text: Si si...— sisi —— ;, N-Ü-nl-A'h-N tak-" <" (n'—." L'"'ss',z"si'm'**-W WW.M mew-x -— a — --. _., ct-h the New-You; EVENING Post. PRESIDþ—IN Post ZsssilEctoizAGE. No. X. _ Those who at cizis time Ran-1 sonh is. "lef'ence of doom, in! us'simc this violarion ofhessitzcasily Lss u-uuchmilsieo by the fox-e. Ieign, an: siviH doubtless, on being prosioesct ly represented to him, me::K wizh?. Prompt response. The intended proclamation, say they, shows expressively, that he has acted without the command even knowledge of the King; and our Secretary of State has very courteously observed in his official report that "other circumstances concur with the good faith and friendship of his wife observed by his Catholic Majesty—May, favoring a belief that no such orders have been given." We shall not stop to consider the very extraordinary supposition that in an affair of so very great importance as the free navigation of the Mississippi, and which was the subject of a treaty, the King of Spain should not have made known his intentions for the space of more than seven years; although he was limited for that purpose to the sick. Three credible witnesses, Appellate, but may we be permitted to all, what are those other circumstances which come or to evince this gain? Will our complaints fail? Secretary of State he pleased to inform us, Which he adverts to the marks of friendship which our countrymen have for to long a period experienced in the outrages committed on their persons. On the millions of property of which they have been plundered, from La Plata to Peru, will be sought for the evidence of this good sight and fruitfulness in the damp and killing of the trees. Who, Va/parafsa, or Lima-P If this gentleman would for a moment look in upon a picture of real life in a Spanish prison, he would meet with a scene more affecting than the fancy of Stetne ever drew—wrought upon him after having been stripped of his last farthing, and ignominiously sieged to death's floor like the wild of criminals, he would behold him extended half naked on the bare planks; with his arms folded under his head as his only pillow—his body feverish, wasted, and meager—his only employment that of counting over the dismal days and nights of captivity—and he might see him turn a hapless eye upon his country, which has abandoned him—Such has been the state of many American citizens within the last fourteen months and at this moment, many a wretch lingers not his existence in similar captivity, while an officer at the head of our Government, assures us of the good faith and friendship of his Catholic Majesty; and while the Executive himself boasts of his citizenship abroad and peace at home—consoling himself with the belief that while he can tell the people there is plenty of money in the treasury, his darling popularity will never be endangered, though a portion of our fellow citizens will be left to mourn. itizens be perish. Artificiality as a symbol in 2 sides as an individual in 2 sides Are English Sailors treated in this manner - either by Spain or France? It is not a fact, that when Americans were suffering every indignity and oppression from Le Clerc's St., Domingo, the English received from him a treatment in every respect the direct opposite; and that this was so palpable that the name of an American was a subject of dignity, and the government of derision, to both French and English? But Great Britain knows? how to make herself feared and respected, and she never fails to protect the most insignificant seaman in her navy. Away then with "the ridiculous attempt to make us believe that we are beset abroad — No fact can be induced no warrant the art of the art; there then, we ask again, where are these other circumstances which concur to show such good faith and correctism, on the part of Spain, as to induce the belief that this breach of treaty is not the act of her government? But it is said that humanity and sound policy require us to attempt to settle the present dispute by negotiation before we resort to the peace. Such, in every possible case, will be the language of timid and indecisive councils. Let us observe: The difference is the opinions of those great and celebrated men who have reduced the cost of living to a minimum. )icy to afeicnce, and have given us max j -————_————-————————v—_—__ffi——v——— — . ., . ( . . 3 1 nssv _.:Jl*: lsil.k'cKl-Lk T'"; sun-ded on the Lss-ss-xns of sXpctmchc lld *' '- .,- L' si , wi ;iz sink-(i si} .:Ltfior) . - ;1 csizncssizversv, WC me si? ))" the Preimem, 15 now mﬀcc. We might aik ii sz xhss unctrsisi: ! : v '\ csi.-siied ;*'.'.'::',' zo ]ss* (has ccn-ssfzzsiit un he part, and the keeping— Zi entire—ly secret nom us, was evidence of fri-sinss-sizip? But we shali ieave this topic and pct-S on to another of more eonsc quence. 'I in:; France given any ali'urances to our gct'e-si-emment resircding the point in issue? We prelsiume not. Are we no: then imperioeﬂyfctszazled upon for every possible precamiun, while precaution may yet he of any service? Or are we to desist from ss attempting to avert th'c evil with which we see-sin w be threaten-ed by two formida ble powers, till it is too late he must ur. selves oissthose advantages snow 'in our pus. Session, and which, if taken in time, may skustrate every dangerous design? In such case, we find the rule to be, that when it is impossible or too dangerous to execute an (legal) ceremony, we must act on a cross-examination. "If a stranger, says Valentine, presents his piece at me in a wood, I am not yet certain that he designs to kill me; but shall, in order to be common as of his design, allow him to fire? What is unlimed, perhaps an insult is reasonable casualty will deny me a right of preventing him? But presumption becomes nearly equal to certainty, if the sovereign, who is on the point of rising to an enormous power, has already misused the It is for the administration to judge whether he who is now to come into possession has or has not manifested an unquestioned pride and satisfactory ambiti, which promises no more repose nor safety to any nation whom he can once approach. Again: "The interests of nations are very different in their respective importance from those of individuals: The Chief Magistrate is not to be indolent or indolent in the care of them, or from generosity to Wave his suspicions. The whole nation lies at stake when it has a powerful and ambitious neighbor. As men are under a necessity of regulating themselves generally by probabilities, these probabilities gain their attention in proportion to the number of their enemies; after subject, and to make use of astronomical expression, their light in operation is a danger in a compound ratio (the degree of appearance and of the great. ness of the evil there are, and the quest on be of an evil easily supported. Ble, of stranger loss, matters are not to be harmed, as there is no great danger in delaying opposition to it. There is a case of out being greater security. But, if the situation of the State lies at stake, we cannot succeed in precaution and lothight. Are we to delay the averting of from ruin till it becomes inevitable? If the appearances are so easily credited, it is the result of the neighbor who has betrayed his ambition by such indications. "It is still easier to prove, that should this formidable power betray any unjust and ambitious dispositions by doing the least injury to another, the nation is injured in any way, in order to reduce the ambitious power, and disable it from so easily oppressed its neighbors, or keeping them in continued awe and fear. Far, an injury given to a nation a struggle against its future, affecting a nation from the means of oppression. In fine, should this formidable power plainly entertain designs of oppression and conquest; should it betray its views by preparations or other motives, the neighboring nation has an unquestioned right to prevent it. And if the state of war declares on our side, after the right to make use of the right to make use of the common liberty. Here we cannot avoid bringing into view the situation of the states of O'Connell, and the Alaskan treaty. The memorial of one of them has already been presented to Congress, complaining in strong terms of the future state of the treaty on the part of Spain, and it is to be feared so much alive is their responsibility to the essential injury done to the people, that they will with great difficulty be brought to believe that they ought to submit to the tedious forms of such prolonged negotiation. A consideration which ought to have no small weight in the deliberations of our administration, for such a mild the people become too impatient of the wrong, and march to do themselves justice, it would expose the government to merited defeat on its own account. To his profession of its own, members of the assembly. Satisfaction is essential at once reduced to the alternative either of giving a full satisfaction to the large and important portion of the assembly. As a community, against its own inclinations, and thus stand exposed to utter contempt for the people to take their chance alone in a while, in which whether successful or not it must in the conclusion, end in a dismemberment of the empire. And it is much to apprehend that this is an evil which will inevitably take place unless our administration, acting in a vigorous policy and with effecting spirit and dignity, yield them that support which they think they have a right to demand. The government will do well to consider in time if they can safely refuse. To be continued. From the start. FEDERAL GAZETTE. It has ever been a savorite maxim with Mr. Hay the PROTECE of Callender, and the rest of the "sect," that what would be tyrannical; "wickets" in the national government would be inconsistent with liberty and sepublicanism, if done by the government. Thus, to pass any law by the former touching the press, even to tender its liberty more extensive and onerous. queliicnable, hy enahlirssg the dti'en .:ant to plead the truth in evidence, would be the height osdespotism ; but for the state governments to be ahlesito lay the most rigzo rellraints Upon the press; to de .lare truth to be :! libel ; to irnprison all printers as perssssi-ns of badfame, who dare "o tlcnounce the very plunderer upon the high way, is to be estimztted the pallndiom of our rights! Such is democratic consisten cy ! Such is the doctrine of George Hay, and such the THEORY of octr amorous si 'cthilosophic Chleil This conclusion is fully estahlished by the conduct which both osthese illustrious ersonages have adopted with respect to 15 nels and the sedition law. Bo it have a greed in denouncing the-latter as tyranni. cal, and both concur in punishing printcrs in the state eoorts, where the maxim is, " ch greater the troth, the greater the libel," This course of proceedings clearly de. velopes the motives of that aﬀected sensi hiiity exhibized by those detnagogncs for the liberty of indivissfoal states, and those pretended alarms at the aggrandizement of the national government. Set a man at the head of a (tare government, and there ; is just about the same tliﬂZ-rence between his posiwers and those of & Prelident of the United States, c<7y7iluianall , as there is bcttween the negrowhipper of Virginia and the plain citizcn os Connestieut, do mestit'aily. Let & Prelident of the Uniced States become a state demagngue, an anti. The federal advocate for state supremacy, and as by his artful slang and flattery, get an ascendancy over nine states, and he is a more dangerous, and ten to one, a more tyrannical master, of the lives and fortunes of their individual subjects, and through them, of the whole union, than George the 3rd upon his throne has it in his power to be. He has not only his state partisans, but the most vindictive laws of the state, to be his ministers of vengeance. "She subtlety makes it the more despicable, for he may cause an honest man, for having spoken or published the truth, to be incarcerated and declared an outlaw, or, what is equivalent, a person of bad fame, and still appear a staunch republican and a loud bawler against a general law which shall cause truth to be respected, but willful, malicious lie to be punished in courts of justice. Awake, arise, fellow-citizens, and view your true nation. You have restricted the whole body of the union; as the sovereignty of the people, from passing. As being any law abridging the liberty of the press; and yet in every state in the union, under the same man, the truth may be a tide. Thus admitting the absurd and anti-sederal doctrine, that apart is greater than the civil law. These reflections have been forcibly impressed upon our minds by a late high-handed measure which has been lying in many cases, and is at length assuming the very form and pressure of a monster, at headquarters. Orders, it is asserted, have been sent to several district attorneys to have the editors of the Federal prints arrested for sedition, among whom we have the honor to be included. Now we like this! It is God like, because it is Sampler's rule, and must forever silence those snivellers who have falsely accused and accused of imbecility. As far as respects Guizot's, the law must be premature. In one case (N. Y.) the mandate, it would appear that it was implicitly obeyed, and the publisher of one of the most valuable prints, the union, the Bulcnce, has been accused and bound over to his good behavior, but not to publish the man against his majesty. Of "the greater the truth," the greater the truth." On this occasion, we cannot avoid repeating the words "greater the truth." Marking the prophetic spirit of Mr. H's interest, and the insincerity and disquisishing sign, of Messrs. Nicholas and Gatlin, When the edition was under discussion, the following extracts are given from the speeches of those gentlemen on that memorable occasion: Mr. HARPER. — "We are called on, sir, for the reasons why this act should not be continued. I will give my reasons, most freely. Whether they be the same with those which at first the conduct of other gentlemen, I know not, but in my mind they deserve a consideration. I wish to revive this law, as it is said (as she) the liberty of the press, and the freedom of the press, as a protection to myself and those with whom I have the happiness and the honor to think on public affairs, should we at any same time, be found by the imbecility or the mistakes of any turn of administration in this country, to commence an opposition against it; not a actions profligate and unprincipled opposition, founded on falsehood and misrepresentation and catching at the passions of the moment; but a man, dignified, candid and patriotic opinion, addressed to the good sense and virtue." One of the nation's most important laws, and testing on the business argument and truth. Should that time ever arrive, as it may arrive, though earnestly pay it may not, I wish to have this law which allows the man to be given. In evidence on indications for libel; I wish to have this law as a shield. When indicted myself, for calmly and candidly exposing the errors of government and the incapacity of those who govern, I wish to be enabled, by this law, to go before a jury of my country, and say that what I have written is true. I wish to impose this law between the steed of discussion, and the overbearing sway of that tyrannical spirit, by which a certain political party in this country is actually associated; that spirit which arrogating to itself to speak in the name of the people, like santism arrogating to itself to speak in the name of God, knows neither moderation, mercy, nor justice; regards neither feeling, principle nor right, and sweeps down, with relentless fury all that dare to detect its follies, oppose its progress, or rest its domination. It is my knowledge of this spirit, (it, as its frantic efforts its unsealing tyranny, and its intolerable revenge, that makes me anxious to raise this one mound between its fury and public life.) berty; to put into the hands of a discerning discussion, one shield against its darts. Till! shield, I have little doubt, will, at length, and perhaps very soon, be torn away; the spirit of which I speak, goaded by a conscious inferiority, stimulated to madness, by the envy of superior talents, sentiment and virtue, knows to brook no check upon its rise, no censure upon its existence but I will nor (unction my own death by my own voice.) I will not yield one baser to freedom and the right of opinion, which I can defend it. I regard this far as such a barrier; feeble perhaps, inconsistent and ineffective to check the progress of that tyrannical spirit which even now can secure revenge; but though feeble. Yet, despite freedom, and never to be abandoned by freedom's friends. And in order to keep up this barrier to the last: shall now, while I may, vote for the continuance of that law, which mitigates the rigor of the common law in this respect and protects the liberty of the press and opinion, by enacting that the truth of the law be given in evidence on indigents' libels against the government." Mr. GALLAGHER. "The reason was not given was not to protect the government from libels, but, on the contrary, the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Harper) commended and supported its continuance, as a limitation to the powers or government, or in other words, for the protection of himself from what he supposes he might be induced to make some remarks on the subject of a future administration, and this to protect him from what he did not state: the severity of the commission was not sufficient." The Secretary. 