text: Ik i ROM A / < Tackled the Wrong Man in Tennesseean Wrong Whereupon the insurgent committee returned to headquarters and reported to their big chief that Mr. Brownlow was "hopeless." Mr. Brownlow's statement was that Mr. Brownlow was "hopeless." WASHINGTON.—The leaders in the insurgent movement against the rules of the house of representatives must have been desperately in need of recruits when they tackled Representative Walter Brownlow of Tennessee and tried to make him a convert to their way of thinking. The committee explained its mission, Mr. Brownlow listening courteously the while. Finally, when the explanations had all been made and the three members of the committee were completely out of arguments and breath, Mr. Brownlow spoke for the first time. "You say," quoth he, "that this is a movement to reform and liberalize the rules of the house of representatives?" "It is," the committee agreed, with unanimity and eagerness. "Well, then," said Mr. Brownlow, "you can't expect me to take much interest in this fight, for I have never read them. I don't know what they are, except that they're blamed good rules and no mistake. If you know any member of congress who's got more for his district since he's been in congress than I have why just you trot him around. I'd like to look him over." Old Snub Costs Diplomat His Post which was given of £ iViHlTi £ iViHlTi £ Cv'l V Lervorj. A SNUB inflicted years ago upon an American couple who were spending their honeymoon abroad has been paid for at last. Slight as the affair seemed at the moment, it has developed enough importance to lose Henry White, ambassador at Paris, his post in spite of his long experience in various important capitals of Europe and his other claims to notice. The resignation of Ambassador White has been received at the White House and it was accepted in the usual stereotyped fashion. It was back in 1886 that William Howard Taft and his bride, a pair of comparatively unimportant but blissful Newlyweds, were doing their honeymoon in Europe. In the course of their rainbow rambles they came to Vienna, where Diplomat White was then secretary of legation. There was some afternoon function of the unimportant sort coming off within a day or so. Enormous increase in legislation last decade the increase has been as follows: GO T " L5 C,S fllLL / V C2§ L EGISLATION by congress has increased almost incredibly during the last decade. Thousands of measures are introduced at every session, but the number enacted into laws ordinarily is comparatively insignificant. The development of the country's resources and the increased demands of the people are indicated, however, by the immense increase in the number of laws passed. "This increase," said Col. W. M. Palmer, in charge of the enrolled bills of the senate, "has been particularly notable during the last ten years. Prior to that time there was little variation in the number of measures enacted into law." aw by successive congresses. In the congress. aw by successive congresses. In the To Build on Noted Tennis Court Ground The White House tennis court is doomed. President Taft, who does not care anything about tennis anyhow, has told the men who are to add to the executive building that he will not stand for a two-story structure, but that if more room is needed in the building it can be spread out to the south. To the south is the famous spot where Mr. Roosevelt battled with his tennis cabinet. The architect who designed the office building, Mr. McKim of New York, made it as innocuous as possible, that it might not interfere with the ment about having done more for his district probably than any other man in the house is no joke and he wasn't bragging when he said it. His capacity for making congress take care of his constituents is a proverb in Tennessee He isn't a man who gets up on the floor of the house every day or so and tears off about eight yards of purple and gold oratory. Neither does he introduce a bill a minute and wander round the capitol waving them in the air and demanding that he be recognized at once for all of them. No, he doesn't do these things, but as a committee worker he is in a class by himself. Why, it has come to be a saying around the capitol that every time Walter Brownlow discovers a neglected graveyard in his district he immediately imbues it with historic interest and proceeds to give it to a grateful federal government, "absolutely free, gentlemen, absolutely free." The said grateful government wakes up the following fiscal year to find that it is saddled with the expenses of that particular graveyard for the rest of time and while the face of the earth shall endure. Until recently the members of the house appropriations committee were very much worried about this graveyard gift business and one of them led Mr. Brownlow aside and told him the government didn't need any more Tennessee burying grounds in its business—had no use for them—couldn't consider them even as a present. They all felt better when they learned there weren't any more. For he had made, personally, a census of them all. Mr. Brownlow told them so himself, and he ought to know. Which was given some degree of interest by the fact that royalty would be the center thereof. Mrs. Newlywed was just dying to see royalty; Mr. Newlywed promised that his bride should see all the royalty that was to be visible on the afternoon in question. He asked Secretary White to see about securing admission cards. The request might have been fulfilled by the slightest hint from the legation secretary to the proper official. But Mr. White was not in that mood. On the morning of the day for the function, Secretary White sent the following little note to Mr. Newlywed: "I am sorry to inform you that I was unable to accomplish what you asked. The affair is very exclusive. The number of invitations is limited and they have been ordered sent only to persons of importance and distinction. I inclose, however, tickets to the museum, and trust that Mrs. Taft and yourself will spend a pleasant afternoon." One of the first clouds had appeared in the Taft honeymoon, and the new wife's disappointment was deep. The letter still remains in the Taft memory and archives, and it is the all-important document in the case of Ambassador Henry White. Last decade the increase has been astonishing. During the first and second sessions of the Fifty-fifth congress, 1,473 bills were passed by the house and senate and misappropriated to the president in the third session of the same congress 644 measures were enacted into laws. In the Fifty-sixth congress, 1,962 measures were passed; in the Fifty-seventh, 2,781; in the Fifty-ninth, 4,041; in the Fifty-ninth, 6,940, and in the Sixtieth, the congress which ended on March 4, the number of bills enacted into law reached the great total of 9,711. Col. Palmer, who prepared and carried to the White House all of these bills, not one of which was ever lost or mislaid, was appointed to the committee on enrolled bills of the senate 13 years ago from New Jersey by the late Senator Sewell, Col. Palmer predicts that the number of measures passed by the present congress will exceed those of any preceding congress. White House proper. Congress, however, added $10,000 to the cost of the office building that, its foundations and walls might be made strong enough to bear the weight of another story, or several of them if necessary, in the future. Now the congress has appropriated $40,000 to add to the capacity of the executive offices. Mr. Taft, remembering the points made by architects in the past, although not of an aesthetic nature himself, has sacrificed the tennis court and ordered an extension on the ground floor. The "undesirables" are still returning to the White House. Rough Riders have disappeared from the landscape, negroes no longer have a chance to hold office in the south, automobiles have displaced horses and the tennis court is to be obliterated. Residents of Washington are asking what has become of the Roosevelt policies. Need of more hospitals? By JOHN H. SHERARD, Sherard, Miss. Why Was the Gospel More Powerful to Apostolic Times Than Now? For the first three hundred years after the ascension, the gospel without the aid of electricity or steam came nearer encompassing the known world than it had ever done since. St. Luke lived there the gospel planted in Africa, Asia Minor, Europe, and Greece. Twenty years after the ascension, St. Paul and Silas were preaching in Thosias, when an attempt was made to arrest them; they effected their escape, but Jason and others with whom they were stopping were arrested and put in prison, and the charge preferred against them was, "that they were turning them." world upside down with the Christian religion." Christ told His apostles to do two things; to preach the gospel of the kingdom and heal, the sick. The apostles adhered very strictly to his commands, and we find St. James thirty years after, Christ advising the elders of the church to pray for the sick and anoint with oil. "Is any sick among you? Let him call for the elders of the church; and let them pray over him, anointing him with oil in the name of the Lord; and the prayer of faith shall save the sick and the Lord shall raise him up; and if he has committed sins, they shall be forgiven him." James iv: 14-15. The first act of Peter and John after preaching the pentocostal sermon was the healing of the lame man at the Gate. Beautiful; the foundation of which was made a great sermon by Peter, resulting in 5,000 men joining the church. The apostles, like their Savior, continued healing all the sick that were brought to them and their success was so great that they ceased to speak of the converts by numbers, but as multitudes—as given in Acts v: 14-15-16: "And believers were the more added to the Lord, multitudes both of men and women." "Insomuch that they brought forth the sick into the streets and laid them on beds and couches that at least a shadow of Peter passing by might overshadow some of them." Are we "turning the world upside down today with this gospel?" Then, if not, why not? Have we not the same gospel as that preached by the apostles? If so, then why are we falling so far behind them in results? The test of true religion is its power to help men, to relieve suffering, and to transform the lives of men. Miracles of healing and through them. Peter wrought spiritual and moral miracles upon the characters of men. Jesus gives the test of discipleship in Matthew xxv, when he said: "I was hungry and ye gave me to eat. I was thirsty and ye gave me to drink. I was a stranger and ye took me in. I was a stranger and ye took me in. I was sick and ye visited me. I was in prison and ye came unto me. The test and proof that Jesus was the Messiah is given in the words of Jesus himself in his message to John the Baptist, when he said, "Tell John how: "The blind received their sight. The lame walked. The lepers are cleansed. The deaf hear. The dead are raised up. And the poor have the gospel preached unto them." Compare this with his promise to his disciples, when he said: "In my name shall they cast out devils with those whom they have not." They shall speak with new tongues. They shall lay hands on the sick and they shall recover. How far does the church of today have and use these powers? For here lies the secret of its success. The efficient church is at work reproducing on earth now in form the work of Jesus himself. Christianity came to this country with the first settler over 400 years ago. Here we have freedom of thought and freedom of speech, where we can proclaim Christ from every hilltop, and sing beautiful gospel songs without fear of being molested (a privilege which the apostles did not enjoy), yet upon examination we find that there is less than one-fourth of the people of this country Protestants or members of the Protestant church. We are not "turning the world upside down;" people are not joining the church by the "multitude." Many of our religious revivals close after a ten days' or two weeks' duration without a single addition to the church. The cause is as plain as the noonday sun—we are not observing the plain command as did the apostles. We are doing all that ouravior reasonably expected us to do along the line of preaching and teaching, but we are not doing the healing. Hospitals, orphanages and rescue missions stand for practical religion. Medicine is a gift of God as really as faith; it should be used as much to aid in recovering from sickness. We are twins. Work and faith People will not come to church because they do not believe in us. Our diseased bodies are the doorways to hearts and souls. Statistics show that the Southern Methodist Church financially is the strongest religious denomination in the South, yet it has been the most a frequent occurrence to see not only its members but its preachers lying in the charity wards of Roman Catholic hospitals. The writer has seen this spectacle and was personally acquainted with the wife of a Methodist preacher who was nursed into Catholicism. Through a Catholic hospital. The Southern Methodist church only has one hospital in this country, but it is to its credit that many of its conferences are now supporting orphanages. The sick were placed where Peter's shadow might fall upon them that they might be healed. Would not Methodist hospitals reflect the shadow of Christ, into which the sick might be carried and treated in his name? May the time be not far distant when, if it becomes necessary, to carry a Methodist to a hospital, that hospital shall be a Methodist hospital, presided over by sweet-spirited Methodist women as nurses, and when it becomes necessary to use the knife, may the surgeon not think it vain to ask the guidance of the Holy Spirit before inserting the same. Our trust in the real situation in America today. Farmers of the country consistently fleeced by tariff robbers—James J. Hill, not a sound political economist. James J. Hill, the railroad magnate, says that American trusts will break down of their own weight, and that the chief problem before the American people is to keep up the food supply. This is equivalent to saying that scientific agriculture will solve all our industrial problems—that if we raise enough wheat and flour we can allow the trusts to plunder us at will until they exhaust themselves. One cannot resist the conclusion that Mr. Hill's economic views are shallow. He is a great railroad builder, and a poor student of political economy. Mr. Hill admits that the tariff is the "mother of trusts," but falls back on the worn-out plea that tariff reduction will strip the nation's treasury. Isn't it strange that this western empire builder should fail to preach national economy, as he preaches it to his railroad subordinates, and to the western farmers? High tariff not only induces government extravagances, but increases individual cost of living. Private and public economy are the foundations of national prosperity. A normal tariff scientifically adjusted, will yield the government ample revenue for legitimate expenses. A depleted treasury is the favorite argument of standpatters, who scoff at the idea of retrenchment in national expenditures. But it is the individual foot that is pinched most by the high tariff shoe. How much better off is the western farmer if he doubles his grain output and finds the cost of living doubled during the same period? Practically this has been his experience in recent years. The fruit of his labor and skill must be divided with the robber trusts. Again, must the cost of living keep on increasing until the trusts fall to pieces through overreaching extortion? Mr. Hill seems to think so. The preponderance of western American sentiment is against this view. The west believes that an artificial cost of living can be broken down now by a "downward" revision of the tariff. American agriculture may be destined to play the chief part in feeding the consuming world. That is no reason why American farmers should be fleeced by tariff robbers. Protection Breeds Protection. The Journal of Commerce of New York tells of a California fruit grower who, asking for more and higher duties on his product, said that it was protectionism that made protection necessary to the fruit industry. Telling of the duties he desired on foreign fruits, he said, getting these, the fruit growers would still be out and injured because of the greatly increased cost of the things that fruit growers must purchase. The Journal of Commerce concludes its discussion of the text presented thus: "As one demands tariff because another has it and must get high prices because he has to pay them, so no one is willing to give up any duty that helps him unless or until the others do it in the same or a greater measure, and everybody is afraid of having the tangle of duties touched lest something give way. As soon as any change is proposed the idiotic cry is raised in brainless quarters, 'Don't touch it; let well enough alone.' If it is in prosperous times, prosperity will be destroyed; if it is in time of depression, recovery will be prevented. The disease is acknowledged, but the patient is too delicate to be treated. When he is in a fever it is dangerous and when that has exhausted itself and him it would prevent his regaining strength. Let him alone as long as he can endure the spasms and does not actually die. Is the time ever to come when we can build on the rock and have firm foundations, facing competition unafraid, or must our structure be forever propped up on shifting sands with an intricate and complex mass of artificial supports in various stages of decay?" Defects in Bill Pointed Out. That the new tariff bill is open to serious objection because of its complete failure to cut down the savage duty imposed on all articles of wearing apparel, both for men and women, is not a thing which should be concealed in the interests of party. So far as the three schedules mentioned are concerned, the committee has not fulfilled the pledge of the Republican platform, and that section of the bill manifestly is open to these objections which President Taft before his inauguration declared would result in a veto. This is an extract from an analysis of the new tariff bill being made by the Chicago Tribune. The three schedules referred to are the woolen, the cotton and the silk. There was a fourth which the statement goes on to set out helped make up the big four that under the Dingley bill were outrageously high, namely, the schedule of iron, steel and the manufactures thereof. Senator Quay at the time served notice that if this schedule did not go as he had fixed it, he would prevent all tariff legislation. Mr. Aldrich similarly got what he wanted for the other three schedules. In the present bill, considerable reductions have been made in the iron and steel schedule, but the others go untouched. TAX WEALTH! NOT POWERTY. Vital Flaw in Tariff Bill Introduced by the Republicans. The Payne tariff bill does not tax coffee. It taxes tea eight and nine cents a pound. It continues on sugar the tax of nearly two cents a pound, which Wayne MacVeagh, who was attorney general in the Garfield cabinet, calls "infamities" because it often costs a poor laborer more than a multi-millionaire. There are some advantages in a taxed breakfast table. You know what you pay, and what for; and the government gets the money, not the protected interests. The government surely needs the money if it is to continue its present policy of extravagance. Take the war costs alone. For 1910, Chairman Tawney of the appropriations committee says these will be: Army, $101,197,470; navy, $136,935,199; pensions, $160,903,908; military academy, $2,531,521; fortifications, $8,170,111; interest and miscellaneous, $115,999,092. Total, $525,742,301. A ten-cent tax on 1,000,000,000 pounds of coffee would produce $100,000,000. A 25-cent-a-pound tax on 115,000,000 pounds of tea would produce $28,750,000; and a tax of 75 cents a pound on 5,500,000,000 pounds of sugar would produce $398,750,000, or in all $527,500,000—enough to pay our war bills—unless people stopped using tea, coffee, and sugar, as many would. It would cost each average $100,000,000. Family about $30 extra—but they would take more interest in war expenditures. The present plan costs them even more than that, for besides the $30 to the government each family pays toll to private pockets. How much better than either taxing the breakfast table or taxing nearly all the necessities of life, as at present, would it be to adopt Mr. MacVeagh's suggestion and make "colossal incomes and colossal accumulations of surplus wealth" pay generously through graduated income and inheritance taxes toward the costs of government! Tax wealth, not poverty Democratic Policy the Right One. The $300,000,000 a year which the Payne bill is expected to turn into the treasury should carry with it all the protection that can reasonably be asked. Surely it will restrict foreign competition amply to cover the difference between the American cost and the foreign cost of making any article that can be profitably manufactured in the United States. Prohibitive tariff is neither in line with sound finance nor with the declared policy of the newly-seated president. The Democratic purpose to fight protective schedules only when they are prohibitive and not productive of revenue will have, more over, the support of millions of Republicans in the northwest who are as patriotic in their willingness to contribute freely to the support of the government as they are firm in opposition to monopoly legislation. The house Democrats also show the right temper in their purpose not to oppose items in the Payne bill which are reasonable and fair. Revision of the tariff is a business matter, and it is pleasing to note that the Democrats in congress are going at it meaning business. Salary Uplift Checked. Even though the sundry civil appropriation bill carries a presidential salary item of $75,000. Mr. Taft will be little or no better provided for in this respect than Mr. Roosevelt has been for a year or two. In this time, the president has had at his disposal $25,000 a year, additional to his discretion, for traveling expenses. Now the $25,000 travel fund is merged into the salary from which the president must meet his transportation costs. Fails the whole movement for salary increases among high federal officials, which had gained such promising headway earlier in the session. It is just as well, considering the low state of the public treasury and the hard times among taxpayers. —Springfield Republican. So Taft's Opportunity. Possibly the strictest of the civil service reformers would insist that White House barbers and messengers shall be employed only after having passed an examination designed to test their efficiency, not as treasury clerks or printers, but as barbers and messengers. But that point may well be waived. The main thing is that the business of transferring men, of relieving them from duties which they were hired to perform, ought to stop. Here is a chance for reform which we trust Mr. Taft will not pass by. Possibly also he may be able to get along with fewer military and naval aids, and with less of the trumpet business. For This Relief, Much Thanks. Whatever else Mr. Taft may have inherited from his predecessor, he seems to have evaded the demon's legacy of Rooseveltian prolixity. The length of presidential messages has steadily increased through many years until they have come to rival the six best sellers in their unpruned luxuriance. Napoleon said that he was content to go dewa to posterity with his code in his hand. Should Mr. Taft's practice continue as it has begun, he may take his place in the line of the world's great ones, grasping a single sheet of typewritten paper containing his first message to congress. Partners in His Crime. The Haitian looking customer had been arrested for stealing a umbrella. "What do you have to say for yourself?" asked the police justice. "Are you guilty or not guilty?" "I'm one of the guilty ones, your honor, I reckon," answered the prisoner. 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