each country. According to Hallin and Mancini (2004, p. 168), for example,
Germany’s corporatist governance of public broadcasting is criticized by some
as falling short of the corporatist ideal of pluralistic multi-stakeholder
governance, since the stakeholders that comprise the governance boards often
have partisan or ideological leanings that are consistent with the political
representatives on the board, such that a board may in fact be comprised
mainly of like-minded partisans. Media policy making in France, on the other
hand, is political in a different way – it is usually conducted by the president in a
deliberative context dominated by elites, including the media organizations
themselves (Kuhn 2011). Indeed, French presidents have routinely sought to,
and in most cases succeeded in, at least partially refashion elements of French
media governance to advance one or more political objectives (e.g., Kuhn 2011,
Social_Media_and_Democracy