text: Uaskiigtaß Slaaiari U V A 0t <M£ * W* 40" aMMMiw MWMMUMK ■ •" v t « ♦% —* n ■ aiiq, - "% »*•> <w •r-'-- MSVH* 1! —f of * T %1 • •• *<■ • - »i «4>- «*»«* «•<■** w »fttr ■*4 »• tfcr *«6- • f -• a' *w • rKMb. wn-knK rvi». r»- P+m; 'W<«, r*. »t r«t«. tiKF!«*E-r »r»n »f Vr »»4 Vaikuaflo> iftr til** landing Corn—Carioai Calculation*. A Now England Johnny cake— taking the old fashioned dimensions —is ten inches long, six inches wide and one and a half inches in thickness. Supposing the entire crop of Illinois, for 1805, was ground into meal and converted into Johnny cake, allowing one quart of meal to each cake, and the Johnny cakes were laid up in the form of a solid wall, twenty feet high and twenty feet wide, "so that three carriages could go abreast thereon, this wall would reach from Cairo to Dunleith. It would surround the city of London, covering one hundred and ten square miles, with a wall 60 feet high and 60 feet wide of solid bread. This immense crop would put a Johnny cake into the hands of every man, woman, and child—save and civilized—upon the face of the habitable globe. It would require a crib eight feet high by ten feet wide, allowing two and a half feet to the bushel, three thousand two hundred and seventy-eight miles in length, reaching from Passamaquoddy Bay to San Francisco, and a good share of the distance back. If it were converted into whisky, computing three gallons to the bushel, it would form an inland sea sufficient to float the entire navies of the world. No man need starve to death in Illinois. If all the kernals of this extraordinary crop were strung on a wire, allowing two and a half grains to an inch, lengthwise, there being sixty-seven thousand two hundred in a bushel, this wire would reach to the moon two hundred and fifty times, forming a cable four inches in diameter. Now if this gigantic calculation could be twisted about the necks of speculators, parasites, monopolists, middle men and all others who swindle the honest farmer and producer, and the two ends fastened, one to the earth and the other to her attending satellite, and these planets commence revolving in different directions, the future avails of corn crops would be most likely to find its way into the pockets of those who honestly earned them.—Rochford Register. STATE ELECTION. —The following named States hold elections this year. Seventeen of them elect members of Congress, who will take Their seats on the first Monday of December, 1777. Vermont, first Tuesday in September. Maine, good weather in September. I dri. •shl T v«bi i« 1 r |i I'lI 1 -i irtiitwi Xwcwiit II l»rr * » iJT M 4" «*> « k**rr * h >n ihw». ka» %mmm IMV *natf a» «C. « jr —lh a » p4f *rth» y■ y «rA < b ,M> a,«• - |« * lar yen mA-tttr eeArC. * ]». m— ia>u< I*raf «rr t»" » •*' '«« to [ifr* &_ >wl tW r Mtrr t ««a has n*o I • j («t I<e m trun th--Ui.Lt lr *l*l kHar nfer»» c>t . r?>. \.«l. •<1 ««l«Ht <«• li«»k fitr In* trKt •>*■><- ~v»r»* in th* |««..k of licnoM. After gvttms luiriv under way he nnilertwfk to the condition of thing* in side the ark during the deluge, ami. being under the imnrewion that it aus Abraham instead of Noah who was in there, the following colloquy took place between himself ami the elder, who sat behind him. Cliipp. "My dear llearere:— When Abraham and his family war in that ark—" Elder Draper. (Sotto voice.) — Abraham was not thar." Chipp. " The Elder says he was not thar, but the sperrit says he was. Abraham was there or thereabouts." We have several times reminded our contemporaries of the fact that there is no such national organization in existence as Republican; that that designation was dropped by common consent after President Lincoln called upon the people in 1801, without regard to party distinctions, to come to the aid of the Government in putting down the rebellion, and the term of "Union" was substituted in its stead to gratify the Democrats who nobly came to the rescue; that the Baltimore convention of 1864, which nominated President Johnson, was called a National Union, not a Republican convention; and that so far as the President owes allegiance to any party it is to the National Union party which nominated and elected him. It is sometimes carelessly said that names are of no consequence; that a rose by any other name would smell as sweet; but it is generally the case that the names of religious, political or educational organizations embody distinguishing ideas which cannot be confused with other names without greatly impairing their meaning. To the Democrats who assisted the Government in putting down the rebellion and to those who are disposed to join us now, it makes a world of difference whether our party is the National Union party which upheld the Government during the war and nominated Andrew Johnson in 1804, at Baltimore, or whether it is the defunct Republican party revived again by Sumner and Stevens as the "Sibboleth" for their new role of public mischief. To some of Chipp's hearers it would have made no difference whether it was Noah or Abraham who was inside the ark during the deluge, but to tho*e at all interc*ted in the chronology of events or troth of history it did inake a great differ ence. Abraham va* neither there n«»r there»h"H»t*. The Republican |«n j f neither here eor h» rtakoata, anlem there ha* he** a -rowrree- Tina from tk» dead, rf rtxi « Tt brtM MNW ffhwi y I t-e v. - - Jo. • - I>t v. r. 'VkMMi "fcaxr WV 4a PK"MNMMK fcMtfMPV Hfew «bm» a» *w tM flat WIHMi I m m 4*r *» fra i 111 |rm t «mkr «a 4 a» .:gr*u' * m 't«ri W b» kto'« tlMt tW A M«i «<rac»w |«r!i. n-j*y «r«trd la rtw t «<nn»t»* •I l't>l«irt)4uL » fv<6|-«*d IB |«rt of tWir <4l political *■— - i»t«-» —tbu«r • hom they tu«-t at ll«r:r t ii*rk>»t<Hi l*«mvet»ti«»n in 1866; that »t k. in short, a National I'uion party, bora of the war. With thin important (act one* lodged in their minds they can better understand than tome of them now ncem to do, what party it is which now administers the Executive and judicial departments of the govern ment, and when nnd how it hap pened that a majority of unbridled radicals got the control of the pres - ent Congress and ran their car oft' the track. Once understanding this correctly, they will perceive who it is that is affording them the privil ege, denied by the majority in Con gress, of appearing by delegates again in a National meeting aud of being heard. PIONEER SILK FACTORY.—L. Provest, who for some years has been raising silk worms at San Jose, announces the establishment of the pioneer Silk factory. He says: Joseph Newman has just returned from the East with a complete set of machinery, looms, etc., to take the silk from the cocoons and carry it through all the stages of manufacture ready for the market, combining the latest and best improvements; in fact, everything necessary for an extensive production of the article. Our climate and soil is so very favorable to the raising of silk that it is destined to be one of the most important of our commodities, and under these circumstances the establishment of the first silk manufacturing in the United States may be claimed as a great event. Many persons were preparing to cultivate the silk worm, but now a great number will embark in it with almost a certainty of good profits, as we have everything complete and a market at home for all the silk cocoons we can produce. Newman says that some of the silk factories he visited in the States employ three thousand hands, I feel confident that in a few years we will employ that many in this State in all the different branches of its manufacture. In this line, we are independent from any other part of the world, and with care, energy, and perseverance will soon be able to retain among us the seven millions dollars sent abroad for the importation of silk factories. HE MEASURES HIM. —The St. Paul Pioneer (Radical) evidently patterns after the New York Times politically. One day it will be iuteoaelr Radical, | and Ui<r next day deceiitlv white. 1 In oae of ita •OCHI it took tW Miaurt of TW. Stan a*. and "itwLJyJr M'/TT liirm* ferr- UtaMWBBFW* MM* * m 4HHRF 4tHK 4HMM? tSMB, ON4W-. iV VfeMHVW. 4MD SfcNflP* Sfcwr ■paw** Star jfcdttiaNriMVvw. mmi ttoa Tfe- z s pmaEm m tt> hi—atiiT iW rW <«wtn Is tw *«t «#<L t»>* tW Imbtt *f tW tWnr b>.»4 raiix-ai wJ rmtwtaoMr pnlirt *n«i pafWMC* llwt iKWei tl(«t s«-re foj rca»oa> far wnuu* spprrbcu»»oa m to lk( cv«tiaiuiK« <>f our popular institutions. l>ut President Johnson, against even a radical Congress of two-thirds in each linqse, has proved himself a t<»wer of strcnght in behalf of the constitu tion so that after this irrepressible conflict of eight months of active fighting he stands the master of the situation as the champion of the peo ple and the Union. "The cohesive power of the pub lic plunder " has been tried to its ut most tension by the radicals of the two houses,and it has not served their purposes. Their system of Southern rcconstuction, originally designed for the indefinite exclusion of the rebellious State from the Govern ment, has been defeated by the Pres ident. Compelled first to adopt his policy in their propositions tor an amendment of the Constitution, they have found it expedient to yield to him i" the matter of the dispensation of iiis patronage and to abandon the design of the intractable Stevens of holding one or both houses 011 guard through all the recess till December. The movement for the Johnson Na tional Union Convention of August, in Philadelphia, unquestionable had much to do with this sudden rush to 1 business in Congress and in this hur rying to an adjournment. The rad icals, especially of the House of Rep resentatives, in view of this Conven tion, speedily began to realize the necessity of an early return home ward for the purpose of holding their ground among their constituents, if possible, against the reacting tide of public opinion. In October and November, upon the issues between this Congress and the administration, the bulk of a new House of Repre sentative is ta be elected. The prac tical Union policy of the administra tion has been amply defined in Pres ident Johnson's Southern restoration measures, and in his vetoes of the obnoxious measures of Congress. The disunion policy of this radical Congress has been broadly developed in Us negro suffrage experiments, its Freedraan's Bureau bills, its extrav agant squanderings of the public money In all sorts of jobs and party rpeculations, and in its shameful dis regards of the substantial interests of the country —financial, commer cial, manufacturing and agricultural, all of which are mainly dependent on I a sound «ud self-adjusting financial system. A general bankrupt law, a General revision of the impracticable and enrth paper csnwcj laher itrdfruo. iWtmn Chase. a ****** tbe ill*- am unit*- iHi Uto * WiM tMi Wbm mmmrnfymm - *r- VNWfc, » ww i#- m fmt 6 43a ha** as aaaai to lair tfcrtr fr-il pas-. Most of the resolutions are yet wicked enough to entertain. The resolutions are apparently a mere succession of sweet sound signifying nothing, yet it is easy to discover, through the interstices of the silver veil, the fiend-like features of the dread Mokanna. The smooth double entendre utterances do not quite suffice to conceal the horrible purpose which animates the fanatical malcontents who composed this Convention, as may be seen from the following resolutions: Resolved, That we are unalterably in favor of the Union of the States, and earnestly desire the legal and speedy restoration of all the States to their proper places in the Union and the establishment in each of the influences of patriotism and justice by which the whole nation shall be combined to carry forward triumphantly the principles of freedom and progress until men of all races shall everywhere beneath the flag of our country have accorded to them freely all that their virtues, industry and intelligence may entitle them to. Resolved, That we are in favor of universal liberty the world over and feel the deepest sympathy with the oppressed people of all countries in their struggle for freedom and the inherited rights of all men to decide and control for themselves the character of the government under which they live. These resolutions, taken in connection with the circumstances which attended the opening sessions of the Convention, have a deep significance, and endorse negro suffrage distinctly and emphatically enough to satisfy. Even Wm. Lloyd Garrison. When we remember that Theodore Tilton and Fred Douglass entering the Convention arm in arm were greeted with loud cheers, as illustrating the "perfect equality" which is a principle feature of the Radical programme, and when, also, we remember that resolutions openly endorsing negro suffrage were received with enthusiastic applause by a large majority of the Convention, and were sent to the Committee on Resolutions in spite of the strenuous opposition of the border States' defectionists, we can have no difficulty in construing the declarations quoted above. Thus, the policy of the Radicals is completed at last, and we are able to understand what is meant by the "fruits of victory." About which much has been said. The late war, with all its horrors, was waged to rant the Tux; to "secure the rights of the people" and to "maintain the rights of the people." Mr. Chairman, it is not error to say that the men are not to be sacrificed to the government, but rather to the government. They are aware that a good contract, and are better collectors than white people. In the opinion of the Commissioners, the system of contracts now existing in the South, and enforced by the Bureau, is simply a very in a new form, and a practical defeat of President Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. "If the freedmen leave work to seek employment at better wages, he is arrested as a vagrant by order of the Freedmen's Bureau and put to labor on the road 9, with ball and chain, as is provided by an order recently issued by Gen. Scott, Assistant Commissioner for South Carolina. If granted from overwork, he desires to rest a day; if he leaves the plantation to visit a relative or friend, it is made a personal offense, and a fine of $60 is imposed. If he refuses to contract at all, he is arrested by the Bureau Provost Marshal, and sold for a few dollars to the nearest planter. The coercive policy adopted by the Bureau in this and other respects, has been made a justification for the discriminating legislation of some of the Southern States." The only remedy against a white man for a breach of contract is a suit for damages, and we can see no reason why the same remedy should not be applied and conceded in the case of the black man. The freed man has nothing to sell but his labor, and we are strongly of the opinion that he ought to be permitted to obtain for it the highest price it will bring. If he is a free man it is neither just nor lawful for any person to assume the control of him, and certainly not more just or lawful for an officer of the Freedmen's Bureau to do so than for a planter. On POLITICAL DUTY. —When the President of the United States is openly denounced as a traitor, says a correspondent of the Alta Herald, such journals as the Sacramento Union are predicting a recurrence of civil war, it is time for tax-paying citizens to devote some thought to political affairs, and endeavor to determine upon the true line of their duty and conduct. A comprehensive mind would suppose that the instinct of self-preservation alone would stimulate a people burdened with taxation to study means for relief, instead of submitting blindly to the leadership of men infatuated with the spirit of misrule, whose theories are subversive of the organic principles of government, whose principles could lead as individuals to a peaceful strife. The Senate of the United States, in its recent session, discussed the need for a more comprehensive and comprehensive system of taxation, which would be of great importance to the country. The bill, which was introduced by Mr. McKinley, was a significant step in the process of reform, and the bill, which was introduced by Mr. McKinley, was a significant step in the process of reform. 