text: '.i-THl .1- H&ilM&TSiLei .OMlrfJiOtt ik<dti?'Si\l'd'H iM Jj.1 r/11 iJLlAU iJilLiihii > Tlie Daily Intelligencer, k M y ^ a MM'#' The Weekly Intelligencer -sir &Jtt l|Jt^ ^iiP3* . ' AX* t?M.o?Ta.wmu. M .. thrc? jn?nth? ' ?J BingloCopy, foronoyoar, In advance,....! 180 ^1.,rftd by Oirrlew, p?f week ? ? . M " tUmoothi 100 . . ClntaofTen 13 CO "of PlltMQ 18 00 ,^=S?~k? VOL. XXI. WHEELING. W. VA? WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 4, 1872. NO. 9. iJSSSSSSl? __ _ ____ __ .1 ? hHai<uriii.MiiM?rfi...i?. The l'ro>prfl< ol Trade, Especially Iron. A writer In llio New York Iteraii takes the Mowing view of the prospects for trade: "Tterimre, however, bobio facts which ire not ipiitB so bopelul and inspiring. All over the world there has occurred within the past decade a singular but undeniable rise in prices. The causes of this rise are uncertain, but the effect of it is, of course, adverse to the true interests of trade. Some have accounted for it in the enormous yields of the new gold countries, more especially California and Australia, which are still growing their aureate treasures into our land. Indeed, for that matter, as the first published statistics show, in a larger volume than ever. Others, but for the most part of the old fogy species, say that it has come about in consequence of the undil liberation of the laboring people of Europe, and the success which has crowned their efforts to force the moneyed capital to give them higher wages. But unless it may be its cause, the fact remains the same, and its truth will scarcely be challenged by anyone who can carry back his memory for a generation, unless it is that we seem a great deal richer than we are, and that, consequently, with higher incomes, we are, in fact, able to be customers than we. Here before, the worst of the matter is that this tendency is unceasing in its onward advance, and that within the past year it is more decided than ever previously. All the manufacturers in England, with whom we do our largest trade, complain bitterly of their inability to supply the markets of the world with their products at figures that will tempt large consumption. Coal, too, the great factor in the manufacturing industries, has begun to rise rather more than other standards, and this, coupled with the triumph of the proletariat class in almost all their recent struggles for less work and more pay, and the prospect of their success in the future for even more serious demands, has, of course, a somewhat depressing influence. There is one special trade which allows these last facts at work in a marked degree. This is the iron business. A moment's glance at the dependence of all sorts of manufacturers upon the cheapness of this article, and at the innumerable ways into which it enters into articles of use and comfort, will convince us that it cannot be high without raising the value of almost everything else bought and sold, in a greater or less degree. "The price of iron, too, it may be said also, is best estimated by the price of iron, which is iron in its most elementary manufactured state; and pig iron has advanced almost 80 percent in two years. Railroad iron has advanced nearly 100 percent. It is now quoted in England at 110s, and as into as April, 1871, it was only 117 10s, while within two years it has been cheaper still. Indeed, as all large dealers in iron and hardware concur. In bearing testimony, there has been an average advance in every kind of iron of from 75 to 100 percent. It is the belief, however, of very good authorities that prices, at least in Iron, are now at a standstill, and that they will now flow back again, at least for a time, to a lower level. Pig iron is now about $7 a ton, and there is no doubt whatever, that no matter how high may be the rates of labor just at present, iron can be manufactured remuneratively at considerably lower rates. Proo the New York Tribune.) A good thing in the way of exposing private letters, is the following epistle to a campaign for the Presidency, which we are permitted to print verbatim, though it reads like a production of the late Artemus Ward of "wax tigger" celebrity, we are assured that it is genuine and earnest: Webster aug, 19 72 Honor act Grady Dead Sir, You will remember that I met you some two years ago at the Caburn House, Rochester, N.Y., at that time showed you a patent rat trap and you said you wanted one I proposed if you would write me an order for one or my traps I would give you one that order I have now in my possession and prize it very highly. I have very recently had part of the Grant faction call on me to get the order as they want to publish it and make capital of it. I will send it to you if you will give me (300), Three Hundred Dollars and promise to make me collector of the port of Gennessee after you are elected President. I am bound to leave my farm this fall and stump it for you if I am not bought off by the Grants. I can obtain a thousand voters by my influence for you and I do not want to work against you. Will wait two weeks for an answer. Yours Truly Addesa Geo. W. Kints WASHTON, Man. TENNESSEE. A Crime Summarily Punished. Nunviux, September 3.?Jobc Bardee, colored, attempted last Saturday to commit a rape on a little girl ten years of age, a daughter of W. F. Pride, who resides near Springfield, Robertson county, the screams of the child caused other children to go to her assistance, when Harden abandoned till purpose and returned to work near by. Mr. Pride went him with a double-barreled shot I Bun. drove him to the spot where the ripe was attempted, and gave him the choice of death by hanging or shooting. He chose the former and was swung up, thus expiating his offense where it was committed. BY TELEGRAPH. ASSOCIATED?BESSE BEFORE. Elegantly to the Intelligencer. (By the Western Union Line. Office North-west corner of Main and Monroe Sts Louisville Convention. LETTER FROM JAMES O'CONOR. He Opposes Greeley and Mrs Nome Pocahontas Notions of Finance. He Declines the Nomination for President, but Is Likely to Get It Nevertheless. The Convention Deemed a Success. Louisville, September 8.?The declaration of Charles O'Connor seems to be final, but there is a strong disposition to nominate him and put the responsibility of the refusal on him if nominated. This should not be done John Quincy Adams Is likely to be nominated for President and Ex-Senator Graham N. Fitch or Hon. A. P. Edgerton Of Indiana for Vice President A riddle, a national, (win, Ml?. XT.. uuuiuuuui uvi^awa ituui UilOOUUU, X1C* ( braska and other States are arriving so that the United house, the headquarters, presents an animated appearance. The Kentucky convention meets at 13 o'clock for the selection of delegates and one hour later the National Convention assembles. Chauncey C. Burr will be temporary Chairman. The CONVENTION. The National Democratic Convention met today in the common council room of the court house. Previous to and during the assembling of delegates, the Second Regiment National band of Philadelphia, played various airs. At about one o'clock, Col. Duncan called the Convention to order. Rev. Dr. Pratt addressed the throne of grace in an eloquent prayer for concord and peace and freedom from sectional jealousy throughout the land. Col. Duncan then spoke as follows: Gentlemen of the Convention: It is my duty to call this assemblage to order. In objects are well known, and require no explanation. We have been derisively denounced as "bolters," mercenaries, &c., by the editors and politicians who have sought an alliance with the action of the Radical party, and who have abandoned all the principles which have hitherto characterized our organization. It is not my province to cast reflections upon the motives of those leaders in whose wisdom and judgment the party unfortunately confided. Their action is invalid and void. It has no binding effect upon other individual members of the party, and it has already been repudiated by hundreds of thousands. No spirit of presumption or forwardness induced the gentlemen who acted with me to appeal to American Democrats against the flagrant violation of party faith, and the utter negation or the principles involved in the nomination of Mr. Greeley. We did it with a higher and nobler motive. We did it to vindicate truth and to protest against an offered reward for political treason to one who had occupied a lifetime in the bitterest animadversions of those whose support he now has sought, if our call had been a failure, our duty would have been the none the less performed. But there was a sympathetic chord in the American heart which responded in enthusiastic and harmonious tones to the musician's touch. There is a love for honesty, a reveration for principle, a deep-rooted desire for reform in the hearts of the American people. And the assembly that I see before me today avinces the earnest intention to uphold that banner, which had fallen from nerveless and incompotent hands, and to prove that the old organization was not dead, but only sleeping. It has not died of its corruption, as the latter day saints proclaim, who are so eager for its destruction. It will not hold out hopes for party treason nor bribes to secure generals from the enemy's camp. The eyes of the whole country are directed to this Convention, and many anxious hopes are to be verified or blasted, according as wisdom or the negative shall be the controlling spirit of our deliberations. We can make this body a famous one in history, as the source from which the future policy and destiny is to be shaped. We can make it equally insignificant and destitute of influence. We want no hydra-headed platform which can be construed according to the wishes of the people. f/% ota (.ana ~.  future of the country. And now, gentlemen, weary as I am in mind and I think, there is an absolute sensation of relief that I can terminate my self-imposed duty and abdicate my functions. Col. Duncan's remarks were interspersed with frequent applause, and were followed by long continued hand-clapping and three cheers. Col. Levi A. Chatfield, of New York, was appointed temporary Chairman. On motion, Col. Duncan appointed Judge Spalding, of New York, Judge Lyons, of Virginia, and Hon. William Wheaton, of Michigan, as a committee to conduct the Chairman to his seat. He returned his most hearty thanks for the honor tendered. The crisis in which the Democratic party is found today, slaughtered in the house of its friends, makes necessary an appeal to such a remedy as is our power. Our forefathers thought they had laid the foundations of our government so strong that they would withstand the norms of time. I was trained in this school. My first vote was cast for Andrew Jackson. I have not seen any reason to adopt heretical doctrines. The time came when the old Federals found an opportunity to plant the principles of concentration in the government, and in 1801, it was planted on the blood and raised our diets; but disaffection was so great, had we not been sold out, we would have been again successful and turned back the tide of centralization. We never sold and to the old white hat—that is all there is left for the man. I deny that the men who met at Baltimore had any right to transfer as you or me to Grant or the Whig party, or to Greeley. We are here today to see if we cannot remedy this evil. This protesting spirit has culminated in this Convention. We are here to gather the fragments and build a new edifice of the Democracy. Were here nobody but myself, I would wrap our party flag about me and fight for its doctrines. This is a working Convention, not a talking one, I will therefore call it a "The People's Party." The speech was interrupted by frequent applause. Col. Duncan said he was instructed by the committee, to propose the name of Col. Wm. M. Terry, of Michigan, as temporary Secretary. Judge Spaulding arose, and said he had sealed a letter from Uhas. O'Connor, and now wished to perform his trust by placing said letter in the hands of the Convention. Three cheers were given for O'Connor. Amotion was made and carried, that the communication be read. It is as follows: New York, August 31. Dear Sir, I am writing to announce that I am appointed to an assembly at Louisburg on September 3, 1872: Gentlemen: A representative democracy must be necessarily degenerate in practice, and become, at last, an intolerably mischievous domination, if its official corps be allowed to wield, without effectual restraint, those powers, correctly delineated regal, by which from the very beginning and in every clime civil society has almost invariably been made the prey of its rulers. When founding our institutions, the fathers were impressed with this belief, and in order to curb the tendency of power to agrandize itself, they introduced regulations of universal right. Referring to this, I have to say that the government has been in the hands of the people for many years, and that the government has been in the hands of the people for many years. Sincerely yours, John Doe Lamental bases of the pre-existing system, they yet adopted the English policy of checks and balances. However, usual it may be, in a land of three estates, lords and commons, experience has shown that this policy is inadequate to the maintenance of public order where absolute equality is recognized. With us it has proven exceedingly mischievous by its multiplication of offices. Alone it affords no permanently effective restraint in power. To the inquiry, how such a restraint can be imposed in our country, politicians have responded, by the virtue and intelligence of the people. But this is a delusive speech. Laborers, attention. Constant watchfulness and combined action are necessary to practical results. If our people were placed upon a sterile soil, their perpetual hand to hand conflict of subsistence with niggard nature might qualify them for resistance to the official plunderer. Their power would diminish his temptation and inrigorate their defense; but in a great and prosperous country such popular guardianship can't be had and the only efficient protection against official misrule is in totally prohibiting those powers which cannot be effectually regulated by law. This fact was asserted in the public councils, which gave birth to our Constitution, but its recognition was prevented by the want of prior human experience under just systems of government. History furnishes no precise parallels and consequently that patriotism which saw and appreciated the right was unable to prove its statements or maintain its arguments by quoting illustrations. Failing to engraft on the written law the limitations deemed necessary, the Democratic fathers sought a practical establishment of them by adroaching a strict construction. This doctrine was never thoroughly enforced by any party and is now totally disregarded, since our present political condition, far-reaching changes are needed to obliterate its evils, and it is only by such changes that we can successfully inaugurate the second stage in that grand social reform which was initiated by the fathers. A free and enlightened people, with aspirations matured under the benign influence of their experiments, we can now let and remedy those defects in their glorious though unfinished work which experience has developed. They laid the foundation upon us is devolved the duty of completing the superstructure. The enormous growth of official malversation in this city and State, which was brought to light during the last war, invited 500 men to action. The discoveries made afforded an opportunity of stirring the general mind to a persistent effort for reform. This opportunity was improved, and except so far as disturbed by the inconvenience of a Presidential canvass, the current of popular sentiment has ever since moved steadily in the right direction. A desire has been extensively entertained that as this movement originated in the national metropolis it should be permitted to have its natural course to draw into harmony with itself the honest masses throughout the country, and thereby lead to the establishment of an efficient, self-sustaining and permanent barrier against prevalent evils. The facts, however, warrant an apprehension that the pending conflict for the control of the federal power has broken in on the tendency to reform, and may completely reverse it. The governmental meddling with these concerns of society, which, under various laws, might beneficially be left to individual action, as the only and real evil actually developed in our system. This eminence is assigned to it because it is the fruitful parent of all others existing, and because the measures required to correct it are precisely those which would carry with it the power of government. How so mischievously exercised by our officials, instead of prohibiting or diminishing this vicious practice, our people should impart to it now sanctions and greater vitality, reform must become impossible. Of this practice above all other living Americans, Mr. Greeley is this recognized champion, and no body of organized opponents to it has ever existed in the country, except the Democratic party. Yet by the decree of a Convention, Mr. Greeley has been gazetted as its standard bearer. The opposition to that proceeding has in my mind a larger source than mere attachment to party. That I at least am influenced by that sentiment, must appear by the measures adopted against the recently detected municipal malactors. In organizing the forces employed, equal opportunities for purifying itself from complicity we conceded to each of the great political parties and to every class. Thus innocence has been shielded from the discredit of evil associations, individually formed and official villainy stands literally deceived under actual or impending judgment, and all honest men in this great city and state are united as a brotherhood in a common defense. My views of the public interest and of existing public necessities compel me to repudiate the Baltimore nomination of Mr. Greeley. Whenever speaking or writing on the subject I have uniformly condemned it, and declared my wish to support a Democratic candidate. This circumstance has led to a supposition in some quarters that I had aspirations to office, and it has been suggested that my name be offered to your acceptance as a candidate. The object of this letter is to avoid misapprehension on that point. It comes to me to decide whether Mr. Greeley will be nominated or not. Greeley as candidates for the Presidency, the Democratic elector must rely very much upon mere conjecture. Those who incline to the latter as a choice of evils, suggest that a mitigation of oppression at the south would result from his success. There are many, however, who have equal ground to hope for that good result in either issue of this rivalry. Once his second term shall have been secured, Gen. Grant's only motive for inflicting misery on that portion of his countrymen will cause. An effort to secure a third term or to establish a dictatorship can't reasonably be apprehended, and consequently a comparison of probabilities offers us merely a blank on one hand, a few years of undefinable activity, on the other, that wise people whose usages we have generally followed, had been seen to pass through a transitional period somewhat similar to that now at the Boutnern interests. In my opinion, it would be a wise policy to adopt that policy, which would promptly reinstate Southern prosperity. But if there be one among the most gifted spirits of the age who even if inclined, could not adopt that policy, it is Mr. Greeley. The success of General Grant might involve no important consequence, but that of Mr. Greeley would consecrate the practices referred to, which in my opinion are absolutely incompatible with the permanency of the Republican constitution. In saying this, it is not intended singly to pronounce for anti-Protectionist ideas. That question is left untouched. If the support of our home manufactures against foreign competition is to be regarded as sound policy, it must be amended as a more equitable, a less expensive, and a far less demoralizing process than our overgrown customs establishment. The true policy is national regeneration. It is far more comprehensive than mere free trade. Its aim is to break the sceptre of the trading politicians and emancipate the masses. Four-fifths of the governmental intervention now practiced in carrying on the affairs of society should be dispensed with. The existing indebtedness should indeed be held sacred and to the last cent faithfully redeemed; but the power of borrowing money on the public credit, either by paper issues or otherwise, should be absolutely annulled. Neither the Federal Government nor down to the smallest division of a State should possess it. It is inconsistent with the perpetuity of free republican institutions. It is the very life-blood of aristocratic rule, for it fetters labor as the bond-slave of capital. In modern times, it furnished the almost indisputable means to war. Without it, that most shocking of all national crimes and calamities would be impossible. Such comprehensive abuses in civilization as are here suggested may be as yet impracticable in the old world. If so, the fact only proves that ours is the high and holy mission of first making them. Separated by a wide ocean from any powerful nation, mighty in the numbers and intelligence of our people, and through their deep and abiding interest in their country's welfare, no external enemy dares to assault us. Indeed, it is manifest to unperceived reason that the adoption of efficient curbs upon official power is alone needed to render this great continent the abode of peace and of human happiness on a scale of ruinous magnitude. Even if defensive wars be necessary, evils the power of borrowing money should not be conceded on that account. It must be admitted that they cannot be carried on without a vast outlay, but money is not more necessary than money, as the generation which wags war must furnish the warriors. Why, it can also furnish the money to feed, clothe and arm him. It is compelled to furnish all the labor connected with his maintenance and his belligerent operations. Posterity can not fight our battles; nor is there any necessity that posterity should pay the cost of them. Our own young men must do the fighting. It is equally in the power of our old men to do the paying. "Pay as you go," is a maxim not less sound in political economy than in private affairs. If adopted, peculation must cease to pervert government, and war could no longer lend legal sanctions to cruelty and oppression; and if, as some contend, war is the normal condition of mankind, posterity will have its own work to sustain. It is, therefore, unreasonable to burden posterity with a debt for the cost of ours. Deeply interested in suppressing these ideas, the rulers of the people will of course treat them with derision. Still, it must suffice for the moment thus to submit them nakedly on their own merits and without a vindication. Although this principle is already accepted in substance by some Western States. The very constitution of human nature precludes any effectual regulation of it. In a monarchy, there may be some ostentation but in a republic, the tendency to abuse is absolutely incorrigible. No human skill can devise or human diligence put in force adequate checks upon its exercise. If allowed to exist at all, it must inevitably be abused, and the abuse must progress to an extent absolutely intolerable. The mere burden of taxation induced by it is the least evil among its foul progeny. Fraud and corruption become virtuous under its influence. Statutes to be set up as objects of popular reverence and similar honor have been propored for its cultivators, and if it be not extirpated will hereafter be decreed to them. A government restrained within the limits of absolute necessity may be supported by moderate taxation. Still, the nature and amount of the taxes imposed should always be potent. They should be plain, visible, and palpable. The deceitful and fraudulent methods which have been devised to draw money from the pockets of the people without their consciousness of the imposition should be abolished. Duties and exercises for revenue belong to this class. Such methods of obtaining money should be known only through the prosecutions against criminals. The associated difficulty of sustaining the government under such a system is unreal. The public expenses need not be greater, and the necessity of raising all revenue by taxation at the very moment of expenditure, or before it, is susceptible of being utilized and made a source of great public benefit. However, in the matter of taxation, that all taxes are ultimately borne by the laboring classes, they are, nevertheless, in the first instance, collected from those who possess property. By the uniform usage, every dollar required for the expenses of the government should be also extracted from the tax-payer. A powerful class would be enlisted in the duty of guarding against official extravagance. Government mortgages upon labor, the most safe and desirable of investments, would cease, and in their place affrighted capitalists could contemplate only the approaching gatherer in self-defense, they would perform a public duty hitherto neglected. Legislative corruption would be effectively opposed under this keen scrutiny. No man whose record was tainted would pass the ordeal of an election. Long and patient study has convinced me that on the practicability of establishing precisely this popular Burveying on which rests the foundation of the nation's prosperity. XX JUICIUUI?. government is not necessarily mischievous in monarchy, but in a republic based upon universal suffrage, it cannot fail to foster innumeral evils. It is in fact the cause of all villainies. The government which devotes some of its powers to putting money in men's pockets must employ others in extortion. This policy involves a continuous order of favoritism. My deep aversion to all these things has induced me to encourage the movement which you represent, and. doubtless my name will be presented for your consideration as a nominee. In that event, I beg leave respectfully to withdraw it. The strength of emphasis which has marked the language employed by some gentlemen in addressing me on this subject, must be my excuse for the remarks which follow. Success should of course be an object in the present condition of affairs. Other leadership will afford a better response to attain it. A choice can be made from many equally reliable as reformers, probably more capable of public office, and yet less likely to combine the formidable elements of opposition. I could not consent to subscribe a platform containing either a profession of faith or a recantation of errors, and a promise of amendment. The existing practice requires this, and that practice may not be abruptly set aside. Love of that absolute independence which cannot now be maintained in public office, a desire to promote your success instead of impeding it, and a belief that I can thus perform the individual cases, a quota of public services have created in my mind an unalterable resolve to remain in private station. Yours truly, (Signed) Ch. O'Connor. The reading of the letter met with an occasional outburst of hearty approval. The allusion to repudiating the action of the Baltimore Convention received an uproarious demonstration of enthusiasm. Van Allen, of New York, offered resolutions that a committee of one from each state represented in this convention. The convention was appointed as a Committee on Credentials. Adopted. Byington, of Iowa, offered a resolution that each delegation choose a member for Committee on Credentials, one for Committee on Permanent Organization and one for National Executive Committee. Vallandigham, of Kentucky, moved to adjourn until November 20th. Cries of "Put him out" During a call of States to nominate members of the Committee on Credentials, Mr. Bayard, of California, said: "I hold in my hand a letter addressed to me by the officers of a convention held in San Francisco to appoint delegates to this convention. It is as follows: San Francisco, August 20. Senator Bayard: "Dear Sir?At a convention of the Democracy of the state of California, held this day, you were unanimously selected to cast the vote of California at the National Democratic Convention to be held in Louisville on the 3rd of September. They express their preference for the name of Charles O'Connor [applause] for President Trusting that you will make a sound Democratic platform, we remain, etc." By a Delegate?I move that Mr. Bayard of New Jersey represent California in this Convention. Adopted. Committee on credentials. New York, Colonel John J. Van Allen; South Carolina, Edward P. Stokes; Pennsylvania, J. L. Jacobs; Maryland, Edward Sackett; Delaware, Dr. J. A. Brown; Ohio, B. A. High; Michigan, William M. Heaton; Georgia, G. W. Ramsey; Illinois, Dr. William Hanley; Nebraska, S. W. Brooks; Kansas, J. W. Brooks. Dr. W. L. Kennett; West Virginia, Cyrus Vance; Iowa, T. J. Server; Arkansas, A. Colgrove; Virginia, James N. Beltham; Wisconsin. Samuel L. Gregor; Tennessee, U. F. Parrish; North Carolina, W. R. Trout; California, Samuel J. Bayard; New Jersey, Benjamin C. Potts; Alabama, T. C. Nesmith; Mississippi, C. S. W. Price. It was carried on motion of Chancey Burr, of New Jersey, that a roll call be made for the appointment of a Committee on Permanent Organization. Alabama, C. C. Nesmith; Mississippi, A. Mosley; New York, Judge Alex, Spaulding; Kentucky, J. S. Colladay; Pennsylvania, Capt. Den. Dunn; Indiana, Jas. Millson; Tennessee, S. F. Kendrick; New Jersey, Jas. H. Piereon; Ohio, J. T. Monahan; Nevada, M. M. Pomroy; Illinois, Jno. O. Pollens; Iowa, L. Grand Byngton; Virginia, Henry H. Reid; Michigan, Wm. A Warner; South Carolina, Edward F. Stokes; Wisconsin, S. M. Webster; Missouri, James A. Detchemendy; North Carolina, C. W. Gassette; West Virginia, Jesse Miller; Georgia, W. P. Umsey; Arkansas, H. Colgrove; Kansas, S. W. Brook; Nebraska, Dr. Brook, California, Samuel J. Bayard. Adjourned to o'clock p.m. AFTERNOON SESSION. Mr. Hobson, of Kentucky, rising to a privileged question, apologized to the Convention for the proposition of Mr. Vallandigham at the morning session to adjourn to November 20th. Mr. Vallandigham was so strong a Democrat that on his appearance to the Convention, he had under a momentary impulse vented his resentment in the manner alluded to. The Chairman read a telegram from Saco, Milne, addressed to Mr. Mill, requesting to behalf of 30,000 expectant and nailing Democrats of that State that the manner of the nominees so soon as determined should be telegraphed to the Heads of the dispatch. Mr. Williams, of Pennsylvania, suggested that Delegate Burr, of New Jersey, was called on to entertain the Convention with a speech while waiting for the reports of committees. Mr. Burr said that Mr. Van Allen, from the Committee on Credentials, reported that they had not been able to obtain and properly engross all the names of delegates, and asked for further time. Until tomorrow morning's session was allowed to complete the report. The Committee on Permanent Organization reported as follows: President?Judge James Lyons, of Virginia. Vice Presidents?B. B. Richards, of Illinois; Sylvester Johnson, of Iowa; Austin Vales, of Michigan; C. S. W. Price, of Mississippi; Edward Stokes, of South Carolina; R. L. Messrs, of Wisconsin; Col. George Bisley, of Maryland; Judge U. S. Sibley, of Missouri; David L. Tagg, of North Carolina; O. Vance Vance, of West Virginia; Colonel W. Vance, of Georgia; Dr. L. P. Blackburn, of Arkansas; Dr. Brook, of Arkansas; Samuel S. Bayard, of Colorado; J. C. Nesbitt, of Alabama; Peter Gilsey, of New York; W. H. Munnell, of Kentucky; E. J. McCane, of Pennsylvania; J. H. Reese, of Indiana; Silas F. Kendall, of Tennessee; J. O. Martin, of New Jersey; George R. Spear, of Ohio; George D. Barker, of Virginia. Secretaries?Wm M. Ferry, of Michigan; John J. Van Allen, of New York; John H. Milbourne, of Illinois; Bert D. Beclield, of Pennsylvania; Ernest Duncan, of Virginia; A. S. Gregory, of New Jersey. The report was adopted, and the Chairman appointed Messrs. Spaulding, of New York, and Burr and Bayard, of New Jersey to conduct Judge Lyon to the chair. Note. The telegraph does not furnish the conclusion of the proceedings, but it is evident from what follows that the Convention adjourned over till today without making nominations. The letter of O'Connor has greatly strengthened the delegates who regard him with such respect and affection as to move them to tender him the nomination. In spite of his firm declination, they feel that with his letter as the platform, himself as the candidate for President and John Quincy as Vice President, they can make such an appeal to the Democracy of the country as will turn the masses from the Liberal candidates. Hence the ticket is likely to bear the names of these two distinguished men. It is stated that with such nominations such strong German Democratic papers as the Cincinnati Volstead, St. Louis Antigt and Despatch and Philadelphia Democrat, will support the ticket. The leaders of this movement regard the Convention so far as a great success. The Convention is remarkable for having a large number of old men as delegates, and for the very small extent of whisky drinking as compared with such conventions usually. Phrenologically and physically speaking, it is not often that such a body gets together as a nominating convention. ST. LOUIS. The Alleged Attempt to Fix the Location of the Custom House St. Louis, September 3—Phillip S. Chapman, business partner of Judge Long, one of the Custom House Commissioners, who was alleged to be conlected with the $30,000 scheme to locate the custom house, publishes a card this morning stating that the proposition originated with him; that he went to Col. George Kuapp, of the Republican, as a real estate agent, and asked him if he had not, through his personal influence and influence, make a commission out of the parties owning the property around the Nicholson block; if he could preserve that block as a site for the custom house. To this, Col. Knapp said to have replied that if he (Lankan) would raise him $50,000. Lanhan further states that Knapp and others did attempt to raise the money, regarding the use of this money for a campaign fund, Lanhan says Mr. Knapp asked him what he intended to do - with so much money, and he replied in a jocular manner that if he could do no better, he would spend it on the election, and fishing and hunting. Lanhan concluded by saying what he did was done solely on his own responsibility as a legitimate business transition, concerning and in behalf of himself alone. Pittsburgh, September 3.?A brakeman named Murphy fell from a coal car on the A. V. H. R. today, and was run over and instantly killed. The city for about a year past has employed twenty-nine policemen more than authorized by ordinance. Today the Mayor will draw no more warrants for the payment of the extra men. The policemen were discharged, and as a consequence a number of wards are without gas and the citizens somewhat excited. Reports from various sections of the city indicate that the fire is in a state of great excitement. The country indicates that a large number of soldiers and sailors will be present at the convention on the 10th. It is anticipated that near 30,000 will be present. New York State Politics. New York, September 8. The Tribune says: The nominations for Governor and Lieutenant Governor are conceded to the Democrats by the Liberals. Fresh efforts were made to induce Judge Church to take the nomination. The Sun urges Seymour's nomination as the only way to insure success. It is thought that a Congressman at large will be conceded to the Liberals. Sir. Dorsheimer of Buffalo is the most prominent named for it. The Tribune says O'Connor's name is entirely dropped from the list of O'Connor's political candidates since he pronounced in favor of the Louisville Convention. Missouri Republican Convention. ST. Louis, September 8. The delegates to the Republican Convention, which meets here tomorrow, have mostly arrived, and the canvassing for candidates has been lively during the day. Ex-Gov. Standard will publish a letter tomorrow declining to have his name used in connection with the Governorship, and it is understood that John F. Benjamin will also refuse the nomination. This leaves the field about clear for ex-Senator Henderson, and talk among the delegates is that he will be nominated by acclamation. NEW YORK GIT IN. New York, September 8. Jas. Frame, of the thumb and the finger of Herman Lipkin, in a tight fight last night Lipkin threw a gash tumbler at Frame, fracturing his skull. Both were arrested. Frame will die. When taken to the station home, Frame, who was crazy, was found to be drinking the blood which was copiously flowing from his fractured head. Henry Clews denies that His banking firm had any other than strictly business connection with the marketing of the Georgia railroad bonds. They have been in no way connected with railroad contracts in that State of any nature, and they had no knowledge or part in the alleged fraudulent issues of bonds. LOUISVILLE. Opening of the Exhibition?The Rev. Robertson Nandal. Louisville, September 3.?The opening of the Exposition tonight was a magnificent success. Fully 10,000 people attended, and the crowd gathered in front of the doors all an hour before the opening. There was no formal ceremonies. The interior was brilliantly illuminated, and the display is regarded as something wonderful, considering the time the management had to get it up. The decorations are tasteful and elegant and the effect generally even grander than was expected. Among the works of art is Conoves's statue of Hobe and some of the originals of the old masters. The success of the institution is assured by this opening and is a subject of much congratulation and pride among the citizens of Louisville. The Committee of Investigation in the case of Rev. G. H. Robertson, reported three charges and their specifications as follows: 1st, drunkenness and 3rd, falsehood. Charge 1, Specification 1?Drunkenness at Troy, N. Y. Specification 2?Same conduct at Sandwich, Ill. specifications. Same conduct at Springfield, Ill. Specifications 4?Same conduct at Springfield. Specification 5?Same conduct at spring meeting of presbytery in chariton, Ill. Specifications!!?Same conduct in Chicago and two other Specifications of the same offense at other places. Charge 2, Specification 2?Longevity: That he occupied a section in a sleeping car with a woman not his wife, and afterward took her to his house where she remained with him all night. The absence of the family. Charge 3, Specification 1?Falsehoods: In that he said he was in Toledo from July 14 to July 20, 1872, when he was in Chicago. Specification 2?That he was in Chicago when he said he was not there, and 3, that he had gone to Toledo to make arrangements for boarding his family in that place. Specification 4?That he was guilty of falsehood in publishing a letter of denial of these charges in the Courier-Journal. VERMONT ELECTION. Buhlinton, September 8.?A dispatch to the Herald says: The excitement about the election absorbs all business. It is believed the Republicans will carry the State by a reduced majority. Vermont, September 8?The returns of the election thus far received are favorable for the Republicans. Twenty towns thus far heard from return to the Legislature and a Democrat. Ten towns, which in 1870 gave Stewart (Rep.) 1,380 majority for Governor, now give 1,902 for Converse (Rep) Rutland, Vt., September 3.?Congress for Governor has in this time 771, and Gardner 086, a Democratic gain of over 600 votes. CHICAGO. Chicago, September 3.?Chris Rafterty, the Bridgeport rough who shot and killed officer O'Meara. With weeks since, while the latter was attempting to arrest him, was arraigned in the criminal court today. He pleaded not guilty, and his counsel gave notice of a motion for a change of venue. The murder was one of unprovoked brutality, and a strong effort will be made to secure the punishment of the murderer, who is a notorious villain. 