text: fHT: M A I) IS O N_1 A N tfASHlNUTON **?? Iatuhdav! JiTne lb. IN39 """ ?=^ ' tk.n-T-hicb ??? iirnw' Ik T-OtI *? ^ LIMMTYi *?? "* *Lt j ?-T tiu fH?F *f '** j* JJ'e,">??><??~1"< Jy t*? poplt- r fa Constitution of tks JVZts Z ? <? t0 ^S"" 'he Umtod Sl oecrturv of tks Treasury. $Uer?k!prok!huto? >> l*? ?fth* **rftfwMg fin of lb federJ Kover*mtnt m P?Pular iUctio**-. o si 0 St otioti ! . Manv pap?-rs 6iv? tk?n?lve* unne "s 10 wh? U lhe b?Ua fid# tdUor ^i'hSwe have relieved two or three editors of .Jr greaVand manlfrM dWr?s by tr.M?i.U.f to persoo^lT ?? """ " 1UWe"now repeat to our very courteous coteropora J that whenever they publish in their sheets a j I ihat anv body else than the individual who^ name stands at the head oi this journal Is, * or ever has b.en, the editor of this paper, they pollute their types with a falsehood. We inform them also that we have no desire to exchange with any journal that cannot meet u. "a.>/iy-we care not how vigorous that manliness may be. Virginia Election?Mr. Rives?the mo pkrn- "Abdikl," and the ancient Epial tfs_Trkacherv, and a man who is its SVNONV* E. We are indebted to an esteemed friend in Virginia for a pungent letter, the extract of which, contrary to the injunctions he imposed on us, we spread before our readers. The writer intended it for our own eyes solely; but we cannot consent that so valuable a light should be hid under a bushel. He must therefore muster courage enough to challenge the public gaze, while we take the responsibility of imparling the instruction of his most devoted discourse to the multitude, who have as much right to political pabulum as we. We invite the attention of the Richmond Enquirer: June, 1839. I cannot perceive any reasonable ground upon which the administration can regard the result of the elections in Virginia as favorable to its financial projects, or indicating the support of Mr. Van Buren at the next Presidential election. So far from it, I think it indicates a very decided opposition to its favorite policy, and a very uncertain and unsettled state of public opinion as to the Presidency itself. There were many causes operating in favor of the administration, at this election, which cannot operate at the Presidential election. In many places where Mr. Clay was unpopular, the people were led to believe that the issue was between Mr. Clay and Mr. Van Buren—in many others Mr. Rives was represented as favoring Candidacy's bill, which was artfully characterized as a gag-law, and as having expired a decided preference for the British over our own government; falsehoods which, with many, to this hour, remain uncontradicted. In many other places, the people were led to believe, that unless the Sub-treasury was adopted, there was no alternative. But a National Bank. The combination of all these causes has given to the financial policy of the administration a strength more apparent than real, but which removed, as they will be, will leave it in a woful minority. That gives will be sustained in Virginia, I do not doubt; and that, too, by an overwhelming majority. His enemies have done their deeds, and effected as much as they ever can effect. Henceforward, in spite of malignant and vindictive enemies, or false friends, his march will be onward. His virtues, his talents, and his accomplishment cannot be kept under foot; and his pursuers will be astounded at the developments of public opinion in his favor. Have you read the article in the May number of the "Democratic Review," entitled, "The Second War of the Revolution?" If you have not, you should speedily do so; for I am sure, if you do, you will throw away your old stock of financial knowledge, as worse than trash, and lay in a new store from this exhaustless magazine of new materials, entirely sound and unexceptionably orthodox. Gallatin, Dallas, Crawford, and all others of our most able, skilled, experienced, and distinguished financiers will be completely obscured, and cast into the shade, by this modern Neikar, whose experience is so great, whose knowledge is so profound, whose researches are so extensive, and whose skill is so infallible. I am decidedly of opinion, that the mantle of that able-minded, and skilful financier, Levi Woodbury, has fallen upon the shoulders of this hitherto unknown "Vodip," and that he will be a most appropriate successor to the present distinguished Secretary of the Treasury. The idea which shines the brightest, and eclipses all others in this production, and which would give immortality to its author is, that the questions which the public money shall be kept in sound banks, and the notes of specie-paying banks be received in payment of the public revenue involve a "second war of the revolution;" and this, too, from a disciple of the Jackson school! It is much to be hoped, that this experienced and skilful master of banking and finance may be rescued from that obscurity to which his modesty has consigned him. and the aid of his genius, his knowledge, and his experience brought into requisition for the reorganization and reconstruction of our whole system of finance and banking. He will be regarded by posterity as a public benefactor, particularly when shall refer to the intelligence of the dark ages, to which we are so rapidly hastening. In this production, there is another thing which will strike you as most remarkably charitable, extremely beautiful, and withal most accurately just. Conservatives, so called, who were hardy and unassuming enough to call into question the propriety of the Sub treasury scheme, are stigmatized as rebel angels, while the editor of the Enquirer, the very personification of virtue and patriotism, who only did the same thing, is eulogized as the faithful Abdiel, because in the enthusiastic ardor of republican feelings, he thought proper to declare his purpose to "sink out" with Mr. Van Buren, who had proposed a measure so very innocent, that "mild no more than injure the administration, the Democratic party, and the country, by enlarging the resources and patronage of the Executive. Already too great for a republic, and place the public money in the hands of its friends. Certainly, Mr. the men who dared to resist a scheme so much as this, and to refuse to "sink out" with its patriotic projector, deserve to be characterized as "the abdication of the people," and hurled over the battlements of heaven, while he who in olden times would have been regarded as the "abdication," is styled the "abdication," the scene, and a place around the throne of heaven appropriated to him. According to the lights which are now pouring upon us from this new and splendid fountain, what grow injustice? Lias history perpetuated upon the name of Epialtes, that distinguished and patriotic Greek who, in the midst of the war, led a portion of the invading Persian how through the ways into the heart of that gallant little but still band of Spartans who, under the command of that true leader, were dealing death and destruction to the best friends of Greece, the Persians. The genius of some Homer should have been employed to have sung the glorious deeds of patriotism, instead of the pen of the British historian to record the acts of infamous treachery of the patriotic Epiales. Mr. Ritchie's course towards Mr. Rives and his Conservative friends, is unparalleled for its perfidy in the annals of political warfare. Agreeing with him in every material and leading political doctrine, dittoing with him only as to the form of devoting the public funds in State Banks; he has waged and is now waging against him, a more malignant, vindictive, and ruthless war than ever. Rome waged against Carthage, or England against France. His constant cry is: "Hives must be destroyed." No denunciation is too strong; no epithet too harsh; no misrepresentation too gross, and no means too foul. He pursues him, with unwinking eye by day and by night, in season and out of season. The hungry and ferocious tiger never sprang upon his devoted victim with more insatiable fury, than Ritchie, pounces upon Rives whenever the slightest pretext offers. And for what? Because, forsooth, Rives will not, what he cannot honestly do, commit himself to Mr. Van Buren's re-election. This is the pretext, but it is only a pretext, Ritchie having heretofore opposed the Sub-Treasury scheme, values his character for consistency (God save the mark,) too highly to come out openly and actively in its support. He has therefore determined to keep up the appearance of opposition, while he most effectively aids it, by making it. Making war upon and striking down its most prominent and effective opponents. He incurred the hot displeasure of the powers that be, by his opposition to the scheme; and now seeks to perpetuate them and restore himself again to power, by sacrificing those whom he led to the conflict, and who longed under the banner which he himself unfurled, and in the midst of the light and on the eve of victory, he deserted it. The present generation will not have passed away, before a just judgment will have been pronounced upon the perniciousness and treachery of Mr. Ritchie's conduct, to his principles and to his friends. He may halter himself that he has regained his lost favor with the party in power—that he has re-established his waning influence, but mark what he may; he may linger out an ephemeral existence—he may play a few more fantastic tricks before high heaven—he may be caressed by aspiring politicians and used by leading partisans, but he has sunk to rise no more for ever. Those for whom he has sacrificed his friends, may avail themselves of the treachery, but they despise the truth. They will in the progress of time spurn him from them with indignation and contempt. The Solomon of the "Democratic Review" calls the friends of the State Bank Depositions system, Oligarchy. The author of the article was evidently a friend of Jackson's administration, judging from the production, for he knew him not. It was that administration which gave to the system form and substance, and characterized it as truly Republican. How is it that a member of that party now characterizes the work of his own hands, an Oligarchy? The Jackson party was either honest in its recommendation of that system, or they were dishonest. If honest, they acknowledge their ignorance by stigmatizing the system as an "Oligarchy;" if dishonest, then they boldly avow their knavery; they may take either horn of the dilemma. The Sub-Treasuryites are much more skilled, and such more effective in the use of odious names and harsh epithets than they are in the employment of stubborn facts and sound arguments; for all the systems which have been proposed since the formation of the government, none have such strong and direct tendencies to monarchy as the Sub-Treasury scheme. I feel a confidence, strong as the utmost strength of Christian faith, that the people will never take such odious and so dangerous a scheme, but will reject and repudiate it with the most indignant reprobation and horror. THE COTTON TRADE. A circular, offering to make advances on consignments of cotton, has been published in New York, and excited a vast amount of talk. It seems to have been issued at the instance of the cotton holders, with a view of protecting their private interests. It accordingly must go for what it will fetch; and whether it accomplishes the expectations of its authors, must depend upon their pecuniary ability, of which we know nothing. We publish the Circular below, "so that the reader may judge of its character for himself. As a private affair, we have nothing to do with it; but we apprehend that the banks of the country will not undertake to do any such preposterous thing as combining for the benefit of the cotton speculators. We think the proposition the most impudent and daring one that has lately been foisted on the public attention. If any bank or banks engage in this business, they will forfeit their charters, as a matter of course, it seems to us, unless the privilege is granted to them by their acts of incorporation. So far as the Circular, therefore, addresses the banks, it is folly to see. It is no just complaint against the banks, that they cannot send the cotton crop to the right market; this is not their business. Cotton must take its chance among other products, and the banks should trade not in any. The advance proposed, 11 cents, is no very great stretch of liberality, for it is such as anyone might probably make without much risk. We know not whether the charge against the English cotton spinners be truth or a fetch; but we suppose the whole affair, if it be but the offspring of a combination of private individuals, must take its chance with the loco Trades Unions of the country, lawful fruits of free trade. The following statement, as to its authority, has been addressed to the New York papers: I perceive that, in common with the other newspapers of this city, you have connected my name and the Bank of the United States with the cotton circular recently issued in this city. You will therefore permit me to state explicitly? That the Bank of the United States has nothing whatever to do with it, so far as I know or believe; that this men-sure did not emanate from Messrs. Humphreys & Biddle; that with a view of facilitating the export of the cotton now in this port, I offer to make the advances named in the circular referred to; that the reasons assigned for making shipments to Messrs. Humphreys & Biddle, are those of some of the proprietors of cotton in the country, who took protection by a convention. New York, June 6, 1839. This is the Circular. New York, June 6, 1839. You have, doubtless, rectified the very unfavorable advice by the Great Western, in relation to the Cotton market. The advance, however, is not to be expected even to the full extent the daintiness situation in which our great staple is placed. The continued demand for yarn and cotton goods has been diminished by the recent harvest of the last year; the short harvest of the last year; the shipment of cotton from Great Britain, and consequent rise in the rate of increase by the Bank of England, must all inevitably tend to the greater and more accelerated decline in prices, if some are not promptly advanced to prevent the remaining stock of cotton now in the country from being offered for immediate sale in the European markets. The consumption of raw cotton in England had only diminished some ten or fifteen percent, and, to consequence of the now clearly ascertained deficiency in the real year's crop, (which has fallen nearly as low as the low estimate,) past prices would not only have been sale to the cheaper, but profitable; and hence, they are not obnoxious to the charge of unwarranted speculation, which so often deprives the aptitude of the market. It of rare commercial adventure of all just claims to supremacy. This extraordinary falling off in the consumption of the raw material, to perhaps, not a little aided by a determination on part of the English apruner, to have the residue of the crop at his usual price, under the belief that as the great and tenacious holder of the last year is out of the market, there exists no serious difficulty to his way, by working short hours for a few weeks, to accomplish this desirable end. It becomes necessary, therefore, to supply the absence of that great protector, by some cooperation among individual interests. Now it is quite obvious that but one of two modes would be likely to concentrate the result that must otherwise inevitably flow from the causes just indicated. The first would be to organize, through the aid of the Bank of the United States, and the banks in the principal exchanges of the different States, a combination sufficiently powerful to advance a sum on every bag of cotton on this side of the water, which would ensure its being kept in this country for three months. The other scheme would be to concentrate in one house, in Liverpool, the whole, or the greater part of the cotton, now to go forward, by an arrangement for subsisting, adequate and collateral aids, sufficiently powerful to enable the house in question to hold over, until a greater Part of the present stock of cotton in England is worked off at an advanced price; a result which the successful execution of this plan would inevitably secure. The first scheme, however, is liable (notwithstanding its direct and immediate power to produce the desired result,) to the conclusive objection of arresting all our foreign exchange operations, which might hazard the ability of our banks even in the Atlantic States, to continue specie payments, whilst the last project would be entirely free from this objection, as it would at once augment the current of exchanges, and enable us to weather the crisis, which the first plan would be so apt to produce. These views are the result of a conference which yesterday was held with one of the most influential and intelligent merchants of Philadelphia, in conjunction with commercial gentlemen of equally high standing from other portions of the Union. It is therefore announced to you on the best authority, that an arrangement has been made, by which an advance of three-fourths (on what may be called the present market value of cotton, say 14 cents) will be made on every bale in this country, at all our principal shipping ports, to all holders, if they desire to avail themselves of this advantage. The consignments are to go forward to Humphreys & Biddle, who, sustained by adequate means on both sides of the water, will be able to hold on, until prices vigorously rally. If the usual casualties of the season render short, or, anything under an average crop probable, this plan is usually successful. On the other hand, the annual should disclose the promises of an abundant harvest, the large stock of cotton which Messrs. Humphreys & Biddle, in case the shipments are made to them, would probably induce the great and powerful interest which sustains them, to enter the market of the United States early in the autumn, by advancing on the first quarter of the new crop, in order to sustain it on this side of the water for seasonable periods, so as to make the final result of the whole crop of 1838 entirely safe to all American shippers and holders. A copy of this circular is enclosed to the principal cotton factors and shippers and presidents of the banks in the southern cities, to whom with all proper deference it is suggested in case the advance on the shipment to Messrs Humphreys & Biddle should not cover the full convenience of the shippers, that the institutions over which they preside do afford good personal security for the residue of the accommodation which may be required. Your hearty cooperation in this plan is solicited by having the merchants of our great staple, which must end in establishing not a speculative value, but its fair price, according to the just relations which supply and consumption should bear to each other. An agent empowered more fully to disclose these views will be in your city in A few days, on his way South, and will be prepared to carry them fully into effect. From the most authentic sources of information, you may take the following as the probable and entire stock of cotton in the United States, of the crop of 1838, on the 15th day of June next, ensuing, either actually present in depot, or to come forward from the interior markets. New Orleans bales 100,000 Mobile 25,000 Florida 12,500 South Atlantic States 60,000 New York 75,000 All accumulated points 12,600 275,000 Of this amount the manufacturing establishments of the United States will require at least 75,000 bales before the new crop comes forward, leaving about 200,000 bags for foreign export. It ought to be remarked that the bales this year are about 15 percent, short weight from the new general use of smaller compressing boxes, with a view of rendering the cotton packages more portable. The Richmond Whig publishes important letters from some of the "Impracticables," as they have been called. We shall copy them. All is coming right side up in the Old Dominion. "Heads up! skies bright!" KENI'UCKY. A Convention of Delegates from the 12th Congressional district of this State, was held at the Lower Blue Licks on the 3rd inst. Col. Marshall Key, of Mason, was elected delegate of that district, to the National Whig Convention. The Convention passed the following resolutions: Resolved. That our delegate to the Harrisburg Convention be instructed that, HENRY CLAY, of Kentucky, is the first choice of the Whigs of the 12th Congressional district; and, in their opinion, is the strongest and most efficient candidate for the Presidency who can be presented to the great Whig party of the United States. But that, in case it should become necessary, in order to secure a triumph of the great Whig cause, to vote for another candidate, our delegate is permitted to do so. Resolved, That, in the opinion of the 12th Congressional district, in this Convention assembled, NATHANIEL P. TALLMADGE, of New York, is the strongest and most efficient candidate for the office of Vice-President, but our delegate is permitted to vote for another candidate for said office, if it should be essential to the success of the great Whig cause. T. W. NELSON, President. H. C. Hart, Secretary. A very able writer in the Piney Woods Planter states the interest on banking capital paid by the people of Mississippi at $16,128,000 per annum. His enumeration of the various classes of inhabitants is singular, but probably just—he says there are in the State thirty-five thousand free white male criminals over twenty-five years of age, of this number he estimates that one thousand are engaged in mixing liquor, seven hundred and fifty in making paper money, about one thousand in the laudable occupation of pleading law. Expounding the script fires, manufacturing pills, and teaching the young idea how to shoot—the aggregate number of idlers is estimated at three thousand six hundred and sixty, leaving thirty-one thousand three hundred and sixty persons engaged in agriculture, commerce, and the mechanic arts. GLOBE FALSEHOODS. This delectable leader of the Executive, recently examined, and we see the assertion echoed by the recipients of patronage, that "Mr. Rives' scheme (of finance) has only two friends left in Congress." We pronounce the assertion as he. Connecticut has elected one Conservative; New York 1; Illinois 1; Virginia 2; and we have reason to believe that some of the Georgia members are Conservatives, and there were in the last Congress some 70 Whigs who were "friends" of Mr. Rives' scheme. A large portion of them have been re-elected. So much for that. The Globe copies an article from the New Orleans Journal, asserting that the "Madisonian is a federal paper, published at the office of the National Intelligencer." Here in, the Globe published two lies, and the editor knew it, and the quinine of Washington knew it. Of such material is a diurnal dish prepared for the President's palate, by his every-day companion. The Globe of Wednesday evening repeats a string of stale calumnies in relation to the Madisonian, which we shall not trouble ourselves further to refute. It adds, however, one new one, as follows: "It was offered to Mr. Diddle last summer for $5,000, but he would have nothing to do with it." This is not only utterly false, but there has been on our part, not the slightest foundation for such an assertion. The Globe has not yet retracted its solemn assentation that there is a Locofoco majority of two in the newly elected Legislature of Virginia. "Ferdinand Mendes Pinto is but a type of thee, thou liar of the first magnitude." We may possibly, soon take occasion to show how the Globe is sustained—that it would probably die in a fortnight, were it not for the Post Office Department—perhaps some other particulars touching the jobbing of the Executive printing may be referred to, and the necessity of an investigation of this business by a committee of Congress. We do not believe there has been more flagrant corruption practiced since the organization of the government, than probably may be discovered in the maintenance given to the two principal Locofoco publications of this city, by an Executive sustained in return by their sophistries and fabrications. Historical Sketches of Statesmen who Flourished in this time of George III, TO WHICH IS ADDED REMARKS ON PARTY and an Appendix. By Henry Lord Brougham. 2 vols. Philadelphia: Lea Blanchard. Lord Brougham has undertaken in this work to give condensed historical portraitures of a group of characters that centered around the person, or had some relation to the administration of that monarch who presided over the British Empire, during an age that witnessed the establishment of independence in America, and the extension of liberty over a great portion of the old world, and who exercised his power in a narrow-minded, obstinate, but vain, attempt to stay this onward march of freedom and civilization. With the names and many of the public acts of these persons, America has been long familiar. Lord Brougham has placed them in a point of view, with a pen generally impartial, in which we may survey their characters in a group. A more interesting and instructive subject of contemplation, is scarcely to be met with, in the long history of the human race. The persons who fill the scene are Lord Chatham, Lord North, Lord Loughborough, Lord North, Lord Mansfield, Lord Chief Justice Gibbs, Sir Win. Grant, Mr. Burke, Mr. Fox, Mr. Pitt, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Windham, and Dundas, Erskine, Perceval, Grenville, Grattan, Wilberforce, Canning, and Romilly. After describing the effects of party spirit, by which these English chiefs were marshaled, the author turns, 'by way of comparison to some contemporaneous leaders in other countries where there was less of that influence. The first of the great, appears our own Franklin?then follows Frederic II, Gustavus III, the Emperor Joseph and the Empress Catherine. We copy two or three sentiments of the "effects of party," a subject which many of our own statesmen might usefully reflect upon: "This arrangement of political affairs systematically excludes at least one-half of the great men of each age from their country "a service, and devote both classes infinitely more to maintaining a conflict with one another than to furthering the general good. "The influence of both parties, however, is exerted, and the movement of the state machine partake, of both the force, increased upon it. Neither taking the direction of the one nor of the other, but a third line between us partly the remot of our monarchical constitution, in which the prince must rule by." In the influence rather than prerogative; but it is much more to be derived from the arutorical portion of the constitution. If this be a characteristic of the English monarchy, how rapidly and nearly has our American Executive galloped us into the same feudal manner of conducting public affairs? On the advancement of the British people, Lord Brougham says: "Their progress is now rapid, and their success assured in the attainment of all that can qualify them for government, emancipate them from pupilage, and entitle them to undertake the management of their own affairs. Nor will they any more suffer leading men to make up their opinions for them, as doctors do the prescriptions which they are to take, or consent to be the tools and the dupes of party any more." Five Dollar Notes?By the acceptance of the new charters, the two old banks of Virginia, the Farmers Bank and the Bank of Virginia, are forbidden to issue or re-issue notes under the denomination of ten dollars. All live dollar notes, therefore, which are hereafter paid into the bank which issued them, will be retained therein, and cannot, however much wanted for public convenience, be again put in circulation. Pork?The stock on hand at New Orleans on 1st, was 40,000 barrels. The Whigs of the Legislature of this State, preying upon their adjournment, pasted the following preamble and resolutions: Whereas, after years of anxiety and sorrow, the world has been saddened by the loss of a friend, the cause of which has been a source of sorrow and sorrow. Length of the body, and the eye of men are now waiting the action, which, under God, shall resume to us the day of prosperity and honor. Listed, That the confidence we have ever felt in the integrity, patriotism, and talent of Haver Ola. continued and strengthened by the daily testimony of his public life, as well as by the constant and increasing attachment of his fellow citizens throughout the United States. Resolved, That we remember with gratitude his effective and uniform support of the great interests of American industry, his public services in Congress during the war of 1812—in Europe at the treaty of peace, and among the Senate of the United States, where he calmed the elements of discord and disunion, and quieted the most dangerous common cause that has ever agitated our country. With a heart and a smile to the common interests of this great people, no local attachment, no act of personal ambition has ever aceded him from his allegiance. Pure, patriotic, and enlightened, he stands the first statesman of the age, and his great public services are embalmed forever in the affectionate remembrance of his countrymen. NEW JERSEY. What the Newspapers say of the Contested Election. From the New Yorker, (neutral.) ELECTION - We have just been reading before us the letter of the five Whigs returned to Congress from New Jersey, whose seats are contested, offering to resign their claims under such return if their votes were not returned. likewise, and submit the controversy to the people at the coming election, with the answer of the contestors declining the offer. The former is brief and simple; the latter discusses the question at issue at some length, and is tinged with bitterness and acerbity. On the main point, it is decided and peremptory. .Vy*d.? n?' Ha",e 'he contestors, but we deeply re gret their decision. Ajudgment am the controversy by the people of New Jersey must, in the nature of ihings be lar more conclusiv*.and satisfacUiiy than any which may be rendered by the house. Besides an appeal to the former would subject Ihetn to no n?Or,e:J0r"TS,at0'^r,iun ,akes place annually in October, and it would be a light affliction lor the lion," n ?ast a ballo,i,or Cypress also. It u cap h-Mh ,n<ireoVer. "n the part ol the contestors to say under aytornn0t.hin,?'? Th^ "ave. claim Dnm-cnii ri f.lecl,on. ihey are intending to arbTratiun , i "?i y Ur,e mvited lo s"bmil il to 'he The H, one ?r a* people of New Jersey.ra"'" 'hnn is they alser ^7,r^r"aliv? ?< Washington. II, as tney assert, all their own party and a K ?l share of their opiKinents believe t^v were f .ir ?lu . ? ta<M4,r..k,, c,? ,1.1,'?""JtaSuJrS fortol such election to the judgment of the peot le They ought to be willing to run the slight rUk (or he benefit of their party. As th~ matter now stands he Whijf members, having the return, will becltar ly entitled to vote lor Speaker, and their vote will almost certainly elect the Opposition candid,te. hui 11 five Van Buren membersstood in their plac?s the aspect ol the business would be very materially changed. We do not remember any former c i*e in which contesting claimants for seals have declined the arbitrament of the penple. From the Trenton Gazette, (Whig) It seems to be pretty generally supposed that the Whig Congressions candidates occupy since the correspondence, as much better position than their rivals. Certainly such is the opinion of the Whigs; and the ill humor of the Van Buren men indicates that they entertain the same belief. Nor is this to be wondered at. The Van Buren candidates had raised a violent commotion, and told their supporters that the people's last liberties had been rudely trampled down, and that it was almost time for them to resort to blood. Well, the Whig candidates come forward to these men and say if such a trespass upon the rights of the people has been made, let us give the people an opportunity of redressing it. We will undo the wrong. Let the election be tried over again. But lo! to the surprise of all the Van Buren candidates back out at once. No! they won't try it again, not they; because they are afraid the people would not elect them anymore?because they are afraid their own party would not even renounce them. Poor fellows, they forgot all about the violated liberties of the people. Even their own eloquent harangues on the subject have left no conviction on their own minds. It is not the people?it is their own private grief?so they tell us, and they will rather suffer the people's wrong to go unredressed than run the personal risk of submitting the question to them. From the Jerseyman, [Cons] The correspondence? The Jerseyman, in illusion to the proffer of the Whig Congressmen, remarks, "We have seen two boys wrestle?the vanquished complained of foul play, and the victor proposed to try it over again, but it was declined for reasons best known to the former. VIRGINIA SENATOR. Public opinion among the opposition party in Virginia seems to be fast settling down into a determination to endeavor to re-elect Mr. Rives to the Senate of the United States; and to make Mr. Tyler Governor of the State. Mr. Rives, it is understood, does not hesitate to avow himself as in decided opposition to the present administration. Alexandria Gazette. Mr. John Y. Mason will be the Van Buren candidate for the Senate from Virginia. But he will be the candidate again for the same reason that he was last winter?there is no chance of his election. He does very well to throw away votes upon. That the Whigs and Conservatives of Virginia have it fully in their power to prevent the election of a Van Buren Senator in Virginia, we feel perfectly satisfied, for they have unquestionably a majority in joint ballot, and if they fail to do it, they must shoulder the responsibility. No one but themselves will be to blame. Like the Richmond Enquirer we have nothing more to say at present than nonsense. The New York Commercial Advertiser says: "George Hill, Esq., late Librarian to the Department of State, and author of "The Ruins of Athens, Tilania's Banquet, and other poems," has been appointed a Consul of the United States for the southwestern portion of Turkey in Asia. Cotton Manufacture at Lowell. According to a statement published in the Melville Gazette, the quantity of cotton manufactured by eight companies in Lowell, in the week ending 27th April last, was 1,227,606 yards, and in the following week, 1,212,276 yards. This is equal to 63,000,000 yards per annum. The Merimack and Lawrence Mills manufacture about 240,000 yards per week. The last mail furnishes the following additions: particulars of the late destructive and distressing fires at Port Gibson, in Mississippi: To the Editor of the Louisianaian: Grand Gulf, Miss., June 1, 1839. Dear Sir: I hasten to inform you thst yesterday the grester portion of the beautiful town of Port Gib son, about nine miles fruin Grand Gulf, wssdeslroted by fire, which originated by accident about 11 o'clock, A. M. The loss of property i9 estimated at not less than seven hundred thousand dollaia?by some persons at one million. Most of the principal merchants sre utterly ruined. The court-house was totally destroyed, and the whole of the principal business streets is no thing but a heap of rums. The houses were principslly of brick. I havft just returned from thc scene. Never in my life have I been more moved by the sight of calamity than by this. The citizens ami the strangers in town were in the greatest ablation; some of ihe unfortunate inhabitants wero frantic with loss. The Circuit Court of Claiborne county was iu session last week, but ibis terrible calamity has caused tbe Ji d^e to adjourn the court, the recoids snd papers rescued from the burning court-house being in too much con fusion to be arranged easily for several days. It is lo be hoped the sympsthies of the whole country will be for the poor unhappy people of Port Gibson. The New York American ssys?"The loan negotia ted by Gen. MeDurtie, of South Carolina, who returned in the packet-ship Rose ins, from Liverpool, has been placed in the hands of the United Stsles Bank. The amount now available is ?350,000 The Bstik contin ues to supply the insrket with exchange on Englaud at 0i premium. Dm/h by Li/rhtninf.?During a thunder atorm that prevailed extensively on the 24th ultimo, in Tuscara was county, Ohio, Mr. Joseph Whitney, snd Mrs. Moore, the wife of Elisha Moore, of Newcomer's Town, in the same county, was struck by  last session, with a capital of three hundred thousand dollars, went into operation on Thursday, the 31st, at their new banking house, on Market Street, between 5th and 6th streets. Money Stamps in Ohio? The Cincinnati banks have organized an association, wherein fire of them have refused to receive any but their own notes in deposit, and appointed a agent to redeem the paper of the country institution, at the rate of one half percent, with a capital of $100,000. Arie Branch Bank in Indiana. The Branch of the State Bank of Indiana, provided for by an act of the last legislature, to be located in a district composed of a part of the Lafayette and Terre Haute districts, has been located at Crawfordsville. British Savings Banks. An account of the Savings Banks of Great Britain and Ireland, recently laid before Parliament by the Commissioners of the National Debt, gives the following as the total amount invented on behalf of those institutions on the 30th of November last, viz: Three per cents, Three and a half per cents, Exchequer bills, Total, $23,699,703 Besides which there was then due for interest on Exchequer bills, Money in hand invested, Making a total of $32,752,484 The Washington Light Infantry, under command of Capt. France, have arrived in Philadelphia from this city, in the steamboat of the Philadelphia and Baltimore line. The company was received at Dock Street wharf, by a very large detachment of Philadelphia military, under the command of Major Fritz, and escorted to the quarters provided for the guests, at the Third Street Hall. The escort was headed by the City Troops, and contained Captain Fritz's Company, Captain Lee's Company, one or two German Companies, with their band, the Hibernian Guards, and some others. The military guests presented a very martial appearance, and marched with great precision. The visitors were entertained by Major Fritz's Company. The New York papers state that the President has appointed John L. Stephens, Esq., the European traveler, to the diplomatic agency to Guatemala, in place of Mr. Leggett, deceased. It was a golden query of Dr. Franklin, in answer to one of the importunate letters of Thos. Paine, that if. Men were so wicked with religion, what would they be without it? A bill for the registry of votes has passed the House of Representatives of Connecticut. An encampment of United States soldiers is forming at Trenton, New Jersey. A bill has passed the House of Representatives of Connecticut giving a bounty of 10 cents per pound on cocoons, and 60 cents per pound on settle silk. A splendid steam-frigate is about to be built at the navy yard, Philadelphia. Hon. Theodore Frelinghuysen was inaugurated Chancellor of the New York University on Wednesday evening of last week. Manufacturers at Lowell, Massachusetts, have issued a circular on Wednesday evening of last week. Manufacturers at Lowell, Massachusetts, have issued a circular on Wednesday evening of last week. A Great Petition. The national petition of the Chartists was, at the last dates, nearly three miles long, and contained 1,250,000 signatures, it was carried to London in procession, with flags, banners, etc. Trial of A. W. Goodrich. One of the interesting cases alluded to in this paper last week came up for trial yesterday, in the presence of a very crowded court. Having already, in noticing the arrest of the defendant in this case, given such a succinct view of the transaction, it appears unnecessary to enter into detail of the evidence, as nothing new or "po" and was disclosed upon the trial, so as to conflict with our former account of the transaction, except as to any of the cases. In delivering up the money, and the motive with which he received it. Several witnesses were examined on the trial yesterday, who did not testify on the first investigation of this case before the magistrate. Proof was offered on this occasion to show that the defendant had no criminal intent, and that his motive in withholding the money during the day was to screen the defendant from whom he had formerly received favor and favor. The defendant was indicted for receiving fifty thousand dollars on the 23rd April, 1839, from Dennis G. Orme, (Teller in the bank.) knowing the name to have been stolen from the Bank of the Metropolis, by the said Dennis G. Orme, of the goods and chattels. Is of the President and Directors of the said bank. The case for the prosecution was conducted by the District Attorney. The defense conducted by Mr. Bradley. The trial lasted about four hours. The case went to a very respectable and without argument, about 2 o'clock, the jury, remaining a few minutes in their room, came back into court and returned a verdict of not guilty. The trial of Dennis G. Orme is, by consent of the counsel on both sides, postponed until the closing term of the Criminal Court. A southern editor says that he entertains hopes of getting that amount by his subscribers. At a stated meeting, held on the 6th instant, the following: Following resolution was passed unanimously: Resolved, That this Company will not except, hereafter, of any invitation to partake of appetizing liquors as a refreshment at fires. J. J. MIDDLETON, Secretary, Perscverance Fire Company. 