedented popular resistance to the partition plans also gave "Anushilan" fertile grounds to preach its cause and bring new recruits to its folds.

title: Anushilan Samiti

text: Anushilan and Jugantar each were organised on different lines, reflecting their divergence. Anushilan Samiti was centrally organised, with a rigid discipline and vertical hierarchy. Jugantar, was more loosely organised as an alliance of groups, acting under local leaders that occasionally coordinated their actions together. The prototype of Jugantar's organisation was Barin Ghosh's organisation set up in 1907, in the run-up to the Manicktolla conspiracy. It sought to emulate the model of Russian revolutionaries that was described by Frost. The regulations of the central Dhaka organization of the Anushilan Samiti were written down, and reproduced and summarised in government reports. According to one estimate, the Dacca Anushilan Samiti had at one point 500 branches, mostly in the eastern districts of Bengal, with 20,000 members. Branches were opened later in the western districts, Bihar, and the United Provinces. Shelters for absconders were established in Assam and in two farms in Tripura. Organisational documents shows a primary division between, on the one hand the two active leadersBarin Ghosh and Upendranath Bannerjee, and the rank-and-file on the other. Higher leaders including Aurobindo were supposed to be known only to the active leaders. Erstwhile members of Anushilan, particularly those of the Maniktala group, had suggested that the each group were interconnected with a vast web of secret societies throughout British India. However historian Peter Heehs concludes the links between provinces were limited to contacts between a few individuals like Aurobindo who was familiar with leaders and movements in Western India. He concludes the Maniktala society had links between the other groups and the Manicktalla society, such as the Anushilan and Atmannati Samitis, were more often competitive than co-operative. An internal circular of circa 1908 written by Pulin Behari Das, describes the division of the organisation in Bengal, which largely followed British administrative divisions, with central Samitis linked with a few small Samitis.

title: Anushilan Samiti

text: Anushilan Samiti (Ōnūshīlōn sōmītī, lit: body-building society) was a Bengali Indian organisation that existed in the first quarter of the twentieth century, and propounded revolutionary violence as the means for ending British rule in India. The organisation arose from a conglomeration of local youth groups and gyms (Akhara) in Bengal in 1902. It had two prominent, if somewhat independent, arms in East and West Bengal identified as Dhaka Anushilan Samiti centred in Dhaka (modern day Bangladesh), and the Jugantar group (centred at Calcutta) respectively.

title: Atulkrishna Ghosh

text: According to Nixon’s Report, probably in about 1913, or perhaps a little before, certain of the old members of the Kolkata Anushilan Samiti who, in the meantime, had been members of various athletic clubs, formed themselves into a branch of the "Seva Samiti" under Atulkrishna Ghosh: "The ostensible object of this "samiti" was a benevolent one. The first centre was at the house of Atul Ghosh. During the Burdwan floods, in 1913, many members of this "samiti" went there for the purpose of affording relief to the afflicted people.". Atul’s efficiency and generosity as a leader became evident during this relief.

title: Anushilan Samiti

text: Through the 1920s and 1930s, many Anushilan members began identifying with Communism and leftist ideologies. Many of them studying Marxist–Leninist literature whilst serving long jail sentences. A minority section broke away from the Anushilan movement and joined the Communist Consolidation, and later the Communist Party of India. Former Jugantar leader Narendranath Bhattacharya, now known as M. N. Roy, became an influential member of the Communist International, helping to find the Communist Party of India. The majority of the Anushilanite Marxists, whilst having adopted Marxist–Leninist thinking, felt hesitant over joining the Communist Party.[43] Holding sharp differences with the CPI and Royist ideologies, the Anushilan marxists decided to join Congress Socialist Party (CSP), but keeping a separate identity within the party.[60] The RSP, which derived from the Samiti, held a strong influence in parts of Bengal. The psrty sent two parliamentarians in the 1952 Lok Sabha elections, both previously Samiti members. In 1969 RSP sympathizers in East Pakistan formed the Shramik Krishak Samajbadi Dal (SKSD). RSP and SKSD have maintained close ties since. The RSP is a minor partner in the Left Front which ruled the Indian state of West Bengal for 34 uninterrupted years. It also holds influence in South India, notably in parts of Kerala. The SUCI, another left wing party with a presence in Bengal, was founded in 1948 by Anushilan members.

title: History of the Anushilan Samiti

text: In the end of 1938 Anushilan Marxists began publishing "The Socialist" from Calcutta. The editor of the journal was Satish Sarkar. Although the editorial board included several senior CSP leaders like Acharya Narendra Deva, it was essentially an organ of the Anushilan Marxist tendency. Only a handful issues were published.

title: History of the Anushilan Samiti

text: The great majority of the Anushilan Samiti had joined the CSP, not only the Marxist sector. The non-Marxists (who constituted about a half of the membership of the Samiti), although not ideologically attracted to the CSP, felt loyalty towards the Marxist sector. Moreover, around 25% of the HSRA joined the CSP. This group was led by Jogesh Chandra Chatterji.

title: Anushilan Samiti

text: The nationalist publication Jugantar, which served as the organ of the Samiti, inspired fanatical loyalty among its readers and made a deep impression on this group.[50][51] By 1907 it was selling 7,000 copies which later rose to 20,000. Its message, aimed at elite politically conscious readers was essentially critique and defiance of British rule in India, and justification of political violence.[52] The publication inspired a proportion of the young men who joined Anushilan Samiti cited the influence of Jugantar in their decisions. The editor of the paper, Bhupendranath Datta was arrested and sentenced to one-year's rigorous imprisonment in 1907.[53] The Samiti responded with the attempt on the life of Douglas Kingsford who presided over the trial. Jugantar itself responded with defiant editorials.[53] The defiance of Jugantar saw it face five more prosecutions that left it in financial ruins by 1908. These prosecutions brought the paper more publicity, and helped disseminate the Samiti's ideology of revolutionary nationalism. Shukla Sanyal notes in 2014 that revolutionary terrorism as an ideology began to win support amongst a significant populace in Bengal, tacitly even if not overt.[51]

title: Anushilan Samiti

text: The organisation's political views were expressed in the journal Jugantar, founded in March 1906 by Abhinash Bhattacharya, Barindra, Bhupendranath Dutt and Debabrata Basu.[10] It soon became an organ for the radical views of Aurobindo and Anushilan leaders, and lent the name "Jugantar party" to the Calcutta group of Anushilan. Early leaders were Rash Behari Bose, Jatindranath Mukherjee and Jadugopal Mukherjee.[5] Similar messages of violent nationalism were also finding their way to the public in Aurobindo's works in journals such as Sandhya, Navashakti and Bande Mataram.

title: History of the Anushilan Samiti

text: By the close of 1936 the Anushilan Marxists at the Deoli Detention Jail in Rajputana drafted a document formulating their political line. This document was then distributed amongst the Anushilan Marxists at other jails throughout the country. When they were collectively released in 1938 the Anushilan Marxists adopted this document, "The Thesis and Platform of Action of the Revolutionary Socialist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist): What Revolutionary Socialism Stands for", as their political programme in September that year.

title: History of the Anushilan Samiti

text: In November 1905, Bipin Chandra Pal along with Pramathanath Mitra, visited Dhaka where, at a political meeting, Pal called for volunteers ready to sacrifice their all for Motherland. Among the eighty who stepped forward was Pulin Behari Das, a resident of Wari who was soon appointed the head of the East Bengal branch of "Anushilan Samity". Under Das's able leadership, "Anushilan" "spread like wildfire" throughout the province. More than 500 branches were opened, linked by a "close and detailed organization" to Pulin’s headquarters at Dhaka. It absorbed smaller groups in the province, and soon overshadowed its parent organisation in Calcutta. Branches of Dhaka Anushilan emerged in the towns of Jessore, Khulna, Faridpur, Rajnagar, Rajendrapur, Mohanpur, Barvali, Bakarganj and other places. Estimates of Dhaka Anushilan Samiti's reach show a membership of between 15,000 and 20,000 members. Within another two years, Dhaka Anushilan would devolve its aims from the Swadeshi to the dedicated aim of political terrorism.

title: Mokshadacharan Samadhyayi

text: Nanigopal and Jatindra had originally been members of the Kolkata Anushilan Samiti and acted directly under Sri Aurobindo's guidance, maintaining a constant collaboration. After quarrelling with Satish Basu, Nanigopal absorbed most of the members of Mokhoda-cum-Kartik's dispersed group, since the latter's arrest. Amaresh and Satish Sarkar worked under Jatindranath Mukherjee. Belonging to Indra's group (Atmonnati), Bepin Ganguli, Noren Bose and Noren Chatterji, too remained close to Jatindra's policy. These revolutionaries committed sixteen outrages between March 1908 and October 1909. Denham noted in 1909 on the 'Sarathi Jubak Mandali': "perhaps second only in importance to the Anushilan Samiti for the number of persons included in its ranks who actually took part in crimes of violence".

title: History of the Anushilan Samiti

text: Soon after the Tripuri session, Bose resigned as Congress president and formed the Forward Bloc. The Forward Bloc was intended to function as a unifying force for all leftwing elements. The Forward Bloc held its first conference on 22–23 June 1939, and at the same time a Left Consolidation Committee consisting of the Forward Bloc, CPI, CSP, the Kisan Sabha, League of Radical Congressmen, Labour Party and the Anushilan Marxists. Bose wanted the Anushilan Marxists to join his Forward Bloc. But the Anushilan Marxists, although supporting Bose's anti-imperialist militancy, considered that Bose's movement was nationalistic and too eccletic. The Anushilan Marxists shared Bose's view that the relative weakness of the British empire during the war should have been utilised by independence movement. At this moment, in October 1939, J.P. Narayan tried to stretch out an olive branch to the Anushilan Marxists. He proposed the formation of a 'War Council' consisting of himself, Pratul Ganguly, Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee and Acharya Narendra Deva. But few days later, at a session of the All India Congress Committee, J.P. Narayan and the other CSP leaders pledged not to start any other movements parallel to those initiated by Gandhi.

title: History of the Anushilan Samiti

text: During the summer of 1938 a meeting took place between Jayaprakash Narayan (leader of CSP), Jogesh Chandra Chatterji, Tridib Chaudhuri and Keshav Prasad Sharma. The Anushilan Marxists then discussed the issue with Acharya Narendra Deva. The Anushilan Marxists decided to join CSP, but keeping a separate identity within the party.

title: Narendra Mohan Sen

text: Narendra joined the revolutionary outfit that was known as Anushilan Samiti. He played a major role in unifying Jugantar and Anushilan Samiti in the 1920s, after both parties suffered major setback because most of their senior leaders were arrested. Jugantar and Anushilan groups wereokii]].

title: Anushilan Samiti

text: The Dhaka Anushilan Samiti embarked on a radical program of political terrorism. It broke with the Jugantar group in West Bengal due to differences with Aurobindo's approach of slowly building a mass base for revolution. The Dhaka group saw this as slow and inadequate, and sought immediate action and results. The two branches of Anushilan engaged in dacoity to raise money, and performed a number of political assassinations at this time.[11] In December 1907, the Bengal revolutionary cell derailed a train carrying Bengal Lieutenant Governor Andrew Henderson Leith Fraser in a plot led by the Ghosh brothers. That month, the Dhaka Anushilan Samiti assassinated former Dhaka district magistrate D.C.Allen. The following year, Anushilan engineered eleven assassinations, seven attempted assassinations and explosions and eight dacoities in West Bengal. The targets of these actions included British police officials and civil servants, Indian police officers, informants, public prosecutors of political crimes and wealthy families.[12] Under Barin Ghosh's direction, Anushilan members also attempted to assassinate French colonial officials in Chandernagore who were seen as complicit with the Raj.

title: Anushilan Samiti

text: Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, the founder of the Hindu nationalist organisation Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), learned from the Anushilan Samiti. He was sent to Calcutta by B. S. Moonje in 1910 to study medicine, and to learn techniques of violent nationalism from secret revolutionary organizations in Bengal.[54] There he lived with independence activist Shyam Sundar Chakravarthy,[55] and had contacts with revolutionaries like Ram Prasad Bismil.

title: Political history of Sri Aurobindo

text:
Anushilan Samiti was founded as an attempt to organize Bengali youth through a program of physical fitness and spiritual training for a nationalist program. By 1902, Calcutta had three societies working under the umbrella of Anushilan Samity, a society earlier founded by a Calcutta barrister by the name of Pramatha Mitra. These included Mitra's own group, another led by a Bengali lady by the name of Sarala Devi, and a third one led by Aurobindo Ghosh. The Anushilan Samiti had Aurobindo and Deshabandhu Chittaranjan Das as the vice-presidents, Suren Tagore the treasurer. Jatindra Nath Banerjee (Niralamba Swami), Bagha Jatin, Bhupendra Nath Datta (Swami Vivekananda's brother), Barindra Ghosh were among other initial leaders.
By 1905, the work of Aurobindo and his brother Barin Ghosh allowed Anushilan Samity to spread through Bengal.

title: Revolutionary movement for Indian independence

text: Established by Pramathanath Mitra it became one of the most organised revolutionary associations, especially in the Eastern Bengal where the Dhaka Anushilan Samiti had several branches and carried out major activities. Jugantar was initially formed by an inner circle of the Kolkata Anushilan Samiti, like the Palmach of Haganah. In the 1920s, the Kolkata faction supported Gandhi in the Non-Cooperation Movement and many of the leaders held high posts in Congress. The Anushilan Samati had over five hundred branches.Indians living in America and Canada had established the Gadar organization

title: History of the Anushilan Samiti

text: A major section of the Anushilan movement had been attracted to Marxism during the 1930s, many of them studying Marxist–Leninist literature whilst serving long jail sentences. A minority section broke away from the Anushilan movement and joined the Communist Consolidation, and later the Communist Party of India. The majority of the Anushilan Marxists did however, whilst having adopted Marxist–Leninist thinking, feel hesitant over joining the Communist Party.

title: Niranjan Sengupta

text: Niranjan was a leader of the Barisal branch of Dhaka Anushilan Samiti. In 1929, he was one of the leaders who led to the formation of the neo-violence confederation.

title: Dhaka Anushilan Samiti

text: Dhaka Anushilan Samiti was a branch of the Anushilan Samiti founded in the city of Dhaka in November 1905. Initially a group of eighty under the leadership of Pulin Behari Das, it "spread like wildfire" throughout the province of East Bengal. More than 500 branches were opened, linked by a "close and detailed organization" to Pulin’s headquarters at Dhaka. It absorbed smaller groups in the province and soon overshadowed its parent organisation in Calcutta. Branches of Dhaka Anushilan emerged in the towns of Jessore, Khulna, Faridpur, Rajnagar, Rajendrapur, Mohanpur, Barvali, Bakarganj and other places. Estimates of Dhaka Anushilan Samiti's reach show a membership of between 15,000 and 20,000 members. Within another two years, Dhaka Anushilan would devolve its aims from the Swadeshi to the dedicated aim of political terrorism. The "Dhaka Anushilan Samiti" embarked on a radical program of political terrorism. It broke with the "Jugantar group" due to differences with Aurobindo's approach of slowly building a base for a revolution with a mass base. The Dhaka group saw this as slow and insufficient, and sought immediate action and result. It was responsible for a number of political assassinations, most notably the murder of D.C. Allen. However, it reached a temporary halt after the arrest and deportation of Pulin Das and the Barisal Conspiracy Case in 1913. Dhaka Anushilan decided not to participate in the German plot of World War I. After the war, it continued in its violent movement, and some of its members went on to form the Neo-violence group.

title: Pratul Chandra Ganguli

text: Pratul was born in Narayanganj, now in Bangladesh. He was a member of the Anushilan Samiti. Following the arrest of Pulin Behari Das ( the main organizer of the Dhaka branch of Anushilan Samiti), Pratul and Trailokyanath Chakravarty took charge of the Anushilan Samiti and reorganized the association. He was tried in the Barisal conspiracy case and was sentenced for 10 years imprisonment in 1914, however he was released earlier. In 1922, he joined Congress. Somehow he also managed to maintain some revolutionary connections and continued helping the revolutionaries. Pratul became the president of Dhaka District Congress Committee, Bengal Congress Committee and All India Congress Committee. He was elected to the Bengal legislature in 1929 and in 1937. Pratul Ganguli retired from politics in 1947 and died in 1957.

title: Emperor vs Aurobindo Ghosh and others

text: Significantly, as the hearings proceeded through 1908 into 1909, the government of Bengal came to fear that "Aushilan samiti" would mount a rescue mission to breakout the undertrials. A noted rise in militant actions and assassinations linked to "Anushilan samiti" in wider Bengal began to be reported, reaching the premises of the Alipore court as the hearings drew to a close. In November 1908, two assassinations were attempted in Calcutta two days apart, one targeting Chief of Police Andrew Fraser and the second where Nandalal Bannerjee- the police officer who had arrested Prafulla Chaki- was gunned down, both in public. That same month, a police informant was killed and mutilated in Dacca. A shaken Bengal government arrested and deported a number of "Anushilan" leaders, including Raja Subodh Mallik, Aurobindo's uncle Krishna Kumar Mitra, and "Bande mataram" editor Shyamsunder Chakravarty to Rangoon. In response, in March 1909, "Anushilan" assassinated public prosecutor Ashutosh Biswas when he was gunned down by Charu Bose in the very steps of the Alipore High court where the hearings were beginning to draw to a close. The final arguments for prosecution and defense began amidst tight security at the end of March, 1909. Das, closing his argument for defense, famously stated:

title: History of the Anushilan Samiti

text: Around 1902, Aurobindo Ghosh arranged for Bannerjee to return to Calcutta to begin organisational work, where he began a gymnasium and a youth society. It was at this time that Bannerjee came in touch with Vibhuti Bhushan Bhattacharya, Sarala Devi Ghoshal and Pramathanath Mitra. In Calcutta, a few clubs and societies were still active at the time. Most notable was a gymnasium in Ballygunge Circular Road run by Sarala Devi herself, a second was an organisation named "Anushilan Samiti" founded by Satish Chandra Basu with the patronage of Pramathanath Mitra. A third one was a youth club called "Attōnnōti Samiti" (Self-improvement society) in central Calcutta.

title: Anushilan Samiti

text: In the aftermath of the Manicktala conspiracy, the western Anushilan Samiti found a more-prominent leader in Bagha Jatin and emerged as the Jugantar. Jatin revitalised links between the central organisation in Calcutta and its branches in Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and Uttar Pradesh, establishing hideouts in the Sunderbans for members who had gone underground.[16] The group slowly reorganised, aided by Amarendra Chatterjee, Naren Bhattacharya and other younger leaders. Some of its younger members, including Taraknath Das, left India. Over the next two years, the organisation operated under the cover of two apparently-separate groups: Sramajeebi Samabaya (the Labourer's Cooperative) and Harry and Sons.[13] Around this time Jatin began attempting to establish contacts with the 10th Jat Regiment, garrisoned at Fort William in Calcutta, and Narendra Nath committed a number of robberies to raise money. Shamsul Alam, a Bengal police officer preparing a conspiracy case against the group, was assassinated by Jatin associate Biren Dutta Gupta. His assassination led to the arrests which precipitated the Howrah-Sibpur Conspiracy case.[17]


query: Who is the founder of evolutionary psychology?

title: History of evolutionary psychology

text: The history of evolutionary psychology began with Charles Darwin, who said that humans have social instincts that evolved by natural selection. Darwin's work inspired later psychologists such as William James and Sigmund Freud but for most of the 20th century psychologists focused more on behaviorism and proximate explanations for human behavior. E. O. Wilson's landmark 1975 book, Sociobiology, synthesized recent theoretical advances in evolutionary theory to explain social behavior in animals, including humans. Jerome Barkow, Leda Cosmides and John Tooby popularized the term "evolutionary psychology" in their 1992 book The Adapted Mind: Evolutionary Psychology and The Generation of Culture.[1] Like sociobiology before it, evolutionary psychology has been embroiled in controversy, but evolutionary psychologists see their field as gaining increased acceptance overall.

title: Kevin MacDonald (evolutionary psychologist)

text: John Tooby, the founder of MacDonald's field of evolutionary psychology, criticized MacDonald in an article for "Salon" in 2000. He wrote, "MacDonald's ideas—not just on Jews—violate fundamental principles of the field." Tooby posits that MacDonald is not an evolutionary psychologist, and advocates models incorporating group-selection theory, a view of natural selection whose importance is disputed.

title: Evolutionary Behavioral Sciences

text: Evolutionary Behavioral Sciences is a quarterly peer-reviewed academic journal published by the American Psychological Association. It was established in 2007 as the Journal of Social, Evolutionary, and Cultural Psychology, and obtained its current name in January 2014. EBS publishes manuscripts that advance the study of human behavior from an evolutionary perspective, with an emphasis on work that integrates evolutionary theory with other approaches and perspectives from across the behavioral sciences. The journal is published in partnership with the NorthEastern Evolutionary Psychology Society.

title: Evolutionary psychology

text: Evolutionary psychology is an approach that views human nature as the product of a universal set of evolved psychological adaptations to recurring problems in the ancestral environment. Proponents suggest that it seeks to integrate psychology into the other natural sciences, rooting it in the organizing theory of biology (evolutionary theory), and thus understanding psychology as a branch of biology. Anthropologist John Tooby and psychologist Leda Cosmides note:

title: Evolutionary developmental psychology

text: Evolutionary developmental psychology can be viewed as a more focused theoretical framework derived from the larger field of evolutionary psychology (EP). Mainstream evolutionary psychology grew out of earlier movements which applied the principles of evolutionary biology to understand the mind and behavior such as sociobiology, ethology, and behavioral ecology, differing from these earlier approaches by focusing on identifying psychological adaptations rather than adaptive behavior. While EDP theory generally aligns with that of mainstream EP, it is distinguished by a conscious effort to reconcile theories of both evolution and development. EDP theory diverges from mainstream evolutionary psychology in both the degree of importance placed on the environment in influencing behavior, and in how evolution has shaped the development of human psychology.

title: Darwinian anthropology

text: Symons, along with Tooby and Cosmides, were amongst the founders of the emerging school of evolutionary psychology, whose aim has been to focus more on these hypothesized proximate psychological mechanisms.

title: History of evolutionary psychology

text: Behavioural genetics Biocultural evolution Dual inheritance theory Ethnic nepotism Evolutionary economics Evolutionary developmental psychology– Application of the basic principles of Darwinian evolution to understand the development of human behavior and cognition Evolutionary educational psychology Evolutionary neuroscience– Study of the evolution of nervous systems Evolutionary psychology research groups and centers Gene-centered view of evolution– Reasoning that since heritable information is passed from generation to generation almost exclusively by DNA, natural selection and evolution are best considered from the perspective of genes Human behavioral ecology List of evolutionary psychologists Memetics Multiple discovery Universal Darwinism– An attempt to expand the application of Darwinian evolutionary theory to other fields Darwinian literary studies

title: Donald Symons

text: Donald Symons (born 1942) is an American anthropologist best known as one of the founders of evolutionary psychology, and for pioneering the study of human sexuality from an evolutionary perspective. He is one of the most cited researchers in contemporary sex research. His work is referenced by scientists investigating an extremely diverse range of sexual phenomena. Harvard psychologist Steven Pinker describes Symons' "The Evolution of Human Sexuality" (1979) as a "groundbreaking book" and "a landmark in its synthesis of evolutionary biology, anthropology, physiology, psychology, fiction, and cultural analysis, written with a combination of rigor and wit. It was a model for all subsequent books that apply evolution to human affairs, particularly mine."

title: Evolutionary psychology

text: A frequent critique of the discipline is that the hypotheses of evolutionary psychology are frequently arbitrary and difficult or impossible to adequately test, thus questioning its status as an actual scientific discipline, for example because many current traits probably evolved to serve different functions than they do now. While evolutionary psychology hypotheses are difficult to test, evolutionary psychologists assert that it is not impossible. Part of the critique of the scientific base of evolutionary psychology includes a critique of the concept of the Environment of Evolutionary Adaptation. Some critics have argued that researchers know so little about the environment in which "Homo sapiens" evolved that explaining specific traits as an adaption to that environment becomes highly speculative. Evolutionary psychologists respond that they do know many things about this environment, including the facts that present day humans' ancestors were hunter-gatherers, that they generally lived in small tribes, etc.

title: Criticism of evolutionary psychology

text: Evolutionary psychology has generated substantial controversy and criticism. The criticism includes but is not limited to: disputes about the testability of evolutionary hypotheses, alternatives to some of the cognitive assumptions (such as massive modularity) frequently employed in evolutionary psychology, alleged vagueness stemming from evolutionary assumptions (such as uncertainty about the environment of evolutionary adaptation), differing stress on the importance of non-genetic and non-adaptive explanations, and political and ethical issues.

title: Theoretical foundations of evolutionary psychology

text: The theoretical foundations of evolutionary psychology are the general and specific scientific theories that explain the ultimate origins of psychological traits in terms of evolution. These theories originated with Charles Darwin's work, including his speculations about the evolutionary origins of social instincts in humans. Modern evolutionary psychology, however, is possible only because of advances in evolutionary theory in the 20th century.

title: Evolutionary developmental psychology

text: Additionally, evolutionary developmental psychologists emphasize research on psychological "development" and behaviors across the lifespan. Pioneers of EDP contrast their work with that of mainstream evolutionary psychologists, who they argue focus primarily on adults, especially on behaviors related to socializing and mating.

title: Evolutionary psychology

text: Evolutionary psychology is a theoretical approach in the social and natural sciences that examines psychological structure from a modern evolutionary perspective. It seeks to identify which human psychological traits are evolved adaptations – that is, the functional products of natural selection or sexual selection in human evolution. Adaptationist thinking about physiological mechanisms, such as the heart, lungs, and immune system, is common in evolutionary biology. Some evolutionary psychologists apply the same thinking to psychology, arguing that the modularity of mind is similar to that of the body and with different modular adaptations serving different functions. Evolutionary psychologists argue that much of human behavior is the output of psychological adaptations that evolved to solve recurrent problems in human ancestral environments.

title: Evolutionary psychology of language

text: Evolutionary psychology of language is the study of the evolutionary history of language as a psychological faculty within the discipline of evolutionary psychology. It makes the assumption that language is the result of a Darwinian adaptation.

title: Steven Forrest (astrologer)

text: Steven Forrest (born January 6, 1949) is an American astrologer, author and lecturer. He is the author of nearly a dozen astrological books and one of the founders of the school of Evolutionary Astrology, described by Forrest as "a form of psychological astrology which is integrated with metaphysics. Where a twentieth century psychological astrologer might focus on the dynamics of childhood, the evolutionary astrologer focuses on the "childhood of the soul"—prior lifetimes, and the issues left unresolved from them."

title: Criticism of evolutionary psychology

text: A 2010 review article by evolutionary psychologists describes how an evolutionary theory may be empirically tested. A hypothesis is made about the evolutionary cause of a psychological phenomenon or phenomena. Then the researcher makes predictions that can be tested. This involves predicting that the evolutionary cause will have caused other effects than the ones already discovered and known. Then these predictions are tested. The authors argue numerous evolutionary theories have been tested in this way and confirmed or falsified. Buller (2005) makes the point that the entire field of evolutionary psychology is never confirmed or falsified; only specific hypotheses, motivated by the general assumptions of evolutionary psychology, are testable. Accordingly, he views evolutionary psychology as a paradigm rather than a theory, and attributes this view to prominent evolutionary psychologists including Cosmides, Tooby, Buss, and Pinker.

title: History of evolutionary psychology

text: The term evolutionary psychology was used by American biologist Michael Ghiselin in a 1973 article published in the journal Science.[11] Jerome Barkow, Leda Cosmides and John Tooby popularized the term "evolutionary psychology" in their 1992 book The Adapted Mind: Evolutionary Psychology and The Generation of Culture.[1]

title: Basic science (psychology)

text: A goal of evolutionary psychology is to explain psychological traits and processes such as memory, perception, or language in terms of adaptations that arose in the evolutionary history of humans. Traits and processes are thought to be functional products of random mutations and natural selection. Evolutionary biologists view physiological mechanisms, such as the heart, lungs, and immune system, in similar terms. Evolutionary psychology applies the same thinking to psychology. Evolutionary psychologists advance the view that much of human behavior is the cumulative result of psychological adaptations that evolved to solve problems in human ancestral environments. For example, Steven Pinker hypothesized that humans have inherited special mental capacities for acquiring language, making language acquisition nearly automatic, while inheriting no capacity specifically for reading and writing.

title: Evolutionary psychology of religion

text: The evolutionary psychology of religion is the study of religious belief using evolutionary psychology principles. It is one approach to the psychology of religion. As with all other organs and organ functions, the brain's functional structure is argued to have a genetic basis, and is therefore subject to the effects of natural selection and evolution. Evolutionary psychologists seek to understand cognitive processes, religion in this case, by understanding the survival and reproductive functions they might serve.

title: Evolutionary psychology

text: Evolutionary psychology is founded on several core premises.Evolutionary psychology has its historical roots in Charles Darwin's theory of natural selection. In "The Origin of Species", Darwin predicted that psychology would develop an evolutionary basis:

title: Mark van Vugt

text:
Mark van Vugt (born 9 May 1967, Amsterdam) is a Netherlands evolutionary psychologist who holds a professorship in evolutionary psychology and work and organizational psychology at the VU University (Vrije Universiteit) Amsterdam, the Netherlands. Van Vugt has affiliate positions at the University of Oxford, Institute for Cognitive and Evolutionary Anthropology (ICEA).
Mark van Vugt studied psychology at the University of Groningen, followed by a PhD in applied social psychology at the University of Maastricht during which he worked on research into environmental sustainability and transportation as social dilemma and tragedy of the commons problems. After receiving his PhD in 1996, Mark van Vugt was hired by the University of Southampton, UK, to work as a lecturer in psychology, followed by a professorship in 2004 at the University of Kent, UK.

title: Adapting Minds

text:
Adapting Minds: Evolutionary Psychology and the Persistent Quest for Human Nature is a book published by MIT Press written by philosopher of science David Buller, piecing together his criticism of evolutionary psychology. A large portion of the book is dedicated to a critique of empirical findings from three research groups in the field: that of David Buss, that of Cosmides and Tooby, and that of Daly and Wilson. Buller argues that the evolutionary psychology paradigms are "mistaken in almost every detail."
The book got a strongly negative review from anthropologist Clark Barrett in the "American Journal of Human Biology" who wrote: "Buller’s book has many useful elements, but it is based on simplistic assumptions and fallacious arguments that lead to faulty conclusions. If taken seriously, Buller’s denial of human nature would invalidate not only evolutionary psychology but also any field that attempts to produce generalizable knowledge about humans, including behavioral ecology, biological anthropology, and most branches of psychology, not to mention medicine."

title: Evolutionary psychology

text: The theories on which evolutionary psychology is based originated with Charles Darwin's work, including his speculations about the evolutionary origins of social instincts in humans. Modern evolutionary psychology, however, is possible only because of advances in evolutionary theory in the 20th century.

title: Evolutionary psychology of language

text: In the debate surrounding the evolutionary psychology of language, three sides emerge: those who believe in language as an adaptation, those who believe it is a by-product of another adaptation, and those who believe it is an exaptation.

title: History of evolutionary psychology

text: The presence that evolutionary theory holds in psychology has been steadily increasing.[4] According to its proponents, evolutionary psychology now occupies a central place in psychological science.[16]

title: Criticism of evolutionary psychology

text: Evolutionary psychology critics have argued that researchers use their research to promote a right-wing agenda. Evolutionary psychologists conducted a 2007 study investigating the views of a sample of 168 United States PhD psychology students. The authors concluded that those who self-identified as adaptationists were much less conservative than the general population average. They also found no differences compared to non-adaptationist students and found non-adaptationists to express a preference for less strict and quantitative scientific methodology than adaptationists.

title: History of evolutionary psychology

text: Before 1990, introductory psychology textbooks scarcely mentioned Darwin.[15] In the 1990s, evolutionary psychology was treated as a fringe theory,[16] and evolutionary psychologists depicted themselves as an embattled minority.[2] Coverage in psychology textbooks was largely hostile.[16] According to evolutionary psychologists, current coverage in psychology textbooks is usually neutral or balanced.[16]

title: Mark van Vugt

text: mark van Vugt has contributed to the scientific literature by proposing evolutionary evolutionary psychology theories for human social behavior. On leadership followership and organizations through the evolutionary leadership theory. On intergroup relations through the male warrior hypothesis. On the evolutionary psychology of social dilemmas. On conservation and sustainability through the lens of evolutionary psychology and evolutionary mismatch. Recently he conducted work on the Napoleon complex adopting an evolutionary lens.

title: Todd K. Shackelford

text: Todd Kennedy Shackelford (born 1971) is an American psychologist and professor at Oakland University. He is best known for his work in evolutionary psychology. He is the editor in chief of the academic journals "Evolutionary Psychology" and "Evolutionary Psychological Science". He is a fellow of the American Psychological Association and the Association for Psychological Science.

title: Criticism of evolutionary psychology

text: The history of the debate from the critics' perspective is detailed by Gannon (2002). Critics of evolutionary psychology include the philosophers of science David Buller author of "Adapting Minds", Robert C. Richardson author of "Evolutionary Psychology as Maladapted Psychology", and Brendan Wallace, author of "Getting Darwin Wrong: Why Evolutionary Psychology Won't Work." Other critics include neurobiologists like Steven Rose who edited ""Alas, Poor Darwin: Arguments against Evolutionary Psychology"", and biological anthropologists like Jonathan Marks and social anthropologists like Tim Ingold and Marshall Sahlins.


query: Where does the Glamorgan County Cricket Club play its home games?

title: Glamorgan County Cricket Club

text: The club is based in Cardiff and plays most of its home games at Sophia Gardens, which is located on the bank of the River Taff. Matches have also occasionally been played at Swansea, Colwyn Bay and Cresselly (despite the latter towns being in Denbighshire and Pembrokeshire respectively).

title: Ernest William Jones

text: Ernest begun his 45-year cricketing career playing for Swansea, for whom he played from 1887 to 1904. He played Minor Counties cricket for Glamorgan County Cricket Club between 1890 and 1911: he played in every single match during this period, and was a member of the Glamorgan side that won the Minor Counties Championship in 1900. He played first class cricket for South Wales between 1905 and 1909. He played for the Gentleman of Glamorgan from 1913 onwards.

title: Glamorgan

text: Sport was an important part of life in Glamorgan, and the county produced several individuals and teams of note. One of the first recorded team sports in Wales was bando, a variant of bandy. The game was very popular in Glamorgan between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries before losing in popularity to rugby football. The most notable team to carry the name Glamorgan, is Glamorgan County Cricket Club. Although cricket had been established in Glamorgan since the creation of Cardiff Cricket Club in 1819; county team Glamorgan CCC did not form until 1888. The team gained first-class status in 1921, and still play under the name of Glamorgan. In the first hundred years, the only Welshman to captain an England major tour abroad was Tony Lewis, Glamorgan captain 1967–72.

title: List of Derbyshire County Cricket Club grounds

text: The county's debut home game in first-class cricket was played at the County Ground in Derby against Lancashire. The venue has also been known as the Racecourse Ground, as it had previously been used for horse racing, and also served as the original home ground of Derby County Football Club, which was formed as an offshoot of the cricket club in 1884. The County Ground has remained the cricket club's primary ground, hosting the majority of home matches, and also played host to the club's first home fixture in Twenty20 cricket against Nottinghamshire in 2003. Queen's Park in Chesterfield, however, staged the club's first home game in List A cricket against Essex in 1964. Queen's Park was first used by the county in 1898 and has continued to be a regular venue for Derbyshire matches, staging over 400 first-class games.

title: Glamorgan County Cricket Club

text: Glamorgan CCC played its initial first-class match versus Sussex CCC at Cardiff Arms Park on 18–20 May 1921 and thus increased the County Championship to 17 teams. Captained by N.V.H. Riches, Glamorgan won this first match by 23 runs. Only one more victory was achieved that summer; Glamorgan lost 14 games and finished with the wooden spoon.

title: List of Staffordshire County Cricket Club grounds

text: Staffordshire County Cricket Club was established on 24 November 1871. It has since played minor counties cricket from 1895 and played List A cricket from 1971 to 2005, using a different number of home grounds during that time. Their first home minor counties fixture in 1895 was against Northamptonshire at the County Ground, Stoke-on-Trent, while their first home List A match came 76 years later against Glamorgan in the 1971 Gillette Cup at Trentham Road, Stoke-on-Trent.

title: List of sports governing bodies in Wales

text: Glamorgan Cricket () is the Welsh first class, professional club. Glamorgan CCC play in the England and Wales Cricket Board County Championship. The club has over 7000 members. It also runs the Welsh Cricket Academy. Glamorgan Cricket is based at the SWALEC Stadium, Sophia Gardens, Cardiff.

title: List of Warwickshire County Cricket Club grounds

text: The county's debut home match in first-class cricket was played at Edgbaston Cricket Ground in Birmingham against Kent in 1894. At this time the ground stood on land owned by the Gough-Calthorpe family, who had developed the manor of Edgbaston into an exclusive Birmingham suburb during the 19th century, and believed that a cricket ground would enhance the image of the district. Warwickshire had previously considered locating their headquarters in Rugby or Leamington Spa, but secretary William Ansell considered Birmingham more suitable due to its large population and railway connections. Edgbaston has remained the club's primary ground, hosting the majority of the club's matches, and also played host to the club's first home fixtures in the other formats of the game; in List A cricket in 1964 against Hampshire; and in Twenty20 cricket against Glamorgan in 2003. Since 1902 the ground has also hosted matches played by the England cricket team.

title: Percy Bush

text: Bush also played county cricket for Glamorgan County Cricket Club and Marylebone Cricket Club. He played in three Minor Counties Cricket Championship matches between 1900 and 1903, all for Glamorgan. His first Minor Counties match was at St Helens against Wiltshire in 1900. Bush scored just 5 runs in his first innings, but his Glamorgan team won the match before he was required in the second innings. Bush failed to improve in his second match, played against Berkshire at the Cardiff Arms Park in 1902; scoring a single run in his only innings. Despite this Glamorgan won by an innings and ten runs. His final encounter for Glamorgan, was against a Surrey Second XI in 1903. Glamorgan lost the match by 61 runs, and Bush failed to enhance his record with 6 runs over two innings.

title: Dewi Penrhyn Jones

text:
Penrhyn Jones attended Ysgol Bodhyfryd junior school and Ysgol Morgan Llwyd in Wrexham before taking his GCSEs and A levels at Ellesmere College in Shropshire where he was offered a cricketing Scholarship.
Penrhyn Jones played cricket for Brymbo C.C at Junior and senior level and represented Wales at all levels from Under 11's to the senior team Wales Minor Counties Cricket Club who play in the Minor Counties Cricket Championship. Penrhyn Jones was selected for Glamorgan's academy in 2013 before being offered a professional contract in September 2014.
Penrhyn Jones also played cricket for Wombourne C.C and Shrewsbury C.C in the Birmingham and District Premier League.Dewi played several games for Malpas Cricket Club in the Meller Braggins cricket league in Cheshire.

title: Glamorgan County Cricket Club in 2014

text: The 2014 season marked Glamorgan County Cricket Club's 127th year of existence and its 93rd as a first-class cricket county. In 2014, Glamorgan played in the Second Division of the County Championship, Group B of the 50-over Royal London One-Day Cup and the South Group of the NatWest t20 Blast. It was the first season in charge for head coach Toby Radford. The on-field captains were Mark Wallace for the County Championship and Royal London One-Day Cup, and Jim Allenby for the NatWest t20 Blast. Unlike other counties, Glamorgan competed in limited-overs cricket without a nickname for the second year in a row.

title: Sophia Gardens (cricket ground)

text: The venue is home to Glamorgan County Cricket Club which has played its home matches there since 24 May 1967, after moving away from Cardiff Arms Park. A 125-year lease of the ground was acquired in 1995, with the previous leaseholders, Cardiff Athletic Club, moving its cricket section (Cardiff Cricket Club) to the Diamond Ground in Whitchurch. Beside the cricket ground is the large sports hall complex of the Sport Wales National Centre. Cardiff Corinthians F.C. have previously used the area for football. In July 2007, Glamorgan cricketer Mike Powell was granted his wish to have a rib, removed during surgery, buried at the ground.

title: Glamorgan County Cricket Club in 2015

text: The 2015 season marks Glamorgan County Cricket Club's 128th year of existence and its 94th as a first-class cricket county. In 2015, Glamorgan is playing in the Second Division of the County Championship, Group B of the 50-over Royal London One-Day Cup and the South Group of the NatWest t20 Blast. It is the second season in charge for head coach Toby Radford. The club captain is overseas player Jacques Rudolph. Unlike other counties, Glamorgan is competing in limited-overs cricket without a nickname for the third year in a row.

title: Sport in Cardiff

text: As well as running club sides, three South Wales universities—Cardiff University, UWIC and the (Pontypridd, Rhondda Cynon Taf based) University of Glamorgan— formed the Cardiff/Glamorgan Centre of Cricketing Excellence, one of six Centres of Cricketing Excellence established by the England and Wales Cricket Board (ECB) in October 2000. The centres are aimed at male students with the potential to play first class cricket, and at female students who have played to senior county level. The Centre's day-to-day operations are at UWIC and their home matches are played at grounds used by Glamorgan CCC, including Sophia Gardens.

title: Glamorgan County Cricket Club in 2016

text: The 2016 season marks Glamorgan County Cricket Club's 129th year of existence and its 95th as a first-class cricket county. In 2016, Glamorgan is playing in the Second Division of the County Championship, and the South Groups of both the 50-over Royal London One-Day Cup and the NatWest t20 Blast. It is the first season in charge for head coach Robert Croft. The club captain is overseas player Jacques Rudolph. Unlike other counties, Glamorgan is competing in limited-overs cricket without a nickname for the fourth year in a row.

title: Glamorgan County Cricket Club

text: Glamorgan County Cricket Club (Welsh: Criced Morgannwg) is one of eighteen first-class county clubs within the domestic cricket structure of England and Wales. It represents the historic county of Glamorgan (Welsh: Morgannwg). Founded in 1888, Glamorgan held minor status at first and was a prominent member of the early Minor Counties Championship before the First World War. In 1921, the club joined the County Championship and the team was elevated to first-class status, subsequently playing in every top-level domestic cricket competition in England and Wales.[1]

title: List of Glamorgan cricket captains

text: Glamorgan County Cricket Club was officially founded on 6 July 1888. Glamorgan's team was elevated to first-class status in May 1921 when the club joined the County Championship. It is one of eighteen county teams in England and Wales that play first-class cricket. The player appointed club captain leads the team in all fixtures except if unavailable.

title: Cardiff Arms Park

text: In 1819 Cardiff Cricket Club was formed and by 1848 they had moved to their new home at the Arms Park. Glamorgan County Cricket Club, at the time not a first-class county, played their first match at the ground in June 1869 against Monmouthshire Cricket Club. The county club played their first County Championship match on the ground in 1921, competing there every season (except while first-class cricket was suspended during the Second World War) until their final match on the ground against Somerset in August 1966.

title: Gloucestershire County Cricket Club

text: Gloucestershire County Cricket Club is one of eighteen first-class county clubs within the domestic cricket structure of England and Wales. It represents the historic county of Gloucestershire. Founded in 1870, Gloucestershire have always been first-class and have played in every top-level domestic cricket competition in England. The club played its first senior match in 1870 and W. G. Grace was their captain. The club plays home games at the Bristol County Ground in the Bishopston area of north Bristol. A number of games are also played at the Cheltenham cricket festival at the College Ground, Cheltenham and matches have also been played at the Gloucester cricket festival at The King's School, Gloucester.

title: List of Glamorgan County Cricket Club players

text: The details are the player's usual name followed by the years in which he was active as a Glamorgan player and then his name is given as it usually appears on match scorecards. Note that many players represented other top-class teams besides Glamorgan and that some played for the club in minor counties cricket before 1921. Current players are shown as active to the latest season in which they played for the club. The list excludes Second XI and other players who did not play for the club's first team; and players whose first team appearances were in minor matches only.The following Glamorgan players did not appear in first-class cricket but did play for the county team in List A cricket:

title: List of Glamorgan County Cricket Club grounds

text:
"Below is a complete list of grounds used by Glamorgan County Cricket Club in Minor Counties Championship matches before its elevation to first-class status in 1921."
"Below is a complete list of grounds used by Glamorgan County Cricket Club in first-class, List A and Twenty20 matches following its elevation to first-class status in 1921."

title: Glamorgan County Cricket Club

text: Glamorgan is the only Welsh first-class cricket club. They have won the English County Championship competition in 1948, 1969 and 1997. Glamorgan have also beaten international teams from all of the Test playing nations, including Australia whom they defeated in successive tours in 1964 and 1968. The club's limited overs team is called simply Glamorgan. Kit colours are blue and yellow for limited overs matches.

title: Ernie Harris

text: Harris played club cricket for St.Fagan's Cricket Club from the mid-1930s to the mid-1980s, becoming a stalwart of the club for 5 decades. He also worked in administrative section of University College, Cardiff, where the eventually became the registrar. Later in life he served on the Glamorgan County Cricket Club committee and was the match manager when England played Australia in a One Day International at St. Helen's. Harris died on 4 December 1996. His brother Leslie Harris also played first-class cricket for Glamorgan.

title: Swansea

text: St Helens Rugby and Cricket Ground is the home of Swansea RFC and Glamorgan County Cricket Club have previously played matches there. In this ground, Sir Garfield Sobers hit six sixes in one over; the first time this was achieved in a game of first-class cricket. The final ball landed on the ground past the Cricketers' pub just outside the ground. It is also the home of the tallest floodlight stand in Europe.

text: Glamorgan County Cricket Club was established on 6 July 1888. The county entered the Minor Counties Championship in 1896 and competed in the competition until 1920, after which it was elevated to first-class status for the 1921 season, and has played first-class cricket since. Following their elevation to first-class status, Glamorgan alternated their home matches between Cardiff Arms Park in Cardiff and St Helen's in Swansea. It wasn't until 1966 that Glamorgan began playing at their current home ground, the SWALEC Stadium (known more commonly as Sophia Gardens) in Cardiff. Cardiff Arms Park played host to Glamorgan's first home fixture in first-class cricket against Sussex in 1921, as well as its first home List A fixture against Worcestershire in 1963. Forty years later Sophia Gardens played host to the clubs first Twenty20 fixture against Northamptonshire. Glamorgan have played home matches at nineteen grounds, but have played the majority of their home fixtures since 1966 at the SWALEC Stadium, which also holds Test, One Day International and Twenty20 International cricket matches.

title: The Gnoll

text: The Gnoll started to host some Glamorgan County Championship fixtures in the 1930s, and in 1954 an indoor cricket school was opened at the site. However, problems with the pitch meant that from the late 1960s the ground was only used for one-day matches - in 1969 the Gnoll staged the county's first-ever home game in the Sunday League. In 1974, the Gnoll was dropped from the county's 1st XI fixture list, although it played host to Glamorgan's matches against the touring Australians in 1985 and 1993. Championship cricket returned to The Gnoll between 1986 and 1992 with Glamorgan staging five home games there, and one further first-class cricket game was played against a Young Australia team in 1995.

title: Bournemouth

text:
Bournemouth Rugby Club, which competes in the National League Division Two South, has its home at the Bournemouth Sports Club, next to Bournemouth Airport, where it hosts an annual Rugby sevens tournament and festival. Oakmeadians RFC is the oldest RFU Accredited Rugby Club in Bournemouth, established in 1963.They train and play at Meyrick Park competing in the South West Division. Bournemouth Cricket Club also plays at Bournemouth Sports Club and is reported to be one of the biggest cricket clubs in the country. Its first team plays in the Southern Premier League.
Dean Park is a former county cricket ground, once home to Hampshire County Cricket Club and later Dorset County Cricket Club. Today it is a venue for university cricket.

title: Cricket in Wales

text: Cricket is a popular sport in Wales. With its roots beginning in the late 18th century, Cricket has been played throughout Wales ever since. Glamorgan County Cricket Club is Wales' only first-class team, and Welsh players are eligible to represent England as Wales does not currently have its own Test cricket team. Cricket is played within the Welsh schools system, and is considered one of the country's main summer sports.

text: This is a list in alphabetical order of cricketers who have played for Glamorgan County Cricket Club in top-class matches since 1921 when the club joined the County Championship and the team was elevated to official first-class status. Glamorgan has been classified as a List A team since the beginning of limited overs cricket in 1963; and as a first-class Twenty20 team since the inauguration of the Twenty20 Cup in 2003.

title: Cowbridge

text:
Cowbridge is home to Cowbridge RFC a Welsh Rugby Union affiliated rugby union team, which fields two senior, a youth and ladies team.
Cowbridge Cricket Club first played in 1840 and now has six senior and junior teams and is affiliated to the South Wales Cricket Association. Notable cricketers who have played for the club include former test players Hugh Morris, John Clay, Tony Lewis, C F Walters and on one famous occasion Douglas Jardine. Among the many county cricketers produced by the club are the Glamorgan players Ben Wright and Alex Jones. Glamorgan CCC played county fixtures at Cowbridge in the 1930s.