The Development of Sexually Abusive Behavior in Adolescent Males who have been Sexually Victimized
The abused abuser hypothesis posits that a history of sexual victimization may increase the risk of engaging in sexually abusive behavior for some victims. Although many researchers have discovered a higher prevalence of childhood sexual abuse (CSA) in sex offenders in comparison with non sex offenders, less research has considered how specific characteristics of prior sexual abuse may contribute to how these individuals sexually abuse others. For the present study, archival data were collected from 243 youths receiving residential treatment for sexually abusive behavior and self reported data were collected from university students with no known history of sexual offending. The present study confirms disproportionally high rates of CSA in the sample of sexually abusive youth, compared to non sexual abusers. Further, among the sample of sexually abusive youth, we examined the effects of sexual perpetrator characteristics and age of sexual victimization on victim choice, age at first sexual offense, and number of sexual offenses, number of arrests, and sexual victims. Results revealed associations between perpetrator characteristics and victim choice. Additionally, being sexually victimized by a male or a relative was significantly associated with a younger age of onset of sexually abusive behavior and a younger age of sexual victimization suggested a greater number of sexual victims. Implications and future directions will be explored. SEXUALLY ABUSIVE BEHAVIOR IN SEXUALLY VICTIMIZED 3 DEVELOPMENT OF SEXUALLY ABUSIVE BEHAVIOR IN ADOLESCENT MALES WHO HAVE BEEN SEXUALLY VICTIMIZED Childhood sexual abuse presents a significant health problem in the United States, as 21% of children experience sexual victimization prior to age 18 (CDC, 2016) Over the past few decades, research dedicated to preventing further sexual victimization has identified factors that influence the development of sexually abusive behavior. Although the majority of victims of sexual violence do not subsequently become perpetrators of sexual abuse, studies have consistently revealed significantly higher rates of childhood sexual abuse reported by individuals who engage in sexually abusive behavior themselves in comparison with non sexual abusers (Burton, Miller Shill, 2001; Dhawan Marshall, 1996; Glasser et. al, 2001; Hanson Slater, 1988, Seto Lalumiere, 2010) In fact, research has indicated that on average, sex offenders are 3.36 times more likely to report a history of childhood sexual abuse (Jespersen, Lalumiere, Seto, 2005) For some victims of sexual abuse, their experiences may contribute to future sexual offending. Despite evidence suggesting a greater prevalence of childhood sexual abuse among sexually abusive samples, empirical research has not yet conclusively identified how characteristics of early sexual victimization contribute to the development of sexually abusive behavior. Therefore, in addition to examining the prevalence of sexual victimization in a sample of persons who have committed sexual offenses, the present study seeks to further investigate how individual experiences of sexual abuse influence later features of sexually abusive behavior. Social Learning and the Abused Abuser hypothesis The high prevalence of sexual abuse in the US has driven the development of several theories attempting to explain why some individuals develop sexually abusive behavior (Hall Hirshmann, 1991; Marshall Barabee, 1990; Ward Beech; 2005) Some investigators have SEXUALLY ABUSIVE BEHAVIOR IN SEXUALLY VICTIMIZED 4 suggested that poor childhood attachment styles may contribute to sexual offending (Smallbone Dadds, 2000; Stirpe et. al. 2006) whereas others have implicated cognitive disabilities (Cantor et. al, 2005) or psychopathology as potential explanations for sexually abusive behavior. An alternative approach to explaining the initiation of sexually abusive behavior involves social learning. Social learning theory is a widely known psychological theory that proposes that behavior is learned through observation of others' behaviors, as well as the modeling of those observed behaviors. Although the study of role of imitation in learning began earlier, social learning theory was introduced by Albert Bandura in the early 1960s. Initial research on social learning theory described the acquisition of conforming behaviors in children, but the theory has been applied to a wider range of behaviors, including aggression and sexual offending. Early experimental studies demonstrated that children observe behaviors of adult models and subsequently adopt those behaviors themselves (Bandura Hudson, 1961; Bandura, Ross, Ross, 1961) However, behavior is not always imitated. Whether an individual engages in a particular observed behavior is dependent upon the three components of social learning: Characteristics of the model, the actual observed behavior, and the consequences of the observed behavior. First, a behavior is more likely to be imitated if the model is someone the individual trusts or to whom they relate. Second, the behavior will more likely be imitated if it is related to other learned behaviors. An individual is less likely to engage in an observed behavior if it contradicts existing behaviors. Third, observed reinforcement and punishment of the model's behavior influences the likelihood that the behavior will be imitated by the observer. For example, if an individual views positive reinforcement following a particular observed behavior, then the behavior is likely to be imitated by the observer. The opposite is true when punishment SEXUALLY ABUSIVE BEHAVIOR IN SEXUALLY VICTIMIZED 5 follows the observed behavior. Each of these factors contribute to the likelihood of imitation of an observed behavior. Some research describes the importance of social learning in criminal activity and the development of deviant behavior (Akers et al. 1979; Akers, La Greca, Cochran, Sellers, 1989; Akers Lee, 1996; Lee, Akers, Borg, 2004) The social learning approach was first applied to criminal behavior by Burgess and Akers (1966) and has gained empirical support over the past few decades. Akers identified several social structural variables that influence whether an individual commits a crime or engages in delinquent behavior: Differential association, differential reinforcement, definitions, and imitation. The differential association reinforcement theory posits that: "The probability that persons will engage in criminal and deviant behavior is increased and the probability of their conforming to the norm is decreased when they differentially associate with others who commit criminal behavior or espouse definitions favorable to it, are relatively more exposed in person or symbolically to salient criminal/deviant models, define it as desirable or justified in a situation discriminative for the behavior, and have received in the past and anticipate in the current or future situation relatively greater reward than punishment for the behavior" (Lee, Akers, Borg, 2004, p.18) Similar to Bandura's social learning theory, the differential association reinforcement theory highlights the importance of observation and association of models, internal definitions supporting the behavior, and anticipated consequences following a behavior. This, however, is not the only form of social learning theory that has been applied to explain criminal behavior. SEXUALLY ABUSIVE BEHAVIOR IN SEXUALLY VICTIMIZED 6 The abused abuser hypothesis, derived from the social learning theory, is a more recent idea suggesting that a prior history of sexual victimization may increase the risk of engaging in sexually abusive behavior for some individuals. Although the majority of sexual abuse victims do not go on to sexually abuse others, studies have shown that there are still those who do (e.g. Salter et al. 2003) and that for these individuals, the sexual abuse experience may have had a lasting development impact. The abused abuser hypothesis implicates social learning as a primary contributor in the development of sexually abusive behavior and posits that individuals may learn such behavior by through their own experiences of sexual victimization. Similar to the acquisition of other behaviors, the likelihood of whether an individual will adopt sexually abusive behavior from their perpetrator also depends on a variety of factors. For example, if the victim of sexual abuse acknowledges satisfaction or physiological arousal (either by the victim or the perpetrator) from the sexual encounter, then he/she may be conditioned to achieve arousal in similar encounters. Children who have experienced sexual abuse may also develop distorted views on sex and may relate the abuse to "normal" behavior to obtain affection (Finkelhor Browne, 1985) In each case, the victim has learned that the particular sexual encounter may be favorable or beneficial in some way, increasing the likelihood that he/she will engage in the same behavior in the future. Several factors influence how a victim will interpret the sexual abuse, such as, 1) The age at which the sexual victimization occurred: If the victim is of younger age at the time of victimization, then he/she will be more likely to accept the behavior as normal. 2) The duration of the sexual victimization: Longer victimization means that the victim will have longer to learn the behavior and experience or observe the rewards associated with the abuse. 3) The type of acts the perpetrator(s) commit(s) Sexual abuse involving penetration may be more traumatic, SEXUALLY ABUSIVE BEHAVIOR IN SEXUALLY VICTIMIZED 7 making it more likely that the victim will normalize the behavior through cognitive dissonance or need to cope by repeating the behavior themselves. 4) The modus operandi of the perpetrator(s) The greater force that is used during the sexual abuse, the more likely the victim will acknowledge the act, reinforcing learning of