title: Democratic centralism

text:
Democratic centralism is the organisational principle of socialist states (often called communist states) and of most communist parties. In practice, democratic centralism means that political decisions reached by voting processes are binding upon all members of the political party. It is mainly associated with Leninism, wherein the party's political vanguard of revolutionaries practice democratic centralism to select leaders and officers, determine policy, and execute it.

Democratic centralism has primarily been associated with Marxist–Leninist and Trotskyist parties, but has also occasionally been practised by other democratic socialist and social democratic parties. Scholars have disputed whether democratic centralism was implemented in practice in the Soviet Union and China, pointing to violent power struggles, backhanded political maneuvering, historical antagonisms and the politics of personal prestige in those states.

Socialist states, such as the former Soviet Union and present-day China, have made democratic centralism the organisational principle of the state, and the political power principle being unitary power.

In practice

In party meetings, a motion (new policy or amendment, goal, plan or any other kind of political question) is moved (proposed). After a period of debate, a vote is taken. If one vote clearly wins (gaining a share of 60% or above among two options, for example) all party members are expected to follow that decision, and not continue debating it. The goal is to avoid decisions being undermined by participants whose views are in the minority. In the development of socialism in the Soviet Union and China, it was implemented in response to rapid political developments, which required faster mechanisms of decision-making.

Before and after an issue has been voted on and actioned, discussion and criticism is permitted in all forms. Once a resolution is being actioned, discussion & criticism which may disrupt unity in performing the action is forbidden, to ensure that the action is not derailed. In several socialist states, related practices were also adopted to ensure freedom of discussion, such as Mao's "Don't Blame the Speaker".

Lenin's conception and practice

The text What Is to Be Done? from 1902 is popularly seen as the founding text of democratic centralism. At this time, democratic centralism was generally viewed as a set of principles for the organizing of a revolutionary workers' party. However, Vladimir Lenin's model for such a party, which he repeatedly discussed as being "democratic centralist", was the German Social Democratic Party, inspired by remarks made by the social democrat Jean Baptista von Schweitzer. Lenin described democratic centralism as consisting of "freedom of discussion, unity of action".

The doctrine of democratic centralism served as one of the sources of the split between the Bolsheviks and the Mensheviks. The Mensheviks supported a looser party discipline within the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in 1903 as did Leon Trotsky, in Our Political Tasks, although Trotsky joined ranks with the Bolsheviks in 1917.

The Sixth Party Congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party (Bolsheviks) held at Petrograd between 26 July and 3 August 1917 defined democratic centralism as follows:
 That all directing bodies of the Party, from top to bottom, shall be elected.
 That Party bodies shall give periodical accounts of their activities to their respective Party organization.
 That there shall be strict Party discipline and the subordination of the minority to the majority.
 That all decisions of higher bodies shall be absolutely binding on lower bodies and on all Party members.

After the successful consolidation of power by the Communist Party following the October Revolution and the Russian Civil War, the Bolshevik leadership, including Lenin, instituted a ban on factions in the party as Resolution No. 12 of the 10th Party Congress in 1921. It was passed in the morning session on 16 March 1921. Trotskyists sometimes claim that this ban was intended to be temporary, but there is no language in the discussion at the 10th Party Congress suggesting such.

The Group of Democratic Centralism was a group in the Soviet Communist Party who advocated different concepts of party democracy.

In On Party Unity, Lenin argued that democratic centralism prevents factionalism. He argued that factionalism leads to less friendly relations among members and that it can be exploited by enemies of the party. Lenin wrote of democratic centralism that it "implies universal and full freedom to criticise, so long as this does not disturb the unity of a definite action; it rules out all criticism which disrupts or makes difficult the unity of an action decided on by the Party."

By the Brezhnev period, democratic centralism was described in the 1977 Soviet Constitution as a principle for organizing the state: "The Soviet state is organized and functions on the principle of democratic centralism, namely the electiveness of all bodies of state authority from the lowest to the highest, their accountability to the people, and the obligation of lower bodies to observe the decisions of higher ones."

Soviet Union
For much of the time between the era of Joseph Stalin and the 1980s, the principle of democratic centralism meant that the Supreme Soviet, while nominally vested with great lawmaking powers, did little more than approve decisions already made at the highest levels of the Communist Party. When the Supreme Soviet was not in session, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet performed its ordinary functions. It also had the power to issue decrees in lieu of law. Nominally, if such decrees were not ratified at the Supreme Soviet's next session, they were considered revoked. However, ratification was usually a mere formality, though occasionally even this formality was not observed.  Thus, decisions made by the Party's top leaders de facto had the force of law.

The democratic centralist principle extended to elections in the Soviet Union. All socialist countries were—either de jure or de facto—one-party states. In most cases, the voters were presented with a single list of unopposed candidates, which usually won 90 percent or more of the vote.

China

The Leninist practice of democratic centralism was introduced during the Republic of China era to the Kuomintang in 1923. It was allied with the Chinese Communist Party during the Warlord Era and received support from the Soviet Union. The organizational structures of the Kuomintang would remain in place until the democratization on Taiwan in the 1990s and would serve as a structural basis of several Taiwanese political parties such as the Democratic Progressive Party.

Democratic centralism is also stated in Article 3 of the present Constitution of the People's Republic of China: Article 3. The state organs of the People's Republic of China apply the principle of democratic centralism. The National People's Congress and the local people's congresses at different levels are instituted through democratic election. They are responsible to the people and subject to their supervision. All administrative, judicial, and procuratorial organs of the state are created by the people's congresses to which they are responsible and under whose supervision they operate. The division of functions and powers between the central and local state organs is guided by the principle of giving full play to the initiative and enthusiasm of the local authorities under the unified leadership of the central authorities.

This idea is translated into the supremacy of the National People's Congress, which represents China's citizens and exercises legislative authority on their behalf. Other powers, including the power to appoint the head of state and head of government, are also vested in this body.

Vietnam
The Communist Party of Vietnam is organized according to the Leninist principle of democratic centralism. According to the regulations of the Party, democratic centralism is performed following these rules:
Party leadership bodies at all level are chosen by voting. Practicing the collective leadership with individual responsibility.
Highest Party leadership body is the National Congress. Regional leadership bodies are the corresponding representative assembly. Between the two congress events, the executive leadership body is the Central Committee, regional executing leadership bodies are the Party Committees.
A regional committee has to report to and take responsibility before the Party assembly at the same level and the committees at the below and above level. It has to periodically report its situation to the relevant Party bodies and perform criticism and self-criticism.
Party members and bodies have to obey the Party Resolutions. Minority has to obey majority, bodies at lower level has to obey the ones at higher level, individual has to obey the whole team, the Party bodies have to obey the National Congress and Central Committee.
The draft Resolution can only be passed when over half of the corresponding assembly members approve. Before voting, all assembly members have the rights to debate and express their own opinions. Members of the minority groups have the right to reserve their own opinions, but they have to fully obey the Party Resolution and are not allowed to sabotage the Resolution. The authoritative Party bodies should conduct a research about the minority opinions and are not allowed to discriminate against the "minority" members.
The Party bodies are allowed to make decisions within their assigned authority, however the decisions are not allowed to violate the general principles and policies of the Party, the state's laws, the Resolution of the Party bodies at the higher levels.

Laos
The Lao People's Revolutionary Party which governs the nation of Laos applies democratic centralism. The party's centralised and hierarchical organisational structure is based on democratic centralism, which was conceived by Vladimir Lenin. This structure entails that lower party organs obey the decisions of the higher ones, such as the LPRP Central Committee. It also entails a ban on internal party factions. In the end, every decision-making organ has to be guided by the principle of collective leadership, a process that emphasises collegial decision-making, in contrast to one-person dominance. LPRP General Secretary Kaysone Phomvihane, in a speech to the 5th National Congress in 1991, stated "that our Party's democracy is a centralised one. Therefore, we must strictly implement the principle according to which the minority must yield to the majority; the lower leading organisation execute the upper leading organisation's orders. The whole Party follows the Central Committee."

Article 5 of the Constitution of Laos states that the state and its organizations "function in accordance with the principle of democratic centralism".

See also

References

Sources

External links
 On Party Unity. Vladimir Lenin.
 On Democratic-Centralism & The Regime. Leon Trotsky.
 Notes on democratic centralism. Tony Cliff. June 1968.
 Bolshevism, Fraudulent Practice Of Democratic Centralism. Albert Weisbord. 1976.
 On Democratic Centralism. PL Magazine. 1982.
 On democratic centralism. Mick Armstrong. 2000.
 Democratic Centralism.
 Our view of democratic centralism must change by Paul and Malcolm Saba.

Communist terminology
Political terminology
Ideology of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
Marxism–Leninism
Leninism


title: Workplace democracy

text:
Workplace democracy is the application of democracy in various forms to the workplace, such as voting systems, debates, democratic structuring, due process, adversarial process, and systems of appeal. It can be implemented in a variety of ways, depending on the size, culture, and other variables of an organization.

Theory

Economic argument
From as early as the 1920s, scholars have been exploring the idea of increasing employee participation and involvement. They sought to learn whether including employees in organizational decision-making would lead to increased effectiveness and productivity within the organization. According to Lewin, individuals who are involved in decision-making also have increased openness to change. Different participative techniques can have either a stronger impact on morale than productivity, while others have the reverse effect. Success of the employee-owned and operated Mondragon suggests economic benefits from workplace democracy.

Citizenship argument
Workplace democracy may encourage public participation in a government's political process. Skills developed from democracy in the workplace can transfer to improved citizenship and result in a better functioning democracy. Workers in a democratic environment may also develop a greater concern for the common good, which also transfers to fundamental citizenship.

Ethical justification
Philosopher Robert Dahl claims that, "If democracy is justified in governing the state, it must also be justified in governing economic enterprises." Some political scientists have questioned whether the state-firm analogy is the most appropriate way to justify workplace democratization.

Employee power and representation
Workers working for democratic leaders report positive results such as group member satisfaction, friendliness, group mindedness, 'we' statements, worker motivation, creativity, and dedication to decisions made within an organization.

When workplace democracy is used the effect typically is raised employee potential, employee representation, higher autonomy, and equal power within an organization (Rolfsen, 2011).

Political association
Workplace democracy theory closely follows political democracy, especially in larger workplaces. Democratic workplace organization is often associated with trade unions, anarchist, and socialist (especially libertarian socialist) movements. Most unions have democratic structures at least for selecting the leader, and sometimes these are seen as providing the only democratic aspects to the workplace. Not every workplace that lacks a union lacks democracy, and not every workplace that has a union necessarily has a democratic way to resolve disputes.

Historically, some unions have been more committed to workplace democracy than others. The Industrial Workers of the World pioneered the archetypal workplace democracy model, the Wobbly Shop, in which recallable delegates were elected by workers, and other norms of grassroots democracy were applied. This is still used in some organizations, notably Semco and in the software industry.

Spanish anarchists, Mohandas Gandhi's Swadeshi movement, and farm and retail co-operative movements, all made contributions to the theory and practice of workplace democracy and often carried that into the political arena as a "more participatory democracy." The Green parties worldwide have adopted workplace democracy as a central platform, and also often mimic workplace democracy norms such as gender equity, co-leadership, deliberative democracy applied to any major decision, and leaders who don't do policy. The democratic socialist parties have supported the notion of workplace democracy and democratically controlled institutions.

The best known and most studied example of a successfully democratic national labor union in the United States are the United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America, known throughout the labor movement as the UE. An independent trade Union, the UE was built from the bottom-up, and takes pride in its motto that "The Members Run This Union!"

The Menshevik led Democratic Republic of Georgia experimented with workplace democracy by promoting cooperatives in the economy. These cooperatives were ended when Georgia was annexed into the Soviet Union.

In Sweden, the Swedish Social Democratic Party made laws and reforms from 1950-70 to establish more democratic workplaces.

Salvador Allende championed a large number of such experiments in Chile when he became president of Chile in 1970.

Current approaches

Limits on management

Many organizations began to realize by the 1960s that tight control by too few people was encouraging groupthink, increasing turnover in staff and a loss of morale among qualified people helpless to appeal what they saw as misguided, uninformed, or poorly thought-out decisions. Often employees who publicly criticize such poor decision making of their higher management are penalized or even fired from their jobs on some pretext or other. The comic strip Dilbert has become popular satirizing this type of oblivious management, iconically represented by the Pointy-haired Boss, a nameless and clueless social climber. The Dilbert principle has been accepted as fact by some.

Much management philosophy has focused on trying to limit manager power, differentiate leadership versus management, and so on. Henry Mintzberg, Peter Drucker and Donella Meadows were three very notable theorists addressing these concerns in the 1980s. Mintzberg and Drucker studied how executives spent their time, Meadows how change and leverage to resist it existed at all levels in all kinds of organizations.

Adhocracy, functional leadership models and reengineering were all attempts to detect and remove administrative incompetence. Business process and quality management methods in general remove managerial flexibility that is often perceived as masking managerial mistakes, but also preventing transparency and facilitating fraud, as in the case of Enron. Had managers been more accountable to employees, it is argued, owners and employees would not have been defrauded.

Equity model
In the equity model, employees own voting shares of their company, most commonly through an employee stock ownership plan. The equity model of workplace democracy exists when bottom-up practices, such as participatory management, are combined with the top-down influence provided by their voting rights.

Codetermination

German law specifically mandates democratic worker participation in the oversight of workplaces with 2000 or more employees. Similar laws exist in Denmark for businesses with more than 20 workers and France for businesses with more than 5000 workers.

Staff and Worker Representative Congresses
In China, a form of workplace democracy is mandated by law for state-owned enterprises. This is done through Staff and Worker Representative Congresses (SWRCs), composed of workers directly elected by all workers in the workplace to represent them.

Examples of companies organized by workplace democracy

Mondragon
The Mondragon Cooperative Corporation is the largest worker cooperative in the world, and as such the largest corporation that operates some form of workplace democracy. The Marxian economist Richard D. Wolff states it is "a stunningly successful alternative to the capitalist organization of production".

Marland Mold
Marland Mold was a company started in 1946 in Pittsfield, Massachusetts, by Severino Marchetto and Paul Ferland. The company at first, designed and built steel molds for plastic products throughout the 1950s and 60s. In 1969 the owners sold the company to VCA which was later bought by The Ethyl Corporation. The Marland Mold employees voted to join the International Union of Electrical Workers, because of a dispute that took place over health insurance. The plant's manager started to pay less attention and put less time into the Pittsfield plant so the profits declined. The plant was put up for sale in 1992. The employees ended up buying out the plant, even though they weren't fans of employee ownership before, they needed to save their jobs. There immediately was a burst in production and they were able to produce molds that normally took the 3,000 hours to make in 2,200 hours. They had financial stake in the company now which gave them new motivation for the company's success. The other two ideas that were key components to their success was the education of all members about their new roles, and building an ownership culture within the organization. In 1995, they had officially bought all ownership stock and buyout lenders and the company was completely employee owned. Through all of this employees were also able to gain a broader perspective on the company, like being able to understand others views of different conflicts in the workplace. In 2007, Marland Mold celebrated their 15th anniversary of employee ownership.

In 2010, Marland Mold were acquired by Curtil. In 2017, the Pittsfield plant was shut.

Semco
In the 1980s, Brazilian businessman Ricardo Semler, converted his family firm, a light manufacturing concern called Semco, and transformed it into a strictly democratic establishment where managers were interviewed and then elected by workers. All managerial decisions were subject to democratic review, debate and vote, with the full participation of all workers. This radical approach to management got him and the company a great deal of attention. Semler argued that handing the company over to the workers was the only way to free time for himself to go build up the customer, government and other relationships required to make the company grow. By giving up the fight to hold any control of internals, Semler was able to focus on marketing, positioning, and offer his advice (as a paid, elected spokesman, though his position as major shareholder was not so negotiable) as if he were, effectively, an outside management consultant hired by the company. Decentralization of management functions, he claimed, gave him a combination of insider information and outsider credibility, plus the legitimacy of truly speaking for his workers in the same sense as an elected political leader.

Other companies

 Brukman
 Egged (formerly)
 Evergreen Cooperatives
 FaSinPat
Flaskô (Portuguese Wikipedia)
 Hotel Bauen
 Indian Coffee House
 LIP
 Pascual Boing
 Sri Lanka Transport Board (formerly)
 Suma Wholefoods
 Tandanor shipyard
 The Meriden Motorcycle Co-operative
 W. L. Gore and Associates
 Zapatista coffee cooperatives

Research on workplace democracy

Public opinion
A 2023 study found that Americans generally support workplace democracy, even in survey experiments where respondents are exposed to question framings that emphasize the costs of workplace democracy.

Management science studies
There are many management science papers on the application of democratic structuring to the workplace, and its benefits.

Benefits are often contrasted to simple command hierarchy arrangements in which "the boss" can hire anyone and fire anyone, and takes absolute and total responsibility for their own well-being and also all that occurs "under" them. The command hierarchy is a preferred management style followed in many companies for its simplicity, speed and low process overheads.

London Business School chief, Nigel Nicholson, in his 1998 Harvard Business Review paper: "How Hardwired is Human Behavior?" suggested that human nature was just as likely to cause problems in the workplace as in larger social and political settings, and that similar methods were required to deal with stressful situations and difficult problems. He held up the workplace democracy model advanced by Ricardo Semler as the "only" one that actually took cognizance of human foibles.

Influenced matrix management

Managerial grid models and matrix management, compromises between true workplace democracy and conventional top-down hierarchy, became common in the 1990s. These models cross responsibilities so that no one manager had total control of any one employee, or so that technical and marketing management were not subordinated to each other but had to argue out their concerns more mutually. A consequence of this was the rise of learning organization theory, in which the ontology of definitions in common among all factions or professions becomes the main management problem.

Effects on productivity
A meta-analysis of 43 studies on worker participation found there was no negative correlation between workplace democracy and higher efficiency and productivity. A report looking at research on democratic workplaces in the USA, Europe and Latin America found workplace democracy had staff working 'better and smarter' with production organized more efficiently. They were also able to organize more efficiently on a larger scale and in more capital-intensive industries than hierarchical workplaces. A 1987 study of democratic workplaces in Italy, the UK and France found that workplace democracy has a positive relationship with productivity and that democratic firms do not get less productive as they get larger. A report on democratic workplaces in the USA found that they can increase worker incomes by 70-80%, that they can grow 2% faster a year than other businesses and have 9-19% greater levels of productivity, 45% lower turnover rates and are 30% less likely to fail in the first few years of operation. A 1995 study of workplace democracy in the timber industry in the Northwest United States found that productivity increased by 6 to 14% with workplace democracy. A 2006 meta-study on workplace democracy found that it can 'equal or exceed the productivity of conventional enterprises when employee involvement is combined with ownership' and 'enrich local social capital.'

Effects on business longevity
According to an analysis, businesses with democratic workplaces in British Columbia, Alberta, and Quebec in the 2000s were almost half as likely as businesses with hierarchical workplaces to fail in ten years. According to an analysis of all businesses in Uruguay between 1997 - 2009, businesses with democratic workplaces have a 29% smaller chance of closure than other firms. In Italy, businesses with democratic workplaces that have been created by workers buying a business when it's facing a closure or put up to sale have a 3 year survival rate of 87%, compared to 48% of all Italian businesses. In 2005, 1% of German businesses failed but the statistic for businesses with democratic workplaces was less than 0.1%. A 2012 study of Spanish and French businesses with democratic workplaces found that they “have been more resilient than conventional enterprises during the economic crisis." In France, the three year survival rate of businesses with democratic workplaces is 80%-90%, compared to the 66% overall survival rate for all businesses. During the 2008 economic crisis, the number of workers in businesses with democratic workplaces in France increased by 4.2%, while employment in other businesses decreased by 0.7%.

Effects on workers
Overall, the effects on workplace democracy on workers seems to be positive. A 2018 study from South Korea found that workers had higher motivation in democratic workplaces. A 2014 study from Italy found that democratic workplaces were the only kind of workplace which increased trust between workers. A 2013 study from the United States found that democratic workplaces in the healthcare industry had significantly higher levels of job satisfaction. A 2011 study in France found that democratic workplaces “had a positive effect on workers’ job satisfaction.” A 2019 meta-study indicates that “the impact [of democratic workplaces] on the happiness workers is generally positive”. A 1995 study from the United States indicates that “employees who embrace an increased influence and participation in workplace decisions also reported greater job satisfaction”.

One 2012 study of three Italian towns of similar demographics, income, and geography found that towns with more democratic workplaces had:

 Better mental and physical health, and longer lives, with fewer strokes and heart attacks.
 Children were less likely to skip school and skipped school less.
 Less crime, including less domestic violence and greater feelings of safety among citizens.
 Higher rates of ‘social participation’ (joining clubs and charities; giving blood; voting).
 Perception of a more positive society, more supportive personal networks, and more trust in the government.

See also

Aristocracy of labour
Deliberative democracy
Libertarian socialism
Popular assembly
Socialism
Syndicalism
Theory X and Theory Y
Worker cooperative
Workers' control
Workers' self-management

References

External links
Quotes and other writings on workplace democracy (Chomsky, Wheatley, et al.)
Articles by David Ellerman on workplace democracy
Workplace Democracy and Democratic Ownership—Richard Wolff & Gar Alperovitz at Left Forum, 2013.

Organizational behavior
Anti-capitalism
Socialism
Workplace
Democracy
Cooperatives
Types of democracy
Democratic socialism


title: Michael Dunkley

text:
Michael Henry Dunkley, JP, MP (born June 18, 1957) is a Bermudian politician and businessman who served as the 12th Premier of Bermuda from 2014 to 2017. He was an MP and member general of the One Bermuda Alliance political party and an active businessman on the island.

Dunkley served as Premier of Bermuda until his party, the One Bermuda Alliance (OBA), was defeated in a landslide victory for the Progressive Labour Party (PLP) on 18 July 2017. Dunkley resigned as leader of the OBA on 19 July 2017.

Early life and education
Dunkley is the son of Henry "Bill" Harlow Dunkley (1929–1974) and Marye Lee Dunkley (née O'Dea). He was educated at Saltus Grammar School in Bermuda, Trinity College School in Port Hope, Ontario, Canada, and graduated from University of Richmond and George Washington University in 1980.

He first entered politics in 1997 with his election to The House of Assembly in Bermuda. On December 17, 2012, the One Bermuda Alliance won the general election and Dunkley was appointed the Deputy Premier and Minister of Public Safety. He has been often recognized by the Best of Bermuda Gold Awards published by the Bermudian Magazine for his work in politics and in 2007 was voted "Most Effective Politician."

As a businessman he is Vice President and Chief Executive Officer of Dunkley's Dairy, a milk processing plant and one of the island's largest food importers. Vice President of Island Properties Ltd, a property management company and is President of Dunkley's Management Holdings Ltd, a management consultant company.

On 19 July 2017, Michael Dunkley resigned as leader of the One Bermuda Alliance party, after having called a snap election and losing the election.

Personal life
On 23 May 1982, he married Pamela and had 2 daughters (Christine and Brooke) with her.  They also have a family French Bulldog named Coconut, who has over 1,000 Instagram followers.

References

1957 births
Living people
Premiers of Bermuda
Deputy Premiers of Bermuda
Leaders of the Opposition (Bermuda)
Bermudian businesspeople
One Bermuda Alliance politicians
George Washington University alumni
University of Richmond alumni


title: Insurrectionary anarchism

text:
Insurrectionary anarchism is a revolutionary theory and tendency within the anarchist movement that emphasizes insurrection as a revolutionary practice. It is critical of formal organizations such as labor unions and federations that are based on a political program and periodic congresses. Instead, insurrectionary anarchists advocate informal organization and small affinity group based organization. Insurrectionary anarchists put value in attack, permanent class conflict and a refusal to negotiate or compromise with class enemies.

Associated closely with the Italian anarchist movement, the theory of insurrectionary anarchism has historically been linked with a number of high-profile assassinations, as well as the bombing campaigns of the Galleanisti and Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI).

History

Development
Among the earliest inspirations for insurrectionary anarchism was Max Stirner's 1845 book The Ego and Its Own, a tract that upheld a kind of proto-individualist anarchism. Stirner distinguished between "revolution" and "insurrection", defining the aims of "revolution" to be a new arrangement of society by a state, while he considered the aims of an "insurrection" to be the rejection of such arrangements and the free self-organisation of individuals.

During the 1870s, the idea of "propaganda of the deed" was initially developed by Italian anarchists to mean small direct actions that would inspire others to themselves carry out acts of insurrection. Insurrectionists viewed every riot or rebellion as a kind of "revolutionary gymnastics" which could lead to a generalised social revolution. Driven by this theory, Italian individualist anarchists carried out a series of high-profile assassinations during the 1890s, killing French President Sadi Carnot, Spanish Prime Minister Antonio Cánovas del Castillo, Austrian Empress Elisabeth Wittelsbach and Italian King Umberto Savoy.

Meanwhile, the question of organisation had divided the Italian anarchist movement into the syndicalists, who advocated for organisation within the labour movement, and the insurrectionists, who emphasised violent and illegal forms of self-organised direct action. The insurrectionary anarchists rejected all forms of formal organisation, including anarchist federations and trade unions, and criticised the movement's reformist and activist tendencies for failing to take "immediate action". Although both tendencies advocated for anarchist communism, pro-organisationalists such as Francesco Saverio Merlino and Errico Malatesta considered the insurrectionists to really constitute a tendency of individualist anarchism, due to their belief in individual sovereignty and natural law.

Galleanist movement

Contemporaneous with the rise of anarcho-syndicalism, insurrectionary anarchism was promoted in the United States by the Italian immigrant Luigi Galleani, through his newspaper Cronaca Sovversiva. Galleani was a staunch anti-organisationalist, opposing anarchist participation in the labour movement, which he felt displayed reformist tendencies and a receptiveness to corruption. This stance brought Galleani into conflict with the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) during the 1912 Lawrence textile strike, following which they entered into a fierce polemic. However, outside observers paid little attention to the differences between the anarchist factions, who were generally viewed as part of the same "amorphous inscrutable threat".

Galleani advocated for propaganda of the deed, which was taken up throughout North America by a network of Galleanist cells, usually consisting of close-knit individuals. Following the American entry into World War I and the ensuing political repression that followed, the Galleanists initiated a violent campaign in opposition to the American government. After some Italian anarchists were killed by police for tearing down an American flag, the Galleanists carried a reprisal attack, which itself triggered a wave of arrests against insurrectionists. When one of the Italian insurrectionists was threatened with deportation, the Galleanists responded with a bombing campaign, sending letter bombs to industrialists, politicians and lawyers. None of the bombs hit their targets, instead injuring a housekeeper and accidentally killing one of the insurrectionist conspirators. Although the conspirators themselves were never caught, Galleani and other Italian insurrectionists were deported and the bombings were used as justification for repression of the 1919 strike wave.

During the subsequent political repression, the Italian anarchists Sacco and Vanzetti were arrested on charges of armed robbery. The Galleanists responded by carrying out the Wall Street bombing, killing 38 people and making the task of exonerating the pair more difficult. Nevertheless, the Galleanists continued their efforts to aid Sacco and Vanzetti, who they considered to have been framed. In 1922, they began publication of L'Adunata dei refrattari, in which they encouraged their readers to break the pair out of prison and carry out retributive violence against the responsible state officials. This further exacerbated the split between the syndicalists and insurrectionists, as the two factions excluded each other from their own campaigns.

Political repression largely drove the insurrectionary anarchist movement underground, with Marcus Graham declaring that they would continue to operate on a conspiratorial basis until they could again agitate in the open. During the late 1920s, Graham moved to San Francisco, where he became involved with insurrectionary anarchists around the Galleanist newspaper L'Emancipazione. As the Great Depression limited their capacity, the paper shifted to publications in the English language and invited Graham to be its editor.  In January 1933, the group established the newspaper Man!, intended as a means to revive the Galleanism of the previous decade. For Graham and his collaborators, the social revolution was to be built on individuals achieving a form of enlightenment that would break them from "every law, custom and sham creed in which he now finds himself trapped". Like early insurrectionists, Man! rejected syndicalism and the labour movement, which they considered to be inherently authoritarian, and frequently criticised union officials for corruption. Graham also formulated a criticism of technology and called for the destruction of civilisation, in arguments that were an early precursor to anarcho-primitivism.

Man! and L'Adunata dei refrattari continued to act as the main expressions of insurrectionary anarchism throughout the 1930s, but failed to revive it as a popular tendency. Before long, Man! came under increasing police repression, culminating with Graham's arrest and the subsequent cessation of publication in 1939. By the 1940s, the insurrectionary anarchist movement was only a marginal force, concentrated around L'Adunata dei refrattari in New York. The periodical slowly declined until the early 1970s, when it was finally succeeded by the anti-authoritarian publication Fifth Estate.

Resurgence
Insurrectionary anarchism re-emerged within the Italian anarchist movement during the Years of Lead, when the country was marked by instances of left-wing and right-wing terrorism. In 1977, Alfredo Bonanno published his book Armed Joy, which espoused a critique of work, emphasised the feeling of joy and advocated for the use of revolutionary violence. Although Bonanno was imprisoned for the book's publication and the Italian state ordered all copies be destroyed, he continued to pen insurrectionist manifestos. As the Cold War drew to a close, he called for insurrectionary anarchists to coordinate themselves into an informal "Anti-Authoritarian Insurrectionist International" in order to build contact and exchange ideas, but this project was stillborn.

During the 1980s, Italian insurrectionary anarchists began carrying out small acts of vandalism against "soft targets" such as telecommunications and electricity infrastructure. These were usually carried out by small informal groups, largely distributed throughout Northern and Central Italy, that focused on localised social conflicts. These attacks escalated into violence during the late 1990s, when insurrectionists began carrying out bombings and assaults. The escalation initially caught the Italian authorities off guard, as they were used to these attacks being carried out without casualties.

Between the years of 1999 and 2003, four insurrectionist groups carried out a series of more than 20 bombing attacks, following which they merged together into the Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI) in December 2003. To announce their formation, the FAI carried out a series of bombing attacks against various officials of the European Union, including the European President Romano Prodi, although none of the letter bombs sent out caused any injuries. A further series of letter bomb attacks were carried out by the FAI in 2010 and 2011, during which a number of people were injured. After a cell of the FAI kneecapped an executive of Ansaldo Nucleare in 2012, fears of anarchist terrorism spread rapidly throughout Italy. This led to a wave of arrests against insurrectionary anarchists, including one of the attackers Alfredo Cospito, which briefly put the FAI into an "operational stasis" before they resumed parcel bomb attacks the following year. Over a decade of active operations, the FAI claimed 50 violent attacks, having caused 10 injuries and no deaths.

Since the dissolution of the Red Brigades, insurrectionary anarchists have been considered by the Italian government to be among the most dangerous domestic terrorists in Italy, second only to Islamic terrorists. The FAI's example was followed on an international scale by a number of other insurrectionary anarchist groups, most notably the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (CCF) in Greece, who joined together with the FAI to launch what they called the "Black International". Parts of Bonanno's insurrectionary programme have also been taken up by anarchist sections of the anti-globalization movement, as well as by the Sardinian nationalist Costantino Cavalleri and the American individualist Wolfi Landstreicher.

In the United States, insurrectionary anarchism had largely been sidelined until the establishment of Up Against the Wall Motherfucker, which promoted the use of violent direct action in solidarity with the King assassination riots. During the mid-2000s, nihilists that were inspired by the rise of insurrectionism in Europe established Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed (AJODA), which took up the insurrectionist calls to violence and whose members participated in occupation protests. Insurrectionary anarchists went onto play a leading role in the Occupy movement, although they often clashed with activists that promoted civil disobedience and prefigurative politics, and ultimately failed to develop a long-term strategy for the movement.

Theory and practice

Insurrectionary anarchism generally upholds core anarchist principles, such as anti-authoritarianism, anti-capitalism, anti-clericalism, anti-imperialism, anti-militarism and anti-statism. It has also historically combined with other causes, including radical environmentalism, national liberation struggles and the prison abolition movement.

Direct action
Insurrectionary anarchists generally undertake two basic types of direct action: vandalism of low-profile targets, such as infrastructure or buildings; and violent attacks, often using letter bombs, against political or military targets.

Insurrectionary anarchists often see direct action as a form of emotional release, and participating in action as a source of joy. Militants of the FAI, such as Alfredo Cospito, described their attack against an Italian executive as a moment where they "fully enjoyed my life". Insurrectionists can also see violence as a method of self-empowerment and even, in existential terms, as a means to achieve enlightenment.

Informal organisation
Insurrectionary anarchism shares the anarchist opposition to hierarchical organisation, but goes even further as to oppose any form of organisational structure in general. Instead, insurrectionists emphasise small, informal and temporary forms of organisation, such as affinity groups, that can together undertake direct action. Often formed from pre-existing interpersonal relationships, these groups utilise consensus decision-making to collectively elaborate a programme for attacks against the state and capitalism.

The insurrectionist organisational model has been compared to that of "leaderless resistance", which encourages the independent action of small groups and lone wolves, without an overarching centralised hierarchy. This model minimises risks of espionage and internal debate, while also fostering a degree of ideological pluralism, so long as it doesn't distract from direct action. This model has been noted both for its capacity to resist infiltration, but also for its tendencies towards isolation, and the development of an unofficial leadership. While informal organisation can allow for a certain amount of flexibility and adaptability, information sharing is also hampered by its compartmentalised structure and the reliance of interpersonal trust can present a barrier to recruitment.

See also

 Anarchism in Greece
 Asymmetric warfare
 Black bloc
 Clandestine cell system
 Egoist anarchism
 Expropriative anarchism
 Illegalism
 Insurgency
 International Anarchist Congress of Amsterdam
 Irregular warfare
 Guerrilla warfare
 Resistance movement
 Social anarchism
 Tiqqun

References

Bibliography

Further reading

External links

 A collection of several insurrectionary anarchist texts at the anarchist library
 "Attack Is The Best Form Of Defense" by Johann Most an "old school" insurrectionary anarchist text
 Insurrection v.s. Organization: Reflections from Greece on a Pointless Schism, essay from Peter Gelderloos, author of How Non-violence Protects the State
 Talk and Tactics and Bloody Revolution: Insurrectionary Anarchism in Seattle , audio stream interview from A-Infos Radio Project
 "Fire At Midnight Destruction At Dawn" by Kasimere Bran, originally published in the first issue of A Murder of Crows.

Anarchist schools of thought
Autonomism


title: Revolutionary Socialist League (UK, 1938)

text:
The first Revolutionary Socialist League (RSL) was formed in early 1938 by the merger of the Marxist League led by Harry Wicks and the Marxist Group led by C. L. R. James.

In August 1938, James P. Cannon and Max Shachtman came to London in an attempt to unite all four British Trotskyist groups. The RSL, the Militant Group, and the Revolutionary Socialist Party merged to form a new Revolutionary Socialist League, but the Workers International League (WIL) refused, claiming that agreement on perspectives was insufficient and that the new group represented a dilution of democratic centralism.

The new RSL became the British affiliate of the newly formed Fourth International. It maintained the Militant Labour League for those members who were involved in Labour Party entryism, and published The Militant.

The group adopted a defeatist policy during the Second World War, which it modelled on Lenin's revolutionary defeatist tactics of the 1914–1918 war. This was seen by its rivals in the WIL as pacifism. However, it had some initial successes when the Shop Assistants' Union adopted its position in 1940. This led the Labour Party to ban the Militant Labour League. In addition, the group became increasingly inactive as many younger members were conscripted into the British Army.

The group's opposition to the war became a major cause of factional strife both within the group and between it and the WIL. Three major positions developed, with ensuing factional divisions. Firstly, a Left Fraction formed, which opposed the war on a basis all other factions described as pacifist. Secondly, the leadership faction around Denzil Dean Harber held a position that opposed the Proletarian Military Policy (PMP) of the WIL and was described by its opponents as semi-pacifist. Third, the WIL and tendencies leaving the RSL at different times adhered to the aforementioned PMP.

In 1939, some RSL members split to form the Revolutionary Workers League (RWL), which Isaac Deutscher soon joined, due to the inaction of the RSL leadership when the war began. Initially, they used the RSL name and only changed the name later. However, the majority of the RWL joined the WIL in 1940, with the remainder returning to the RSL in 1941. Another split produced the Socialist Workers Group which published Socialist Fight and entered the Independent Labour Party, some of its former members eventually joining the Trotskyist Opposition which had been expelled from the RSL in 1942. This group, led by John Lawrence, advocated adoption of the PMP of the Socialist Workers Party and was in favour of fusing with the WIL. Collaboration between the Trotskyist Opposition and the WIL was so close that Lawrence was employed by the latter on technical tasks. In 1943, the Left Fraction who were opposed to that policy were expelled.

The leadership of the Revolutionary Socialist League refused to enter into any unity negotiations, despite the party's drastic reduction from 300 to 20 members, until in 1944 the Fourth International held a two-day conference. This conference was required to reunite the group so that it could fuse with the WIL into a single organization which could then affiliate to the Fourth International. As planned on the first day, the Trotskyist Opposition and the Left Fraction were reunited with the RSL. Despite the objections of the Left Fraction, the second day saw the reformed RSL unified with the WIL – on the WIL's terms – to form the new Revolutionary Communist Party.

References

 Al Bornstein and Sam Richardson (1986), "Against The Stream" in The War and the International: A History of the Trotskyist Movement in Britain 1937-1949. London: Socialist Platform.

Political parties established in 1938
Political parties disestablished in 1944
Defunct Trotskyist organisations in the United Kingdom
1938 establishments in the United Kingdom
1944 disestablishments in the United Kingdom


title: Revolutionary Communist Party (UK, 1944)

text:
The Revolutionary Communist Party was a British Trotskyist group, formed in 1944 and active until 1949, which published the newspaper Socialist Appeal and a theoretical journal, Workers International News. The party was the ancestor of the three main currents of British Trotskyism: Gerry Healy's Workers Revolutionary Party, Ted Grant's Militant tendency and Tony Cliff's Socialist Workers Party.

Collapse of the RSL and founding of the RCP

The party was founded as the official section of the Fourth International in Britain after the Revolutionary Socialist League collapsed. Moreover, the RSL had not adopted the positions of the Fourth International with regard to the Second World War and was polemicising against the Workers International League (WIL), declaring it to be following politics which it characterised as social patriotic. The positions of the WIL corresponded to those of the Fourth International and the American SWP and as a result the latter decided that the WIL should become the International's British section.

In order to draw the WIL into the International, the Americans exerted pressure on the three factions of the RSL to re-unite, after which the re-formed RSL could fuse with the larger WIL. The fused group, which adopted the politics of the majority WIL group, became the Revolutionary Communist Party. The leadership bodies of the new party incorporated leaders of the RSL such as Denzil Dean Harber and John Lawrence, with the exception of the old RSL Left Fraction who soon left.

Recruiting methods
The new party maintained an entrist faction in the Labour Party. This faction was led by Charlie van Gelderen and maintained publication of The Militant as its organ.

The main area on which the party concentrated however was the industrial front. This led to recruitment from the Communist Party but more recruits came from direct intervention in the industrial struggles of the war years such as that of the Kent miners and the Tyneside engineering apprentices. This latter dispute led to the RCP receiving the attention of the police as their headquarters in London were raided and a number of leading members were jailed. In furtherance of this industrial work a Militant Workers Federation was organised by the RCP in conjunction with the Industrial Committee of the Independent Labour Party and some anarchists.

During the war the RCP opposed the electoral truce which guaranteed that where parliamentary seats fell vacant they would automatically be filled by another member of the incumbent party. When an opportunity for the RCP to stand occurred, the party stood their leader, Jock Haston, in the Neath by-election of 1945.

The Left Fraction of the former RSL remained organised within the RCP but were expelled in 1945 and pursued entrist work in the Labour Party work around the Voice of Labour newspaper. It broke up in 1950, when most of its members joined the Socialist Fellowship group which was associated with the paper Socialist Outlook. Other former Left Fraction members revived the group in the early 1960s.

End
In 1947, the party split over the question of entrism into the Labour Party. Jock Haston and Ted Grant opposed it; Gerry Healy and John Lawrence formed a faction in favour of it. With the agreement of both groups, the International Secretariat divided the British section and the minority pursued the entry tactic and published the newspaper Socialist Outlook from 1948.

The remaining RCP found existence outside the Labour Party increasingly difficult with the end of wartime militancy. The RCP's membership and influence started to decline. The new regimes in Eastern Europe caused further debate within the RCP, as they did within the International as a whole. The leadership of the RCP around Haston was more cautious with regard to declaring these new regimes to be degenerated workers states than the International's leadership around Ernest Mandel and Michel Pablo.

A debate developed as to whether the RCP should enter the Labour Party. The majority supported entry. A faction was declared by some supporters of the leadership, which firmly opposed entry. This grouping of RCPers called itself the Open Party Faction and was increasingly disillusioned with the leadership around Jock Haston and Ted Grant whom they thought to be caving in to Healy's entry group, ultimately leading to a decision to dissolve the RCP in 1950 and join the Labour Party.

The International then ordered that the members of the RCP join Healy's entry group, known as The Club, but that despite being in a majority they were not able to exercise democratic control of the fused group. Jock Haston immediately dropped out of politics as did much of the remaining leadership. Ted Grant made a decision to join the fused group but was purged by Healy who strongly discouraged dissent.

Some of Tony Cliff's supporters in Birmingham were expelled – Cliff himself could not be expelled being resident in Dublin and therefore beyond Healy's reach – and then when Grant attempted to defend the rights of Cliff's supporters he too was expelled. Cliff would regroup his supporters around the magazine Socialist Review and Grant similarly formed a group called the International Socialist Group. Most former members of the RCP had left the Trotskyist movement by the end of 1951.

Members
 Jim Allen
 Sam Bornstein
 Maurice Brinton
 Tony Cliff
 Jimmy Deane
 Charlie van Gelderen
 Mildred Gordon
 Ted Grant
 Duncan Hallas
 Betty Hamilton
 Denzil Dean Harber
 Jock Haston
 Gerry Healy
 Jeanne Hoban
 Bill Hunter
 John Lawrence
 Anil Moonesinghe
 Stan Newens
 T. Dan Smith

References

Further reading
Upham, Martin, 'The History of British Trotskyism to 1949' (PhD thesis), on the Marxists.org mirror of the Revolutionary History website.

External links
Archive of the Socialist Appeal, paper of the RCP from Bill Hunter's website
Crawford, Ted, "HO45/25486: a report on the RCP and the Trotskyist movement", Revolutionary History, May 2003. 'HO 45/25486 seems to be the main source of Special Branch records of RCP and Club activities (up to c. 1954). It is about 1000 pages or so, divided into 24 internal folders.'


title: Anadolu Agency

text:
Anadolu Agency (, ; abbreviated AA) is a state-run news agency headquartered in Ankara, Turkey.

History
The Anadolu Agency was founded in 1920 during the Turkish War of Independence by the order of Mustafa Kemal Pasha. As the Empire's capital – Constantinople – was under the Ottoman sultans' control, all newspapers were also under the sultan's rule along with British occupiers, and it was necessary for the revolutionary government to establish a communication and news network for Anatolia and Rumelia. Journalist Yunus Nadi Abalıoğlu and writer Halide Edip, fleeing the occupied capital, met in Geyve and concluded that a new Turkish press agency was needed. The agency was officially launched on April 6, 1920, 17 days before the Turkish Grand National Assembly convened for the first time. It announced the first legislation passed by the Assembly, which established the Republic of Turkey.

After the Justice and Development Party (AKP) took power, AA and the Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TRT) were both restructured to more closely reflect the administration line. According to a 2016 academic article, "these public news producers, especially during the most recent term of the AKP government, have been controlled by officials from a small network close to the party leadership."

Anadolu Agency is an active member of the European Alliance of News Agencies (EANA).

See also
 Mass media in Turkey
 List of news agencies

References

External links

News agencies based in Turkey
1920 establishments in the Ottoman Empire


title: B.G. Deshmukh

text:
Bhalchandra Gopal Deshmukh, also known as  B.G. Deshmukh, IAS (1929-2011) was an Indian civil servant from the 1951 batch of the Indian Administrative Service. During his  career he served with distinction in various capacities in Maharashtra and Gujarat. He was secretary to the then chief minister of Maharashtra, Vasantrao Naik, and Commissioner of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation, Bombay. He went on to serve as Additional Secretary, Ministry of Home Affairs, and Union Labour Secretary in the Government of India. In 1985, he was appointed as Chief Secretary to the Government of Maharashtra.

B. G. Deshmukh was appointed as the 17th Cabinet Secretary of the Government of India in 1986, taking over from his batchmate P. K. Kaul, IAS (1951 UP). In 1989, Rajiv Gandhi appointed him as his principal secretary, a post he went on to hold even under V.P. Singh and briefly under Chandrashekhar.

After his retirement, he served on the Board of several companies including Tata Sons Limited, Tata Housing Development Co. Ltd., Tata Council for Community Initiatives, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, SEBI for Mutual Funds and IDBI Mutual Fund.

He is also associated with social and development organisations such as Bombay Natural History Society, KEM Hospital, National Association for the Blind among others.

Mr. Deshmukh has a number of books to his credit. These include “A Cabinet Secretary thinks aloud”, “A Cabinet Secretary looks around” and “Poona to Prime Minister’s Office – A Cabinet Secretary looks back”.

References

Deshmukh, B. G.
Cabinet Secretaries of India
1929 births
2011 deaths
People from Maharashtra
Indian Administrative Service officers
Members of the Bombay Natural History Society


title: Anja Nissen

text:
Anja Nissen (born 6 November 1995), sometimes known as simply Anja, is a Danish-Australian singer. She was the winner of the third season of The Voice Australia. Following her win, Nissen was signed to Universal Music Group and lists her influences as Celine Dion, Mariah Carey, Whitney Houston, Christina Aguilera, Toni Braxton and Stevie Wonder. In 2015, Nissen was the support act for Olly Murs on his Australian Never Been Better tour.

In 2016, Nissen competed in Dansk Melodi Grand Prix 2016, Denmark's national final for the Eurovision Song Contest, performing the song "Never Alone". She came in second place with 36% of the vote. In 2017, Nissen competed in Dansk Melodi Grand Prix 2017 with the song "Where I Am", which she co-wrote. Anja went on to win and represented Denmark in the Eurovision Song Contest 2017, where she finished 20th in the final.

Nissen has been an Australia Day ambassador, and performed at the Australia Day Event in Northern Territory. Nissen performed at the 2014 Carols by Candlelight in Melbourne, Australia. Nissen was also the face of Lyla & Co.

Life and career

Early life
Nissen was raised in Winmalee, The Blue Mountains, New South Wales, Australia to Danish-born parents. Her mother and father emigrated from Denmark to Australia when they were 11 and 22 years old, respectively. Nissen grew up on her parents' country property in the Lower Blue Mountains with her older sister. She attended Winmalee High School, where she obtained her HSC in 2013. Throughout high school Anja was part of the exclusive Talent Development Program (TDP) and competed in a number of singing competitions.

In 2008, Nissen made it to the semi-finals of Season 2 of popular talent-search TV show, Australia's Got Talent, aged 12. Since then she has appeared on a number of TV shows, including Young Talent Time, Mornings with Kerri-Anne and the annual Schools Spectacular. She also performed the Danish National Anthem in the company of Crown Princess Mary of Denmark.

2014–2016: The Voice Australia
In 2014, Nissen was a contestant on the third series of The Voice Australia. She was a member of Team will.i.am, and went on to win the competition.

 denotes winner.

Immediately following her win on The Voice, Nissen was due to release the track titled "My Girls", co-written by Delta Goodrem,was cancelled at the last minute. Nissen said, "'My Girls' is an awesome song, a great song, it just came down to whether or not it's my style or not... Will wanted to be part of the decision making process when it came to choosing the single. Will wasn’t sure if 'My Girls' was the right style for me. He wanted to have a few more days to think about that and start working on ideas, looking at where to go next."

Nissen's debut self-titled album consisted of songs from The Voice. It was not promoted by a radio single at the time, which impacted sales.

In October 2014, Nissen released a collaboration with will.i.am and Cody Wise titled "I'm So Excited" as her debut single. The song debuted at number 42 on the ARIA Singles Chart, selling 3,023 copies and received a mixed response.

Anja featured on We Love Disney (2014) album singing "A Dream is a Wish Your Heart Makes" from Cinderella. Her rendition of "Joy to the World" was released on The Salvation Army's Spirit of Christmas 2014 album.

On 19 May 2015, Nissen released her follow-up single of Bacharach and David's "Anyone Who Had a Heart" as a part of Nine Network's hit television program Love Child. On 4 August 2015, Nissen released her third single "Triumph". She performed her single on The Voice Australia 2015 to over 1.6 million viewers nationwide.

2016–2018: Denmark in the Eurovision Song Contest
On 10 January 2016, Nissen was confirmed to be taking part in the Dansk Melodi Grand Prix 2016, Denmark's national selection for the Eurovision Song Contest 2016, with the song "Never Alone". The song was written by Danish Eurovision winner Emmelie de Forest, producer Rune Westberg, and American singer and songwriter MoZella. She ended up placing second in the final with 36% of the final vote, behind winners Lighthouse X. The following year, she returned to the Dansk Melodi Grand Prix with the song "Where I Am", which was written by Nissen herself, along with Angel Tupai and Michael D'Arcy. Nissen went on to win, getting 64% of the final vote, and represented Denmark in the Eurovision Song Contest 2017. In May, Nissen released a 6-track EP titled Where I Am. As of 2017, Nissen is living in Los Angeles, where she is studying Keyboard Technology and Music Theory at Musicians Institute (Hollywood).

2019–present: Songwriting, Gigging & Networking
Across the Covid years Anja lived between Copenhagen and Los Angeles.

In 2020, relocated to California and released two singles "If We Only Had Tonight" and "Can't Do This".

In February 2023, Nissen released the 6-track EP titled Same Room.

Discography

Anja Nissen (2014)

Awards

Mo Awards
The Australian Entertainment Mo Awards (commonly known informally as the Mo Awards), were annual Australian entertainment industry awards. They recognise achievements in live entertainment in Australia from 1975 to 2016. Anja Nissen won one awards in that time.
 (wins only)
|-
| 2013
| Anja Nissen
| Johnny O'Keefe Encouragement Award
|
|-

References

External links

The Voice (Australian TV series) contestants
The Voice (franchise) winners
Australian people of Danish descent
Living people
1995 births
Australian women pop singers
Australian pop singers
Dansk Melodi Grand Prix contestants
Danish women singers
Danish child singers
English-language singers from Denmark
Eurovision Song Contest entrants of 2017
Eurovision Song Contest entrants for Denmark
Dansk Melodi Grand Prix winners
21st-century Danish women singers
21st-century Danish singers
21st-century Australian women singers
21st-century Australian singers


title: Bertram Lamb Pearson

text:
Bertram Lamb Pearson CB DSO MC (1893 – 17 August 1984) was a senior British civil servant at the Ministry of Education in the 1940s and 1950s.

He was educated at Wakefield Grammar School, at Bedford School and at The Queen's College, Oxford.  He was Principal Private Secretary to the Permanent Secretary at the Board of Education between 1924 and 1928, Principal Private Secretary to the President of the Board of Education between 1937 and 1946, and Under Secretary at the Ministry of Education between 1946 and 1955.

Bertram Lamb Pearson died on 17 August 1984.

References

1893 births
1984 deaths
People educated at Bedford School
Alumni of The Queen's College, Oxford
Companions of the Order of the Bath


title: Japanese Blind Golf Association

text:
(JBGA) is a specified nonprofit corporation, to promote International Sports, mainly in support of the visually impaired and blind golfers, in addition to supporting social welfare programs for the visually impaired and people without visual impairments.

History
 In 1988, Haruhisa Handa made the acquaintance of an Australian, who was visually impaired, and living in Australia who was familiar with blind golf.  After returning to Japan, Handa introduced blind golf to Japan and recruited three Japanese visually impaired people to establish the Blind Golf Club in the same year. They started practicing blind golf at a golf training center in Tokyo in May 1988.  In July of that year, they first practiced on the golf course at Kosaido Country Club in Chiba Prefecture, Japan.  The Blind Golf Club delegated four blind and visually impaired golfers to play at the Blind Golf Australia World Open held in Perth, Australia.
 In September 1990, the Blind Golf Club delegated a member to the first Blind Golf World Championship as a guest player, who finished in the top 10.
 In October 1990, one of the players delegated to the 3rd Blind Golf Australia World Open won in the B1 Category.
 In April 1991, the Japan Blind Golf Association was established.  Five visually impaired new golfers joined from the Kansai area, and a new Blind Golf Association base was established in the Kansai area of Japan.
 In January 1992, a member golfer delegated from JBGA took part in Leader Dog Classic and won in the B1 Category.  It was the first time that a Japanese visually impaired player participated in a tournament hosted in USA.
 In January 1993, a golfer from JBGA won in the B1 Category at the Leader Dog Classic once again, and the second time in 2 consecutive years.
 In October 1993, a golfer from JBGA won in the B1 Category and another golfer  won in the Pro-Ama tournament at the Blind Golf Australia Championship.
 In August 1994, JBGA hosted the Blind Golf Japan Open Championship, the first official blind golf tournament held in Japan, at Sakuragaoka Country Club in Tama-City, Tokyo, and entered a member golfer of JBGA in the B1 Category.
 In June 1995, JBGA organized the Hanshin Awaji Earthquake disaster Support Blind Golf Charity Competition at Hanayashiki Golf Club in Hyogo, Japan with part of the proceeds being donated via the Asahi Broadcasting Corp. as a contribution to the disaster victims.
 In September 1995, JBGA held the Japan Open Commemorative Charity Competition at the same time as the Blind Golf Japan Open Championship; the proceeds were donated to the Gifu Visually Impaired Social Welfare Association.
 In July 1996, the Japanese name of JBGA was changed.
 In April 1997, the International Blind Golfers Conference, a former entity of International Blind Golf Association was held in Perth, Australia, where the JBGA took part as the representative of the blind golf organizations in Japan.
 In May 1999, an observation team of the visually impaired from France visited Japan. The JBGA introduced blind golf to them and offered them the rare opportunity to witness for the first time and also experience the sport first hand.
 In November 1999, the Board of International Blind Golf Association presented a letter of appreciation to the JBGA and to Handa, its honorary chairman, in recognition of their support and dedication since and prior to the establishment of the JBGA.
 In June 2000, the JBGA was registered as a specified nonprofit corporation by the Tokyo Metropolitan government.
 In 2004, the Japanese name of JBGA was changed and its headquarters was moved to Suginami-ku, Tokyo.

Organized Tournaments
 In July 1990, the JBGA hosted, under the name of the Blind Golf Club at that time, Japan's first blind golf competition in cooperation with the Laforet Shuzenji Country Club in Izu, Shizuoka, Japan with 120 participants.
 In August 1994, the JBGA hosted the Blind Golf Japan Open Championship as the very first major International Blind Golf Tournament in Japan, where 21 blind golfers from 6 countries participated. Since then, tournaments have been organized consecutively, and the 10th event was held in 2013 under the name of the Foreign Minister's Cup & Minister of Health, Labor and Welfare's Cup.
 Since 2001, the JBGA started organizing the “Blind Golf Japan Tour” as a tour game held several times a year throughout Japan. Its title was then changed from “Tour” to “Championship”, and was further changed to the JBGA Championship and remained so since 2008.
 In 2006, the JBGA hosted The 2nd World Senior Golf Ladies Open in cooperation with International Blind Golf Association and Legends Tour (US Women's Senior Golf Association).

Participating Tournament

(*) - Co-Sanctioned by Japan Blind Golf Association

(**) - Tour by Japan Blind Golf Association

Notable people
 Hauhisa Handa - Founder
 Nayoko Yoshikawa - Affiliation pro

TV

Tokyo Metropolitan Television
 A battle of blind golf and a visually impaired person (5/25/2002)
 Blind Golf Japan Open Championship (7/3/2004)
 A handicap is zero. 〜A Blind golfer meets a woman senior〜  (5/21/2005)
 Green of contact〜Blind golf connects the world.〜 (5/21/2006)
 WALK WITH〜Philanthropy of golf〜 （1/13/2008）

References

Sources

External links
 Japanese Blind Golf Association web site

International Sports Promotion Society
Golf associations
Blindness organizations in Japan
Golf in Japan
Blind sports organizations
Disability organizations based in Japan
Parasports in Japan
Non-profit organizations based in Japan
Organizations based in Tokyo
Sports organizations established in 1988
1988 establishments in Japan


The 2014–15 Saint Mary's Gaels women's basketball team will represent Saint Mary's College of California in the 2014–15 college basketball season. It was head coach Paul Thomas's ninth season at Saint Mary's. The Gaels, members of the West Coast Conference, play their home games at the McKeon Pavilion. They finished the season 23–11, 13–5 in WCC play to finish in a tie for third place. They lost in the quarterfinals of the WCC women's basketball tournament to BYU. They were invited to the Women's National Invitation Tournament where they defeated Hawaii in the first round, Fresno State in the second round and Sacramento State in the third round before losing to UCLA in the quarterfinals.

Roster

Schedule and results

|-
!colspan=9 style="background:#06315B; color:#D80024;"| Regular Season

|-
|-
!colspan=9 style="background:#06315B; color:#D80024;"| WCC Women's Tournament

|-
!colspan=9 style="background:#06315B; color:#D80024;"| WNIT

Rankings

See also
Saint Mary's Gaels women's basketball
2014–15 Saint Mary's Gaels men's basketball team

References

Saint Mary's Gaels women's basketball seasons
Saint Mary's
2015 Women's National Invitation Tournament participants
Saint Mary's Gaels women's basketball
Saint Mary's Gaels women's basketball


title: Bigg Boss (Hindi season 9)

text:
Bigg Boss Double Trouble (stylized as Bigg Boss 9) is the ninth season of the Indian reality TV series  Bigg Boss that premiered on 11 October 2015 on Colors TV. This season ended on 23 January 2016. Salman Khan returned to host the ninth season.
The series won by Prince Narula while Rishabh Sinha became runner up of the show.

Production

House theme
The house theme mainly focuses on aesthetics to adapt to the underlying premiere twist for the ninth season which revolves around the housemates entering the house in pairs rather than as individual housemates. The house sections are replicated to depict places in history and around the globe. The exterior of the house is crafted to recreate the Garden of Eden. It features a fortune teller machine and a wide canopy. The kitchen contains most of its sculptural and art pieces from the architecture of Santorini while the bathroom area follows a glitzy Las Vegas theme. The bathroom walls are lined with mirrors and most of the furniture is crimson. The bedroom contains all double bed and the confession room is situated between the kitchen and the living area as with every series since 2011, featuring a royal themed chair. The housemate wall has been installed for the first time in  house with the LED screens to keep track of housemates' status.

Housemates status

Housemates
The participants in the order of appearance and entered in house are:

Original Entrants
 Digangana Suryavanshi – TV Actress. She is well known for her role of Veera in the show Ek Veer Ki Ardaas...Veera.
 Roopal Tyagi – TV Actress. She is best known for a role of Gunjan in the show Sapne Suhane Ladakpan Ke and was last seen in Jhalak Dikhhla Jaa Reloaded
 Kishwer Merchant – TV Actress. She is mainly known for her portrayal of negative roles. She appeared in the television series Hip Hip Hooray in 1999.
 Suyyash Rai – TV Actor, Singer. Suyyash has been a part of many shows. He met Kishwer on the sets of show Pyaar Kii Ye Ek Kahaani.
 Aman Verma – TV Actor. Aman has appeared in Ekta's show Kyunki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi
 Rimi Sen – Film Actress. She was seen in the film Golmaal.
 Yuvika Chaudhary – Actress. She appeared in the reality show India's Best Cinestars Ki Khoj and film Om Shanti Om
 Vikas Bhalla – Actor, Singer. He was last seen in the popular show Uttaran playing Veer. He sung the song 'Po Po' from the film Son Of Sardaar.
 Mandana Karimi – Iranian Film Actress, Model. Mandana appeared in films like Roy and Main Aur Charles.
 Rochelle Rao – Model. She won Miss India in 2012. She appeared in reality shows like Fear Factor: Khatron Ke Khiladi 5 and Jhalak Dikhhla Jaa
 Keith Sequeira – Actor, Model. He appeared in TV shows like Dekho Magar Pyaar Se, Diya Aur Baati Hum and Doli Armaano Ki and appeared in film Calendar Girls
 Prince Narula – Reality Star. Prince was the winner of MTV Roadies 12 and MTV Splitsvilla 8.
 Ankit Gera – TV Actor. He appeared in shows like Mann Kee Awaaz Pratigya and Sapne Suhane Ladakpan Ke.
 Arvind Vegda – Singer. He sung the song 'Bhai Bhai' in the film Goliyon Ki Raasleela Ram-Leela.

Wild Card entries
 Rishabh Sinha – TV Actor. He appeared in the popular series Qubool Hai and reality show MTV Splitsvilla
 Puneet Vashist – Actor. He was last seen in Colors show Shastri Sisters.
 Kanwaljit Singh – Fashion Designer.
 Priya Malik – Teacher. She was a contestant on Big Brother Australia
 Nora Fatehi – Model, Actress. She debuted with the film Roar: Tigers of the Sundarbans
 Gizele Thakral – Model, Actress. She appeared in reality shows Survivor India and Welcome – Baazi Mehmaan Nawazi Ki.

Twist

Pairs

Guest appearances and Special Panel
This season, like the previous one, also featured a 'Special Panel', where a team of past housemates or their acquaintances would share their and public's views and opinions of the current housemates before the eviction. The panel would rotate every week.

Weekly summary
The main events in the house are summarized in the table below. A typical week begins with nominations, followed by the shopping task, and then the eviction of a Housemate during the Saturday episode. Evictions, tasks, and other events for a particular week are noted in order of sequence.

Week 15

Nominations table

The colors are used to denote the pairs used for nomination in week 1 & 2. They are not necessarily associated to a certain pair.
  indicates that the Housemate was directly nominated for eviction.
  indicates that the Housemate was immune prior to nominations.
  indicates the winner.
  indicates the first runner up.
  indicates the second runner up.
  indicates the third runner up.
  indicates the contestant has been evicted.
  indicates the contestant walked out due to emergency.
  indicates the contestant has been ejected.
  house captain.
  indicates the contestant is nominated.

Nomination notes
 Housemates entered the house in seven pairs. Each pair nominated another pair with consensus when called into the confession room. Vote against a pair added one vote against each individual in the respective pair. Housemates therefore faced eviction individually.
 Pairings were revised prior to this week's nominations.
 Each pair had to nominate two pairs for eviction. After nominations, the pairs with the most votes were revealed. Each of those pairs had to then decide among themselves which one of them would voluntarily put themselves up for eviction saving the other.

References

External links

09
2015 Indian television seasons
Colors TV original programming


title: 1936–37 in Mandatory Palestine football

text:
The 1936–37 season was the tenth season of competitive football in the British Mandate for Palestine under the Eretz Israel Football Association and the 5th under the Arab Palestine Sports Federation.

IFA Competitions

1935–36 Palestine League

The second part of the 1935–36 Palestine League was held in autumn 1936, after the league schedule was disturbed by the 1936–1939 Arab revolt. The competition, which began on 7 December 1935, took over a year to be completed, with the final matches being played in December 1936. Once completed, the league was won by Maccabi Tel Aviv.

League table

1937 Palestine League

League matches started on 29 January 1937., and once again the competition was not over by the end of the season, but was completed on the next season.
For the first time, a second division was operated, called Mahlaka Bet and was split to north and south divisions.

1937 Palestine Cup

Hapoel HaDarom Tel Aviv upset Maccabi Tel Aviv with a 2–1 victory in the semi-final to set a meeting with its parent club, Hapoel Tel Aviv in the final. The Hapoel HaDarom victory was assisted by a punishment issued to the senior Maccabi Tel Aviv squad for boycotting Maccabi's match against Aris Thessaloniki in April 1937. Due to the punishment, Maccabi had to field its youth team for the match.

Maccabi Tel Aviv Tour of North America
In October 1936 Maccabi Tel Aviv went on a tour to the North America, via Alexandria, Marseille and Paris. During the tour, which lasted for 97 days, the club played 15 matches.
In France:
Racing Paris – Maccabi Tel Aviv 2–0
 Olympique Lillois – Maccabi Tel Aviv 3–1

In North America:
 New York All-Stars – Maccabi Tel Aviv 0–6
 Philadelphia Passion – Maccabi Tel Aviv 0–1
 Brooklyn League XI – Maccabi Tel Aviv 0–1
 Detroit All-Stars – Maccabi Tel Aviv 2–2
 Toronto All-Stars – Maccabi Tel Aviv 1–1
 Chicago All-Stars – Maccabi Tel Aviv 0–1
 St. Louis All-Stars – Maccabi Tel Aviv 3–2
 Boston Celtics – Maccabi Tel Aviv 3–2
 New Jersey All-Stars – Maccabi Tel Aviv 1–7
 Philadelphia Passion – Maccabi Tel Aviv 2–0
 American Soccer League XI – Maccabi Tel Aviv 4–1
 Maccabi-Hakoah Chicago – Maccabi Tel Aviv 4–2
 Chicago Sparta – Maccabi Tel Aviv 1–1

Notable events
 Romanian club CFR București played one match in January 1937 in Tel Aviv, beating Maccabi Tel Aviv 1–0.
 Austrian club Admira Vienna played three matches in Tel Aviv, scoring three victories, a 3–0 against Maccabi Tel Aviv, a 3–1 Hapoel Tel Aviv and a 7–1 against the national team.
 Greek club Aris Thessaloniki played two matches in Mandatory Palestine, a 2–0 victory against a British military team in Jerusalem and a 0–0 draw against Hapoel Haifa. A third match, against Maccabi Tel Aviv wasn't played as Maccabi's squad boycotted the match in protest against its out management.
 Hapoel Eretz Israel team played in the 1937 Workers' Summer Olympiad, losing 1–7 to Norway and drawing Finland 1–1

References


title: Albania national football team results (2000–2019)

text:
This list of the Albania national football team results from 2000 to 2019.

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

2018

2019

References

External links
Results at RSSSF

2010s
2012–13 in Albanian football
2013–14 in Albanian football
2014–15 in Albanian football


title: SLP1

text:
The Sanskrit Library Phonetic basic encoding scheme (SLP1) is an ASCII transliteration scheme for the Sanskrit language from and to the Devanagari script.

Differently from other transliteration schemes for Sanskrit, it can represent not only the basic Devanagari letters, but also phonetic segments, phonetic features and punctuation. SLP1 also describes how to encode classical and Vedic Sanskrit.

One of the main advantages of SLP1 is that each Devanagari letter used in Sanskrit maps to exactly one ASCII character, making it possible to create simple conversions between ASCII and Sanskrit. For example, the Harvard-Kyoto transliteration uses the single character "D" to represent "ड" and the combination "Dh" to represent "ढ". SLP1, in contrast, always uses a single character: "q" for "ड" and "Q" for "ढ". Such intermediate mappings, while convenient for the design of transliteration conversion functions, tend to hinder readability until they are re-converted to either Devanagari or the widely used IAST romanization scheme.

The tables in the following sections are taken from Peter Scharf's May 2008 talk.

History

SLP1 has been formally introduced in the book Linguistic Issues in Encoding Sanskrit by Peter M. Scharf and Malcolm D. Hyman as part of the Sanskrit Library project.

Vowels

The numeral "3" is suffixed to denote a prolonged vowel (pluta svara). For example, ओ३म् = o3m. Similarly, the numeral "1" is suffixed to denote a short "e" and "o", as in Dravidian: ऎ = e1, ऒ = o1. "1" and "3" are also used after a short and long agitated kampa respectively. Avagraha (ऽ) is represented by a single quote (').

Sonorants

Anusvāra/Visarga

Anunasika is represented by a tilde. For example, माँ = mA~. Jihvamuliya and upadhmaniya are encoded as "Z" and "V" respectively.

Consonants

Vedic accents
Udatta, anudatta and svarita are encoded as "/", "\" and "^" respectively.

See also
 Harvard-Kyoto
 ITRANS
 ISO 15919
 Devanagari transliteration

External links
Sanskrit transliteration tool. Convert from one scheme to another. Maintained by the 'Indian language technology proliferation and deployment centre' (ILTP-DC) of the government of India. Works with 7 systems: Harvard-Kyoto, ITRANS, Velthuis, SLP, WX-system and IAST, Devanagari.

References

Sanskrit transliteration


title: Goniotorna erratica

text:
Goniotorna erratica is a species of moth of the family Tortricidae. It is found in Madagascar.

The larvae feed on Bignonia vetusta and Lonicera and Ficus species.

References

Moths described in 1948
Goniotorna


title: Goniotorna heteropa

text:
Goniotorna heteropa is a species of moth of the family Tortricidae. It is found in Madagascar.

References

Moths described in 1960
Goniotorna


title: Prashastapada

text:
() was an ancient Indian philosopher. He wrote the Padārtha-dharma-saṅgraha (Collection of Properties of Matter) and a commentary, titled Praśastapāda Bhāṣya, on the Vaisheshika Sutras of Kanada (circa 6th century BCE); both texts are comprehensive books in physics. In these texts Prashastapada discusses the properties of motion. Ganganath Jha had translated Praśastapāda Bhāṣya which was published in 1916. Prashasta or Praśasta (Sanskrit: प्रशस्त) means praised or praiseworthy, lauded or laudable, commended or commendable or eulogized.

Dayananda Saraswati writes that the Sutras of Kanāda and Padārthadharmasaṅgraha of Praśastapāda do not show much influence of the Nyaya System. Praśastapāda Bhāṣya is actually not a commentary but an independent compendium of the tenets of the Vaisheshika School. Udayanacharya of the Navya-Nyāya School, the author of Lakṣaṇāvalī which gives the definitions of Vaiśeṣika terms, and Nyāya Kusumanjali which is a systematic account of Nyaya Theism, who also belonged to Mithila, had written Kiranavali which is a commentary on Praśastapāda Bhāṣya.

Praśastapāda can be tentatively dated to the second half of the 6th century C.E. The Vaiśeṣika philosophy recognizes twenty-four gunas or qualities that are inherent in substances; these include seventeen gunas listed by Kanada and seven gunas – gurutva (heaviness), dravatva (fluidity), sneha (viscidity), dharma (merit), adharma (demerit), shabda (sound) and samskara (faculty) - added by Praśastapāda. Vyomavati of Vyomaśekhara, Nyayakandali of Shridhara, Kiranavali of Udayana and Lilavati of Śrīvatsa are well known commentaries on his works.

Praśastapāda refers to a type of perception that is the simple intuition (alochana) of the proper form (svarupa) of an entity, which is the apprehension of an undifferentiated (avibhktam) whole arising from cognition of its specific universals. This is the preliminary stage. He differs from Dignāga for whom the determinates of cognitions are subjective constructs imposed upon the given, and constructive cognition is not a perception; Praśastapāda, who was a realist, avers that the determinates are objective constituents of reality and their conceptual co-relates are not inter-subjective fictions. Praśastapāda by redefining substance as per se a possessor of attributes opened new turf by separating the cosmological from the logical dimensions of concepts. His commentary overshadowed the Vaisheshika Sutras and became the main vehicle for later commentaries. Praśastapāda describes the dissolution of the earth, water, air and fire in terms of their atomic constituents but excludes space because space is non-atomic. With regard to the conjoining and disjoining of atoms he includes a higher will or order as the guiding principle of universal dissolution which over-rides the natural karma of atoms.

Kaṇāda does not directly refer to Ishvara (God) but Praśastapāda sees Ishvara as the cause of the universe but does not explain how God creates.

References

Indian alchemists
Ancient alchemists
6th-century Indian philosophers
Atomists
Metaphysicians
Rishis
Hindu philosophical concepts
Sanskrit words and phrases
6th-century Indian scientists
6th-century Hindus


title: Goniotorna iecoricolor

text:
Goniotorna iecoricolor is a species of moth of the family Tortricidae. It is found in Madagascar.

References

Moths described in 1960
Goniotorna


title: 2014–15 VTB United League

text:
The 2014–15 VTB United League was the 6th complete season of the VTB United League. It was the second season in which the VTB United League functioned as the new domestic first tier level for Russian professional basketball clubs, which can qualify through this league to EuroLeague.

CSKA Moscow was the defending champion. CSKA successfully defended its title, as they took the league title by beating Khimki 3–0 in the Finals.

Teams
On 20 July 2014, drawing of two group of 11 teams was held in Moscow. On 25 July 2014, five Lithuanian teams (Lietuvos rytas, Neptūnas Klaipėda, Dzūkija, Lietkabelis, Nevėžis) withdrew from the competition due to the Lithuanian Basketball League's decision to expand its regular-season schedule up to 40 games per team. New format with double round-robin tournament was proposed for the 2014–15 VTB United League.

This proposal for the regular season was approved on 1 August 2014. The eight best teams of the regular season will qualify to the playoffs.

Regular season

Playoffs

Awards

Most Valuable Player

Playoffs MVP

Sixth Man of the Year

Young Player of the Year

Coach of the Year

Defensive Player of the Year

All-VTB United League Teams

MVP of the Month

Player statistics

Points

Assists

Rebounds

Efficiency

References

External links
Official website
Official website

2014–15
2014–15 in European basketball leagues
2014–15 in Russian basketball
2014–15 in Finnish basketball
2014–15 in Latvian basketball
2014–15 in Estonian basketball
2014–15 in Belarusian basketball
2014–15 in Kazakhstani basketball
2014–15 in Czech basketball


title: Goniotorna illustra

text:
Goniotorna illustra is a species of moth of the family Tortricidae. It is found in Madagascar.

References

Moths described in 1960
Goniotorna


title: Committee for a Workers' International (1974)

text:
The Committee for a Workers' International (CWI) was an international association of Trotskyist political parties. Today, two groups claim to be the continuation of the CWI.

History

Founding
The origins of the CWI can be traced to a group of British trotskyists which were expelled from the USFI in 1965, after disagreements regarding the Colonial Revolution, Gurrilerism, Studentism and the post war boom. But it is not till 1974 that they set about building an international.
The founding conference of the CWI was held in London on 20 to 21 April 1974 and attended by supporters of what was then called Militant (or the Militant tendency), from 12 countries including Britain, Ireland and Sweden. In the early years of the international, sections generally pursued a policy of entryism into social democratic or labour parties. As such, the CWI was originally secretive because to organise openly risked the expulsion of its sections from the parties in which they were working.

End of entryism
The CWI largely ended its strategy of entryism in the early 1990s. The international developed an analysis that many social democratic parties had fundamentally changed in nature and become outright capitalist parties, their main example being the UK Labour Party. This was strongly resisted by Ted Grant, one of Militant's founders. After a lengthy debate and special conference in 1991 confirmed overwhelmingly the position of the CWI in the England and Wales section, Grant and his supporters sought official faction status within the organisation, which was granted for some time, but later was revoked by the leadership. Ted Grant and his supporters were expelled and founded the International Marxist Tendency.

Since their Open Turn CWI sections have, in a number of countries, stood candidates under their own name. One section has representation in a state parliament, the Socialist Party, which at its height had three TDs in Dáil Éireann in the Republic of Ireland. The CWI also has elected members in a number of regional legislatures or local councils in Sweden; (Germany) (members of The Left); Pakistan; Sri Lanka; and the United States, where Socialist Alternative elected Kshama Sawant to Seattle City Council in 2013 and again in 2015. In the 2005 Sri Lankan presidential elections the CWI affiliate, the United Socialist Party, came third (with 0.4%).

Supporters of the CWI launched a youth organisation, International Socialist Resistance, in 2001.

New mass workers' parties
CWI members played a leading role in founding the Scottish Socialist Party. However, the SSP broke with the CWI in 1999, with a minority of members loyal to the CWI establishing the International Socialists. When Tommy Sheridan resigned from the SSP in 2006 and established a new party in Scotland, Solidarity, the International Socialists joined in conjunction with the Socialist Workers Party.

CWI members stood as National Conscience Party candidates in the 2003 Nigerian legislative elections, winning 0.51% of the national vote. In Germany CWI members have been active in the new WASG since its foundation in 2004 and in December 2005 were elected part of the new leadership of its Berlin district that ran candidates on a clear anti-cuts programme in the 2006 Berlin regional election, gaining 3.1% and several borough council seats, but the Berlin WASG later merged into Die Linke. In Brazil, CWI members helped found the
P-SOL Socialism and Liberty Party after left wing parliamentarians were expelled from the PT.

In the 2011 Irish general election the CWI's Irish affiliate, the Socialist Party won two seats in the Dáil as a part of the wider left group, the United Left Alliance which won five seats in total in Dáil Éireann. However, one of the elected members of the Socialist Party has since left the party to continue as an independent. In the by-election in Dublin West in 2014, the Socialist Party gained a second seat in the Dáil again, and a third seat in the 2014 Dublin South-West by-election as part of the Anti-Austerity Alliance.

Split

In 2018 and 2019, a dispute developed in around the questions of socialism and identity politics, the role of the trade unions and the working-class movement, and under what programme and how Marxists should organise internationally and domestically. This led to a multifaceted split. The dispute divided the leading bodies of the CWI, with International Secretariat and International Executive Committee taking conflicting positions.

One group, which had founded the “In Defence of a Working Class and Trotskyist CWI” (IDWCTCWI) faction in November 2018 in support of the CWI's International Secretariat, declared in July 2019 that they had refounded the CWI.

A second group, in support of the majority of the CWI's International Executive Committee, declared itself the CWI Majority in August 2019 and renamed itself International Socialist Alternative on 1 February 2020. It asserted that the CWI had not dissolved but that the IDWCTCWI had split from the CWI.

A third group, which had split from the IDWCTCWI earlier, declared it had left the CWI entirely and formed International Revolutionary Left in July 2019.

Structure

Sections

{|class="wikitable" style="text-align:left;"
|-
!Section
!Name
!English Translation
!Alignment
|-
|
|Socialist Action (formerly the Socialist Party)
|
|IS
|-
|
|Sozialistische LinksPartei
Sozialistische Offensive
|Socialist Left PartySocialist Offensive
|ISACWI (2019)
|-
|
|Linkse Socialistische Partij / Parti Socialiste de Lutte
|Left Socialist Party / Socialist Party of Struggle
|ISA
|-
|
|Liberdade, Socialismo e Revolução
|Freedom, Socialism and Revolution
|ISA
|-
|
|Socialist Alternative
|
|ISA
|-
|
|Socialismo Revolucionario
|Revolutionary Socialism
|CWI (2019)
|-
|
|中国劳工论坛
Zhōngguó Láogōng Lùntán
|China Worker Forum
|ISA
|-
|  Cyprus
|Νέα Διεθνιστική Αριστερά / Yeni Enternasyonalist Sol
Nea Diethnistike Aristera
|New Internationalist Left
|IS
|-
|
|Socialistická alternativa Budoucnost
|Socialist Alternative Future
|ISA
|-
| and
|Socialist PartySocialist Alternative
|
|CWI (2019)ISA
|-
|
|Gauche révolutionnaire
|Revolutionary Left
|CWI (2019)
|-
|
|Sozialistische Alternative (SAV)
Sozialistische Organisation Solidarität -
(Sol)Offensiv
|Socialist Alternative
Socialist Organisation SolidarityOffensive
|ISACWI (2019)IRL
|-
|
|Ξεκίνημα
Xekinima
|Start
|IS
|-
|
|社會主義行動
Sekuizyuji =Haangdung
|Socialist Action
|ISA
|-
|
|New Socialist Alternative
|
|CWI (2019)
|-
| Ireland(Republic and North)
|Socialist Party / Páirtí Sóisialach
Militant Left
RISE
|
|ISACWI (2019)N/A
|-
| and
|
Ma'avak Sotzialisti / Harakat a-Nidal al-Ishtiraki
|Socialist Struggle
|ISA
|-
|
|Resistenze Internazionali
|International Resistance
|ISA
|-
|
|Militant Côte d'Ivoire
|Militant Ivory Coast
|ISA
|-
|
|Sosialis Alternatif
|Socialist Alternative
|CWI (2019)
|-
|
|Aternativa Socialista México
|Socialist Alternative Mexico
|ISA
|-
|
|Socialistisch Alternatief
|Socialist Alternative
|ISA
|-
|
|Democratic Socialist Movement
Movement for a Socialist Alternative
Revolutionary Socialist Movement
|
|CWI (2019)
ISA
IS
|-
|
|Alternatywa Socjalistyczna
|Socialist Alternative
|ISA
|-
|
|Socialismo Revolucionário
|Revolutionary Socialism
|IRL
|-
| Quebec
|Alternative socialiste
|Socialist Alternative
|ISA
|-
|
|Mâna de Lucru
|Hand of Labour
|ISA
|-
|
|Социалистическая Альтернатива
Socialisticheskaya Alternativa
|Socialist Alternative
|ISA
|-
|
|Socialist Party Scotland
|
|CWI (2019)
|-
|
|Workers and Socialist Party (WASP)
Marxist Workers Party

|
|ISA
CWI (2019)
|-
|
|Izquierda Revolucionaria
|Revolutionary Socialism
|IRL
|-
|
|එක්සත් සමාජවාදි පකෂය / ஐக்கிய சோசலிச கட்சி
Eksath Samajavadi Pakshaya / Aikkiy Cōcalic Kaṭci
|United Socialist Party
|CWI (2019)
|-
|
|
al-Badil al-Ishtiraki
|Socialist Alternative
|ISA
|-
|
|Rättvisepartiet Socialisterna
|Socialist Justice Party
|ISA
|-
|
|國際社會主義前進
Guójì Shèhuì Zhǔyì Qiánjìn
| International Socialist Forward
|IS
|-
|
|
al-Badil al-Ishtiraki
|Socialist Alternative
|ISA
|-
|
|Sosyalist Alternatif
|Socialist Alternative
|IS
|-
|
|Socialist Alternative
 Independent Socialist Group
|
|
ISA

CWI (2019)

|-
|
|Izquierda Revolucionaria
|Revolutionary Socialism
|IRL
|}

Associated organisations
Youth against Racism in Europe

See also
List of Trotskyist internationals
Revolutionary socialism

References

External links
A history of the CWI
A selection of documents arising from the 2019 split - A selection of documents from both sides of the 2019 debate
Continuing the Fight for International Socialism - ISA perspective on the split.