title: Charles Allsopp, 6th Baron Hindlip

text:
Charles Henry Allsopp, 6th Baron Hindlip (born 5 August 1940), is a British hereditary peer and businessman, a member of the House of Lords from 1993 until 1999.

His main career was in Christie's, the fine arts auction house, in which he was General Manager of Christie's New York and later Chairman of Christie, Manson & Woods and finally of Christie's International.

Biography
The elder son of the fifth Baron Hindlip by his marriage to Cecily Valentine Jane Borwick, daughter of Lieutenant-Colonel Malcolm Borwick, Hindlip was educated at Eton College. He served in the Coldstream Guards from 1959 until 1962, when he joined Christie's. Only three years later he was appointed as General Manager of Christie's New York, where he remained until 1970. Returning to London, he was a director of Christie, Manson & Woods from 1970, Deputy Chairman from 1985 and Chairman from 1986 to 1996, when he took over as Chairman of Christie's International, in which post he stayed until 2002. From 2003 to 2004 he was Deputy Chairman of Agnew's.

Hindlip succeeded his father as the 6th Baron Hindlip in 1993, becoming a member of the House of Lords. His last speech there, on 10 February 1999, was on the subject of droit de suite.

He was a Trustee of the Chatham Historic Dockyard between 1989 and 2000 and is a member of White's and Pratt's.

Marriage and children
Hindlip married Fiona Victoria Jean Atherley (1947–2014), a daughter of Hon. William Johnston McGowan, second son of Harry McGowan, 1st Baron McGowan, on 18 April 1968. They lived at Lydden House, Kings Stag, near Hazelbury Bryan, Dorset. They had four children together:

 Hon. Kirstie Mary Allsopp (born 31 August 1971)
 Hon. Henry William Allsopp (born 8 June 1973), heir apparent to the peerage.
 Hon. Sophia Atherley Allsopp (born 1980)
 Hon. Natasha Fiona Allsopp (born 1986)

Honours
1998: Chevalier of the Legion of Honour (France)

Coat of arms

Notes

External links

1940 births
Living people
Barons in the Peerage of the United Kingdom
Christie's people
Coldstream Guards officers
People educated at Eton College
Place of birth missing (living people)
Hindlip


title: Wanakawri (Cusco)

text:
Wanakawri (Quechua, also spelled Guanacaure, Guanacauri, Huanacaure, Huanacauri, Wanacaure, Wanacauri, Wanakaure, Wanakauri) is an archaeological site and a legendary mountain in Peru. It is situated in the Cusco Region, Cusco Province, in the districts San Jerónimo and San Sebastián, and in the Paruro Province, Yaurisque District. The mountain with the archaeological remains is  high and one of the highest elevations near Cusco.

Wanakawri was one of the most important wak'as of the Inca culture.

Gallery

See also
 Anawarkhi
 Araway Qhata
 Muyu Urqu
 Pachatusan
 Pikchu
 Pillku Urqu
 Sinqa
 Wayna Tawqaray

References

Archaeological sites in Peru
Archaeological sites in Cusco Region
Mountains of Peru
Mountains of Cusco Region


title: Crime Zone

text:
Crime Zone (also known as Calles Peligrossas in Peru) is a 1989 American-Peruvian science fiction action film directed by Luis Llosa, written by Daryl Haney and starring David Carradine, Peter Nelson, Sherilyn Fenn, and Michael Shaner. Carradine plays a mysterious stranger who recruits young lovers in an illicit romance (Nelson and Fenn) to commit a crime spree in a futuristic police state, while promising them an avenue for escape. The film was executive produced by Roger Corman, who came up with the original concept.

Due to a perceived lack of Peruvian qualities, it was better received by American than Peruvian critics. Corman's New Concorde co-produced and distributed it. After its Los Angeles premiere, it was released on VHS by MGM/UA.

Plot
In the futuristic police state of Soleil, the government sets up a criminal, Hector, who walks into a police trap. Hector is captured alive at the behest of the police chief and is executed live on television after a brief show trial. Bone, a former security guard who has recently lost his job at a cryogenics facility for not showing the proper respect to authority, meets Helen, a woman forced into prostitution at the government-sanctioned brothel. They are immediately attracted to each other and begin a secret relationship, as unauthorized romantic and sexual activity is illegal for lower-class "subgrade" citizens like themselves. Bone's friend Creon becomes jealous of their relationship and demands that Bone share Helen with him; disgusted, Bone refuses, and they eventually come to blows over Creon's behavior.

One day, Bone and Helen, both disillusioned with Soleil's repressive society, steal some money from a supermarket. They are observed by a mysterious man named Jason, who offers them passage to Frodan, another nation at war with Soleil, in exchange for stealing records from a secure facility disguised as a hospital. Although suspicious of his offer, they accept and successfully deliver the information to Jason, who attempts to delay their reward and talk them into further criminal acts. Frustrated and short on money, Bone and Helen rob a bank, quickly becoming the most wanted criminals in Soleil. Creon attempts to blackmail Helen, but she dismisses his threats; before Creon can attack her, Bone saves her and tells Creon that he would kill him if he weren't leaving Soleil so soon. After losing faith in Jason's promises, Bone and Helen recruit their friends, J.D. and Alexi, to help them escape.

While on the run, Helen and Bone hide out in the so-called "plague zone", where they encounter Jason, who is revealed to be a government agent. Jason explains that the government long ago ended any major crime in Soleil, and it is his job to recruit citizens to go on government-sponsored crime sprees that validate the powers of the police state. Helen and Bone briefly take Jason hostage, then flee to a safer location, where they discuss plans to rob wealthy citizens stored in the cryogenics facility and hijack a military helicopter that Alexi can pilot to Frodan. Creon bullies J.D. into betraying Bone and Helen to the police, with whom he has made a deal. Bone kills his former boss at the facility, and Creon tries to take Helen hostage. However, the police arrive and betray Creon, as Helen warned him they would. Creon takes J.D. and Alexi hostage; when J.D. mocks him, Creon murders J.D.

At the military base, Helen and Bone, who managed to escape the facility, set Alexi free and use Creon as a distraction while they steal a helicopter. Creon begs to be taken with them, but they leave him behind for Jason to kill. Alexi flies Helen and Bone to Frodan, where they triumphantly land and celebrate their freedom. However, they discover the area to be a deserted wasteland, and Jason is waiting for them in a nearby aircraft hangar with a police escort.

The police escort kills Alexi, and is then killed by Jason. Jason reveals that the war with Frodan has been over for twenty years; the "plague zone" is, in fact, radioactive fallout from the destroyed Frodan that has drifted to Soleil. Due to Jason's knowledge of the truth, his position within the government is under threat, and the information stolen from the facility by Bone and Helen is his insurance, since the state can only sustain itself so long as the perceived threat of crime and war still exists. He thanks them for fulfilling his plan and allows them to escape, returning to Soleil alone. Bone and Helen, now free, walk off along the Frodan coast, their future uncertain.

Cast

 David Carradine as Jason
 Peter Nelson as Bone
 Sherilyn Fenn as Helen
 Michael Shaner as Creon
 Orlando Sacha as Alexi
 Don Manor as J.D.
 Jorge Bustamante as Hector Beeko
 Diana Quijano as Policewoman

Production
Executive producer Roger Corman, who came up with the film's concept, recruited Peruvian director Luis Llosa to make a futuristic thriller; Jeffrey Middents recounts what he calls an apocryphal story in which Corman signed a deal with Llosa while Corman was briefly delayed in a stopover in Peru. The film was shot in Peru and used postmodern architecture to affect a futuristic style. The extras were students and instructors from The American School of Lima. Llosa said he focused more on art direction than dialogue, and he shot at night to disguise the low budget. The film was a co-production between Corman's New Concorde and Llosa's Iguana Films.

Release
Crime Zone was released in the United States by New Concorde in March 1989. MGM/UA released it on home video in May 1989. It was included in "Corman's Drive In", a subscription YouTube channel, in 2013.

Reception
Academic Jeffrey Middents wrote that Crime Zone was better received in the United States than in its native Peru, whose critics rejected it as a Peruvian film. Middents states that the film was not rejected for being a genre film but instead because it did not have any uniquely Peruvian aspects, especially with its cast of American actors. Michael Wilmington of the Los Angeles Times criticized the film as humorless and grim, but he wrote that it rises above its low budget roots to become a competent Blade Runner clone. Drive-in movie critic Joe Bob Briggs wrote, "Sure, we've all seen this story before, but have we seen it with 1,000 Peruvian extras in shiny silver space suits? I think not."

References

External links

1989 films
1980s science fiction action films
Peruvian drama films
Peruvian science fiction films
Peruvian action films
American science fiction action films
English-language Peruvian films
American dystopian films
American post-apocalyptic films
Films set in a fictional country
Films shot in Peru
Films directed by Luis Llosa
Films with screenplays by Daryl Haney
1980s dystopian films
1980s English-language films
1980s Peruvian films
1980s American films


title: Nord Anglia International School Dubai

text:
Nord Anglia International School Dubai, also known as NAS Dubai, is an international school located in Dubai, United Arab Emirates.

Nord Anglia International School Dubai is part of the Nord Anglia Education. The 66 Nord Anglia schools are located across 29 countries in the Americas, Europe, China, Southeast Asia and the Middle East and educate more than 61,000 students from kindergarten through to the end of secondary/high school.

NAS Dubai currently offers the English National Curriculum for students aged 3 – 18, culminating in iGCSE examinations years. Students then transition to the International Baccalaureate Diploma Programme IB Diploma Programme for Year 12 and Year 13 (aged 16 – 18).

History
Founded in 1972, Nord Anglia Education schools are located in the Americas, Europe, China, Southeast Asia and the Middle East. The 66 schools are home to over 51,000 students between the ages of 2 and 18 years. Schools of Nord Anglia Education follow different curricula including the English National Curriculum which is adapted to fit the needs of each region, iGCSEs, A Levels, the International Baccalaureate Diploma Programme, the French Baccalaureate and the Swiss Maturité.

Facilities
The school is home to two 25-metre swimming pools, 2 learner pools, 525-seater theatre, tennis courts, basketball courts, three dining rooms, drama and dance studios, music rooms, running tracks, football pitch, G4 rugby pitch, a pirate ship playground and large outdoor space.

References

External links
 Nord Anglia International School Dubai website

 Nord Anglia International School Dubai on Expat Woman

2013 establishments in the United Arab Emirates
British international schools in Dubai
International schools in Dubai
Educational institutions established in 2013
Nord Anglia Education


title: Psača Monastery

text:
Psača Monastery is an Orthodox Christian Monastery in the village of Psača, North Macedonia. It was built by Savastokrator Vlatko and his father Duke Paskač around 1354.

The monastery, dedicated to St Nicholas the Wonderworker, lies at the end of the village of Psača, 3 km from the Kumanovo – Kriva Palanka Road, in Rankovce Municipality. It belongs to the diocese of Osogovo-Kumanovo of the Macedonian Orthodox Church.

History
The monastery church, the only remaining part of the original monastic complex, was erected around 1354 by Sevastokrator Vlatko and his father Grand Duke Paskač, nobles of the Serbian Empire. In 1358, Vlatko donated his monastery to Chilandar, a Serbian monastery on Mount Athos.

Architecture
The church is in the form of an elongated cross in a square with a narthex built at the same time. It originally had two domes (following the example of Lesnovo monastery), but the one above the nave collapsed at some point, leaving the central part of the church uncovered. In the 19th century the church was repaired but the missing dome was never rebuilt.

The outer decoration is in alternate layers of bricks and stone with several double bay windows and some rustic sculpture. The original dedication of the church was inscribed in stone above the entrance but was destroyed during the Bulgarian occupation of Macedonia in World War I since it mentioned Emperor Uroš and King Vukašin as Serbian rulers.

Fresco painting
The fresco decoration in Psača ranks among the best of the mid-14th century. It was executed between 1366 and 1371. On the south wall of the narthex we see the endowers' composition with old Paskač and his wife Ozra paired with Vlatko, holding a model of the church, and his wife Vladislava. In front of them stand their children (grandchildren) Stefan, Uroš and Uglješa, while above them is the icon of St Nicholas to whom the church and monastery were dedicated.

Facing this composition the artists painted young Emperor Uroš and, on his left, his co-ruler and designated heir, King Vukašin of the Mrnjavčević family. These are the best representations of these important historical figures. Both the portraits of the rulers and those of the nobleman with their families are of great importance in studies of medieval costumes. Unfortunately, the inscriptions by the portraits were all destroyed by the Bulgarians during their occupation in World War I. The eyes of King Vukašin and Emperor Uroš were also scratched during the same period.

The depictions of saints are done in strong colors, with much attention paid to psychological portraying. There is a cycle on St Nicholas and a composition Death of Mother of God, while in the apse is the customary Communion of the Apostles with Church Fathers underneath it.

Some of the frescoes were rebrushed in the 19th century.

References

External links
 Monastery of St. Nicholas, Psacha

Buildings and structures completed in 1354
Rankovce Municipality
Macedonian Orthodox monasteries
Eastern Orthodox monasteries in North Macedonia
Medieval Serbian Orthodox monasteries
Serbian Empire


title: Lists of former United States citizens

text:
Lists of former United States citizens cover citizens of the United States who were denaturalized, or stripped of their nationality, and citizens who chose to relinquish their nationality.

Lists
List of denaturalized former citizens of the United States
List of former United States citizens who relinquished their nationality
Quarterly Publication of Individuals Who Have Chosen to Expatriate, a U.S. government publication listing the names of certain former U.S. citizens

See also
National Instant Criminal Background Check System, a non-public FBI gun control database which includes people who have renounced U.S. citizenship
Relinquishment of United States nationality
Emigration from the United States


title: Elly Koot

text:
Elly Tibina Koot (born 1943) is a Dutch model who won the 1964 Miss Europe contest in Beirut, Lebanon.

She was born in Rotterdam, where her mother was visiting family, but grew up in Amsterdam on the Singel near the Bloemenmarkt. She was discovered by the fashion photographer Hans Dukkers. She married Frank Brandt in 1966. She and Brandt (at that time a photographer) met while shooting a commercial for Rexona - a brand of deodorant - for which he was a stand in model. Though primarily a photo model, Amsterdam she did fashion shows for  and Fong Leng. From 1970 she also modeled in the United States for the Wilhelmina Models agency. In the 70s she was sometimes a jury member at Dutch beauty contests.
In 1976 she developed Cushing's disease for which she had a successful surgery in the United States. Since 1996 she is Dame de Salon of Mart Visser's fashion house in Amsterdam.

References

External links

1943 births
Living people
Dutch female models
Dutch beauty pageant winners
Miss Europe winners
Models from Amsterdam
People from Rotterdam


title: Marbal dialect

text:
Marbal (Marbul) is a dialect of the Yugambal language that was spoken around Tenterfield in northern New England, Australia.

Macpherson (1905) describes the Marbal language as being spoken around Tenterfield, and notes that it is closely related to Ngarrabul and Yugambal.  Tindale (1974) speculates that Marbal or Marbul is in fact a mishearing of Ngarabal and not a separate language dialect.

There is very little surviving information about Marbal, although Curr (1886–1887) does provide an anonymous word list for the Tenterfield region, that is presumed by Dixon (1976) among others to be a basic Marbal vocabulary.

References

Extinct languages of New South Wales
Yuin–Kuric languages


title: 2014 Waratah Cup

text:
The 2014 Waratah Cup was the 12th season of Football NSW's knockout competition in the state of New South Wales, Australia, which ran from 15 March to 6 July. Clubs entered from the top four divisions of the State League (including the recently established National Premier Leagues NSW), as well as teams from various other amateur Associations.

The winners were Blacktown City, their 4th title (including the Statewide Cup competition).

The competition also served as qualifying rounds for the 2014 FFA Cup. The four semi-finalists qualified for the final rounds of the 2014 FFA Cup, entering at the round of 32. The four losing quarter-finalists then competed in a separate playoff event to determine the remaining three qualifiers.

First round
A total of 64 teams took part in this stage of the competition, comprising 9 teams from the State League Division 2, and 55 teams from other amateur Associations that successfully applied. All matches in this round were completed by 16 March 2014.

Second round
A total of 32 teams took part in this stage of the competition. All matches in this round were completed by 23 March 2014.

Third round
A total of 40 teams took part in this stage of the competition. 12 clubs from the NPL Division 2 and 12 Clubs from the State League Division 1 entered into the competition at this stage. All matches in this round were completed by 9 April 2014.

Fourth round
A total of 32 teams took part in this stage of the competition. 12 clubs from the National Premier Leagues NSW entered into the competition at this stage. All matches in this round were completed by 23 April 2014.

Fifth round
A total of 16 teams took part in this stage of the competition. All matches in this round were completed by 8 May 2014.

Quarter-finals
A total of 8 teams took part in this stage of the competition. The four victorious teams in this round qualified for the 2014 FFA Cup round of 32. Matches in this round were played on 21 May 2014.

Playoff rounds

Separate from the main fixtures of the Waratah Cup, three of the four losers of the quarter-final fixtures also took part in further matches as part of the 2014 FFA Cup qualifiers.

Sydney United 58, Hakoah Sydney City East, and Parramatta FC all qualified for the 2014 FFA Cup round of 32.

Semi-finals

A total of 4 teams took part in this stage of the competition. Matches in this round were played on 11 June 2014.

Final
The 2014 Waratah Cup Final was held at the neutral venue of Lambert Park on 6 July 2014.

References

2014 in Australian soccer
Waratah Cup


title: Vox (political party)

text:
Vox (; ; often stylized in all caps) is a national conservative political party in Spain. Founded in 2013, it is currently led by party president Santiago Abascal, vice presidents Jorge Buxadé, Javier Ortega Smith, Reyes Romero, and secretary-general Ignacio Garriga. Vox identifies itself as right-wing but has been described as far-right by academics and journalists.

The party entered the Spanish parliament for the first time after winning seats in the April 2019 general election. Later that year, it received 3.6 million votes in the November 2019 general election, winning 52 seats and becoming the third-largest party in the Congress of Deputies. Its public support reached its peak within the next few years, according to the results of subsequent regional elections and opinion polling, but in the 2023 Spanish general election showed worse results: a loss of 19 seats in parliament (albeit whilst remaining the third-largest political party in Spain with roughly 3 million votes). In the European Parliament, Vox is part of the European Conservatives and Reformists Party with Brothers of Italy and Law and Justice; it declined to join the Identity and Democracy group (which includes such far-right parties as National Rally, League, and Alternative for Germany).

History

Origins

Vox was founded on 17 December 2013, and publicly launched at a press conference in Madrid on 16 January 2014, as a split from the People's Party (PP). This schism was interpreted as an offshoot of "neoconservative" or "social conservative" PP party members. The party platform called for the rewriting of the Spanish constitution so as to curb regional autonomy and abolish regional parliaments. Several founding members of the party (for example, Alejo Vidal-Quadras, José Antonio Ortega Lara, and Santiago Abascal) had been members of the platform "reconversion.es", which had issued a manifesto in 2012 calling for a recentralization of the State. Vidal-Quadras was proclaimed as the first chairman in March 2014.

Their initial funding, totalling nearly 972,000 euros, came in the form of individual donations from supporters of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) and of People's Mujahedin of Iran (MEK), thanks to their "personal relationship" with Vidal-Quadras, who had supported the NCRI during his stint in the EU Parliament. There is no evidence that Vox has broken Spanish or EU funding rules accepting these donations.

The 2014 European elections marked the first time the newly formed Vox fielded a candidate, with Vidal-Quadras running under its banner, though he narrowly failed to retain his seat in the European Parliament.

In September 2014, the party elected Santiago Abascal, one of the founders, as its President, and Iván Espinosa de los Monteros, also a founder, as General Secretary. Eleven members of the National Executive Committee were also elected.

The party participated in the 2015 and the 2016 elections, but did not do well, scoring 0.23% and 0.20% of votes respectively.

Amidst the Spanish constitutional crisis precipitated by the Catalan referendum, Vox opted to not participate in the Catalan regional elections of 2017. After the Catalan declaration of independence, the party sued the Parliament of Catalonia and several independentist politicians. Its membership grew by 20% in the span of forty days immediately following this action.

Entrance into institutions and opposition to COVID-19 measures
On 10 September 2018, Vox enlisted Juan Antonio Morales, an independent legislator in the regional parliament of Extremadura (who had dropped out of the PP parliamentary group) as party member. On 2 December 2018, they won 12 parliamentary seats in the Andalusian regional election,  entering a regional parliament for the first time. It supported the coalition regional government by Ciudadanos and the Popular Party. With this result, Vox was also given a first seat in the Senate, which was taken by Francisco José Alcaraz.

The party obtained 10.26% of votes in the April 2019 general election, electing 24 Deputies and entering the Congress of Deputies for the first time. Later, the party entered the European Parliament for the first time with 6.2% of the votes and three Eurodeputies, which after Brexit became four. After this election, the party joined the European Conservatives and Reformists group and the Alliance of Conservatives and Reformists in Europe. Vox has declined the invitation to join the Identity and Democracy group (which includes such far-right parties as National Rally, League, and Alternative for Germany). In the second general election of the year in November, Vox came third and increased its number of deputies from 24 to 52. It was the most-voted party in the Region of Murcia and the autonomous city of Ceuta.

At the beginning of 2020, during the onset of the global COVID-19 pandemic, Vox called for travel restrictions between China and Spain, and later between Italy and Spain, to safeguard against the "Chinese virus". At that time the epidemic was already in full swing in those countries, but it was prior to any COVID cases being officially confirmed within Spain in significant numbers. That position found no support among other parties, and it was criticized as xenophobic rhetoric. The party claims that serious counter-COVID measures were deliberately delayed in Spain by the government, which hid the information and downplayed known risks to allow for mass public events on International Women's Day (8 March) to take place, as these events were important for the left wing agenda of the newly formed coalition government of PSOE and UP. At the same time, Vox went forward with their own global party conference on 8 March in Vistalegre, where party supporters from all parts of Spain were invited. The conference resulted in numerous cases of COVID infection, including confirmed cases of COVID transmission between members of Vox leadership. This fact was often brought up by Vox opponents to criticize Vox attitude towards COVID situation in Spain.

During the anti-COVID lockdown and follow-up restrictions, Vox routinely criticized government measures as inefficient, partisan, and partially unconstitutional. In April 2020 the party appealed to the Constitutional Court of Spain against the first State of Alarm (15 March – 21 June) declared by the government. In October 2020, Vox's parliamentary group at the Congress of Deputies tabled a motion of no confidence against the current Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, bringing Santiago Abascal as alternative candidate. The motion failed to gain any support among the other parliamentary groups, gathering 52 'yes' votes (those of Vox legislators) and 298 'no' votes (the rest of the chamber). In November 2020 Vox appealed to the Constitutional Court of Spain against the second State of Alarm (October 25, 2020 – May 9, 2021) declared by the government.

In the face of the 2020 United States presidential election, Vox was fully supportive of President Donald Trump's candidacy, even tweeting from its official account that Joe Biden was the preferred candidate of "El País, Podemos, Otegi, Maduro, China, Iran and pedophiles", which according to the international news agency EFE was echoing QAnon conspiracy theories. Vox took part in the 2021 CPAC conference and refused to acknowledge Biden's victory.

At the beginning of 2021, Vox's abstention was instrumental in securing European COVID-recovery funds on Socialist terms, criticized by independent experts for allowing the government inefficient partisan spending without any effective independent control. Many Vox supporters considered this as the "largest error in Vox's history", leading to party leaders admitting it as a mistake and apologizing.

During 2020 and 2021 electoral campaigns for regional elections in the Basque Country, Catalonia, and the Community of Madrid multiple legal electoral events of Vox were physically attacked by radical political opponents on the premises of "Vox's legitimate electoral events in some regions being provocative acts". The view of the events as provocations was endorsed by high ranking UP members, including their speaker Pablo Echenique, and their leader, the Second Deputy Prime Minister of Spain at the time, Pablo Iglesias.

On 14 July 2021, in response to the Vox's appeal the previous year, the Constitutional Court of Spain declared by a narrow majority (6 votes in support vs. 5 votes against) that the first anti-COVID State of Alarm was unconstitutional in the part of suppressing the freedom of movement established by the Article 19 of the Constitution. In October 2021 the Constitutional Court of Spain supported two other appeals by Vox, and declared unconstitutional the closing down of Spanish Parliament and Senate in the beginning of pandemic, and the second State of Alarm. As reported on 22 October 2021, the Government of Spain ordered all fines collected in relation to the first State of Alarm to be returned to citizens.

Entering autonomous governments
On 13 February 2022, Vox came third in the 2022 Castilian-Leonese regional election, raising its representation from 1 up to 13 seats, and becoming the key player for the rival People's Party (PP), who won the elections, to form a government. Following this election result, and an unfolding leadership crisis in PP, Vox for the first time was recognized as the Spain's second political force, according to some opinion polls for the next general elections. In March 2022, it was announced that Vox would form government with the PP in Castile and León, taking three of ten ministerial positions including vice president for regional leader Juan García-Gallardo. Vox member Carlos Pollán was elected President of the Cortes of Castile and León, the position of speaker. This represents the first participation of Vox in any regional government.

On 19 June 2022, Vox came third in the 2022 Andalusian regional elections. With Macarena Olona as the leading candidate, the party improved over the previous regional elections, gaining about 100k more votes, and two more seats in the Parliament of Andalusia, but failed short of the expectations to achieve significantly better results and become the key to the new regional government. In the aftermath of elections, despite initial promises to stay and lead Vox's opposition group in Andalusia, on 29 July 2022 Olona announced her decision to resign and left politics due to unnamed "medical reasons".

In March 2023, Vox, for the second time, tabled a motion of no confidence against the government of Pedro Sánchez, with Ramón Tamames as alternative, independent candidate. The motion failed with 53 votes in favour, 201 votes against, 91 abstentions, and 4 absentees.

In May 2023, local and regional elections were held in Spain. Vox, as the minor partner, formed the government with the PP in the Valencian Community, though the PP ordered that Vox's lead candidate Carlos Flores would not take part in the government, due to his 2002 conviction for harassment of his ex-wife. After protracted negotiations, Vox also joined PP governments in Extremadura and Aragon. Despite not forming the government, Vox was awarded the speaker's role in the Parliament of the Balearic Islands in exchange for abstaining on the vote  and thereby allowing a PP government. Again as the smaller of the two parties, Vox formed local governments with the PP in cities such as Elche, Toledo, Valladolid, Guadalajara and Burgos.

A general election took place in July 2023, for which the PP was widely forecast to win and obtain a majority with support from Vox. In what BBC News called a surprise result, Vox fell from 52 seats to 33, losing half a million votes; the PP took the most seats but fell short of a majority even with Vox's support. Vox's reduced presence in the Congress meant that it lost its ability to appeal the government's legislature to the Supreme Court; it had previously used this right to challenge Sánchez's legislation on transgender issues, euthanasia and the COVID-19 pandemic. After the election, some political journalists noted Spain had followed an opposite trend to other European countries such as Sweden, Finland and Italy where conservative-nationalist parties had scored strong results and opined Vox's communication style had turned off voters and that the disappearance of the Ciudadanos party (whose votes mostly went to the PP) had indirectly penalized Vox as the electoral system is weighted to favour bigger parties. Abascal partly blamed the People's Party whom he argued had been too triumphalist in campaigning on behalf of the right, claiming "They sold the bear's skin before they had even hunted it. That is clearly the reason why there was a lack of mobilisation  [of voters]."

Ideology

The party identifies itself as a more right-wing alternative to the centre-right People's Party from which it split in 2013. In November 2018, during a party event in Murcia, the party's leader, Santiago Abascal, defined his party as "antifascist, anti-Nazi and anticommunist". El Español described Vox as simply right-wing, but journalists and academics routinely describe the party as being far-right. Adding to the confusion is the exact understanding of the "far-right" term by different sources. While some of scholars cited below, who qualify Vox as a far-right or radical right party, make a clear fundamental distinction between "far-right", "radical right", and "extreme right", other sources and laymen often treat these terms as equivalent. As a young party, Vox somewhat lacks a well-elaborated ideology basis, and might still be considered as "a party under construction", subject to day-to-day ideology adjustments, further complicating its analysis.

According to a book by Rama, Zanotti, Turnbull-Dugarte, and Santana, Vox is a populist radical-right party in contrast to an extreme right. They consider the party to be ideologically radical but not extreme since discursively it does not go against the central tenets of democracy. They write that, "However, belonging to the populist radical right family means that the party communicates and advocates for policies that are somewhat at odds with some of the core principles of liberal democracy such as the rule of law, individual liberties or the rights of minorities." According to their analysis, the positions that are central to Vox's ideology are: (i) a strong anti-immigration stance and advocacy for stricter law and order policies; (ii) a strong defence of the unity of Spain against all who allegedly want to break or undermine it; (iii) an opposition to what it labels the "progressive dictatorship"; (iv) and strong defence of the Catholic religion and so-called traditional values.

Carles Ferreira Torres, in his analysis, comes to the conclusion that Vox is a far-right organization as it fits the characteristics of the radical right party family. "Vox's ideology is based on a combination of nationalism and xenophobia (nativism) and an authoritarian view of society, attached to the values of law and order. This authoritarianism," he writes, "represents neither the willingness to establish an autocratic regime nor the use of violence to reach political goals." According to Ferreira, nationalism, nativism, authoritarianism, and traditionalism are central to Vox's ideology; neoliberalism is present but not central; populism is indicated, but not explicit; and there are no antidemocratic views in the party's ideology.

According to Xavier Casals, the unifying part of Vox's ideology up to this point is a war-like ultranationalism identified by the party with a palingenetic and biological vision of the country—the so-called España Viva—as well as a Catholicism-inspired culture. He says that ideological roots of the party's ultranationalism lie in , the nationalist discourse based on the "fear of amputation of the homeland" coined in the 19th century in Colonial Cuba against Cuban separatism, and autonomist concessions (replicated in Catalonia in the 1910s). Casals writes that Vox's specific brand of Spanish nationalism is linked to unconditional support of the State Security Forces and Corps, and the party's discourse has also revived the myth of the Antiespaña ("Anti-Spain"), an umbrella term created in the 1930s by the domestic ultranationalist forces to designate the (inner) "Enemies of Spain", creating a simplistic España viva/Antiespaña duality that comes handy for communicating via social media. Casals notes, regarding the external projection of its discourse, that the party has reanimated the concept of "Hispanidad"; party leader Abascal has stated that an immigrant coming from a "brotherly Hispanic-American country" is not comparable to the immigration coming from "Islamic countries".

According to Guillermo Fernández Vázquez, Vox's positions, which he described as "economically anti-statist and neoliberal" as well as "morally authoritarian", is similar to positions held by Jörg Haider's FPÖ or Jean Marie Le Pen's National Front from the 1980s, thus likening the emergence of the party to an archaic stage of current radical right parties, more worried about the need to modernize their image than Vox; the latter's approach to cultural issues would be in line with old school Spanish nationalist parties, restricting the scope of "culture" to "language and tradition".

Vox supports the State of Israel within the context of Israeli–Palestinian conflict. On the other hand, the party has appealed to conspiracy theories invoking the figure of George Soros as a mastermind behind Catalan separatism and the alleged "Islamization" of Europe. Support of anti-Soros conspiracy theories is widely considered as a sign of antisemitism, though leading figures of Vox never brought up the roots of Soros in their anti-Soros discourse. Vox used to include some former neo-Nazis in party cadres and lists; Vox has since expelled some of them from the party, while others have resigned.

During his participation in the April 2019 general election debate, Santiago Abascal used a phrase used by Ramiro Ledesma, founder of the Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista (JONS) fascist party: "only the rich can afford the luxury of not having a homeland".

In 2023, Barcelona-based journalist Stephen Burgen and Spanish political scientist Pablo Simón argued that Vox had grown to contain two factions which adhere to different influences; they cited a more hardline wing close to leader Santiago Abascal whom they claim take inspiration from nationalist European parties and figures such as Viktor Orbán in Hungary and the right-wing nationalist faction of Law & Justice in Poland, and a second wing containing former party spokesman Iván Espinosa de los Monteros who identify more with the British Conservative Party and whose role models are Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan.

Internal politics
Vox supports the constitutional monarchy, advocates for the recentralization of Spain by abolishing Spain's autonomous communities, and strongly opposes separatist movements in the country, in particular the Catalan independence movement and Basque nationalism. Fighting the latter is also a personal question for multiple founding members, including the current president Santiago Abascal, whose family was threatened by the terrorist group ETA during his youth in the Basque country; José Antonio Ortega Lara, who was kidnapped by ETA and kept hostage for 532 days; and María Teresa López Álvarez, whose father survived an assassination attempt by ETA. Vox promotes the illegalization of separatist parties in Spain, e.g. EH Bildu, ERC, etc., and opposed the pardoning of Catalan independence activists convicted for organizing an independence referendum. The party's centralist discourse incorporates economic arguments, claiming that current structure of autonomous and local governments in Spain are responsible for significant superfluous budget spending.

Vox publicly criticised and opposed the exhumation of Francisco Franco.

Vox calls for Spain to regain sovereignty over Gibraltar, and extra efforts for safeguarding Spanish control of Ceuta and Melilla.

Social issues
Vox is considered anti-feminist by some, and wants to repeal the gender violence law, which they see as "discriminatory against one of the sexes", and replace it with a "family violence law that will afford the same protection to the elderly, men, women and children who suffer from abuse". Left-leaning critics believe Vox undermines the importance of feminist struggle in the advancement of women's liberties by means of linking the latter to a culture with "Christian foundations".

Vox is opposed to abortion rights. The party advocates for life sentences for sex offenders and abusers.

Vox opposes the legalization of euthanasia. The party supports bullfighting, which it considers an important element of Spanish culture that should be defended.

Islam
While Vox's official platform only contains proposals against Islamic fundamentalism, public statements made by party figures constitute Islamophobia, helping to underpin, according to Casals, their discourse against Maghrebi immigration, and in favour of the development of a closer bond to Catholicism. The party advocates for the closure of fundamentalist mosques as well as the arrest and expulsion of extremist imams. Vox has openly called for the deportation of tens of thousands of Muslims from Spain. In 2019, the party's leader demanded a  of Spain, explicitly referencing a new round of expulsions of Muslim immigrants from the country.

LGBT rights
Vox opposes same-sex marriage while supporting same-sex civil unions. The party has been accused of homophobia which the party denies. Party leader Santiago Abascal has denied allegations of homophobia, stating in an interview that Vox is in no way a homophobic party and that it merely opposes "LGBT ideology", going on to say that party membership includes many homosexuals, and that he personally has friends who are gay. José María Marco, Spanish essayist, liberal-conservative opinion journalist, and an open gay conservative, contested the April 2019 Senate election in Madrid as the candidate from Vox, and also ran second in the party list for the 2019 Madrilenian regional election.

In some discourses, party leaders have suggested that their opposition to mass immigration from Islamic countries effectively protects the LGBT community, as homosexuality is largely prosecuted in Islamic cultures, and that most immigrants do not alter their attitude upon arrival to Spain.

Vox opposes the Ley Trans, developed by Irene Montero and the Ministry of Equality, and approved by Spanish government in June 2021. According to Vox, the law as proposed "attacks the rights of women, children, biology, and common sense".

Vox congratulated the Hungarian parliament for passing legislation that would ban media and educational content which may be seen by underage persons from depicting LGBT individuals or addressing LGBT issues.

During the April 2019 general election, Vox shared a controversial tweet in which it invited its supporters to vote through the claim "Let the battle begin!". The message was accompanied by a photomontage of Aragorn, a protagonist of the Lord of the Rings saga, in which he appeared facing a crowd of orcs, whose figure had been modified and replaced with symbols contrary to the party's ideology: the feminist symbol, the hammer and sickle, the flag of the Second Spanish Republic and the Catalan independence senyera, several logos of media outlets such as El País or Cadena SER, the symbol of the raised fist, the symbol of the anti-fascist movement and, among them, a modified version of the ghost emoji (👻) of the Android 5.0 version with the colors of the LGBT flag.

The use of the ghost in the tweet met with an initial negative reaction from the LGBT community on Twitter. However, it would later end up using it for the creation of memes, and finally as a symbol of the collective in a phenomenon of reappropriation. The icon would end up being known as Gaysper, in a portmanteau of the word gay and Casper the Friendly Ghost; and subsequently spread in press and television. Two PSOE deputies would later attend a parliamentary session in Congress wearing a T-shirt bearing the icon.

Multiple Vox politicians have made allegedly disparaging statements about homosexuals. Thus,  (ex-leader of Vox in Albacete, who left the party in 2019) told in 2013: "If I had a gay son I would help him, there are therapies to correct such psychology". Francisco Serrano Castro (ex-leader of Vox in Andalusia, who left the party in 2020) tweeted in 2017: "Homosexuals have penises and lesbians have vulvas, and don't be fooled, nobody cares about it". Juan E. Pflüger (director of communications of Vox in 2019) tweeted in 2013: "Why do gays celebrate Saint Valentine's day, if their thing is not love, it's just vice".

Arms
Vox has proposed that citizens should be allowed to keep arms at home, and supports the castle doctrine, but does not support the right to carry arms or the free sale of firearms. Current party leaders, Santiago Abascal and Javier Ortega, are both licensed to carry handguns for self-defence due to recurrent threats to their lives for their political activities. Under strict Spanish gun laws, such licenses are rarely granted to civilians, only when authorities consider proven a real high risk of an individual being attacked (about 0.02% of the Spanish population holds such licenses).

Economy
Vox's economic position is often described as economically liberal or neo-liberal. The party defends liberalization of Spanish labor laws, lower taxation, and support for self-employed workers. At the same time, Vox's discourse includes protectionist ideas for national companies, and criticism of globalization, and large multinational corporations, which can be viewed as anti-liberal.

The party's economic rhetoric includes elements aimed to attract the working class electorate, traditionally supportive of left-oriented parties, like PSOE. In 2020, Vox declared the launch of its own workers union named Solidaridad (Solidarity, the name reminiscent of numerous historic organizations in Spain, e.g. Solidaridad Española; and other countries, e.g. Polish Solidarity, UK Solidarity, etc.). According to some declarations, the union is just endorsed, but independent from Vox party.

Vox's discourse includes calls to cut inefficient and superfluous government spending. In particular, the costs associated with the administration of autonomous communities and local governments (which also should be downscaled according to the views of the party on internal politics), and "ideological chiringuitos", the party's label for various organizations, recipients of public funds, considered by Vox as just promoters of government agenda.

In their program for 2023 Spanish General Elections Vox proposed an overhaul of Spanish fiscal system, with radical reduction of income tax down to two levels of 15% and 25%, reduction of added-value taxes, and abolishing or reduction of other state taxes.

Immigration
According to the party's platform, and numerous interviews of its leaders, Vox positions itself strongly against illegal immigration, which is a significant contributor to crime in Spain (in 2021, according to INE data, 25% of convicts in Spain were foreign nationals, 17% of convicts were non-European nationals; there is no official statistics on immigration status of foreign convicts). Vox calls for unconditional deportation of illegal immigrants; tightening of Spanish immigration laws; legal and police actions against non-profits (e.g. Proactiva Open Arms) and organized crime facilitating illegal immigration; and the militarization of problematic frontiers. The party emphasizes its support for legal immigration complied with the Spanish law. At the same time, they promote stricter regulation of immigration according to the needs of national economy; with preference for immigration from Hispanic cultures, on the premises of easier integration of such immigrants into Spanish society, compared to immigrants from Islamic countries.

In 2020, Vox deputy Rocío de Meer described neighborhoods such as Molenbeek in Brussels or Barbès in París as "multicultural dung heaps". Other party deputies have used the same term, such as party leader Santiago Abascal during a failed motion of censure of deputy Ignacio Garriga.

In the elections to the Assembly of Madrid of 2021 held on May 4, Vox used a very controversial poster in which appeared the faces of a young masked man with pixelated eyes and an old woman with the sign between the two: "A mena [unaccompanied minor] 4700 euros per month. Your grandmother 426 euros pension / month". These numbers were debunked by the Department of Social Policies, Families, Equality and Birth of the Community of Madrid. The poster was denounced in court for inciting hatred towards this group, but the court and the appeal ruling did not consider it a crime.

During the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Vox supported the accommodation of Ukrainian refugees in Europe. According to Abascal "these are real war refugees, women, children, and elderly people", unlike "young Muslim males of military age invading Europe frontiers with intentions to destabilize and colonize it".

Opponents of Vox describe and criticize the party's position as xenophobic, anti-immigrant and Islamophobic. With especially strong criticism of Vox's harsh position against vulnerable immigrant groups, such as unaccompanied minors, refugees or victims of crime in their country of origin.

The party is critical of multiculturalism and demographic transition, supporting natalist politics and opposing replacement migration.

There are persons of non-European descent among Vox members and supporters. Notable figures of African descent associated with the party include Ignacio Garriga and Bertrand Ndongo.

Environment
The party's discourse about the environment has evolved over time, going from climate change denial to a conservationist approach. However, the party still opposes the mainstream environmental views, labelling them as "Green religion", and as recent as April 2021 voted against the Law for Climate Change and Energy Transition, which was adopted anyway.

Education
Vox promotes the "pin parental" policy: changes in laws aimed to guarantee the rights of parents to control public education of their children and veto their children from obligatory attendance to classes contradicting values of parents. Party representatives claim that Spanish national and regional authorities abuse the control of the public education system to impose their political and ideological agenda on children.

Foreign policy and international relations

Europe

Since its formation, Vox was close to Matteo Salvini's Lega Nord party in Italy. In March 2021, Salvini said there were no longer any links between the two parties, with Vox growing closer to Giorgia Meloni's Brothers of Italy party instead. A member of the European Conservatives and Reformists, Vox shares group with parties such as Polish Law and Justice, Brothers of Italy, Dutch JA21 or the Sweden Democrats. In October 2021, Abascal said that Vox has an "unbreakable" alliance with Portuguese party Chega, which belongs to the Identity and Democracy Party.

Vox holds a Eurosceptic view of the European Union, arguing that Spain should make no sovereignty concessions to the EU, because according to the Constitution of Spain national sovereignty is vested in the Spanish people, from whom emanate the powers of the State. The party's leadership is strongly opposed to the EU becoming a federal superstate and instead argues for a Europe of "strong and sovereign states" that "defends its borders and its Christian roots and opposes multiculturalism and mass immigration." Political science professor Andrés Santana and Lisa Zanotti noted that out of all the parties in Spain, Vox's voters and grassroots activists were the most likely to oppose Spain's membership of the EU.

In July 2021, party leader Abascal signed a statement about Europe's future that opposed the EU's "federalist drift" with Viktor Orbán (Prime Minister of Hungary and president of Fidesz), Marine Le Pen (President of the National Rally), Jarosław Kaczyński (leader of PiS and ex-Prime Minister of Poland), Giorgia Meloni, among others.

Following the beginning of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine Vox took a strong pro-Ukrainian stance, announcing its support to "all measures" to defend Ukraine, including shipments of armaments to Ukraine.

Americas
Vox was supportive of Donald Trump and his political ideals during his presidency and met with his government in February 2019 to present the Madrid Charter; the document divided political groups in the Americas into the two sides of Western democracies and "criminal" left-wing groups that were "under the umbrella of the Cuban regime". The Madrid Charter called for scholars and the media to adopt and disseminate the ideas of the document. In September 2021, 15 senators and three deputies from the National Action Party of Mexico met Abascal to sign the charter. The charter was primarily signed by Venezuelan opposition members, Cuban dissidents and Fujimorists from Peru, with El País writing that Vox gathered groups of Evangelicals, Catholics, neoconservatives, right-wing populists and individuals "nostalgic for military dictatorships" to sign the document.

Voter profile
A 2020 study based on a statistical analysis of April 2019 general election results found that Vox's support is stronger among the middle-aged, urban population with higher secondary education and at the higher end of income distribution. Authors say that such a voter profile is in direct contrast with that of a typical supporter of radical right parties in other European states, expected to be a man from a rural area with low education and a low income. Vox's support is stronger among voters dissatisfied with the current political situation in Spain, and voters who identify themselves as Spaniards.

A 2021 study of the influence of Spanish party leaders on Twitter during the April 2019 general election campaign found that the messages tweeted during the electoral campaign by Santiago Abascal (Vox) reached the highest diffusion and viralization capacity compared to Twitter messages by leaders of Cs, PSOE, PP and UP. The main focus of Abascal's tweets, according to the authors, was the Spanish territorial model (27.2%), government and parties (19.3%) and economy (14.5%).

Electoral performance

Cortes Generales

European Parliament

Regional parliaments

Results timeline

Party membership
According to the party's annual reports.

See also
A list of notable Vox politicians
History of the far-right in Spain

Notes

References

Bibliography

External links

Political schisms
Anti-communist parties
Anti-immigration politics in Europe
Anti-Islam political parties in Europe
Anti-Islam sentiment in Spain
Right-wing populist parties
Spanish nationalism
2013 establishments in Spain
Political parties established in 2013
Conservative parties in Spain
Far-right political parties in Spain
National conservative parties
Neoliberal parties
Monarchist parties in Spain
Opposition to same-sex marriage
Right-wing populism in Spain
Right-wing parties in Europe
Social conservative parties
Catholic political parties


title: 1937 FC Traktor Stalingrad season

text:
The 1937 Traktor Stalingrad season was the 2nd season in USSR championships.

Squad

 (captain)

Transfers

In:

Out:

Competitions

Friendlies

Soviet Cup

USSR Championship. Group IV

Table

Statistics

Squad Statistics

Appearances and goals

|}
Note: The seven goals scored are not considered because unknown who goalscorers in Tractor Stalingrad – Dynamo Saratov.

Top Scorers

Note: The seven goals scored are not considered because unknown who goalscorers in Tractor Stalingrad – Dynamo Saratov.

General Statistics

Sources

FC Rotor Volgograd seasons
Traktor Stalingrad
1937 in Soviet football


title: Myosotis pansa subsp. pansa

text:
Myosotis pansa subsp. pansa, also known as the Waitakere forget-me-not, is a subspecies of flowering plant in the family Boraginaceae, endemic to the North Island of New Zealand. Lucy Moore described the variety M. petiolata var. pansa in 1961, and it was transferred to a subspecies of M. pansa by Heidi Meudt, Jessica Prebble, Rebecca Stanley and Michael Thorsen in 2013. Plants of this species of forget-me-not are perennial rosettes with ebracteate inflorescences and white corollas with exserted stamens.

Taxonomy and etymology
Myosotis pansa subsp. pansa is in the plant family Boraginaceae. The subspecies was originally described as a variety of Myosotis petiolata in 1961 by Lucy Moore. The plant and others in the genus of Myosotis are colloquially known as forget-me-nots. It was transferred to subspecies rank under Myosotis pansa (L.B.Moore) Meudt, Prebble, R.J.Stanley and Thorsen in 2013.

The lectotype specimen of Myosotis pansa was collected by Donald Petrie, south of Karekare, Waitakere, Auckland, and is lodged at the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa, Wellington (WELT SP002432).

The specific epithet, pansa, is based on the Latin word pansus which means to spread out. Lucy Moore did not explain why she chose this name, but it could refer to the spreading petal lobes mentioned in her description.

Based on morphological and genotyping evidence, this is one of two subspecies recognized in M. pansa; the other is M. pansa subsp. praeceps. The subspecies are largely allopatric, as M. pansa subsp. pansa is found in the Auckland region in the North Island of New Zealand, whereas M. pansa subsp. praeceps is found further south, in coastal areas of Waikato and Taranaki on the North Island. In subsp. pansa, the inflorescences are ebracteate (i.e. none of the flowers have associated cauline leaves), whereas in subsp. praeceps the inflorescences are partially bracteate (i.e. there are cauline leaves associated with the lowest 1–3 or up to 9 flowers).

Phylogeny
Myosotis pansa subsp. pansa was shown to be a part of the monophyletic southern hemisphere lineage of Myosotis in phylogenetic analyses of standard DNA sequencing markers (nuclear ribosomal DNA and chloroplast DNA regions). Within the southern hemisphere lineage, species relationships were not well resolved.

Multiple individuals Myosotis pansa subsp. pansa were included in two studies that phylogenetically analysed amplified fragment length polymorphisms (AFLPs). In these analyses, Myosotis pansa subsp. pansa was genetically differentiated M. pansa subsp. pracepes, as well as from other related species, M. petiolata and M. pottsiana.

Description
Myosotis pansa plants are rosettes. The rosette leaves have petioles that are 4–67 mm long. The rosette leaf blades are 5–60 mm long by 4–31 mm wide (length: width ratio 1.1–2.1: 1), usually narrowly obovate, obovate, broadly obovate, widest at or above the middle, with an obtuse and retuse apex. The upper surface of the leaf is uniformly or patchily covered in straight, appressed, antrorse (forward-facing) hairs. The lower surface of the leaf is glabrous. Each rosette has multiple ascending, once-branched or rarely unbranched ebracteate inflorescences that are up to 490 mm long. The cauline leaves are similar to the rosette leaves, but become smaller. The flowers are 3–95 per inflorescence and each is borne on a short pedicel with or without a bract. The calyx is 2–4 mm long at flowering and 3–9 mm long at fruiting, lobed to half to most of its length, and sparsely to densely covered in straight to curved, appressed to patent, antrorse hairs. The corolla is white and 4–11 mm in diameter, with a cylindrical tube, petals that are usually obovate, broadly obovate or very broadly obovate, and small yellow scales alternating with the petals. The anthers are fully exserted. The four smooth, shiny, usually dark brown nutlets are 1.4–2.1 mm long by 1.0–1.4 mm wide and ovoid to broadly ovoid in shape.

The pollen of Myosotis pansa subsp. pansa is unknown.

The chromosome number of M. pansa subsp. pansa is 2n = 44 for two Auckland Museum specimens collected from Waitakere, Auckland.

Distribution and habitat
Myosotis pansa subsp. pansa is endemic to the North Island of New Zealand in the Auckland region, from sea level to 200 m ASL. The natural range of this subspecies is west coast of the North Island from Bethell's Beach west of Auckland to Ngarupupu Point, Waikato. M. pansa is found on coastal cliffs, coastal scrub nearby grassy slopes. It is usually found with Celmisia major, the cliff daisy, and Myosotis antarctica subsp. traillii (as M. pygmaea) in limited areas on the western coast of the Waitākere Ranges.  It usually grows close to the sea, within open forest or scrub, and more open habitats such as the base of cliffs.

Conservation status
Myosotis pansa subsp. pansa is listed as Threatened - Nationally Endangered in the most recent assessment (2017-2018) of the New Zealand Threatened Classification for plants.

References

External links

 Myosotis pansa subsp. pansa occurrence data from Australasian Virtual Herbarium

pansa subsp. pansa
Endemic flora of New Zealand
Flora of the North Island
Endangered flora of New Zealand
Plants described in 1961


title: Juninho Potiguar

text:
Jarlesson Inácio Júnior (born 22 February 1990), commonly known as Juninho Potiguar, is a Brazilian footballer who plays as a forward for Brazilian club Caxias.

Career statistics

Honours
Sheriff Tiraspol
Moldovan National Division (1): 2013–14

References

External links
 Sheriff Tiraspol profile

1990 births
Living people
Brazilian men's footballers
Footballers from Natal, Rio Grande do Norte
Men's association football forwards
Sport Club do Recife players
América Futebol Clube (PE) players
Sport Club Corinthians Alagoano players
Associação Desportiva Recreativa e Cultural Icasa players
FC Sheriff Tiraspol players
Al Shabab Al Arabi Club (Dubai) players
Fortaleza Esporte Clube players
América Futebol Clube (RN) players
Clube de Regatas Brasil players
Boa Esporte Clube players
União Recreativa dos Trabalhadores players
Ferroviário Atlético Clube (CE) players
Sociedade Esportiva e Recreativa Caxias do Sul players
Campeonato Brasileiro Série B players
Campeonato Brasileiro Série C players
Campeonato Pernambucano players
Moldovan Super Liga players
UAE Pro League players
Brazilian expatriate men's footballers
Expatriate men's footballers in Moldova
Brazilian expatriate sportspeople in Moldova
Expatriate men's footballers in the United Arab Emirates
Brazilian expatriate sportspeople in the United Arab Emirates


title: Premios 40 Principales for Best International Album

text:
The Premio 40 Principales for Best International Album is an honor presented annually since 2012 at Los Premios 40 Principales, organised in Spain by the country's top music radio Los 40 Principales. They are considered Spain's most important music awards today.

Winners and nominees

References

Los Premios 40 Principales
Awards established in 2012
Spanish music awards


title: Biggest Part of Me

text:
"Biggest Part of Me" is a song by American band Ambrosia, from the album One Eighty. Released as a single in 1980, the song reached number one on the Radio & Records chart and number 3 on both the US Billboard Hot 100 and Adult Contemporary charts. The song was written by band member David Pack. Pack re-recorded the song for his 2005 album, The Secret of Movin' On.

Personnel
 David Pack – lead vocals, guitars
 Joe Puerta – bass guitar, harmony vocals, backing vocals
 David C. Lewis – Fender Rhodes, acoustic piano, Prophet-5
 Christopher North – Hammond Organ
 Royce Jones – percussion, harmony vocals, backing vocals
 Burleigh Drummond – drums, percussion, harmony vocals, backing vocals
 Ernie Watts – saxophone

Track listing
US 7" single
A. "Biggest Part of Me (edit)" – 3:59
B. "Livin' on My Own" – 4:41

Chart performance

Weekly charts

Year-end charts

Certifications

References

1980 songs
1980 singles
Ambrosia (band) songs
Warner Records singles
Songs written by David Pack


title: Anna Maria Groot

text:
Anna Maria "Anke" Groot (; born 1952) is a Dutch retired model and was Miss Europe of 1973.

Groot was the runner-up at Miss Holland 1973 in Roermond, Netherlands. She reached semi-finals at Miss World 1973 in London, where she won the Miss Photogenic special award. She won the 1973 Miss Europe title in Kitzbühel, Austria (the contest was postponed to January 1974).

In August 1974, she announced her retirement as a model and plans to open a bistro where she would become manager and hostess.

References

1952 births
Dutch beauty pageant winners
Dutch female models
Living people
Miss Europe winners
Miss World 1973 delegates


title: Boomtown (Ozma album)

text:
Boomtown is the fifth studio album by American rock band Ozma, funded entirely by a Pledge Music campaign and released on February 11, 2014.

Writing and Info
Boomtown was Ozma's first effort in seven years following 2007's Pasadena. It opens with "Around The World In 80 Seconds," Ozma's first instrumental since The Doubble Donkey Disc's "Korobeiniki." "Nervous" is notable as the first Ozma song written by drummer Kenn Shane, and the first lead vocal by keyboardist Star Wick. "Out The Window" is only the second Ozma song (the other being The Doubble Donkey Disc's "Immigration Song") to feature rhythm guitarist Jose Galvez on lead vocals. Daniel Brummel only sings lead on two of the songs.

Track listing

References

Ozma (band) albums
2014 albums


title: Sasaki Institute

text:
The  is an ancillary establishment of the Sasaki Foundation in Chiyoda, Tokyo, involved in cancer research. The present-day Sasaki Institute began as a small private laboratory established in 1894 by Masakichi Sasaki, who was Professor of Medicine at the Tokyo Imperial University.

History

The Sasaki Institute was taken over and expanded by Takaoki Sasaki, who was Professor of Medicine at the Kyoto Imperial University and Masakichi Sasaki's son-in-law. In 1939, Takaoki Sasaki founded the Institute for the Sasaki Foundation in 1939, approved by the Ministry of Education. He became the first president of the foundation and also director of the institute.

Research
Research at the Sasaki Institute covers a wide variety of biomedical fields, including biochemistry, cell biology, pathology, and oncology. Among these research areas, one notable work was "Induction of hepatic cancer in rats by o-aminoazotoluene, one of the azo dyes". This study, published in 1932 by Takaoki Sasaki and Tomizo Yoshida, was the first scientific report in the world on a successful method for induction of cancer in animal organs by feeding chemicals. Research on Yoshida Sarcoma, a strain of tumor cells, was also conducted at this institute in the 1950s.

List of directors
Takaoki Sasaki (1939 - 1953)
Tomizo Yoshida (1953 - 1973)
Hirooki Sasaki (1973 - 1990)
Motomichi Sasaki (1990 - 1995)
Yoshiyuki Hashimoto (1995 - 2001)
Yuji Kurokawa (2001)
Akihiko Maekawa (2001 - 2006)
Yuji Kurokawa (2006 - 2010)
Takao Sekiya (2010 - present)

References

External links

1894 establishments in Japan
Medical research institutes in Japan
Chiyoda, Tokyo


title: Kuzhithura

text:
Kuzhithura is a village in the Kollam district of the Indian state of Kerala. Kuzhithura is part of Alappad panchayat, which is part of the Karunagappally Taluk, situated on a narrow strip of land sandwiched between the Arabian Sea and the Thiruvananthapuram–Shoranur canal.  It is a tourist destination with green land, backwaters, and beaches.

Demographics
The village has total of 400 houses and 401 households. 94.50% of the houses are pucca, 5% are semi-pucca and .5% are kaccha. All the houses are electrified.

Sree Krishnaswamy Temple
Sree Krishnaswamy Temple Kuzhithura (also called Kuzhithura Sree Krishnaswamy Temple) is one of the oldest Krishna temples in Kerala. It is located near the Thiruvananthapuram–Shoranur canal. An annual temple festival occurs between January and February, drawing large crowds.

Educational institutions

For education, there are two anganwadis and the Govt. Fishery Higher Secondary School for older students.

Geography
Kuzhithura is located 8 km from Karunagappally and 10 km from Ochira by road. The nearest rail stations are in Karunagappally and Kayamkulam. The nearest international airports are 97 km at Thiruvananthapuram and 145 km at Kochi.

The village is connected to the mainland by bridges as well as by country boat ferries. By water, it is connected to Alappuzha and Kollam. Mata Amritanandamayi Math is 1 km away.

References

External links
Kuzhithura On Earth

Villages in Kollam district


title: Crazy Kutumba

text:
Crazy Kutumba () is a 2010 Kannada comedy film directed by B. Ramamurthy and produced by Ravi Joshi for Luv Kush Productions banner. The story is a remake of Marathi film De Dhakka (2008) which was inspired from the Hollywood film, Little Miss Sunshine (2006).

The film stars Ramesh Aravind and Ananth Nag with Sanathini, Dhanya Rao, Jai Jagadish, Bank Janardhan and other theater artistes from North Karnataka region playing supporting roles.

Cast
 Ramesh Aravind as Shankar Patil
 Ananth Nag as Mallanna
 Sanathini as Sumathi
 Chindodi Veershankar
 M. S. Umesh
 Rajinikanth
 Jai Jagadish
 Karibasavaiah
 Bank Janardhan
 G. Bharathkumar
 Baby Dhanya Rao as Gowri
 Shanoor Sana

Plot
A family travels from a village to Bangalore, as one of its members is to participate in a dance contest. En route, the conflicts and travails of the family come to the fore in a humorous manner.

Soundtrack

The music was composed by Ricky Kej for Junglee music company. One song "Amma Naanu" is composed by Mysore Ananthaswamy. The soundtrack includes popular folk poems written by acclaimed poets such as Kuvempu and K. S. Narasimhaswamy.

Reception

Critical response

Shruti Indira Lakshminarayana of Rediff.com scored the film at 3 out of 5 stars and says "As the characters are from Belgaum, they speak Kannada in the North Karnataka style that too very convincingly. Coming to humour, it is the scenes between Anath Nag and Ramesh that mostly invite laughter. The comedian in Rajinikanth (who plays kleptomaniac) impresses only at a few places. Also the film could have done without Sundari's character. A critic from The New Indian Express wrote "Veteran actor Anant Nag shines in the role of a drunkard father. Well-known comedians Umesh and Karibasavayya have played their parts with ease. The newcomers Sanathini, Natana Rajanikanth, who plays a kleptomaniac, Veera Shankar, Vijayakumar and child artist Dhanya really impress and surely can be groomed further for future roles". A critic from Deccan Herald wrote "Ramesh as the sixth-pass genius, husband, disgruntled son and doting father is good. His attempt at learning a different dialect is praiseworthy. Anant Nag, the grizzled, liquor guzzling patriarch caresses each word lovingly. Rajnikant and Vijaykumar provide most of the lighter moments in the film. Baby Nityashree’s innocent look blends in"  A critic from Bangalore Mirror wrote  "The dialect is from north Karnataka but it has been kept simple enough for comprehension. The comedy, except, for scenes involving Rajinikanth, is subdued. Thankfully Ricky Kej’s music is not loud and the songs blend with the film. Crazy Kutumba is a film parents would want to take their children to".

References

2010 films
2010s Kannada-language films
Indian comedy-drama films
2010 comedy-drama films
Kannada remakes of Marathi films
Indian remakes of American films
Films directed by B. Ramamurthy


title: Flameless candle

text:
Flameless candles are an electronic alternative to traditional wick candles. They are typically utilized as aesthetic lighting devices and come in a variety of shapes, colors and sizes. A flame-effect lightbulb contains multiple small light-emitting diodes and a control circuit to flash them in a semi-regular, flickering pattern. The bulb may be sold separately with a standard Edison screw for use in ordinary fixtures, or in a self-contained housing with battery.

Flameless candles are designed to eliminate the need for an open flame, thus, reducing their potential as fire hazards.

Appearance

As a decorative element, the design of a flameless candle is relatively versatile.  The body or "housing" of the device is commonly cylindrical, containing a battery pack and an often flame shaped LED light that rests at the top of the candle. Many manufactures use LED lights with an irregular twinkling or flicker effect to simulate the calming glow of an open flame. The body of a flameless candle can likewise be made of wax to enhance its resemblance to traditional candles. Because LED lights do not put out as much heat as a live flame, wax based flameless candles do not melt but, rather, maintain their original shape and size for future use.

Functionality
Some flameless candles are scented, serving as air fresheners as well as lighting devices. Others, designed specifically for outdoor use, incorporate features including integrated insect repellent. As the sun sets, an ambient light sensor, housed in the body of the candle, triggers a small fan near a fragrance compartment. Geranial or other repellents are then released. Additional features may include remote control light switches, integrated timers and air treatment apparatus.

Safety
Because flameless candles are illuminated by a small light bulb, rather than an open flame, they pose less threat as fire hazards and do not melt or lose their form over time. Nonetheless, the bulbs inside some flameless candles may heat up significantly. In a pediatric study conducted in 2013, it is suggested that flameless candles are a minor cause of battery related injuries in children. Close to 8 percent of batteries ingested by children were identified as having come from flameless candles.

See also
 Neon lamp#Flicker flame

References

Types of lamp
Candles


title: The Singles (Camouflage album)

text:
The Singles is a singles compilation album released by German synthpop group Camouflage on 7 February 2014 via Polydor label. The album contains all of the band's twenty singles, remastered in their original single versions.

Release
The Singles was announced on 22 January 2014 via the band's website, coming soon after the announcement of their first boxset release The Box 1983-2013 and their eighth studio album Greyscale.

The album contains all of the band's singles from 1987's The Great Commandment to 2007's The Pleasure Remains. All of the tracks have been remastered. It is also the debut release of the original seven-inch version of The Great Commandment on CD, as well as the debut of the single versions of "Thief" and "The Great Commandment 2.0" on an album.

Track listing

References

2014 compilation albums
Camouflage (band) albums


title: Beau-James Wells

text:
Beau-James Wells (born 17 November 1995) is a New Zealand freestyle skier. He represented his country at the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi, finishing in 21st place in the qualifying round of the Men's Slopestyle and did not advance to the final. He was the flag bearer in the opening ceremony of 2018 Winter Olympics in Pyongchang. His brothers Byron, Jossi, and Jackson are all also freestyle skiers.

References

External links

1995 births
Freestyle skiers at the 2014 Winter Olympics
Living people
Olympic freestyle skiers for New Zealand
New Zealand male freestyle skiers
Freestyle skiers at the 2012 Winter Youth Olympics
People from Wānaka
Freestyle skiers at the 2018 Winter Olympics