text: "A" "?g?^? " J-~ ~.u w- -" W g?'4-?&?'?*?**> PA ' 4- *" *'- ;.^|*?>? v *". w '.-. w -.';- *Tr. *3T7vf^v?.;fc>v r~.^ ;. i.jUFx ? *..,, 4 *? * *v ; '- < --''~ '9"^.'* ** -. * * - 4'*-''" 1. 1 '*. #. - ". >. 'r V *' '*'* - S' * ' *. > * m '+. +. ** *** #? " * :'.;.*'- -'-', "; -. - * ': - > v. >.;.^. ^ j^^j'' ''^'P i.:% "^ ~ 1 *^ "? """"i _____ ^^52S2B52B258BC?!52CSC23B8SBSSSil^B^B^B^5 j. e.&l. m. grist, Proprietors.' All |nki)entetf Jitmlj ftefospprr: J)r tjir '|rmmrft0it trf %-JpoliiitaI, facial, Agricultural nnir Commercial Interests of %??% - jw peb tbab, i* advahce.. VOLUME 10. - _ YORKVILLE, SOUTH CAROLINA, "WEDNESDAY EVENING," JUNE 8, 1864., " NUM" STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA. Alderman and Inspector General's Office, Columbia, S. C., May 20, 1861. GENERAL ORDERS A. O. C. In the present situation of affairs, it is deemed proper to direct the attention of the people of the State to the first section of an Act of the General Assembly, entitled "An Act to provide for volunteer companies of mounted infantry, and for other purposes," herewith published, and to call upon all male citizens capable of bearing arms, and who are not liable to Confederate military service, to organize themselves into companies, in pursuance of its provisions. II. Companies organized in accordance with said Act, upon presenting their rolls to be filed in this office, will be accepted for the service therein-provided for, and will be armed and furnished with necessary ammunition. IV. The troops called into service under this Act will be subject to the orders of the Governor and Commander-in-Chief, whilst in actual service will be subject to the Articles of War and Army Regulations of the Confederate States, and shall receive the same pay and allowance as Confederate troops of the same class are entitled to receive. IV. The Commanding officers of companies and the corporate authorities to whom arms have heretofore been delivered, or who now have the same in custody, are charged with keeping them in good order, and any necessary expenditure made for that purpose will be paid by the State, upon the account being duly certified and approved at this office. By command. (Signed,) A. C. GARLINGTON, Adjutant and Inspector-General S. C. Official: G. A. Follis, A. A. G. Extract. Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives. Now met and fitting in General Assembly, and by the authority of the same. That the Governor be and he is hereby authorized to act as many volunteer companies of mounted infantry as any are offered, to consist of not less than sixty-five nor more than one hundred men, exclusive of commissioned officers, who shall be organized by him into battalions and regiments by the election of Field Officers. If the number of companies be sufficient for that purpose; and said companies shall be called out, at the discretion of the Governor, to suppress insurrections or to repel actual or threatened raids or the enemy within this State, and shall be discharged from actual service when under, in his judgment, the actual necessity for such service has ceased. May 25, 21 3t RATES OF POSTAGE IN THE C. STATES OF AMERICA. By the convenience of the public, the following simplified statement of the rates of postage, under the act of Congress of the Confederate States of America, has been prepared. It must be borne in mind that the Act is to go into effect from and after such period as the P.M. General may, by proclamation, announce: rates or postage. Single letters, not exceeding a half ounce in weight, to any part of the Confederate States, shall be each 10 cents. An additional single rate for each additional half ounce or less. Drop letters 2 cents each. The following are the rates, the postage to be prepaid by stamps or stamped envelopes. Advertised letters - cents each. on newspapers. Sent to regular and bona fide subscribers from the office of publication, and not exceeding three ounces in weight. Weekly paper, 13 cents per quarter. Semi Weekly paper, 26 cents per quarter. Tri-Weekly paper, 39 cents per quarter. Four times a week, 56 cents per quarter. Five times a week, 65 cents per quarter. Six times a week, 78 cents per quarter. On periodicals. Periodicals published oftener than semi-monthly shall be charged as newspapers. Periodicals published monthly, not exceeding 1½ ounces in weight, 1 cent on each number, and one cent additional on each additional ounce or fraction of an ounce. A CONTRIBUTED PRINTED MATTER. The inland postage on every other newspaper, and on each circular, not sealed, handbill, engraving, pamphlet, periodical magazine of other paper, which shall be unconditional, any manuscript or written matter, and not exceeding 1 ounce weight, shall be 1 cent, and for every additional fraction of an ounce, 1 cent additional; and books, bound and unbound, not weighing over four pounds, shall be deemed mailable matter, and the in-and-postage on them shall be at the rate of 2 cents an ounce fraction of an ounce, and the postage on all such transient matter and books, shall be prepaid in all cases except when sent by officers, musicians or privates of the government. KEEPING PRIVILEGE. The following persons only are entitled to the franking privilege, and in all cases strictly confined to official business. Postmaster General. His Chief Clerk. Auditor of the Treasury for the Post Office Department. Deputy Postmasters. SOUTH CAROLINA'S DEAD. BIOGRAPHICAL ROLL OF HONOR OR HAYING received frequent applications, from the friends of deceased soldiers to place in a permanent form and make it accessible to all who might desire a copy, the "BOLL OF HONOR," of which I am engaged for the State, I propose to publish a work more extended in its scope and design than the State Roll, embracing the following: "The plan is this. The friends of the deceased soldiers desiring a place in this work, will forward to me the necessary information to make up for publication the biographical sketches, or send me the notices they wish inserted, when they will be revised and compiled for publication. Each biographical sketch must be accompanied by the name of at least one subscriber and Ten Dollars to defray the expenses and labor involved in the preparation and compilation of the sketches, for which a receipt will be given entitling the holder to a copy of the work at the subscription price. I am perfectly arranging arrangements with a leading publishing house for the publication of the work. It will be published in monthly numbers, and issued in the best style of letter press printing, on fine-white English book paper, and printed with the best English ink. Each number will contain one or more portraits of officers and men who have distinguished themselves during the war. The twelve numbers will be sent to all subscribers for a year. will make four handsome volumes. Terms?50 per annum or for twelve numbers, payable on the publication of the first number, of which due notice will be given. The work will be continued until the Roll is completed. Those intending to subscribe or furnish biographies, should do so without delay, as the first edition will be limited to the number of subscribers. Address WILLIAM B. JOHNSTON, Columbia, S. C. February 17, 1873. New publications by H. M. OT F Nrx HILK DUXXUiN OL UU] MACON, GEORGIA. NOW READY: MASTERS WILLIAM MITTEN; Or, the Youth of Brilliant Talents, who was ruined by bad luck. By Judge Longstreet, author of "Georgia Scenes." Price $3.00. CAMP AND FIELD. Papers from the Portfolio of an Army Chaplain. By Rev. Joseph Cross, D. D. Part 1st now ready. Price $3.00. DUNCAN ADAIR; or, Captured in Escaping. A story of one of Morgan's men. By Mrs. Jane T. H. Cross. Nearly ready. Price $3.00. A liberal discount to the trade from the foregoing prices. For the amount named, remitted to us, in current funds, we will send either or all of these books, post-paid, to any part of the United States. Of the Confederacy. Address, BURKE, BOYKIN & CO., Macon, Georgia. Any newspaper in the Confederacy copying the above advertisement, with this note, will receive a copy of each of the above books, upon receipt of the paper containing the advertisement. June 22 if IN THE COURT OF ORDINARY, YORK DISTRICT. 7th Eliza J. Suggs. WHEREAS, G. F. Wallace has filed a petition in my Office, praying to be permitted to prove to the solemn form, a paper which has been admitted to probate in common form, as the last will and testament of Susan Currence, deceased. These are therefore to cite and admonish you, the said Eliza J. Suggs, to appear at my office, at York Court House, on the first day of August next, at 10 o'clock, A.M. with such witnesses as you may deem proper, or against the continuation of said Will. Given under my hand and seal of office, at York Court House, this twenty-second day of April, 1864. STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA, YORK DISTRICT. Bodley & Co., vs W. B. Dunlap. attachment. THEREEREAS, the plaintiff did on the 10th day of October 1863, file their declaration against the defendant, who (as it is said) is absent from and without the limits of this State, and has neither wife nor attorney known within the same, upon whom a copy of the said declaration might be served, it is therefore ordered that the said defendant do appear and plead to the said declaration, on or before the 10th day of October, which will be in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, otherwise final and absolute judgment will then be awarded against him. ($16) 8. E. MOORE, Clerk. October 15th, 1863. November 4 44 qly. NOTICE.-The subscriber would respectfully inform those who may have business with him, that he will be found in Yorkville, only on Friday and Saturday of each week. J. HEHNDON. May 85 * 21 tf Encouraged by the Correspondence between Gov. Vance and President Davis. State of North Carolina, Executive Department, Raleigh, Dec. 30, 1863. His Excellency President Davis: My Dear Sir: After a careful consideration of all the sources of discontent in North Carolina, I have concluded that it will be impossible to remove it, except by making some effort at negotiation with the enemy. The recent action of the Federal House of Representatives, though much very little, has greatly excited the public hope that the Northern mind is looking towards peace. I am promised by all men who advocate this course, that if fair terms are rejected, it will tend greatly to strengthen and intensify the war feeling, and will rally all classes to a more cordial support of the government. And, although our position is well known, as demanding only to be let alone, yet it seems to me that for the sake of humanity, without having any weak or improper motives attributed to us, we might, with propriety, constantly tender negotiations. In doing so, we would keep conspicuously before the world a disclaimer of our responsibility for the great slaughter of our race, and convince the humblest of our citizens who sometimes forget the actual situation that the government is tender of their lives and happiness, and would not prolong their sufferings. unnecessarily one moment. Though statesmen might regard this as useless, the people will not, and I think our cause will be strengthened thereby. I have not suggested the method of these negotiations or their terms. The effort to obtain peace is the principal matter. Allow me to beg your earnest consideration of this suggestion. Very respectfully yours, Z. B. VANCE. Executive Office, Richmond, January 8th, 1864. Dear Sir: I have received your letter of the 30th ultimo, containing suggestions of the measures to be adopted for the purpose of removing "the sources of discontent" in North Carolina. The contents of the letter are substantially the same as those of the letter addressed by you to Senator Dortch, extracts of which were by him read to me. I remarked to Mr. Dortch that you were probably not aware of the obstacles to the course you indicated, and without expressing an opinion on the merits of the proposed policy, I desired him in answering your letter to write suggestions as to the method of opening negotiations, and as to the terms which you thought should be offered to the enemy. I felt persuaded you would appreciate the difficulties as soon as your attention was called to the necessity of considering the subject in detail. As you have made no suggestions touching the manner of overcoming the obstacles, I infer that you were not apprised by Mr. Dortch of my remarks to him. % a. r : i-i_ x_ ii . i iipart iruui lusupuruuie ODjecuons 10 me line of policy you propose, (and to which 1 1 will presently advert) I cannot see how the 1 more material obstacles are to be surmount- 1 ed. We have made three distinct efforts to ' communicate with tho authorities at Wash- 1 ington, and have been invariably unsuccess- ' ful. Commissioners were sent before bos- 1 tilities were begun,-and the Washington 1 government refased to receive them or hear ' what they had to say. A .second time I ' sent a military officer with'a.communication 1 addressed by myself to President Lincoln. ? The letter was received by Gen. Scott, who I did not permit tho officer to see Mr. Lincoln, ? but promised that au answer should be sent. * No answer has ever been received. The * third time, a few months ago, a gentleman ? was sent, whose position, character aDd rep- ' utation were such as to ensure his reception, ' if the enemy were not determined to re- 1 ceive no proposals whatever from the gov- 1 eminent. Vice President Stepheus made a 1 patriotic tender of his services in the hope of being able to promote the cause of hu- 1 inanity and although Utile belief vras enter- 1 tained of his success, I cheerfully yielded to his suggestion, that the experiment should be tried. The enemy refused td let him 1 pass through their lines or to hold aoy conference with them. lie was stopped before he ever reached Fortress Monroe on his way to Washington. To attempt again (in the face of these repeated rejections of all conference with u$) to send Commissioners or Agents tojpropose peace, is to invite insult and contumely, aud to subject ourselves to indignity, without the slightest chance of being listened to. No true citizen, no man who has our cause at heart can desire this, and the good people of North Carolina would be the last to approve of such an attempt, if aware of all the facts. So far from removing the sources of discontent, such a course would receive, as it would merit, the condemnation of those true patriots who have given their blood and their treasure to maintain the freedom, equality, and independence, which descended to them from the immortal heroes of the revolution. If, then, these proposals cannot be made through envoys, because the enemy would not receive them. How is it possible to communicate our desire for peace, otherwise than by the public announcements contained in almost every message I ever sent to Congress? I cannot recall, at this time, one instance in which I have failed to announce that our only desire was peace, and the only terms which formed a sine qua non were precisely those that you suggested, namely, "a demand only to be let alone." But suppose it were practicable to obtain a conference through commissioners with the government. of President Lincoln, is it, at this moment, that we are to consider it desirable, or even at all admissible? Have we not just been apprised by "that despot that we can only expect his gracious pardon by emancipating all our slaves, swearing allegiance and obedience to him and his proclamation, and bo coming, in point of fact, the slaves of our own negroes? Can there be in North Carolina one citizen so fallen beneath the dignity of his ancestors as to accept, or to enter into conference on the basis of these terms? That there are a few traitors in the State who would be willing to betray their fellow citizens to such a degraded condition, in hope of being rewarded for treachery by an escape from the common doom, maybe true. But I do not believe that the vilest wretch would accept such terms for himself. I cannot conceive how the people of your State, than which none has sent nobler or more gallant soldiers to the field of battle (one of whom it is your honor to be,) can have been deceived by anything to which you refer in "the recent action of the Federal House of Representatives." I have seen no action of that House that does not indicate by a very decided majority, the purpose of the enemy to refuse all terms of the South, except absolute, unconditional subjugation or extermination. But if it were otherwise, how are we to treat with the Republicans of the South? It is with Lincoln alone that we ever could confer, and his own partisans at the North show unequivocally that his purpose in his message and proclamation was to shut out all hope that he could ever treat with us on any terms. If we will break up our government, dissolve the Confederacy, disband our armies, emancipate our slaves, take an oath of allegiance, binding ourselves to obedience to him and of disloyalty to our own States, he proposes to pardon us and not to plunder us of anything more than the property already stolen from us and such slaves as still remain. In order to render his proposal, so insulting as to secure their rejection, he joins to them a promise to support with his army, one-tenth of the people of any State who will attempt to set up a government over the other nine-tenths, thus seeking to sow discord and suspicion. Among the people of the several States, and to excite them to civil war in furtherance of his. Ends. I know well that it would be impossible to get your people, if they possessed full knowledge of these facts, to consent that proposals should now be made by us to those who control the government at Washington. Your own well-known devotion to the great cause of liberty and independence, to which we have all committed whatever we have of earthly possessions, would induce you to take the lead in repelling the baro thought of abject submission to the enemy. Yet peace on other terms is now impossible. To obtain the sole terms to which you or I could listen, this struggle must continue until the enemy's beaten out of his vain confidence in our subjugation. Then, and not until then, will it be possible to treat of peace. Until then all tender of terms to the enemy will be received as proof that we are ready for submission, and will encourage him in the atrocious warfare which he is waging. I fear much from the tenor of the news I receive from North Carolina, that an attempt will be made, by some bad men, to ingurate movements which must be considered as equivalent to aid and comfort to the enemy, and which all patriots should combine to put down at any cost. You may count on my aid in every effort to spare your State the scenes of civil warfare, which will devastate its homes if the designs of these traitor be suffered to make headway. I know that you will place yourself in your legitimate position in the lead of those who will not suffer the name of the old North State to be blackened by such a stain. Will you pardon me for suggesting that my only source of disquietude on the subject arises from the fear that you will, delay too long the action which now appears inevitable, and that by an over-careful desire to reclaim by conciliation, men whom you believe to be sound at heart, but whose loyalty is more than suspected elsewhere, you will permit a man to gather such strength as to require more violent measures than are now needed. With your influence and position, the promoters of this unfounded discontent, now prevalent in your State, would be put down without the use of physical force, if you would abandon a policy of conciliation, and set them at defiance. In this course, I frankly and firmly pursued, you would rally around you all that is best and noblest in Your State, and your triumph would be bloody. If the contrary policy be adopted, much fear you will be driven to the use of force to repress treason. In either event, however, be assured that you will have my cordial concurrence and assistance in maintaining with you the honor, dignity, and fair name of your State, and in your efforts to crush treason, whether incipient, as I believe it now to be, or more matured, as I believe it now to be, if not firmly met, it will in our future inevitably become. I have the honor to be, Very respectfully yours, JEFFERSON DAVIS. Some weeks ago, the papers contained a notice of the death, in Baltimore, of Mrs. Anne Kinlock Marshall, the sister of General Lee, and many years older than himself. The Richmond correspondent of the Mobile Register says: "A curious story is told about her and the General. When he was quite a youth, and while a guest at her house, he one day playfully, or unintentionally, threw a knife across the table at her, and struck her in the arm. The wound, strange to say, never healed. A year or more afterwards, General Lee and his brother Carter paid their sister another visit and remained two weeks in her house, during which they covered her eyes on her. The excuse was that she was too ill to see them. The fact was, as they learned subsequently, that her wounded and unhealed arm was amputated while they were her guests, and rather than mar the pleasure of their visit, she concealed the painful truth by the device which I have stated." A man brought a cow and calf into Petersburg the other morning which he offered for sale at $5,000. No sole. TO A MAN ABSENT FRIEND. Your Image Is with me go where I may. As an Angel It comes, as bright as the day; Dear one, It Is so? I love thee too well, Too deeply, too blindly, for language to tell. The fond look Of that face, so lovely and fair, Those sparkling black eyes and dark glossy hair, O'er shading those cheeks to blushing fair, And sweet coral lips bewitchingly dear. I can never forget that sweet, pensive face? The form molded in beauty, moving in grace; Your soul wears a charm I cannot well tell? There is something that pleases I love fondly and well. This is these which have tied, and tightly have bound This heart all to thee, with cables around; They are part of my soul? I could not have less? Break one of these links and you sever the rest. Oh, doubt not, when I tell thee all that I feel, Doubt not the love I cannot conceal. Keep it sacred and holy, as you only know The flame that consumes, which I cannot show. If still you would ask the love I bear thee, I Come, count the stars in heaven with me; That love is as great as the numberless lights That gem the blue vault of heaven at night. Or walk to the surf, and shield me may see, Reflected from Heaven, my friend? What for thee? Count the sands of the beach and mumble them true, My love is as great and as countless for you. Then forget not the heart which loves thee too well, For you, although broken and crushed in the spell, Still, had I as many as drops in the sea, The world would all be filled with wisdom and care. THE BOGUS PROCLAMATION. We have already mentioned the suppression of the New York World and Journal of Commerce by the tyrannical authorities of Washington. The cause of the suppression is alleged to have been the publication of the following proclamation, which was lent to all the papers in New York, but which was suppressed by all but the above. Executive Mansion, May 17, 1864. Fellow Citizens of the United States: In all seasons of exigencies, it becomes a nation carefully to scrutinize its line of conduct, humbly to approach the Throne of Grace, and meekly to implore forgiveness, "visitation and guidance." For reasons known only to us, it has been decreed that this country should be the scene of unparalleled outrage and this nation the monumental sufferer of the nineteenth century. With a heavy heart, but in undiminished confidence in our cause, I approach the performance of a duty rendered imperative by my sense of weakness before the Almighty, and of justice to the people. It is not necessary that I tell you that the first Virginia campaign under Lieutenant General Grant, in whom I have every confidence, and whose courage and fidelity the people are well to honor, is virtually closed. He has conducted his great enterprise with discretion. He has crippled their strength and defeated their plans. In view, however, of the situation in Virginia, the disaster at Red River, the delay at Charleston, and the general state of the country, I, Abraham Lincoln, do hereby recommend that Thursday, the 26th day of May, A.D., 1864, be solemnly set apart throughout these United States, as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer. Deeming, furthermore, that the present condition of public affairs presents an extraordinary occasion, and in view of the impending expansion of the service of the people. One hundred thousand of our troops, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States. It is the duty of the Constitution and laws, by virtue of the power vested in me by the Constitution and laws, have thought it to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the citizens of the United States, between the ages of eighteen and forty-five years, to the aggregate number of 600,000, four hundred thousand, in order to suppress the existing rebellious combinations and to cause the due execution of the laws. And, furthermore, in case any State or number of States shall fail to furnish by June 15 next, their assigned quotas, it is hereby ordered that the same be raised by an immediate and peremptory draft. The details for this object will be communicated to the State authorities, through the War Department. I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, fail, and aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity, and the existence of our National Union, and the integrity of our popular government. In witness, whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the City of Washington, this 17th day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-eighth. (Signed) Abraham Lincoln. By the President: Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State. A Conflagration in Battle. The battle of the Wilderness was fierce almost beyond precedent in Northern Virginia, for here our forces were compelled to fight 10th fire and the enemy. Whether intentionally or not, is not known, the woods were set on fire along the Yankee lines in the midst of the battle, which raged as fiercely as the battle itself, and through which our forces obarged and whipped the foe. The effect of the heat and smoke combined was intense and almost suffocating, and many of our men were overcome, some of them fainting and falling to the ground in the face of this great obstacle the territory was gained over vastly superior numbers, and the army of the Potomac was driven from the field, leaving all of its dead and many of its wounded in our hands. If the woods were purposely fired, as many of the prisoners state, the act was one of inconceivable cruelty and inhumanity; if not, the enemy should have paid more attention to his wounded, and not have left them to burn to death. That many of them suffered death by fire is a well-established fact, affirmed by the officers and men throughout our entire army. In hundreds of instances some suffering Yankee would try out in the very anguish of his soul to be removed from before the raging flames, and wherever such was practicable our men rendered the necessary assistance, but often, indeed, in the very heat of battle, they were unable to do this. It was an awful sight to see. See a fellow-mortal burning up before their eyes, even though he, were a foe, but it was one of the fortunes of war, and the act of the enemy. It is estimated that hundreds of the enemy's wounded, and even some of our own, were thus burned to death. The loss of the enemy in this battle was very great. His wounded lay upon the ground for several days, and his dead yet cover the field by thousands. Grant made no effort to bury them, and Lee would not tire his men with the work, in view of the coming operations. There they lie, and there their bodies will moulder to dust and their bones bleach beneath the storms and sunshine. Petersburg Express. We are informed of a recent occurrence in Darlington District, which is worthy of a more general notoriety than it is likely to obtain from mere neighborhood gossip. A lady had stored up a considerable quantity of lard, upwards of a thousand pounds, which she was willing to sell at 85 per pound, but not a cent less. She had also a smokehouse, crammed full of bacon, for which she likewise demanded 85 per pound, and although she was repeatedly offered 83, 83 50, and even 84, she persisted inexorably in her demand of 85. The impressing officer of the District, being in want of bacon and lard for the army, called on her one day last week, and politely informed her that she must consider her lard and bacon as purchased by the Government, at Government prices—that is, 82 per pound for the bacon, and 81-50 for the lard. In a few hours every pound of the articles in her possession was placed in the railroad cars, with instructions "on to Richmond" and we have no doubt they will reach their destination. The difference between the same received from the Government and what would have been cheerfully paid by her neighbors, will amount to at least $10,000. We commend this proceeding to the imitation of impressing officers throughout the State, and trust that wherever cases of hoarding of provisions for extortionate prices is brought to their attention they will apply the remedy promptly and thoroughly. Charleston Courier. Sala on Beast Butler. There are few more curious subjects for speculation than that involved in the probable reception which would be met with by the political refugees whom the chances of the contest may force, ere long, to seek an asylum in Great Britain. We have been, from time immemorial, accustomed to extend a frank hospitality to exiles of every shade of creed and party. The dethroned tyrant and the escaped have been welcome. Louis Philippe or Louis Napoleon; Metternich or Mazzini; Kossuth or Jeao de Bourbon; Caarbe the Tenth or Causidiere; it is all one to us. We should be glad to harbor Souloque; we should be happy to see Juarez; and if His Holiness the Pope turned up some fine morning at Mavart's, Exeter Hall would leave its card upon him to strive to convert him. Abraham Lincoln in London would be a lion, and Mr. Beresford Hope, the Marquis of Bath, and Lord Robert Cecil would be prolific of civilities to Jefferson Davis. But, how would it be if Benjamin F. Butler came among us? Would there be one spot of English, or French, or Italian ground where he could find rest for the sole of his foot? I seem to bear the managers of the Grand Hotel and the Louvre saying they were very sorry indeed. I have a single guest, and hundreds of guests vowing that they would pack up and leave immediately if Butler were harbored. I seem to see The waiters at table d'hostes and cafes turning away from them. I seem to hear the whole European continent crying out that Benjamin F. Butler is a pariah and an outlaw. A Jewel of a Wife. The following story sounds rather Frenchy. We do not know that anyone vouches for its truth: A certain Russian noble, who lately visited Paris, was noticed to be constantly plunged into deep sadness. He wore on his finger a remarkable ring, large enough for a bracelet, and extending over his hand like a buckler for the ring finger. It was of greenish color, and was traversed by red veins. It attracted the attention of everybody, but no one was bold enough to interrogate the mysterious stranger, until one day a lady, meeting him in a public parlor, ventured to say: "You wear a handsome ring." The Russian made a movement as though to conceal his hand, but that feeling gave way to a desire to unburden himself. "It is not a ring," he answered, "but a sepulchre." A shudder passed through the whole company. "This jewel, madam," he continued, "is my wife. I had the misfortune to lose her some years since in Russia. She was an Italian, and dreaded the day bed which awaited her after this life. I carried her remains to Germany, where I was acquainted with a celebrated chemist, whom I directed to make the body a solid substance, which I could always carry about me. Eight days afterwards, he sent for me, and showed me the empty coffin and a horrid collection of instruments and amethysts. This jewel was laying on the table. He had through means of some oppressive substance and powerful pressure reduced and compressed that which was my wife into this jewel, which shall never more leave me." The Prospects of the North. The Army and Navy Gazette, of April 9, says: "We have through good and evil held to the faith that the 'North must succeed. But ignorance and incapacity, faction and corruption, may counterbalance all the influences which should operate in producing a natural result. The Union, let us say it for the twentieth time, can never be restored. It begins to be doubtful at last if the means which the Northerners employ to subjugate the South are equal to the work." The Court of Errors adjourned on Thursday, after a Session of three days. In their judgments in the cases heard, the following points have been settled, viz: 1. That the discharge of a person liable to military service upon his furnishing an accepted substitute under the provision of the Act of Congress of April 16, 1862, (see sec. 9,) whether regarded as a contract between the Government and the individual, or an extension to the latter of a mere privilege, may be recalled by Congress, whenever in its judgment, the public necessities require a change of policy in this respect, and the recent Act of Congress declaring that no one shall be exempt from such service by reason of his having heretofore furnished a substitute, is not unconstitutional. The questions whether Congress intended to retard the sufficiency, if not himself within the conscription, and whether this, if intended, can be rightfully done, were not under consideration, and therefore not denied. 2. That exemptions of overseers, upon the payment of five hundred dollars, under the provisions of the Act of October, 1868, are not revoked by the repealing clause of the recent Act of February 17th, 1864, but continue in force until the expiration of the year for which they were granted. The repealing clause must be construed, in reference to this matter, to be prospective only, and not also retrospective in its operation. We understand that orders embodying the conclusions of the Court only have been yet filed. The judgments at large assigning the reasons for these conclusions will be hereafter prepared. Columbia (S. C.) Guardian. The Wounding of General Longstreet. The following letter, from Capt. Taylor, refutes the rumor that Gen. Longstreet was wounded, or that General Jenkins was killed, by the fire of Mahone's brigade. By whatever brigade the unfortunate accident was occasioned, none will more regret it than the gallant men of Mahone's Brigade. We regret to know that Captain Taylor was wounded severely in the knee in the battle of the Wilderness: To the Editors of the Enquirer: Richmond, May 24, 1864. Sir, It has been generally rumored, and indeed, has appeared in some of the public prints, that the troops of Mahone's brigade wounded Lieutenant General Longstreet and killed Brigadier General Jenkins. I am in receipt of a letter from the Governor of Maryland, dated May 24, 1864. Letter, addressed to me by direction of Lieutenant General Longstreet, in which he exonerates that brigade from the charge. Did. I possess facilities, I could, with equal readiness, refute the charge in reference to the death of the lamented Jenkins. Justice to those brave and true men, who have so surely attested their valor, and of whose numbers so large a proportion has fallen, killed or wounded, in the pending battle, demands this contradiction of the imputations cast upon them. Colonel, your obedient servant, ROBERTSON TAYLOR, Captain and A. A. G., Maboue's Brig. Astounding Information. A late Northern journal frightens the Yankees with the following: Philadelphia, May 20, 1864. A letter from an officer on an American war vessel, dated Dover, England, May 4, contains the following important information: It has been known to us through rebel naval officers that the Alabama was coming here, and that the combined rebel pirates are to make a demonstration on our Northern coast, as soon as they can get ready. The detention of the Rappahannock and non-arrival of the Alabama here postponed it for a month. This comes direct from rebel officers aboard the vessels, through our spies. Nice Doings of a Yankee Consul. The Halifax (N.S.) Journal of April 29, says: It is understood that the American consul at this port has been endeavoring to bribe the engineers and other officers on board the Confederate steamers in this port, to betray their trust, as it is believed he was only too successful in doing in the case of the Robert Lee. Successful in gaining admission to the city of Petersburg, the other day, without the Captain's knowledge; and we are requested by Captain Fuller to state that when he repeats his visit, he will be provided with a speedy passage to the bottom of the dock, with a sinker upon him sufficient to keep him there. This is dignified work certainly, for the representative of a nation which claims to be civilized—the placing of the role of the spy, and resorting to bribery. Mister Editor: I am kind enough to say that I got some fresh to perspire for my services as a skulking teacher. I never did like that business, for I can make lots more money speculation, to not have it natural turn. But I was willing to teach while the war lasts, so as to be able to bear it, but to let them fall at Rio Hondo. They wouldn't hear of my teething a skule? So I took to fishing myself like all-mighty-sud-etin' things, and got a stick and walked lame, so that I fell off amazing, and looked like I was aliens in a funeral attitude, and was greatly to be pitted? But don't they, they saw, threw it all, and said it was no go, I must face the army and I feel now like I was a playing on a barrel of a thousand stripes, and every breeze that mermers by means to say "farewell brother Crawford?" Lord! how my stomach hurts me! Sumter Waterman. The late-Gen. A. G. Jenkins, was a native of Virginia, but graduated from Harvard University with great distinction. Grant made a larger advance than his predecessors, by the same route, and recently bound himself to it by a special pledge. His abandonment of it now is a confession of terrible defeat. After spending 60,000 or 70,000 men in the experiment of advancing by the North side, he has humiliated himself so far as to runaway in the night to look for the despised McClellan's tracks on the penitentiary. The news will fall like a cold bath on the hopes of his people. And well, it may; for how can he hope, with a whipped and hilled? army, to accomplish from the pen of the people what McClellan failed to do with his vast well appointed and well-disposed army, urged on by confident expectations. God has not given as over to be cursed by Grant, and if he runs about like a man to find some point from which his desire may be gratified, like Balaam, he will be ever disappointed. There are those who confirm Grant's advance from Spotsylvania to the North Anna as evidence of improvement in his condition. It is sufficient to say that Grant, judges differently. From Spotsylvania, he had hopes of seeing Richmond; from the North Anna none. At the latest accounts, Grant had crossed the Pamunkey at Hanover Town, distant, we believe, about eighteen or twenty miles from Richmond. Carolinian Sherman's Policy. A correspondent of the Atlanta Appeal says: "The purposes and posture of the enemy are involved in some obscurity, but I think they clearly meditate a flank movement, upon our extreme left, and I retain my opinion, expressed ten days ago, that the great battle, if there be one at all, will occur upon the Chattahoochee, between Atlanta and West Point. But Gen. Sherman has a hard road to travel. He left Chattanooga with 100,000 men. A garrison of 8,000 mounted behind. In the various struggles for position he has lost fall 15,000 men. The reserve guard has been called up to the front, and between the actual defeat in killed, wounded and missing, and the troops necessarily expended upon his line of communication, he now faces us with a line reduced to 80,000. He has been reinforced by the enemy." Away, number of people, but they are constantly running away, 250 of them deserted at Athens, in East Tennessee. One of Johnston's "Skirmish." A Western correspondent, describing the recent attack against Granby's brigade of Tezans, writes as follows: "The sight is horrible. For an hundred yards you can scarcely tread without stepping over the mangled form. Most of them are shot through the head. One felled was examined and found to have received forty-seven balls; another twelve. The marksmanship was wonderful. Coolly these Texans went to work, repulsing an entire corps in three hours. It was the corps of Maj. General Howard. The figures above are not exaggerates; if anything, they are under-stated. Our loss, 300 or 400. This magnificent fight has electrified the whole army. Throughout yesterday, the bloody field was visited by hundreds, who all declare it unexampled. The rescued by the comparatively small loss on our side may. 