The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies (can also be referred to by its acronyms as the ACRPS) is an Arab research institute with particular interest in the social sciences, applied social sciences, regional history and geostrategic affairs. To this effect, the ACRPS coordinates and develops research, publications, projects and events on issues and challenges relevant to the Arab world. The ACRPS primarily conducts its work in Arabic but publishes in both Arabic and English.

The ACRPS was established in 2010 and is based in Al Daayen, Qatar with a second office in Beirut, Lebanon. It is overseen by an executive board composed of Arab academics and intellectuals. The general director of the ACRPS is the Palestinian academic and politician Azmi Bishara.

Projects and programs
The ACRPS hosts a number of projects and programs including the Arab Opinion Index, the Arab Prize on Social Sciences and Humanities, the Tarjuman Book Translation Unit, and the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies.

Arab Opinion Index
In 2011, the Arab Opinion Index (AOI) was launched by the ACRPS. The project conducts polls in Arab countries in order to gauge public opinion on political, social and cultural issues. The aim of the AOI is to “annually and systematically measure Arab public opinion on a variety of issues of interest to the Arab masses.”

The Arab Prize for Social Sciences and Humanities
In an effort to encourage Arab scholarship, the ACRPS established the Arab Prize for Social Sciences and Humanities. The results of this annual program are announced at the Annual Conference on the Social Sciences and Humanities whereby prizes are awarded to both established scholars and young researchers.

Tarjuman - Book Translation Unit
The aim of the Book Translation Unit at the ACRPS is to make accessible to Arab researchers, high-quality contemporary works by non-Arab writers in the fields of economics, sociology, political science, management, culture and art. Translated works include Fanon: The Postcolonial Imagination by Nigel Gibson and Confronting Culture: Sociological Vistas by John Hughson and David Inglis.

Doha Institute for Graduate Studies
In late 2013, the ACRPs announced the establishment of the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies (DI), an academic institute for postgraduate studies in the social sciences, humanities and public administration. The DI is expected to be operational in the fall of 2015.

According to the DI website, the institute “strives to prepare and qualify a select and competitively admitted body of students as capable academicians in advancing knowledge and public administration, and as professional leaders in the academic and executive fields”. The DI will include the School of Social Sciences and Humanities, the School of Public Administration and Policy, and the Doha Historical Dictionary of the Arabic Language. The ACRPS will also be located on the DI campus.

Publications
The ACRPS publishes books and three Arabic academic periodicals, Omran, Tabayyun and Siyasat Arabia. Printed book titles include: The Sectarian Question and the Problem of Minorities by Burhan Ghalioun, Reflections on the Meaning of Palestine by Alain Gresh, Stay Human by Vittorio Arrigoni, and Civil Society by Azmi Bishara. Omran and Tabayyun are quarterly peer-reviewed journals, the former focused on the social sciences and the humanities more broadly, and the latter on thought, philosophy and cultural and literary criticism. Siyasat Arabia is published bi-monthly and is focused on political science, international relations and policy studies. It aims to make such analyses accessible to non-specialist audiences and contribute to public debate in Arab countries. Its contributions are primarily written by the ACRPS Policy Analysis Unit.

In addition a number of publications are made available electronically on the ACRPS website. These include select works from Omran and Tabayyun, policy analyses, case analyses, book reviews, assessment reports, and commentaries.

Events and conferences
The ACRPS organizes two annual conferences which attract Arab researchers from across the region.
The Annual Conference on the Social Sciences and Humanities is generally held every March and addresses two research themes. Past themes were: “From Hampered Growth to Sustainable Development: Which Socio-economic Policies for Arab Countries?” and “Identity and Language in the Arab Homeland” (2012); and "The Dialectic of Social Integration and the Building of Nation and State in the Arab Homeland" and the "Definition of Justice in the Arab Homeland today" (2013).

The Annual Conference of Strategic and Policy Studies Research Centers in the Arab world brings together centers of research, policy studies, and strategic analysis in the Arab region. It is normally held in December of each year. Past themes of this conference were: “The Arab revolutions and geostrategic changes” (2012) and “The Cause of Palestine and the Future of the Palestinian National Movement” (2013).

In addition to the Annual Conferences, the ACRPS holds other conferences, symposia and lectures on various topics.

See also
 Derasat

References

External links

 Doha Institute Project

Think tanks based in Qatar
Think tanks established in 2010
Non-profit organisations based in Qatar
2010 establishments in Qatar
Organisations based in Doha


Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (), or CDR, are a network of neighborhood committees across Cuba. The organizations, described as the "eyes and ears of the Revolution," exist to help support local communities and report on "counter-revolutionary" activity. As of 2010, 8.4 million Cubans of the national population of 11.2 million were registered as CDR members.

CDRs provide community services, such as assisting in literacy and vaccination campaigns, but have been criticized for their human rights violations.

History
Following the success of the Cuban Revolution, claims of activity labeled as 'counterrevolutionary' filled Havana. There existed popular desire for some form of urban-based civil defense against sabotage particularly after the mysterious explosion of the French freighter La Coubre while dockworkers unloaded ammunitions from the ship.

The final impetus for the creation of such a movement came on the evening of September 28, 1960 when bomb blasts erupted on the former steps of the Presidential Palace while Fidel Castro gave a speech.  Fidel Castro subsequently declared:“We’re going to set up a system of collective vigilance; we’re going to set up a system of revolutionary collective vigilance. And then we shall see how the lackeys of imperialism manage to operate in our midst. Because one thing is sure, we have people in all parts of the city; there’s not an apartment building in the city, not a corner, not a block, not a neighborhood, that is not amply represented here [in the audience]. In answer to the imperialist campaigns of aggression, we’re going to set up a system of revolutionary collective vigilance so that everybody will know everybody else on his block, what they do, what relationship they had with the tyranny [the Batista government], what they believe in, what people they meet, what activities they participate in. Because if they [the counterrevolutionaries] think they can stand up to the people, they’re going to be tremendously disappointed. Because we’ll confront them with a committee of revolutionary vigilance on every block... When the masses are organized there isn’t a single imperialist, or a lackey of the imperialists, or anybody who has sold out to the imperialist, who can operate”.The slogan of the CDR is, "¡En cada barrio, Revolución!" ("In every neighborhood, Revolution!"). Fidel Castro proclaimed it "a collective system of revolutionary vigilance," established "so that everybody knows who lives on every block, what they do on every block, what relations they have had with the tyranny, in what activities are they involved, and with whom they meet."

Structure
Joining the committee is not selective; however, the top leadership of the organization is drawn from a select pool of loyalists at the discretion of the general secretary of the PCC. Each CDR subdivision has an elected president that manages their locale and is subordinate to the CDR president immediately above their. Each block president is also charged with collecting and centralizing the information about every citizen in their block, giving such information to local police, investigators for political organizations like the Union of Communist Youths or the Communist Party of Cuba or the investigators for the Department of State Security (G2). Each committee also has one responsible for Vigilance, Ideology, and Community and Service. Those tasked with vigilance write annotations on citizens, monitoring how often people go to their house and how many attend, their whereabouts, family and work history, how many packages they may be receiving or enforcing curfews. Those in charge of Ideology are tasked with spreading political material to orient the people towards the party and recording overall revolutionary moral character. Those responsible for community and service plan various activities on rest days like maintaining optimal hygienic conditions on the block.

Activities

Community services
The CDRs have a role in national literacy and vaccination campaigns. They maintain social hygiene by eradicating the origins of transmission for certain diseases. They popularly mobilized people for demonstrations for Elian Gonzalez, the “Five Heroes” spies, or Mariel Boatlift. The CDR is also vital for the National Civil Defense as they evacuate millions of people during hurricanes and are responsible for block clean up operations to remove debris and clear up roads, among others.

CDR has additional responsibilities beyond monitoring individual political and moral backgrounds; these include arranging community festivals, administrating voluntary community projects, and organizing community attendance to mass rallies. Proponents further emphasize that CDRs have helped to put medical, educational, or other campaigns into national effect. They also act as centers for many who do not work in farms or factories, and hence include a large proportion of female membership. The CDRs also take an active role in vaccination campaigns, blood banks, recycling, practicing evacuations for hurricanes, and supporting the government in its fight against corruption.

CDR community centers were mobilized beginning 2020 to help respond to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic in Cuba, although its efficacy is debated.

Surveillance and violence

CDR opponents indict Cuba's CDR system of informants with an accompanying control of individual freedom, a breakdown of the Cuban nuclear family unit, widespread human alienation, and a pervasive interpersonal mistrust, at all levels of Cuban society.

A 2006 report from Amnesty International alleged CDR involvement in repeated human rights violations that included verbal as well as physical violence. Critics contend that the CDRs are a repressive tool, giving the government a heads-up about dissident activities on the micro-local level. They further identify CDRs as "one of the lead entities responsible for the wave of repression sweeping through Cuba" most recently, the brutal beatings and detention of 75 members of the Ladies in White in Havana in 2011 and 2012. Opponents of CDRS also claim they spy on day to day activities to search for any "counter-revolutionary acts"  and claim they are an invasion of privacy and human rights.

Elizardo Sánchez, a Cuban dissident, described the CDR as "a tool for the systematic and mass violation of human rights, for ideological and repressive discrimination. They assist the police and the secret service".

See also

 Stasi
 Mass surveillance
 Unofficial collaborator in East Germany
 Colectivo (Venezuela)
 Dignity Battalions

References

External links
Official CDR−Committees for the Defense of the Revolution website—
Recent news about the CDR — +

Aftermath of the Cuban Revolution
Cuban intelligence agencies
Law enforcement agencies of Cuba
1960 establishments in Cuba
Organizations established in 1960
Society of Cuba


title: Lance Louw (rugby union)

text:
Lance Louw (born ) is a South African rugby union player. His regular position is wing.

Eastern Province Kings

In November 2013, the  invited 18 amateur club players to join their training camps prior to the 2014 Vodacom Cup season. Louw, who played his rugby for Rosebuds Rugby Club in Alicedale, was one of those selected in the training camp.

He made his senior debut for the  in the 2014 Vodacom Cup by starting in their 17–10 opening day defeat to Kenyan side . He started in two more matches – their 60–6 victory over the  in Grahamstown and their 56–22 defeat to  in Cape Town.

However, he wasn't named in the EP Kings squad for the 2014 Currie Cup Premier Division.

References

South African rugby union players
Living people
1990 births
Rugby union wings
Eastern Province Elephants players


title: List of left-wing internationals

text:
This is a list of socialist, communist, and anarchist internationals. An "International" — such as, the "First International", the "Second International", or the "Socialist International" — may refer to a number of multi-national communist, radical, socialist, or union organizations, typically composed of national sections.

Defunct internationals
Communist League, created in 1847 from the League of the Just, dissolved 1852
International Workingmen's Association (First International), 1864–1876
Anarchist St. Imier International, 1872–1877
International Working People's Association (Black International) 1881-?
Second International, 1889–1916
International Working Union of Socialist Parties (2½ International), 1921–1923
Communist International (Third International), 1919–1943
Communist Workers' International, 1922–mid-1920s
Labour and Socialist International, 1923–1940
International Revolutionary Marxist Centre, 1932–1940s
Revolutionary Workers Ferment 1948–unknown
Situationist International, 1957–1971
International League for the Reconstruction of the Fourth International, 1973–1995
Committee for a Workers' International, 1974–2019
Trotskyist International Liaison Committee, 1979–1984
Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, 1984–2012
International Communist Seminar, 1992–2014
International Libertarian Solidarity, 2001–2005
International Union of Anarchists  (Anarcho-communism) 2011–2013
International Conference of Marxist–Leninist Parties and Organizations (International Newsletter) (Maoism), 1988–2017
Coordinating Committee for the Refoundation of the Fourth International (Trotskyism), 2004–2017

Existing Internationals
 World Socialist Movement (Classical Marxism, Impossibilism)
 Progressive International (Progressivism, Socialism)
 International Peoples' Assembly (Socialism)
 Humanist International (Humanism, Anti Imperialism, Anti-Capitalism)

 Left communist internationals
 International Communist Current (Left communism)
 International Communist Party (Left communism)
 Internationalist Communist Tendency (Left communism) (See: Internationalist Communist Party (Italy) and Communist Workers' Organisation (UK))

 Anarchist internationals
 International of Anarchist Federations (Synthesis anarchism, Anarcho-communism)
 International Workers' Association (Anarcho-syndicalism)

 Marxist-Leninist, Maoist and Hoxhaist internationals
 International League of Peoples' Struggle (Anti-imperialism)
 International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties (Marxism–Leninism)
 International Conference of Marxist–Leninist Parties and Organizations (Unity & Struggle) (Hoxhaism)
 International Coordination of Revolutionary Parties and Organizations (Anti-revisionism)
 World Anti Imperialist Platform (Anti-imperialism)

Trotskyist internationals
 Committee for a Workers' International (CWI) - claims to be refoundation of Committee for a Workers' International (1974)
 Committee for Revolutionary International Regroupment (CRIR)
 Fourth International (reunified)
 International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI)
 International Committee of the Fourth International (Workers Revolutionary Party)
 International Communist League (Fourth Internationalist) (ICL-FI), previously the International Spartacist Tendency
 International Marxist Tendency (IMT), previously the Committee for a Marxist International
 International Revolutionary Left, split from CWI
 International Socialist Alternative, claims to be successor to Committee for a Workers' International (1974)
 International Socialist League (ISL-LIS)
 International Socialist Tendency (IST (post-trotskyist))
 Internationalist Communist Union (ICU)
 International Trotskyist Committee for the Political Regeneration of the Fourth International (ITC)
 International Workers League – Fourth International (IWL-FI)
 International Workers' Unity – Fourth International (IWU-FI)
 League for the Fifth International (L5I)
 League for the Fourth International (LFI) [split from (ICL-FI)]
 League for the Revolutionary Party – Communist Organization for the Fourth International
 Organising Committee for the Reconstitution of the Fourth International (OCRFI), split from Fourth International (ICR) in 2016
 Trotskyist Fraction – Fourth International (TF-FI)
 Workers International to Rebuild the Fourth International (WIRFI)
 International Bolshevik Tendency
 Bolshevik Tendency
 International Leninist Trotskyist Tendency
 Permanent Revolution Collective
 International Leninist Trotskyist Fraction
 Tendency for the Reconstruction of the Fourth International
 Internationalist Trotskyist Nucleus-Fourth International
 Fourth International Posadist
 Liaison Committee for the Reconstruction of the Fourth International (CERCI)

Regional internationals

 Communist Party of the Soviet Union (2001) (Marxism–Leninism, Post-Soviet states)
 Coordination Committee of Maoist Parties and Organisations of South Asia (Maoism, South Asia)
 European Anti-Capitalist Left (Democratic socialism, Europe)
 Foro de São Paulo (Socialism of the 21st Century, Latin America)
 Initiative of Communist and Workers' Parties (Marxism–Leninism, Europe)
 Now the People (Democratic socialism, Europe)
 Party of the European Left (Democratic socialism, Europe)
 Union of Communist Parties – Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Marxism–Leninism, Post-Soviet states)
 Conference of Communist and Worker's Parties of the Balkans (Marxism–Leninism, Balkans)

See also
List of Trotskyist internationals
Fifth International
List of international labor organizations
Political international

References

External links

Lists of leftist organisations

Communism
Socialism


title: 2010 SBS Drama Awards

text:
The 2010 SBS Drama Awards () is a ceremony honoring the best performances in television on the SBS network for the year 2010. It took place on December 31, 2010, at the SBS Open Hall in Deungchon-dong, Seoul, and was hosted by Lee Beom-soo, Park Jin-hee and Lee Soo-kyung.

Nominations and winners
(Winners denoted in bold)

Top 10 Stars
Go Hyun-jung – Daemul
Ha Ji-won – Secret Garden
Hyun Bin – Secret Garden
Jeong Bo-seok – Giant
Kim So-yeon – Prosecutor Princess, Dr. Champ
Kwon Sang-woo – Daemul
Lee Beom-soo – Giant
Lee Seung-gi – My Girlfriend Is a Nine-Tailed Fox
Park Jin-hee – Giant
Shin Min-ah – My Girlfriend Is a Nine-Tailed Fox

New Star Award
Choi Siwon – Oh! My Lady
Ham Eun-jung – Coffee House
Han Chae-ah – Definitely Neighbors
Hwang Jung-eum – Giant
Joo Sang-wook – Giant
Kim Soo-hyun – Giant
Nam Gyu-ri – Life Is Beautiful
No Min-woo – My Girlfriend Is a Nine-Tailed Fox

References

External links

SBS
SBS Drama Awards
SBS
December 2010 events in South Korea


title: Tinus van Gelder

text:
Martinus "Tinus" van Gelder (2 December 1911 – 26 August 1999) was a Dutch cyclist. He competed in the tandem event at the 1948 Summer Olympics.

See also
 List of Dutch Olympic cyclists

References

External links

1911 births
1999 deaths
Dutch male cyclists
Olympic cyclists for the Netherlands
Cyclists at the 1948 Summer Olympics
People from Semarang Regency
Dutch people of the Dutch East Indies


title: Ezra Nawi

text:
Ezra Yitzhak Nawi (; 1951 – 9 January 2021) was an Israeli Mizrahi Jew, left-wing, human rights activist and pacifist. He was particularly active among the Bedouin herders and farmers of the South Hebron Hills and against the establishment of Israeli settlements there, in what Uri Avnery described as a protracted effort by settlers to cleanse the area of Arab villagers, in the prevention of which he played a key role. He was described as a "Ta'ayush nudnik (nuisance)", and "a working-class, liberal gay version of Joe the Plumber".

He was regarded by some as an extreme leftist activist and troublemaker.
He was charged with numerous infractions of the law, with convictions ranging from statutory rape, illegal use of a weapon and possession of drugs to assaulting two policemen, In addition, he also served several short stints in prison as a consequence of his activism. Defenders claimed that many of the prosecutions were politically motivated.

David Shulman regarded him as a major obstacle to the theft of Palestinian land, and considered him an Israeli exponent of Gandhian civil disobedience. Nawi once said that he would strike back when attacked. He came to international attention after being convicted in 2007 of participating in a riot and assaulting two police officers in connection with the demolition of Bedouin homes in the West Bank by Israeli border policemen. His trial and imprisonment spurred a worldwide protest against his treatment that elicited 20,000 signatures.

In 2008, Nissim Mossek produced a film on his life, private and public, which had mixed reviews.

In 2015, an undercover pro-settler group taped him bragging that he had identified Palestinian land brokers willing to sell land to Israeli or Jewish brokers to the PA security services. Under Palestinian law, such sales are a capital offence, and Nawi claimed they would be tortured and killed. The case triggered a political backlash in Israel and there were calls for England and France to stop foreign funding of two Israeli civil rights NGOs, Ta'ayush and B'Tselem, whose members were involved in the incident. Nawi and two others were arrested, and then released and banned from the West Bank for two weeks.

Biography
Ezra Nawi was born in Jerusalem,
one of five siblings, to a Mizrahi Jewish Iraqi family originally from Basra, which had made aliyah from Kurdistan shortly before his birth.
His mother gave birth to him when she was 14 years old.  He was raised by a grandmother who spoke to him in Iraqi Arabic, an accent he still retained. When Nawi was a teenager, they lived next door to Reuven Kaminer, a leading figure in Israel's Communist Party, and Kaminer, he has reminisced, influenced his activism. As a conscript in the IDF, he served in a combat engineering unit. After the 1973 Yom Kippur War, where his duties included laying mines along the Suez Canal, he went abroad, travelling widely in the US and Europe, spending some time in both the UK and Ireland.

Nawi worked as a plumber. He was openly gay. He developed an interest in human rights, which he said comes from his experience of "belonging to a despised minority", after meeting Irish University lecturer David Norris and forming a relationship with him in Dublin when they met at Christmas in 1975. Nawi insisted on going home with Norris after meeting him at a party – it was mutual love at first sight – and Norris found his sterile home, replete with every modern commodity but where only eggs and tea were the staple, suddenly transformed as Nawi's spicy Middle Eastern cooking suffused his Edwardian home. Nawi mulled the idea of emigrating to Ireland; Norris helped him buy a home in Ramot. Their partnership, predominantly a mariage blanc since the physical side ended after three years, lasted 10 years, and ultimately broke up after Nawi refused to commit, having in the meantime fallen in love with an Israeli athlete, with whom he lived for a decade. The three remained on the best of terms.

Nawi suffered his first stroke shortly after the release of an  broadcast, Close friends attributed it to the severe harassment he had experienced. He suffered a further stroke in the summer of 2020, and during his hospitalization doctors discovered he had a brain tumour.  He had recurrent minor strokes later that year, in autumn. He died on 9 January 2021 in Jerusalem at the age of 69. Shortly before his death, he remarked to his friend David Shulman, "I did something good with my life," and to Amira Hass that, "I could have done much more."

Political activism
His interest in human rights developed over several years while he shared his home in Jerusalem with a West Bank Palestinian, Fuad Mussa, who feared an honour killing because of his homosexuality. Nawi was convicted on charges of allowing his partner to live illegally with him in Israel. The difficulties they encountered acquainted him with the hardships of Arab life, and, he said, this was a turning point that led him to embrace an activist role in the West Bank in the 1980s. Friends and clients of Nawi's raised £30,000 to bail out his companion when Fuad was arrested after restrictions tightened during the Second Intifada. An appeal was made to the President of Israel, Moshe Katsav, for his release, and an ex-gratia permit was eventually given to them to allow the couple to reside together in Jerusalem. By then, however, the relationship had broken up. Nawi had in the meantime joined the Jewish-Arab human rights organization Ta'ayush, where his fluency in both Hebrew and Arabic allowed him to serve as a liaison between local Palestinians in the Hebron area and Israeli activists. According to Amiel Vardi, a classics scholar of Hebrew University and co-founder of Ta'ayush, he had an instinctive sense of relations with Palestinians which other activists, many of them Jewish intellectuals, lack.
He used surplus earnings from his plumbing trade to subsidize his activities, and was reputed to charge exorbitantly for his services in order to earn enough money to donate to the fallāḥīn.

According to Ian Buruma, his activism is more practical than political. Nawi himself said of his work, "(T)his is not about ideology. It is about decency". According to Max Blumenthal, he is widely revered by young activists as a guide and mentor in the West Bank.

Nawi, one of several Israeli activists in the South Hebron hills
but according to David Shulman, the "real hero" of the area, is said to have adopted the distinctive cave-dwelling Bedouin resident in this zone, Eighty to a hundred members of these families, of the Bedouin al-Hathalin clan, refugees from Tel Arad in the aftermath of the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, dwell at Umm al-Khair, a village south of Hebron, 30 metres from the Israeli settlement of Carmel, Har Hebron. This is one of the many khirbehs of that area. They eke out a rough livelihood pasturing their goats and sheep on rocky land purchased from its Palestinian owners in the early 1950s. They are hardscrabble farmers of desolate hills where, according to Nawi, "nobody else would even try to grow anything," but where these Bedouin are often prevented from working the land.
His attachment to these people and their biblical way of life flowed, he said, from his first encounter with them. He thought their distinctive lifestyle was subject to an "existential danger" in the way their fields were burned, their grazing stock poisoned,
their wells poisoned, or demolished, their aged beaten and their land expropriated.
He has been assaulted by settlers while helping Palestinians harvest olives from their own olive groves. Some, fearing for their lives, would not return to their fields unless Nawi accompanied them. He slept overnight in their houses to deter IDF soldiers reportedly throwing rocks at dwellings after dark. He was active in many of their encampments from Bi'r al-'Id to Susia and Umm al-Kheir. His arrival on the scene when settlers attacked a Bedouin family near Twamin and stole 450 head of their sheep livestock, was sufficient, according to Rabbis for Human Rights, to cause the settlers to desist and retreat.

Nawi and this small group of activists have been described as an "independent aid agency": "whatever cash went into their hands was immediately translated into solving the problems of the poorest of the land." For the last decade he has set up summer day camps for Bedouin children, brought in projectors to show them films, and taken them on trips to Jericho where, for the first time in their life, they can have an opportunity to swim. He has introduced computer technology in these communities, installed solar panels and electricity-generating windmills with the assistance of an Israeli engineer from COMET:ME for a Palestinian refugee camp. He helped ambulances get through roadblocks and handed out cash to poor people. He has organized Ta'ayush activities which involve escorting children to school and protecting them from settlers.  After a Knesset committee grilled an IDF commander on the way children were being prevented from going to school, the IDF instituted armoured personnel carriers to accompany them. Such escorts however do not apply when summer camps are conducted, and, according to Nawi, a settler quipped that while the Geneva Convention guaranteed children the right to a schooling, it says nothing about their right to summer camp.

His role has drawn scorn from both the military authorities, who have detained him on numerous occasions, and from local settlers who have previously assaulted him, thrown rocks at his car at night, threatening to kill him when he intervened
and who have been suspected by the police of intending to assassinate him.
He has complained of multiple forms of harassment, from repeated fines for petty traffic incidents where enforcement is otherwise loose, to having his business audited and receiving a huge tax bill to, he suspected, having his phone monitored and being subject to vicious homophobic taunts. Some brand him ironically as "the saviour of the Arabs" whose concern for "unfortunate" Arabs extends to assisting them when they are "stealing" what settlers consider to be state lands in the southern Hebron hills and Gush Etzion.

Nawi said he did not yield ground when settlers attack, claiming that, rather than running away as other Israeli volunteers do, he hit back. In a 2005 interview, he went on record as saying:-
The settlers have become used to seeing Israelis caving in and crumpling when they get beaten. I don't cave in. If anyone beats me, I strike him back. And I'm not exactly a pip-squeak.

The Israeli academic David Shulman states that Nawi is non-violent and recalled in sworn testimony an incident that took place in Susya in 2005, where Nawi was subject to one such assault:-
"I have been through many difficult moments with him—attacks by settlers, in particular—and I have never seen him respond to violence with violence. On one occasion in Susia, in 2005, settlers broke a wooden pole over his head, and he stood his ground without hitting back. I was right beside him, and I saw it. I have witnessed such instances many times. He is committed to nonviolent protest in every fiber of his being".

In opposing such settler actions, which he said "serve the state's interests," Nawi is on record as saying that, "I'm here to change reality.. The only Israelis these people know are settlers and soldiers. Through me they know a different Israeli", and stated his conviction that their acts "are destroying Israel. We (Israelis) have to live side by side with the Palestinians as good neighbours, not as conquerors".
Mere presence can be, he maintained, a deterrence.

In one particular episode in January 2003, captured by Shulman's eyewitness account in his book, Dark Hope (2007), armed settlers wearing skullcaps and tzitzit fringes, and hailing from a daughter settlement of Ma'on called Ma'on farm (Havat Ma'on), charged down on Twaneh peasants sowing their traditional fields while Nawi was present. As shots were fired their way and stones rained down on the sowers, Shulman got the impression Nawi seemed to relish the moment, as he rallied those about him with the cry, "Don't be afraid. Stand your ground". Joseph Dana expresses a similar view. In an incident at the village of Safa, in the face of tear-gas and live ammunition, Nawi's reaction to Dana's anxiety was to smile, slap him on the back and quip: "quite an adventure you are experiencing!" His approach, Dana concluded, cuts the tension in the air.

Shulman has recently argued that he was one of three exponents of Gandhi's principle of satyagraha in the West Bank, alongside Abdallah Abu Rahmah and Ali Abu Awwad, with the difference that Nawi was Jewish, and has probably, unlike the former two, never read a word of Gandhi's writings, but simply "reinvented Gandhian-style protest on his own.". Nawi's activism, according to Amira Hass, has brought him to the verge of bankruptcy.

Controversy
Nawi was convicted on a number of charges, including illegal use of a weapon and possession of drugs—he freely admitted to smoking hash—for private use.

Statutory rape conviction
In 1995, Nawi was convicted of statutory rape of a 15-year-old Palestinian boy, after their relationship had been reported to Israeli police by the boy's parents in 1992. The legal age for such relationships is 16 in Israeli law. The statutory rape case was appealed twice. The prosecution's case was difficult due to the length of time between the offense and the appeal process, and since the victim, one year under the legal age of consent, was reluctant to testify against Nawi. After 5 years, the High Court upheld the conviction upon final appeal. It found the relationship had been consensual, sentencing him to six months based on a plea bargain, of which he served less than three. In 2011 it was revealed that David Norris, a former partner of Nawi and the frontrunner for the position of President of Ireland at the time, had written a letter in support of Nawi on an official Seanad Éireann letterhead, and sent it to the Israeli High Court. In the letter, Norris claimed Nawi was tricked into a plea bargain and requested a noncustodial sentence. This revelation caused him to withdraw from the presidential race.

2004 arrest and trial
He has been charged for infractions in the West Bank several times. In the first half of 2004, the Israeli prosecution filed three suits against him. The first concerned an incident that occurred after he accompanied a convoy to a harvest at Twaneh, where he was joined by Israeli novelists Meir Shalev and David Grossman and anchorman Haim Yavin.  Nawi rushed to put himself between the settlers and the harvesting fellahin to protect the latter, and a settler filed a complaint to police accusing Nawi of attacking him. In addition he was caught entering Area A, forbidden to Israelis, while bringing a consignment of clothes to people in Yatta. He was also arrested for giving a ride back into the West Bank to a Palestinian who had been residing without a permit in Israel; and he was indicted once on suspicion he had hindered a settler from filming him as he helped the Palestinians. In the last instance, his lawyer questioned the plaintiff regarding the fact he had filmed the event on Sabbath, whereupon the settler replied that he had a rabbinical ruling on halakha or Jewish law, which determined that Sabbath may be desecrated if the aim is to stop a goy from stealing hay and straw, as were the Palestinians in the area, which belonged to the settlers. Nawi was convicted by the Magistrate's court and sentenced to probation and a fine of NIS 500. It emerged that the halakhic judgement had been written by the plaintiff's father a day before the trial. On appeal, the conviction was overturned by a District Court when his lawyer Lea Tsemel showed that the land concerned was owned by Palestinians.

2007 arrest and trial

On 14 February 2007, Nawi went to assist Palestinian families whose homes, several tin and canvas shanties, were about to be razed as illegal structures. According to Shulman, these Palestinians at Um al-Kheir, which lies a few meters from rows of red-roofed settler villas at Carmel, require building permits for any house construction or extensions to their tents or shacks and such permits are almost impossible to obtain since on average, in the West Bank area administered by Israel, Area C, only one is released per month by the Israeli Civil Administration for the hundreds of thousands of Palestinian residents there. Palestinians with their large families regularly build without permits, and the occupation authorities regularly issue demolition orders, of which some 20 are carried out each month.

Nawi considered such administrative actions "acts of war" since these Bedouin families lived in the area before the state of Israel came into existence. On that day, Nawi became involved in a clash with border police who had been sent to protect the bulldozers. Nawi threw himself before the bulldozers, and had to be dragged from their path to allow the demolition order to be executed. Though much of the incident was captured on video, the police testified later that, after they caught up with him inside a half-demolished shack, he raised his hands against them and resisted arrest in some 8 to 20 seconds not caught on video. According to Ben-Gurion university professor Neve Gordon, in the video Nawi is seen disarming a Palestinian woman of a rock she had picked up some minutes before the alleged assault. He was arrested, handcuffed and charged, although the assault later alleged was not included in the original police statements. The videotape shows that, handcuffed on a police truck, and taunted by the police for assisting Arabs, Nawi told them: "I was also a soldier, but I did not demolish houses,.. The only thing that will be left here is hatred".

At his trial, judge Eilata Ziskind determined on March 19, on the basis of testimony from the two police officers, that he was guilty as charged: that he had pushed the two policemen, incited people, behaved in an unruly manner and interrupted police in the performance of their duties.

The decision led to a public outcry, with some 140,000 letters, according to Nawi, being sent to Israeli officials. Television footage filming the clash had been broadcast on Israel's Channel 1. According to Neve Gordon, the verdict was made notwithstanding "the very clear evidence" captured on film. Arik Ascherman, Executive Director of Rabbis for Human Rights, enjoined people to rally with him before a Court of Appeal.

Sentencing, in which he was expected to serve up to two years in jail, was originally scheduled for 1 July 2009 but subsequently postponed to 21 September 2009, after the judge had been presented with a petition organized in an international campaign conducted over the internet. In August 2009, in a preliminary hearing on sentencing the court heard several witnesses, such as Shulman and Galit Hasan-Rokem, testifying on Nawi's behalf. Aside from these academics, the former Deputy Attorney General of Israel, Yehudit Karp, speaking as a character witness and as a former head of a committee that had examined law and order issues in the West Bank, wrote that the situation there was strongly distorted in favour of the settlers, and that this justified the way Nawi, whom she called a modern-day Robin Hood, behaved in conditions she considered "surreal". She took the trial as the start of a dangerous process in that root problems are not addressed, and injustices wrought on Palestinians are not met by appropriate application of relevant laws.

According to Nawi, the judge instructed the court to find an interpreter to translate the sentence for Nawi's benefit, as if he, a Mizrahi Jew fluent in Hebrew, were actually a Palestinian Arab.

In his own defence, given in an article in The Nation at the time, Nawi spoke of his eight years of activism in the area, and asked rhetorically: "was I the one who poisoned and destroyed Palestinian water wells? Was I the one who beat young Palestinian children? Did I hit the elderly? Did I poison the Palestinian residents' sheep? Did I demolish homes and destroy tractors? Did I block roads and restrict movement? Was I the one who prevented people from connecting their homes to running water and electricity? Did I forbid Palestinians from building homes?" He called relations between the military, civil administration, the judicial system, the police, and the Jewish settlers, whom he regarded as the commanders, an "unholy alliance" where the end of securing full control of the Land of Israel justified any means. The Palestinians were dehumanized so that everything was permissible: land-theft, home-demolition, stealing water, arbitrary imprisonment, and on occasion murder. "In Hebrew," he added, "we say damam mutar, taking their blood is permissible". Elsewhere he is on record as arguing that the function of the violence is to "scare the Palestinians into not moving around or using their land for farming and agriculture." and that most settlers are motivated by religious ideas one cannot argue with, and that Arabs must leave. "They want Palestine."

Nawi's case elicited the attention of several prominent international figures, including Noam Chomsky, Naomi Klein, and Neve Gordon, who organized a campaign to protest against his imprisonment, calling him "one of Israel's most courageous human rights activists", and his arrest, conviction and pending imprisonment "politically motivated". Additionally, Yehudit Karp petitioned the court asking for clemency on the basis that the state had failed in its obligations to enforce the law against Israeli settlers in the Palestinian territories and that Nawi's actions against the settlers should be seen in that context. The group Jewish Voice for Peace presented the court with a petition signed by 20,000 people requesting clemency for Nawi.

On September 21, the Jerusalem Magistrates' Court sentenced him to a term of one month in prison, and fined him NIS 750 ($202), ordering him to pay an additional NIS 500 ($135) to each officer he was found guilty of assaulting.
Judge Ziskind, in her ruling, wrote that "even if there is a supreme goal, it cannot be used as an excuse to commit offenses", and that, "Freedom of expression is not the freedom to incite and take actions that prevent or disrupt police work …Freedom of expression does not allow for riots, incitement or violence. Democracy cannot allow this, for if the law enforcement system collapses, anarchy will reign and democracy and freedom of expression will be no more...The fact that a person is acting in the name of one ideology or another, as justified as it may be, is no excuse to commit offenses in the name of that ideology, and in this matter there is no difference between left-wing activists, right-wing activists, religious, seculars, or other groups in conflict". He was also put on three years probation, during which, if he insulted an officer, disturbed public order, or participated in an illegal protest, he would immediately suffer a further six months imprisonment. The Yesha Human Rights Organization, representing the Yesha or settlers' perspective, criticized the brevity of the one-month sentence, asserting that,

"One month in jail is like mocking the poor and emphasizes the selectivity of the law enforcement system in Judea and Samaria. (The system) allows Nawi to run wild, cooperate with Hamas members and hurt settlers, and remembers to enforce the law only when he hurts policemen".

Incarcerated on Sunday, 23 May 2010, he served out his sentence at Dekel Prison, Emek Sarah, Beer-Sheva.

Subsequent to this trial, Haaretz revealed that the prosecution had used as part of the evidence for its case Nawi's prior conviction for statutory rape. The story resurfaced once more in 2011 when the Zionist and blogger John Connolly revealed that the Irish senator and presidential candidate David Norris, a former lover of Nawi's, had written a letter to the Israeli court requesting clemency for Nawi at the time.

2012 offensive language case
On 10 June 2012, Nawi was convicted of "offending public servants" by the Jerusalem Magistrate's Court, with Judge Cjana Lomp presiding, after it was alleged that he had called a deputy battalion commander of the IDF a "war criminal" during a clash at Susya in July 2009, when he and other activists tried to prevent Jewish settlers from establishing an outpost called Givat HaDegel (Flag Hill, alternatively Chisdi Hashem The Grace of God), and thereby depriving Palestinians of their land.

2013 traffic case
Following an incident with a military jeep in the South Hebron hills in March 2013, Nawi was charged with crossing a solid white line while overtaking. He was acquitted of the charge by Judge Miriam Kaslassy who stated in her ruling that "It's clear as day that we're not talking about random enforcement of a traffic violation", and that the police had made Nawi commit the offence. Nawi subsequently sued the state, and was awarded 45,000 shekels compensation. The Ministry of Justice stated that the policeman and the army officer involved in the incident would be prosecuted for entrapment.

2014 traffic case
In April 2014, Nawi, together with Guy Butavia, was stopped by police, while driving out from Jerusalem towards the South Hebron hills. The police stated that Butavia was not wearing a safety belt, that Nawi's license was not in order, and that they suspected the two of trying to hide something. A tobacco pouch was seized, on the suspicion it contained drugs. The two were detained for 8 hours at a police station, and released under house arrest for three days. The day after, the order was cancelled. Despite several allegations made by the police, the case was dropped.

Both Nawi and Butavia sued the police for harassment, claiming $28,125 in compensation. They further claimed the incident was directed at them for being human rights activists, and that video taken at the time contradicts evidence presented by the police. In June 2019, the Jerusalem Magistrates Court found in favour of Nawi and Butavia, and ordered the police to pay them 7500 shekels in damages and compensation.

Uvda investigation
In January 2016, hidden camera recordings of Nawi were broadcast by Ilana Dayan as part of the  ("Fact") investigative series on Israel's Channel 2. The report revealed Nawi bragging he had passed on to the Palestinian National Security Forces the names of Palestinian land brokers willing to sell land to Jews. In the recording, Nawi relates how Palestinian property dealers mistook him for a Jew looking to purchase land, and says, "Straight away I give their pictures and phone numbers to the Preventive Security Force. The Palestinian Authority catches them and kills them. But before it kills them, they get beat up a lot.". No reports have confirmed that Nawi's actions brought about the execution of any Palestinians, a practice which, according to Amira Hass, the PA has long abandoned. Mahmoud Abbas said that the PA does not execute land vendors, but sentences them to hard labour. Several unsolved murders in recent years have, however, been regarded as related to such sales.

Itzik Goldway, a reserve sergeant in the IDF and decorated veteran of Operation Protective Edge, together with his girlfriend, Julia T., are right-wing activists from the Ad Kan ("(I've had it)Up to Here") NGO, an organization whose existence was unknown until the Uvda programme was broadcast. They succeeded in befriending Nawi by infiltrating Ta'ayush. With Nawi, they observed attacks on Palestinians by Jewish settlers. They then made the tapes which Ad Kan passed on to Uvda. The quality of the video as an accurate piece of reportage has been questioned.

Nasser Nawaja, a Palestinian resident of Susya who has spent a lifetime defending his village from the threat of expulsion and field researcher for the Israeli human rights NGO B'Tselem, was also present in one of the putative operations, in which the land broker purportedly tried to sell Nawi, an Israeli, land which belongs to Nawaja's own family. Nawi said that he "feels like crap" for fingering these agents by deceptive means. Nawi reacted to the report's claim that he used measures of entrapment by stating thatThe opposite is true. He came to me and presented himself as a land broker. Since I assumed he was sent to frame me and tarnish my name in the Palestinian community, I had no choice but to report the incident to the Palestinian Authority, lest I be deemed a land buyer. I regret that the report is part of the effort to sabotage my activities, and the activities of my friends alongside the Palestinians.

The Palestinian penal code, adopting a principle from the previous Jordanian legal system, imposes a sentence of capital punishment for anyone convicted of the sale of land to Israelis, or, according to other sources, to Jews. The law, defended by Palestinian officials as designed to prevent takeovers by settlers, has never been officially implemented.

Ad Kan, the day after the programme was telecast, filed a complaint with the Israeli police against Nawi and two other Ta'ayush activists, and against B'Tselem's Nasser Nawaja. On 11 January 2016, Nawi was arrested at Ben Gurion airport, after purchasing a flight ticket, on the suspicion of being an accessory to manslaughter, of conspiring in attempted murder, of contacting a foreign agent, of transporting an individual in Israel without a permit, and of using drugs. Subsequently, both Nasser Nawaja and a third activist Guy Butavia were arrested, denied a lawyer, with a gag order being placed on their cases as well. Butavia was released on 21 January, and Nawi remanded until 24 January. The immediate release of Nawaja was ordered by a judge, for what his lawyer called a "false arrest", since Israel had no jurisdiction in the matter. The police transferred him to Ofer prison, in what B'Tselem called a contempt of the court ruling. On 24 January a judge ordered Nawi's release to house arrest, and criticized the prosecution for failing to clarify the allegation that he was involved in the death of a Palestinian selling land. Nawi had tipped off relatives of a certain Abu Khalil that the latter was considering a land swap with an Israeli, Yonathan. His relatives would have been harmed by the sale. Some time afterwards, Abu Khalil died. The police failed to provide evidence on the cause of death. An appeal by the police against the lower court decision ordering his release was rejected on 25 January by the Jerusalem Magistrate's Court. According to his lawyer, Eitan Peleg, the police failed to determine whether the putative victim was dead or not. On 28 January, Judge David Shaul Gabai Richter nullified the cause for the arrest of both Butavia and Nawi, stating there was nothing in the evidence to substantiate the police's central allegation. He rejected a police appeal that Nawi be banned from the West Bank. He added that the case was part of a political controversy in which one side attacked the other. It was not the court's function, he concluded, to bother with politics. An appeal by police against the decision, which ruled that a ban infringed their freedom of occupation and expression, was heard on 31 January, and partially overturned Richter's ruling. The police requested that the two activists be barred from the West Bank for 2 months was partially accepted when judge Moshe Bar-Am ruled reasonable suspicions exist, and that they were to be denied entry to the West Bank for two weeks.

Responses
Both B'Tselem and Ta'ayush criticized the programme for basing their investigation almost wholly on materials passed onto them by people who infiltrated Nawi's group. Rabbis for Human Rights suspended their collaboration with Nawi until hearings could clarify the circumstances. Veterans for Breaking the Silence refused to reply to inquiries by Channel 2 stating:'"We don't work for the Stasi and we don't reply to the Stasi inquiries. Whoever wants a Soviet bloc-style police state—good for them".'

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu commented that the documentary had "unmasked radicals among us, whose hatred for settlements has pushed them over the edge to the point of delivering innocents for torture and execution. Those who encourage murder cannot continue to hide behind the hypocritical pretense of caring for human rights." Defense Minister Moshe Ya'alon linked the incident to the BDS movement and said so-called "peace groups" would even kill Palestinians in order to trash and tarnish Israel. Naftali Bennett cited the case in an attack on the bona fides of the New Israel Fund and the European Union in funding Israeli human rights activists, and called on the British and French ambassadors to stop funding both Ta'ayush and B'Tselem.

Yuval Diskin stated Nawi should be jailed quickly but cautioned that "the data shows that there is no basis for comparison between violence coming from the right and violence coming from the left." B'Tselem commented on its Facebook page that while opposed to tortures and executions, reporting Palestinians who intend to sell Israelis Palestinian land was "the only legitimate course of action." Attorney Leah Tsemel, who defends Palestinian rights, said the complaint would not be difficult to deal with. Gideon Levy criticized Uvda'''s presentation, writing that it systematically ignored the crimes of Israel's occupation of the West Bank, and noted that Nawi was being likened to the perpetrators of the Duma arson attack. Both Levy and Amira Hass wrote that Uvda had failed its brief as an outlet for investigative journalism by lending its services uncritically to what Levy called a McCarthyist right-wing organization about which nothing is known (Levy) or passing on a "puff piece for a privatized, mini-Shin Bet" (Hass). They say that no background research on the sources or the contexts had been conducted. For David Shulman, Nawi's work is one of the main reasons why the civilian Palestinian population in the South Hebron hills still maintains a precarious purchase on fragments of their historic lands, and the entire episode, mounted by "moles" from a shadowy organization to discredit him has, he concludes, all the appearance of a sting operation to trap him and "legitimize the theft of Palestinian land."

Films about Nawi
Nawi's story has been recounted in two documentary films. In 2005, Canadian-Jewish filmmaker Elle Flanders made a documentary entitled Zero Degree of Separation, which intertwined the story of her family in Jerusalem, for whom Ezra Nawi once worked as a gardener, with the lives of two gay couples, one of which was Nawi and his companion. In 2007, a further film about Nawi's life and work, "Citizen Nawi" (HaEzrach Nawi) directed by Nissim Mossek and produced by Sharon Schaveet, premiered at the Jerusalem Film Festival, where it won a special jury mention. The film documents the plight of the Bedouin, the difficulties of Israeli-Palestinian relations, and the hardships of being gay. Made over five years on a shoe-string budget, it was judged a somewhat messy docu by Variety film critic Leslie Felperin, who thought its director "too in love with its subject to ask tough questions". Yet, he added, it managed "to expose both Israeli and Arab bigotry and has its heart in the right liberal place". Raya Morag sees the film as basically about deep-seated Israeli homophobia and racism. Dan DiLandro, reviewing for Educational Media Reviews, wrote that the film had a number of evident problems, technical and narrative, yet judged it "an important work that shed light on many of the area's conflicts and dynamics". Michael Fox, writing for J. The Jewish News of Northern California'', finds "Citizen Nawi" to be "a rough-hewn profile in courage that diligently tallies the cost of conscience", and writes of the "discomfiting power" of a "raw and occasionally wrenching film", which stirs a "certain cognitive dissonance" when one "sees Nawi threatened and insulted in the crudest terms by religious Jewish settlers and embraced as a trusted friend by a Palestinian family living in a tent". For Fox, as the film follows Nawi's travails with his lover, run-ins with the police, and battles with settlers, it suddenly jolts one out of the initial impression that Nawi's activism has liberal roots:-
"One just assumes that Nawi has always been a liberal, and that his treks to the West Bank reflect a longstanding empathy for the Palestinians. It comes as a shock when he remarks well into the film that he wasn't particularly aware of or concerned about their day-to-day hardships until he got involved with Fuad".

Nawi's instincts, Fox concludes, are those of the humanist, and the director Mossek's gutsiest move was to have made "a film that doesn't aim to inspire us with platitudes but instead tries to shock us with the hard business of building a road to peace".

Nawi's example has also influenced the Israeli film-maker Ra'anan Alexandrowicz.

See also
 List of peace activists

Notes

Citations

Sources

1951 births
2021 deaths
Deaths from brain cancer in Israel
Israeli human rights activists
Israeli Mizrahi Jews
Israeli pacifists
Israeli people convicted of child sexual abuse
Israeli people of Iraqi-Jewish descent
Israeli prisoners and detainees
Jewish human rights activists
LGBT Jews
20th-century Israeli LGBT people
21st-century Israeli LGBT people
People convicted of drug offenses
People convicted of statutory rape offenses
Activists from Jerusalem
Plumbers
Prisoners and detainees of Israel
Burials at Har HaMenuchot


title: World Socialist Movement

text:
The World Socialist Movement (WSM) is an international organisation of socialist parties created in 1904 with the founding of the Socialist Party of Great Britain (SPGB).

The member parties share a common classical Marxist worldview and an adherence to socialism defined as a distinct economic system from capitalism. As a result, the parties of the WSM are held in sharp contrast to social democratic political parties and Marxist–Leninist movements. In contrast to social democratic parties, the WSM parties do not pursue social and economic reforms to capitalism, nor do they seek political office in electoral politics and they do not focus on so-called progressive causes, believing such actions to be irrelevant to their fundamental goal of socialism. In contrast to Marxist–Leninist communist parties, they do not subscribe to the theories of imperialism, vanguardism and democratic centralism, believing such practices to be antithetical to the realisation of socialism.

The WSM defines socialism as a moneyless society based on common ownership of the means of production, production for use and social relations based on cooperative and democratic associations as opposed to bureaucratic hierarchies. Additionally, the WSM includes statelessness, classlessness and the abolition of wage labor as characteristics of a socialist society—characteristics that are usually reserved to describe a communist society, but that both Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels used to describe interchangeable with the words socialism and communism.

Object

The WSM sees its function as the proliferation of socialist ideas and the dissemination of structural analyses and critiques of capitalism as well as to correct misconceptions regarding socialism and to make people aware of the structural issues inherent to capitalism while facilitating open debate regarding the future organisation of a post-capitalist society.

Positions

Capitalism
The WSM maintains that capitalism is a regressive and backwards system given modern civilisations' current level of technological and economic development. Regardless of how progressive capitalism becomes, it cannot meet the needs of the majority of the population and solve its inherent structural issues. The WSM as an organisation does not participate in labor union activity, social activism or progressive movements, although individual members may and are permitted to do so as long as they remain within the context of economic/social rather than political activism. The WSM perceives such activity (such as support for organised labour unions) to be within the scope of the current capitalist system and therefore insufficient for bringing about fundamental change in the structure of society because the demands of such activities are to reform capitalism.

The WSM is also differentiated from the majority of socialist parties that have become defined by their strategy and immediate demands—and in the case of social democratic parties—preoccupied with gaining and maintaining political office, adopting capitalist perspectives in the process.

Socialism
The WSM defines socialism in its classical formulation as a "system of society based upon the common ownership and democratic control of the means and instruments for producing and distributing wealth by and in the interest of the community". Socialism is characterised as a stateless, propertyless, post-monetary economy based on calculation in kind, a free association of producers (workplace democracy) and free access to goods and services produced solely for use and not for exchange.

Impossibilism

The WSM takes an anti-Leninist stance, arguing that a vanguard party and single-party state is antithetical to the development of socialism and prone to corruption. The WSM believes that socialism can only be achieved through mass support for socialism and educating the public toward that end and neither promotes nor opposes political reforms of capitalism (such as social democracy), criticising such reforms as being ineffective for promoting a fundamental restructuring of society toward socialism. The WSM is also opposed to a transition stage between capitalism and socialism, such as market socialism, arguing that such a transitional stage is no longer necessary given modern technology.

Activity

The WSM's activities are solely based on the realisation of socialism and nothing unrelated else to socialism, such as social activism and campaigning for non-socialist, socially progressive causes that are irrelevant to socialism as a distinct system from capitalism.

The WSM do stand in elections on occasion as they believe that sending delegates to parliament is a useful tool within the socialist revolution as an additional measure along with a bottom-up reorganisation of society on the basis of socialism. This view places them within the context of Marxism and therefore distinguishes them from many anarchist organisations that may support the idea of socialism as the WSM sees it, but not the Marxist tactics they propose.

Publications
World Socialist (OCLC 474640161) was a bi-annual journal that was produced by the international from 1983 to 1987 and the international's only publication to date (World Socialism 69 was a multilingual publication by the Socialist Party of Great Britain). The Western Socialist Journal was published from 1933 to 1980, but from 1939 involved at least two companion parties in North America. Socialist Comment involved at least two companion parties in Australasia.

Radio
The World Socialist Party of New Zealand run Radio Imagine out of Manurewa, Auckland.

Companion parties
All the parties began as offshoots from the Socialist Party of Great Britain. WSM members in countries without a companion party of their own are as a rule SPGB members. It is made up of the following parties:

The following were companion parties of the WSM, but have disaffiliated or been expelled:
 League of Democratic Socialists (Austria)
 Socialist Party of North America (1911)

In 1979, a group used to exist in Sweden with the name World Socialist Group (). This group believed an altered version of the Object and Declaration of Principles of the Companion Parties of Socialism. It was not a political party, but it wanted there to be a socialist party in Sweden.

See also

 Classical Marxism
 Communist society
 Libertarian socialism
 Orthodox Marxism
 Scientific socialism
 Socialism (Marxism)
 Socialist economics

Notes

External links

Political internationals
Socialist parties
International socialist organizations


title: Bagno di Gavorrano

text:
Bagno di Gavorrano is a small town in Tuscany, central Italy,  administratively a frazione of the comune of Gavorrano, province of Grosseto. At the time of the 2001 census its population amounted to .

Geography
Bagno is about 35 km from Grosseto and 3 km from Gavorrano, and it is situated in the plain below the hill of Monte d'Alma, next to the Via Aurelia highway. Bagno, which means bath, was a thermal village until the 1950s.

Main sights
 San Giuseppe Lavoratore (20th century), main parish church of the village, it was designed by engineer Ernesto Ganelli and consecrated in 1957.

Sports
The Stadio Romeo Malservisi, which hosts the games of local soccer team U.S. Gavorrano, is situated in Bagno.

References

Bibliography
 Bernardino Lotti, La sorgente termale del Bagno di Gavorrano in provincia di Grosseto, Bollettino del R. Ufficio Geologico d'Italia, Vol.LVI n.4, Roma, 1931.

See also
 Caldana
 Castellaccia
 Filare
 Giuncarico
 Grilli, Gavorrano
 Potassa, Gavorrano
 Ravi, Gavorrano

Frazioni of Gavorrano


title: Family Way

text:
Family Way (; ) is a 2012 Dutch comedy film directed by Joram Lürsen. It is a sequel to Alles is Liefde.

Cast
Carice van Houten as Winnie de Roover
Benja Bruijning as Charlie de Roover
Thijs Römer as Rutmer de Roover
Jacob Derwig as Dick Tasman
Martine Bijl as Jeannette de Roover
Kees Hulst as Arend de Roover

See also
 Pregnancy (for which the phrase "in the family way" is a euphemism).

References

External links

2012 comedy films
2012 films
Dutch comedy films


title: 2014 Gagaʻifomauga by-election

text:
A by-election was held in the Gagaifomauga no.1 constituency in Samoa on 15 August 2014.

The Gagaʻifomauga no.1 seat in the Legislative Assembly had been held by Aniteleʻa Tuiloʻa for the Human Rights Protection Party in the 2011 general election; he had first won it in 2006. During the 15th Parliament, he served as an associate minister in  the Ministry for Women, Community and Social Development. He died of kidney failure on 9 June 2014.

Despite it being a single seat constituency, the ruling Human Rights Protection Party, as often, nominated several candidates - in this instance, four: Gaina Tino (a former Minister for Justice), Faimalotoa Kolotita Stowers (former Director and CEO of the Samoa Broadcasting Service), Lavea Ieti, and Taito Vaea Tanu. This despite having nominated only one candidate in the constituency in the 2011 general election. The  opposition Tautua Samoa Party chose a single candidate: Lavea Peseta Lua Nafoi.

Results
Kolotita Stowers, the only woman among the five candidates, was elected - bringing to three the number of women in the 15th Samoan Parliament. The Tautua Samoa Party candidate finished last.

2011 results

References

By-elections to the Legislative Assembly of Samoa
2014 elections in Samoa
2014 in Samoa


title: World revolution

text:
World revolution is the Marxist concept of overthrowing capitalism in all countries through the conscious revolutionary action of the organized working class. For theorists, these revolutions will not necessarily occur simultaneously, but where and when local conditions allow a revolutionary party to successfully replace bourgeois ownership and rule, and install a workers' state based on social ownership of the means of production. In most Marxist schools, such as Trotskyism and Communist Left, the essentially international character of the class struggle and the necessity of global scope are critical elements and a chief explanation of the failure of socialism in one country.

The end goal of such internationally oriented revolutionary socialism is to achieve world socialism, and later, a communist society.

Communist movements
The October Revolution of 1917 in Russia sparked a revolutionary wave of socialist and communist uprisings across Europe, most notably the German Revolution, the Hungarian Revolution, Biennio Rosso and the revolutionary war in Finland with the short lived Finnish Socialist Workers' Republic, which made large gains and met with considerable success in the early stages; .

Particularly between 1918 and 1919, it seemed plausible that capitalism would soon be swept from the European continent forever. Given the fact that European powers controlled the majority of Earth's land surface at the time, such an event could have meant the end of capitalism not just in Europe, but everywhere. Additionally, the Comintern, founded in March 1919, began as an independent international organization of communists from various countries around the world that evolved after the Russian Civil War into an essentially Soviet-sponsored agency responsible for coordinating the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism worldwide.

With the prospect of world revolution so close at hand, Marxists were dominated by a feeling of overwhelming optimism, which in the end proved to be quite premature. The European revolutions were crushed one by one, until eventually the Russian revolutionaries found themselves to be the only survivors. Since they had been relying on the idea that an underdeveloped and agrarian country like Russia would be able to build socialism with help from successful revolutionary governments in the more industrialized parts of Europe, they found themselves in a crisis once it became clear that no such help would arrive; .

The power struggle in the Soviet Union which emerged during Lenin's illness and eventual death would also determine the prospect of world revolution. In particular, the leadership of the German Communist party had requested that Moscow send Leon Trotsky to Germany to direct the 1923 insurrection. However, this proposal was rejected by the Politburo which was controlled by Stalin, Zinoviev and Kamenev who decided to send a commission of lower-ranking Russian Communist party members.

After those events and up until the present day, the international situation never came quite so close to a world revolution again.
As fascism grew in Europe in the 1930s, instead of immediate revolution, the Comintern opted for a Popular Front with liberal capitalists against fascism; then, at the height of World War II in 1943, the Comintern was disbanded on the request of the Soviet Union's Western allies.

After World War II
A new upsurge of revolutionary feeling swept across Europe in the aftermath of World War II, though it was not as strong as the one triggered by World War I which resulted in a failed socialist revolution in Germany and a successful one in Russia. Communist parties in countries such as Greece, France, and Italy had acquired significant prestige and public support due to their leadership of anti-fascist resistance movements during the war; as such, they also enjoyed considerable success at the polls and regularly finished second in elections in the late 1940s. However, none managed to finish in first and form a government.

For Communist parties in Eastern Europe, meanwhile, though they did win elections at around the same time, Western media criticized the lack of liberal democratic elements in their rise to power. Nonetheless, Communist movements in Eastern Europe proliferated, even with some local cases independent of the USSR, such as the Yugoslav Partisans led by the future leader of Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito, who had led the struggle against fascism and Axis occupation during World War II.

Student and worker revolts across the world in the 1960s and early 1970s, coupled with the Chinese Cultural Revolution, the establishment of the New Left together with the Civil Rights Movement, the militancy of the Black Panther Party and similar armed/insurrectionary "Liberation Front" groups, and even a bit of a resurgence in the labor movement for a time once again made it seem to some as though world revolution was not only possible, but imminent.

However, this radical left spirit ebbed by the mid-1970s. In the 1980s and 1990s there was a return to right-wing, economically conservative ideologies (spearheaded, among other examples, by Thatcherism in the United Kingdom and Reaganomics in the United States) and free-market reforms in China and in Vietnam.

The seeming triumph of neoliberalism as the sole world-ideology led some liberal and conservative writers, such as Francis Fukuyama to write, as in his work The End of History and the Last Man, that although Marxist and Hegelian theory was correct in that dialectical materialism had led to an ideal society, this society was in fact late-twentieth century liberalism, and that there would be no further political change beyond the confines of capitalism and liberalism for the foreseeable future. Indeed, according to Marxist literary critic Terry Eagleton this acknowledgement of the fundamental reliability (though tweaked) of Marxist theory, yet the denial of its global applicability in the face of ascendant Reaganite and Thatcherite dogma, led to a contradiction at the heart of society in the 1980s and 1990s:One might have thought that if Marxism was true in 1975, as many then claimed it was, thenshort of some immense sea-change in the world itselfit would also have been true in 1985. But in 1985 it was mattering less whether it was true or not, just as the existence of God was a burning issue in 1860 but hardly so a century later. Marxism was now less a disconcerting challenge than the irritating or endearing idiosyncrasy of those unable to relinquish an imaginary selfhood inherited from the past. It belonged irrevocably to the great epoch of modernity, within which, whether true or false, it figured as an entirely intelligible project. Once that age had passed into a different problematic, Marxism could be seen as at best a set of valid responses to a set of questions which were no longer on the agenda. It thus crossed over, in the eyes of some, from being false but relevant, to true but superfluous.Within Marxist theory, Lenin's concept of the labor aristocracy and his description of imperialism, andseparately, but not necessarily unrelatedlyTrotsky's theories regarding the deformed workers' state, offer several explanations as to why the world revolution has not occurred to the present day. Many groups still explicitly pursue the goal of worldwide communist revolution, calling it the truest expression of proletarian internationalism.

In a 1936 interview with journalist Roy W. Howard, Stalin articulated his rejection of world revolution and stated that “We never had such plans and intentions” and that “The export of revolution is nonsense”.

See also

Communist revolution
Permanent Revolution
Proletarian internationalism
Revolutionary wave
Stateless communism
Social Patriotism
Workers of the world, unite!
World communism

References

Revolution terminology
Revolutions by type
Marxist terminology
Communist terminology
Political theories
Global politics
Ideology of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union


title: Kavalan Avan Kovalan

text:
Kavalan Avan Kovalan () is a 1987 Indian Tamil-language film, directed by  Visu, starring  Prabhu, Rekha and Madhuri. It was released on 29 May 1987.

Plot

The hero, unknown to himself, has a look-alike. The look alike is good for nothing and is in love with his cross-cousin. The hero, a film director, is married to an devout, pious, orthodox wife who never lets him near her on account of her religious resolutions. This results in him having an affair and ending up getting blackmailed. The director's father-in-law, understands the situation of both look alikes and uses both to solve the problem of the other.

Cast

Prabhu
Rekha
Madhuri
Prameela
Kalaranjini
Visu
Oru Viral Krishna Rao
Loose Mohan
Omakuchi Narasimhan
Pyramid Natarajan
M. S. Bhaskar
Gundu Kalyanam
Master Haja Sheriff
Jithan
Sethu Vinayagam
S Narasimhan
Thayir Vadai Desikan
Kanchi Ramesh
Raghuvaran (special appearance)
Karthik

Soundtrack
Soundtrack was composed by Vijayanand, and the lyrics were written by Vaali.

Reception
The Indian Express wrote, "It is Prabhu who must be singled out for honours." Jayamanmadhan of Kalki compared the film unfavourably to Visu's earlier films.

References

External links

1980s Tamil-language films
1987 films
Films directed by Visu
Films with screenplays by Visu


title: Evan Klamer

text:
Evan Klamer (15 January 1923 – 28 April 1978) was a Danish cyclist. He competed in the tandem event at the 1948 Summer Olympics.

References

External links

1923 births
1978 deaths
Danish male cyclists
Olympic cyclists for Denmark
Cyclists at the 1948 Summer Olympics
Cyclists from Copenhagen


title: Farley Hall, Swallowfield

text:
Farley Hall is a large 18th-century Grade I listed country house in the English village of Farley Hill, in the civil parish of Swallowfield, Berkshire.

The Hall was built in 1720s for Charles Lannoy. Plans for the landscaping were drawn up by the landscape gardener Charles Bridgeman. Formal gardens covering over 50 acres (20 hectares) have now been largely lost to agricultural and commercial development.

The house stands in parkland on high ground overlooking a lake and is built in brick in two storeys to a rectangular plan. The centre and oldest part has seven bays and is connected on each side by two bay links to four bay pavilions.

The 1750 acre (700 hectare) estate is bordered on three sides by tributaries of the River Thames (the Whitewater, Blackwater and Loddon). Within the grounds is a traditional working farm, a livery facility, a dairy farm, a commercial partridge, pheasant and mixed bird shoot and a range of residential and commercial properties.

The livery yard opened in February 2010 and is run by Gavin Crossley, formerly of the Household Cavalry. The Farley Hall Horse Trials became a new fixture in the British Eventing calendar in 2014.

The estate is currently owned by the fifth Viscount Bearsted and his family. Lady Bearsted (Dr Caroline Sacks) runs a medical practice from the Hall.

References

Houses completed in 1729
Grade I listed buildings in Berkshire
Country houses in Berkshire
Grade I listed houses
1729 establishments in England
Swallowfield


title: Avi Shlaim

text:
Avi Shlaim  (born 31 October 1945) is an Israeli and British historian of Iraqi Jewish descent. He is one of Israel's "New Historians", a group of Israeli scholars who put forward critical interpretations of the history of Zionism and Israel.

Biography
Shlaim was born to wealthy Jewish parents in Baghdad in the Hashemite Kingdom of Iraq. The family lived in a mansion with ten servants. His father was an importer of building materials with ties to the Iraqi leadership, including the prime minister, Nuri al-Said.

In the 1930s, the situation of the Jews in Iraq deteriorated, with the rise of nationalisms in Arab countries, and the concomitant growth of Jewish nationalism in the form of Zionism. Persecution of Jews was exacerbated after the defeat of the Arab armies in 1948, and Israel's independence. In 1951, during Operation Ezra and Nehemiah, Shlaim's family, along with most of Iraq's Jews, registered to emigrate to Israel and forfeit their Iraqi citizenship. A subsequent law ruled that all those who left forfeited all rights, including property rights. The Shlaim family lost all their property. His father crossed the border illegally on a mule, while Shlaim, his mother and sisters flew to Cyprus and from there were airlifted to Israel. The family reunited in Israel.

Shlaim grew up in Ramat Gan. He left Israel for England at the age of 16 to study at a Jewish school. He returned to Israel in 1964 to serve in the Israel Defense Forces, then moved back to England in 1966 to read history at Jesus College, Cambridge. He obtained his BA degree in 1969.<ref name="Oxf">Profile: Avi Shlaim University of Oxford</ref> He obtained an MSc (Econ.) in International Relations in 1970 from the London School of Economics and a PhD from the University of Reading. He was a lecturer and reader in politics in the University of Reading from 1970 to 1987.

He married the great-granddaughter of David Lloyd George, who was the British prime minister at the time of the Balfour Declaration. He has lived in the United Kingdom since 1966, and holds dual British and Israeli nationality.

Academic career
Shlaim taught international relations at Reading University, specialising in European issues. His academic interest in the history of Israel began in 1982, when Israeli government archives about the 1948 Arab–Israeli War were opened, an interest that deepened when he became a fellow of St Antony's College, Oxford, in 1987. He was Alastair Buchan Reader in international relations at Oxford from 1987 to 1996 and director of graduate studies in that subject in 1993–1995 and 1998–2001. He held a British Academy research readership in 1995–97 and a research professorship in 2003–2006.

Shlaim served as an outside examiner on the doctoral thesis of Ilan Pappé. Shlaim's approach to the study of history is informed by his belief that "the historian's most fundamental task is not to chronicle but to evaluate... to subject the claims of all the protagonists to rigorous scrutiny and reject all those claims, however deeply cherished, that do not stand up."

Views and opinions
Shlaim is a regular contributor to The Guardian newspaper, and signed an open letter to that paper in January 2009 condemning Israel's role in the Gaza War.

Writing in the Spectator, Shlaim called Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu a "proponent of the doctrine of permanent conflict," describing his policies as an attempt to preclude a peaceful resolution to the conflict with Palestinians. Furthermore, he described Israeli foreign policy as one that supported stability of Arab regimes over nascent democratic movements during the Arab Spring.

Shlaim is a member of the UK Labour Party. In August 2015, he was a signatory to a letter criticising The Jewish Chronicles reporting of Jeremy Corbyn's association with alleged antisemites.

In Three Worlds: Memoirs of an Arab-Jew, Shlaim unveils "undeniable proof of Zionist involvement in the terrorist attacks" which prompted a mass exodus of Jews from Iraq between 1950 and 1951. The historian believed that most of the bombings against Jews in Iraq were the work of Mossad. He believed this actions to quicken the transfer of 110,000 Jews in Iraq to the then-newly created state of Israel.

Criticism
The Israeli historians Joseph Heller and Yehoshua Porath have claimed that Shlaim "misleads his readers with arguments that Israel had missed the opportunity for peace while the Arabs are strictly peace seekers".

According to Yoav Gelber, Shlaim's claim that there was a deliberate and pre-meditated anti-Palestinian "collusion" between the Jewish Agency and King Abdullah, is unequivocally refuted by the documentary evidence on the development of contacts between Israel and Jordan before, during and after the war. Marc Lynch however wrote that "the voluminous evidence in [Gelber's] book does not allow so conclusive a verdict".

Israeli historian Benny Morris, while praising Shlaim's historical works such as Collusion across the Jordan and The Iron Wall, has criticized Shlaim's contemporary commentary. In a negative review of Israel and Palestine, he described it as having an anti-Israel and pro-Arab bias, asserting that Shlaim distorted records to give a one-sided portrayal of history. Morris also wrote a negative review of Three Worlds: Memoirs of an Arab-Jew.

Awards and recognition
In 2006, Shlaim was elected Fellow of the British Academy (FBA), the United Kingdom's national academy for the humanities and social sciences.

On 27 September 2017, Shlaim was awarded the British Academy Medal "for lifetime achievement".

Bibliography
 (Winner of the 1988 Political Studies Association's W. J. M. Mackenzie Book Prize.)

See also

"The bride is beautiful, but she is married to another man"

References

External links
 Oxford home page
 Interview . The Nation, 28 June 2004.
 2009 Interview on Israeli-Palestinian conflict inc. video, audio and text transcript.
Video of discussion between Avi Shlaim and Shlomo Sand. Chaired by Jacqueline Rose at the Frontline Club, London, 12 November 2009
 Shlaim, Avi."The Balfour Declaration And its Consequences" in Louis, Wm. Roger, ed., Yet More Adventures with Britannia: Personalities, Politics and Culture in Britain'', London, I.B. Tauris, 2005, pp. 251–270.

1945 births
Academics from Baghdad
Academics of the University of Reading
Alumni of Jesus College, Cambridge
Alumni of the University of Reading
British historians
British international relations scholars
British people of Iraqi-Jewish descent
Fellows of St Antony's College, Oxford
Fellows of the British Academy
Historians of the Middle East
Iraqi emigrants to Israel
Iraqi Jews
Israeli Arab Jews
Israeli historians
Jewish anti-Zionism in the United Kingdom
Jewish historians
Jewish writers
Labour Party (UK) people
Living people
New Historians
Recipients of the British Academy Medal
Writers from Baghdad


title: Moshé Machover

text:
Moshé Machover (; born 1936) is a mathematician, philosopher, and socialist activist, noted for his writings against Zionism. Born to a Jewish family in Tel Aviv, then part of the British Mandate of Palestine, Machover moved to Britain in 1968 where he became a naturalised citizen. He was a founder of Matzpen, the Israeli Socialist Organisation, in 1962.

Career
Machover has written extensively on the conflict in the Middle East. In 1961, while still members of the Israeli Communist Party, Machover and Akiva Orr, under the pseudonym 'A Israeli', wrote the anti-Zionist analysis of the Arab-Israeli conflict Shalom, Shalom ve'ein Shalom (; "Peace, Peace, and there is no Peace"). The intention of the book was to explain, from publicly available sources, why in 1956 "Ben-Gurion preferred to invade Egypt, alongside France and Britain, rather than to make peace with Egypt". In the course of writing the book, "It became clear to us that the roots of the Israeli–Arab conflict lay, not in the conflict between Israel and the Arab states, but rather in the conflict between Zionist colonialism and the Palestinians over the land of Palestine and its independence". This thesis was an implicit challenge to the line of the Israeli Communist Party, which considered Israel's alliance with the U.S. to be a matter of political choice, not deriving from the colonial nature of the state. When Machover and Orr followed this by criticising the party's adherence to the Soviet line, and called for the publication of the party's history, they were expelled. Machover and Orr, together with others expelled at the same time, then established Matzpen. Together with Jabra Nicola (pen name A. Said), Moshé Machover developed the position, adopted by Matzpen, that the solution to the Israeli Palestinian problem is in a struggle to defeat Zionism and its allies – imperialism and Arab Reaction – and “rally to itself a wider struggle for the political and social liberation of the Middle East as a whole”. The struggle for Palestinian liberation can succeed only when the Palestinian and Israeli masses enter “a joint struggle with the revolutionary forces in the Arab world".

Machover was a lecturer in mathematics at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem from 1960 to 1964, and again from 1966 to 1968; during 1964–66, he was a visiting lecturer at the University of Bristol in England. In 1968, Machover moved permanently to London where he became Reader in Mathematical Logic at King's College London until 1995. He joined Kings from the Chelsea College of Science and Technology's Department of History and Philosophy of Science which was merged into the Philosophy Department in 1993. Since 1995, he has been Professor of Philosophy at the University of London.

In London, together with Orr and Shimon Tzabar, Machover established the Israeli Revolutionary Action Committee Abroad. In 1971, Machover, Orr and Haim Hanegbi published an article in the New Left Review on "The Class Nature of Israeli Society". This article, which has been frequently republished, is included together with several more of Machover's early writings on the Middle East in the collection The Other Israel: the radical case against Zionism.

In 1975, Machover was one of the founders of Khamsin, the "journal of revolutionary socialists of the Middle East". Many of his articles from Khamsin are included in the collection Forbidden Agendas.<ref>'Forbidden Agendas: Intolerance and Defiance in the Middle East (ed. Jon Rothschild), Saqi Books 2001, </ref> In 2012, Haymarket Press published a collection of Machover's essays from 1966 to 2010, under the title Israelis and Palestinians Conflict and Resolution.October 2017 expulsion and readmission into the Labour Party
Machover is a Labour Party member of the Hampstead and Kilburn Constituency Labour Party. In October 2017, he was expelled from the Labour Party on suspicion he was associated with the Communist Party of Great Britain (Provisional Central Committee), in contravention of party rules. The expulsion came when an article he wrote for the CPGB (PCC)'s newspaper, the Weekly Worker was being investigated as, according to the party's head of disputes, it "appears to meet the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition of antisemitism". The Guardian subsequently published a letter of protest undersigned by 139 Labour Party members, including Sir Geoffrey Bindman dismissing the insinuation of anti-Semitism as "personally offensive and politically dangerous". His expulsion was rescinded on 30 October.

Machover's son Daniel Machover is a solicitor in London, specialising in human and civil rights cases.

 Technical publicationsLectures on Non-Standard Analysis (with J. Hirschfeld, 1969)
 A Course in Mathematical Logic (with J. L. Bell, 1977)
 Laws of Chaos: A Probabilistic Approach to Political Economy (with E. Farjoun, London, 1983)
 Set Theory, Logic and their Limitations (1996)
 The Measurement of Voting Power: Theory and Practice, Problems and Paradoxes (with D. Felsenthal, 1998).

Selected books
 Peace, Peace and there is no Peace'' (with Akiva Orr) (Hebrew), (English)
 The Other Israel: the radical case against Zionism
 Israelis and Palestinians: Conflict and Resolution, Haymarket Books, Paperback, February 2012

References

External links
 Articles in Weekly Worker (newspaper of the Communist Party of Great Britain (Provisional Central Committee)
 Moshé Machover Archive at Marxists Internet Archive
 Articles on the University of Cork Palestine Solidarity Campaign website
 Israelis and Palestinians: Conflict and Resolution, Barry Amiel and Norman Melburn Trust Annual Lecture, 30. November 2006

1936 births
Living people
Academics of the University of London
Academics of King's College London
20th-century British mathematicians
21st-century British mathematicians
Jewish philosophers
Jewish anti-Zionism in the United Kingdom
Anti-Zionist Jews
British socialists
Hebrew University of Jerusalem alumni
Israeli mathematicians
Israeli socialists
Jewish socialists
People from Tel Aviv
Labour Party (UK) people
Jewish anti-Zionism in Israel


title: Louis Van Schil

text:
Louis Van Schil (18 November 1921 – 6 October 2006) was a Belgian cyclist. He competed in the tandem event at the 1948 Summer Olympics.

References

External links

1921 births
2006 deaths
Belgian male cyclists
Olympic cyclists for Belgium
Cyclists at the 1948 Summer Olympics
Cyclists from Antwerp


title: Maharishi Arvind Institute of Engineering and Technology

text:
Maharishi Arvind Institute of Engineering & Technology (or MAIET) is a self-financed engineering college in Jaipur, India. It is ranked 1st in Rajasthan Technical University, Kota. MAIET was established in 1999 in the State of Rajasthan. The institute is spread over 6 acres of land in the locality of Jaipur. Railway station and bus stand (Sindhi Camp) are in the range of 8–9 km from the college.

Campus

Buildings
MAIET's  primary campus is located in Mansarovar, Jaipur. It includes class rooms, computer centre, conference hall, library, auditorium, various laboratories/workshops and administration block.

Library
The Institute has a computerized central library with reading hall for the students, having a collection of more than 50,000 books and reference books. MAIET Library enjoys membership of DELNET (Digital Network Library) and subscribes to three online E-resources like IEL, ASME, & DEL which helps students to access umpteen numbers of journals in various disciplines of science, engineering, pharmacy & management.

  There is a wide variety of magazines & journals on different subjects of engineering, environment & current issues as well. There are about 600 project reports & 300 educational CD's available in the Library. Being a member of DELNET (Digital Network Library) provides access to 400 international research journals. Besides this the Library regularly subscribes to about 40 journals and 30 scientific magazines related to the various engineering branches along with other magazines of general reading. The Institute's library also offer a Book-Bank scheme for the needy students. There are about 500 project reports and 300 educational CD's available in the library.

Entrepreneur development cell
To encourage youngsters to take up entrepreneurial challenge, appropriate institutional support is required to become a dynamic institution that will motivate and train young entrepreneurs particularly first generation entrepreneurs. MAIET’s mission is expected to be achieved by using innovative training techniques, by using competent faculty, support & consultancy, quality teaching & training material in order to spearhead an entrepreneurship movement in the State of Rajasthan.

Auditorium
The institute has an auditorium for the purpose of conferences, discussions, seminars and presentations with a seating capacity of approximately 250 persons.

Hostel facilities
The institute has separate hostels for boys and girls. The mess is running in the campus itself. Facilities for indoor games are also available. Hostel is, however, available to a limited number of students, on first come first served basis.

Courses
The Bachelor of Technology - B.Tech degree prepares technical communicators to enter a fast-growing, rewarding professional career. MAIET's quality B.Tech/B.Eng Program is one of only a few in the Rajasthan located within an engineering college.

MAIET offers B.Tech. (Bachelor of Technology) courses in the following disciplines:

 Mechanical Engineering (ME)
 Computer Science and Engineering (CSE)
 Electronics and Communication Engineering (ECE)
 Electrical Engineering (EE)
 Civil Engineering
 MBA
 BHM & CT
 B Pharm (Bachelor of Pharmacy)

Affiliation
The affiliation to Maharishi Arvind Institute of engineering & technology is from  Rajasthan Technical University, Kota.  Rajasthan Technical University, Kota is one of the best state university in India. The college is also got certified from All India Council for Technical Education AICTE , RUHS, Jaipur & PCI, New Delhi.

References

Engineering colleges in Jaipur
All India Council for Technical Education
Educational institutions established in 1999
1999 establishments in Rajasthan


title: Charles Morris (poet)

text:
Charles Morris (1745 – 11 July 1838) was a British poet.

He was possibly born near Cork, Ireland, the son of Captain Thomas Morris, whose family was of Welsh extraction. Thomas Morris had served in the 17th Foot regiment, as had his father (who commanded it under the Duke of Marlborough during the War of the Spanish Succession). Morris senior is generally credited as being the author of the song, Kitty Crowder. In 1764 Charles Morris gained an ensigncy in the regiment and was later promoted to captain whilst serving in America. After he returned to Ireland, he transferred to the Royal Irish Dragoons and His Majesty's Life Guards as he wanted to live in London.

On 14 February 1785 Morris became punch-maker and bard of the Sublime Society of Beef Steaks, a famous society limited to 24 members. He held the position until 1831.

He performed after Club dinners at Covent Garden Theatre. Politically he was a Whig associated with Charles James Fox.

On 8 February 1773 he married the widow of Sir William Stanhope (a son of Lord Chesterfield), Anne Hussey Delaval (1737-1812).

His older brother was Captain Thomas Morris (1732?-1808), who served in the British Army in America, and was himself a noted writer in his day.

Charles Morris died at Brockham Lodge, near Dorking in Surrey, a home given to him by his patron the Duke of Norfolk. He was in his 93rd year.

In 1840 a collection of his poetry, which he had assembled himself, was published as Lyrica Urbanica (or The Social Effusions of the Celebrated Captain Charles Morris of the Late Lifeguards) in two volumes.

Notes

1745 births
1838 deaths
British poets
British male poets