title: Eulogy on the Hon. Benjamin Russell, delivered before the Grand lodge of Free and accepted masons of the state of Massachusetts, March 10, 1845
text: F 69 .R96 ^^x.'X.Ui^ '^<^^iiC^^^^, V^A-*^. ^^r EULOGY ON THF. HON. BENJAMIN RUSSELL, DELIVERED BF.KORE THE GRAND LODGE OF F R E }^ AND ACCEPTED MASONS OF THE STATE O i'^ Al A S S A C il U S ET TS , MARCH 10, 1845. BY BROTHER FRANCIS BAYLIES. B O S T O N : PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE FREEMASONS' MAGAZINE 1845. EULOGY ON THE HON. BENJAMIN RUSSELL, , ,, 2 ' DELIVERED BEFORE THE GRAND LODGE FREE AND ACCEPTED MASONS THE STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS, MARCH 10, 1845. BY BROTHER FRANCIS BAYLIES. BOSTON: PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE FREEMASONS' MAGAZINE. 184. 5. IN EXCHANGE :^ t. Hlrt. Cienl. Soo/ In Grand Lodge, } Boston, March 12, 1845. \ Resolved, That the Grand Lodge listened with uncommon pleasure to the eloquent, instructive and patriotic Eulogy, on their late Brother Benja- min Russell, delivered on the evening of the 10th inst, by Hon. Br. Fran- cis Baylies. And believing that it is too valuable to be lost, that it is wanted by the friends of the deceased, and by the friends of the country. Resolved, That a committee be appointed to present the thanks of the Grand Lodge to Brother Baylies for the address, and to request a copy of it for publication. The following Brethren were appointed a Committee for the purpose contemplated in the last of the above resolutions, viz: R. W. John Soley, E. M. P. Wells, James A. Dickson, Edward A. Raymond and John J. Loring. Copy of record. Attest, Charles W. Moore, R. G. Secretary. Boston, March 13, 1845. Sir : — In pursuance of the foregoing resolutions, the subscribers respect- fully request a copy of the Eulogy for the purpose therein expressed, and beg,leave to add^tljat a corapUance^with the wishes of the Grand Lodge ''V'ill.ufforii tUem gi-gat persong-i gratification. Respectfully and fraternally yoHrs, ■' ' < / ^ '^.; ;. <• ; .cl J : .' John Soley, E. M. p. Wells, James A. Dickson, : Edward A. Raymond, John J. Loring. Hon. Francis Baylies. Taunton, March 25, 1845. Brothers : — The requests of the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts have with me the authority of a law. I submit the Eulogy with all its imperfec- tions, to your discretion, — willing that it should be published if you think it worthy of publication. If you should deem it inexpedient, believe me that your determination will inflict no wound on my vanity, and that I shall still have full confidence in your discretion and good sense. Yours, Francis Baylies. Brs. John Soley, E.M. P. Wells, James A. Dickson, Edward A. Raymond, John J. Loring. I EULOGY. We are assembled, my Brothers, to commemorate the Ufe and the death of our departed Brother, Benjamin Russell. His long journey through this world is ended, and he has reached that quiet place where the wicked cease from troubling and the weary are at rest. The Masonic rites have been duly performed at the grave, and the cassia has been thrown on the coffin. The remembrance of his virtues remains; and there is a consolation even in grief The characters of conspicuous men are presented in many lights, and few there are which afford so many varieties as Benjamin Russell's ; for he is to be considered as a Freemason, a Revolutionary Soldier, a Printer, the Editor of a newspaper, having a wide circulation and a prodigious influence, — an active Politician, a Patriot, a Legislator, and he is also to be considered in his social, moral and civic rela- tions. The range is so wide that my allusions to him in each of these characters, must from necessity be brief He was the son of John Russell, and the nephew of Joseph Russell, so long the Town Treasurer of Boston, and he was born in Boston, in September, 1761. Through the aid of a learned and indefatigable member of a profession which in these days of utility is disregarded and sometimes ridiculed,* but in whose studies a Gibbon and a Walter Scott have taken delight, and who are the very Freemasons of hterature, for they never refuse to help each other, I have re- ceived some account of the American ancestors of Benjamin Russell, who, in the paternal line, ascend nearly to the settlement of Boston, and through four of the five generations immediately preceding him, were all Bostonians. His father, grandfather and great-grandfather were born, lived and died in Boston, and two of them belonged to that class of men for whom some of the fairest pages in American history are reserved — the mechanics of Boston. His English ancestor, John Russell, who settled at Woburn, and who is called in the early records, the Anabaptist, was admitted a freeman, May 3, 1635, and Benjamin Russell was descended from a son of that ancestor, who came with him young from England, and was afterwards known as the Rev. John Russell, pastor of the First Baptist Church in Boston, and who acquired notoriety by his piety and his persecutions. Maternally, Major Russell was descended from Ezekiel Cheever, who for nearly sixty years, was the principal Latin schoolmaster in New England, and who instructed more eminent persons in the elements of learning, perhaps, than any one schoolmaster in North America. He was related, collaterally, to one who has done the most for American history and antiquities, — a delightful writer and the founder of *Rev. Dr. Jeiiks. the Historical Society. I mean tlie late Dr. Jeremy Belknap. I mention these circumstances, not so much for their intrinsic importance, (although they are not unimportant,) but to show how thoroughly Benjamin Russell was identified with tliis city. — Boston to him was a sacred city, as much as Jeru- salem to a Jew, Athens to an Athenian, and Paris to a Frenchman. From the year 1765, to the termination of Wash- ington's administration in 1797, the mechanics of Boston, in all public affairs, exercised a positive and * most efficient influence, and in one sense may be considered the pioneers of the American Revolution. There has been a general acquiescence in an historical error, which would assign the first step in the Revolution to the resolutions offered by Patrick Henry, after the imposition of the Stamp Act, in the House of Burgesses of Virginia, on the 28th day of May, 1765. Four of these resolutions were in general terms, and might have been assented to by AVhig or Tory. The fifth denied the supremacy of the British Parhament and their right to tax the people of the American Colonies without their consent. That res- olution was carried by one vote. Had the matter rested there, Virginia would have been justly entitled to the credit of having been the first in the revolu- tionary movement ; but on the next day, (May 29th,) that resolution was rescinded. Virginia was not ready to array herself against the imposing power of the British Empue. On the 6th day of June, 1765, the subject of the" Stamp Act was taken up in the House of Represen- tatives of Massachusetts, and on the Sth, it was voted unanimously, that a Circular Letter, signed by their Speaker, should be addressed to the several Colonial Assemblies, inviting them to send delegates to a General Congress of the Colonies, to be holden at New York. This was a practical measure. It was not confiaed to declarations and professions. It proposed a union and combination of the colonies for the purpose of obtaining a redress of grievances. The Congress did assemble, and had not the Stamp Act been repealed, their proceedings would not have been huddled into a corner of our national history. When the General Court of Massachusetts, after voting the Circular, adjourned, the Mechanics, as it is said, led by Paul Revere and Adam Colson, and encouraged by Colonel Dawes, took the lead in opposing the Stamp Act. Many excesses were committed — some justifiable and some inexcusable. Mobs paraded the streets and, in imitation of the London Mobs, they bore about the significant em- blems of a boot and a petticoat. A hbertj tree was consecrated. Stamp officers were compelled to re- sign their offices. Much property and some buildings were destroyed. The Stamp Act was repealed. Quiet was restored, but new grievance aroused a new spirit of resistance, full as determined, but more restrained. The paper war, — the war of resolutions, addresses, petitions, remonstrances, speeches and invectives, then commenced. The mechanics were organized, — the North End Caucus, — the Green Dragon Tavern, — the Massacre, — the destruction of the Tea, — the Port Bill, and the annihilation of the Charter, will not be forgotten by the people of Massachusetts. On the 19th day of April, 1775, this mode of war- Ikre was terminated, and on that day Benjamin Russell, a boy of thirteen and the son of a mechanic, came upon the public stage as an actor in a humble capacity in the great affairs of the times. He was then a school boy under the instruction of the cele- brated Master Carter. From a statement written by himself, I have ex- tracted some particulars of that eventful day. He says, that in the morning, soon after the opening of the Town School, (which was kept in ScoUay's buildings,) martial music was heard, and the Regulars were seen in movement. They were soon paraded in Long Acre, which is now Tremont street, and the line extended from- the head of the Mall to the head of Queen street, now Court street, facing which was the school house. Lord Percy, mounted on a white charger, was busy in arranging the column. Lord Percy! What recollections come thronging over the mind at that name ! Charlemagne — the Crusades — the great feudal House of Northumberland — Hotspur — and here — here — here in Long Acre — (Tremont street) was his descendant — his representative — the owner of his name — his state — his blazon and his castles — an'anging his soldiers for a battle with the Yankees ! Well has a native poet said — " I wandered through the lofty halls Trod by the Percy's of old fame, And traced upon the chapel walls Each high, heroic name, From him who once his standard set Where now, o'er mosque and minaret, Glitter the Sultan's crescent moons ; To him who, when a younger son, Fought for King George, at Lexington, A Major of Dragoons!" 8 When these movements were seen, Master Carter sent out one of the boys for information. It came full soon. The British had fallen on the Americans at Lexington, killed several, and had sent for a rein- forcement. Master Carter then said — "Boys, war has begun — the school is broken up." This an- nunciation was received with three cheers, and the boys, having gained their own freedom, salUed forth to see whether the men would gain their's. They followed in the rear of the column when the British took up their line of march, and at Roxbury, through the courtesy of the Provost Marshal, (an unwonted quahty in such characters,) they were permitted to pass the fortifications, and followed as far as the Colleges in Cambridge. The boys being wearied, rested on the Common, and Lord Percy's column proceeded through West Cambridge to Lexington. The boys remained in play on the common until near sunset, and as the firing then appeared to be near, they ascended a rising ground and saw the British army, followed by the Americans, in full retreat. They heard the whistling of the bullets, but like Charles XIL, knew not what it meant, until they were informed by Farmer Hastings, of Cambridge, that they were in danger. They descended, regained the Cambridge road, and began to think of eating, for since breakfasting they had taken no food. On an examination, they found their pockets nearly as empty as their stomachs, but through the kindness of Mr. Hastings, they obtained a supper, and lay down to their rest in one of the colleges, and amidst the din of arms they slept the sleep Avhich heaven in its mercy sends to the weary and the young. They 9 could not return home, for Boston was now in a state of close siege ; and thus were these young boys separated from their families and exposed to all the dangers of the war, and even found themselves for a short period between twb hostile armies, actually engaged in battle. The patriots of the revolution had hearts ; they were hearts of steel, but they were also hearts of flesh, and they would not permit these boys to suffer. They gave them quarters in the Col- leges, which had been converted into barracks, and fur- nished them with regular rations. The Commissariat was established in the College yard, and a printing office was set up by Samuel Hall, " from the press of which," says Major Russell, "issued streams of intelli- gence, and those patriotic songs and tracts which so pre-eminently animated the defenders of American Hberty." " In these good quarters, partaking of pubhc and private bounty," continues the Major, " we re- mained some weeks, — with nothing to regret, except that owing to the closeness of the siege, we could not inform our parents of our situation." On the morning of the 17th of June, cannon were heard in the direction of Boston and Charlestown. Something was expected, and the boys, anxious for the sight, ran down the Charlestown road and placed themselves in a spot secure from the musketry, but exposed to the cannon balls from the ships, — and it was a sight never to be forgotten. It is not my purpose, my Brothers, to present an historical narrative of the battle of Bunker's Hill, but only to show in general terms, those incidents which could not have failed to have left an enduring and 2 10 indelible impression upon the mind of a sanguine, enterprising and enthusiastic youth. Boston, you well know, is surrounded by pictur- esque hills, forming a natural amphitheatre. The country was covered with verdure ; varied with cul- tivation and spotted with beautiful groves. In the midst of the most dense population in North America ; in the midst of all these scenes of rural beauty and Eden-like tranquillity, a bloody conflict was approach- ing. The 1 7th of June, 1775, was one of those dehght- ful days which sometimes gladden the severe climate of New England. The sun triumphed in the heavens ; not a cloud saddened the deep blue of the transpa- rent sky ; not a breath of air stirred the leaves of the trees or ruffled the smooth and lovely waters which surround this city. All nature was in repose. But what tempests raged in the hearts of men ! What hopes and fears — what fluctuating tides of feeling ! At twelve, the barges began to move from the head of Long Wharf over the waters, filled with soldiers, whose burnished arms gleamed bright in the sun- beams, while their rich scarlet dresses dazzled the eyes of every beholder. Bating the sad reflection that men of the same lineage and language — subjects of the same King and readers of the same Bible, were about to slaughter each other, — the spectacle was not only animating and delightful, but grand, imposing and sublime. In three hours, the battle had assumed the most terrific aspect. Twice repulsed, the British were still advancing. The hill was running with blood. The peals of cannon from the ships of war and from the 11 batteries on the land, were reverberating over the waters and through the hills. The houses in Boston and throughout the surrounding (country were shaking with the concussion. On the hill tops and the house tops, thousands and thousands were viewing this trial of arms with swelling hearts and burning eyes. Shouts burst forth from the men — the Avomen trembled and pressed their infants to their bosoms. The roar of the cannon — a town in flames — dead bodies — wounded men — blood — havoc — shouts and groans — formed an assemblage of sounds and sights temble even in countries inured to all the dread Adcissitudes of war, but fraught with double horrors in a country in which, until within a few weeks, the gleam of a hostile musket had never been seen. The graphic pen of General Burgoyne has left the picture. The stake was an empire ; the actors on one side might be rebels, or they might be heroes ; they might be disgraced with the halter, or honored with the monument. It was on this eventful day, that Benjamin Russell, at the age of 13, gained a knowledge of some things never taught in a school room ! Several of the boys, he says, crossed and recrossed the neck during the battle — that same neck over which an American officer told General Putnam no one could cross and live. General Putnam, who was a great favorite with the boys, in his eccentric movements on his " long tailed Connecticut horse, often came near us," says Major Russell, " and then we cheered him with an huzza for OldPut,^' — a name which followed him through the whole course of his service. 12 After the battle, the boys returned to the Colleges. Hitherto they had been living at free quarters, but New Englanders are very apt to require a quid pro quo. A scheme was soon devised to make these boys useful. They had been well taught ; they were good readers, good writers, and had some knowledge of arithmetic. They were attached to some of the companies as clerks. " It fell to my lot," says Major Russell, " to become the clerk of the company of Connecticut troops commanded by Captain Putnam, a nephew or son of the General. We were stationed with other troops on Prospect Hill, where the General was in command. I did duty as clerk until the ensuing August. One day I was returning from the Commis- saries' depot, with the weekly provisions of the com- pany, having four men with me, and I met my father and uncle, who had just escaped from Boston. My father had not seen or heard of me since the 19th of April. He was so rejoiced to see me, that he was about to shake me for not writing to him. One of the soldiers took fire — ' Don't shake that boy. Sir,' said he, 'he is our clerk.' " An explanation took place ; the father and son repaired to General Put- nam's tent. At the intercession of his father. General Putnam released him, and gave him an honorable discharge from his first service as a Revolutionary soldier. On the next day, his father took him to Worcester and bound him an apprentice to Isaiah Thomas, the celebrated printer, bookseller, editor and publisher. (^) Master Carter's school had been broken up. His *See Note 1. 13 career in arms had been arrested by his father, and Major Russell now entered a school in which a mind like his could not fail to profit. He was in that school where the highest principles of hberty were taught, — the printing office of Isaiah Thomas, in Worcester. Among Ms fellow-apprentices, was the late Timothy Bigelow ; but he abandoned the trade of printing, and as a lawyer and statesman rose to great eminence. Between him and Major Russell the most sincere and cordial arijfl uninterrupted friendship prevailed tlirough life. Major Russell's father died in November, 1778, lea\dng him at the age of 16, the eldest of his family, and with no provision for his or their support. He continued in the office of Mr Thomas until sometime in 1780, when by the consent of his friends, he enlisted in the Continental army as a private soldier ; and on the 17th of July 1780, at the age of 17, he marched from AVorcester to share the unparalled deprivations of that glorious copartnership in suftering and in glory, of those hardy men who sometimes found a snow bank not only the softest, but the warmest bed. The life of a private soldier has Uttle to interest ; they share the hardships and dangers of war, but seldom its fame, and the stern necessities of mihtary duty must sometimes wring a heart of humanity. I have heard Major RusseU say, that he was one of the guard of Major Andre on the day of his execution. He did his duty to the last, and when the army disbanded, retired, at the age of 21, with an honorable discharge, and with a pocket full of paper promises which were scarcely available for 14 a breakfast ; but he was not given to despair. He resumed his trade ; and on the 24 th day of March, 1784, estabhshed the Columbian Centinel, in Boston. It is said that while in the service, Major Russell once saw by accident a Lodge of Freemasons in session in a Tent. He recognised the Sergeant Major of one of the regiments on an elevated seat, covered. He also recognised Washington sitting, uncovered, amongst the Brethren. The boy soldier, accustomed to reverence the Commander in Chief as the greatest of human beings, could not under- stand how he could be less than the greatest, or how one of the least could be more honored than the gi-eatest. On inquiry, he ascertained the practical equality of the Brotherhood. Charmed with the idea, soon after his return to Boston, he was initia- ted and became a Freemason. When the Grand Lodge of Massachusetts was reconstituted in 1792, he with John Cutler, John Lowell, Josiah Bartlett, Mungo Mackay and Samuel Parkman, were amongst the first Grand Officers.^^^ He went through the several gradations of office in the Grand Lodge, until in December, 1813, he at- tained the highest place, being elected Grand Master. It is not my purpose, my Brothers, to enlarge on the principles or practices of Freemasonry; but mere- ly to state, without going into details, the part which our departed Brother has taken in that Institution, and it is sufficient to state, that, in all that is called the business of the Lodge, he was active and effi- cient, avoiding neither trouble, nor labor. Serving on committees; visiting Lodges ; in short, fulfilling every active duty imposed on him by the Brethren. It is 15 not necessary for me to tell you how well he perlbrni- ed his general duties as a Freemason. The bene- fits of his unceasing benevolence ; his kindness of heart, and his unbounded generosity, have been felt by many, and I have no doubt are duly and grate- fully remembered. He never held back the helping hand from a Brother in distress. His social feehngs were always alive, and he never shrunk in the hour of danger, or sheltered himself from the storm when it hung over the Lodges. When the great men, of the land, exhibited their phantoms to the people, — dressed our Fraternity in blood-colored robes, and shewed the Lodges filled with corpses and dead men's bones ; when we were threatened with penal laws, the loss of our social rights, and disfranchise- ment, his spirit rose to resist the oppression, and hke the steel of Damascus, it shewed that its temper was true. During the upheaving of the revolutionary ele- ments in Europe, many of the children of misfortune and the victims of change, were sojourners in our land, most of whom, perhaps, were Freemasons, and amongst them many Genevese and Frenchmen. To these poor wanderers the heart and the purse of our Brother Russell were always open. In the early files of the Centinel will be found acknowledgments of his kindness and good offices from Brissot, after- wards the distinguished chief of the Girondists. Another illustrious wanderer, now wearing the crown of France, Avith his two brothers, came amongst us, with means, probably, scarce sufficient for a week's subsistence. He sought the acquaintance of our Brotlier, and his Brother. He offered him some 16 books of great value. Without cheapening, he bought them. He penetrated the exigency. He gave the assistance circuitously, which he had too much deh- cacy, too nice an apprehension of the sensitiveness of greatness in distress, to offer directly, and this book of the several purchased, he kept through life."* To the claims of misfortune he never turned a deaf ear, whether his Brother came from afar or from the next door, whether he was a pauper or a prince. It is the distress, not the rank of the sufferer, which creates the claim to Masonic assistance. In this connection, it is proper to state one fact which has been the occasion of much calumny. I mean the visit of Major Russell to the British frigate Nymph, during the last war. He has been repre- sented, by party malevolence, as a traitor to his country, holding intercourse with, and giving aid and comfort to, the public enemy. The facts are these : Major Russell had a kinsman on board the Nymph, who was detained as a prisoner. Learning that the captain of the Nymph was a Freemason, he resolved to make an attempt to release him. He applied to the proper authorities for a flag of truce. It was re- fused. He then hired a pilot boat and cruised for several days before he could find the frigate. As he approached, no flag being displayed, he was hailed from the frigate and threatened ; but he kept on his way, reached the frigate, inquired for the captain, made himself known as one of the Brotherhood, and received the hospitality which was his due. The captain recognised the Masonic obligation, re- leased his kinsman, and with him four other Ameri- *This book is now in the possession of the family of Major Russell. 17 can prisoners, and he returned to Boston triiinijihuig in the success of this voyage of humanity. If Freemasonry can mitigate the ferocity of war by acts hke these, are Freemasons to be condemned as traitors ? Is the spirit of philanthropy to be chained and fettered ? Are men like watch-dogs, to be let loose only to rend the stranger? It is our business, my Brothers, to feed the hungry, to clothe the naked, to visit the sick, to comfort the afflicted ; and to liberate the captive. If in the performance of such duties, we oftend against the laws of the land, then let the avenging arm of the law strike home. We can suffer, but we cannot overlook the obHga- tions of humanity. I return to the Columbian Centinel. The arrange- ment of the matter in that paper, according to my judgment, was perfect. At least, I have seen none better in the London papers of the first reputation. The capitals — the small capitals — the large, middling and small type — were exactly in the right places. The contents of the paper might be seen at a glance. The Centinel seemed to come everywhere hke a familiar acquaintance. It told us just what we wished to know. The editor was not a closet man, — he kept about the streets, — he saw every body, — he knew most of the citizens. He hked to be in those places " where merchants most do congregate." He gathered something from every current of conversa- tion as it drifted by, and having ascertained the most interesting topics of the day, his paper on the next morning told the whole. If a comet appeared — ,if there was a remarkable eclipse, — a meteor, — a terri- fic Aurora BoreaUs, — a thunder-storm — the Centinel 3 18 gave the popular account, — not a scientific analysis, but such particulars as the mass of its readers could understand. If a distinguished foreigner or stranger was in the city, the Centinel was the first to announce it. If a celebrated actor appeared on the stage, the Centinel was the first to tell us the story of his English , life, the range of his acting, and his peculiar excellencies. The ncAvs from Europe was always first in the Centinel, — the summary precluded the necessity of reading the details. When Napo- leon's mighty armies were moving about Europe, Major Russell, who was an accurate geographer, could always explain the exact position of the belli- gerents, and in speculating on the chances of battles, he seldom erred. He had more country correspon- dents than all the editors of Boston, and was sure to have the first returns of all interesting elections. If any ne\v and interesting discovery was made ; if any remarkable shipwreck occurred, the Centinel was the first to give the particulars. If Burke, Fox, Pitt or Sheridan — if Fisher Ames, Madison, Giles, Gou- veneur Morris, or John Randolph, made brilhant or remarkable speeches, they were first seen in the Centinel. In short, the Editor seemed to know exactly what his readers wanted, — not by any pro- found knowledge of human nature, — but by the most assiduous and careful inquiries. The poet's corner of the Centinel was always well filled, and from it many of us have gained our first knowledge of some of the gi*eatest of the modern poets, particularly of Cowper, AVords worth, and Southey. The editor seemed to have a peculiar rehsh for the fun and quaint humor of John Wolcott, 19 better known by his poetical name of Peter Pindar. He delighted in the revohitionary spngs, and always had a place for our native poets. The effusions of Dwight, Barlow, Trumbull, Hopldns, Paine and Mrs. Morton, often enriched his columns. To him we owe that splendid stanza in the Song of Adams and Liberty, in which Washington is introduced, not that he wrote it, but in a manner he compelled Paine to write it. In the diary of Samuel Davis, the indefatigable Antiquary of the Old Colony of Plymouth, under the date of July, 1817, this notice occurs: "This day I met with B. Russell, in State Street. He adverted to the first appearance of the Centinel in 1784, and repeated a stanza from Day, a pastoral poem, written by Cunningham, which appeared in some of the first impressions of the Centinel. I was present when the first paper (Warden and Russell, Editors.) was struck off in 1784, at which period I purchased Cun- ningham's poems, and loaned them to the editors. Mr. Russell said that these, with other similar contri- butions, were of great advantage to the early reputa- tion of his paper, and that not any more popular things had appeared since. I was surprised at the readiness of liis recollections. He replied, that he could repeat the whole of that beautiful pastoral." Yet with all his keen perceptions of the beauties of the Enghsh Poets, he turned with deeper devotion to the sublime poetry of the scriptures. " He ap- peared," says the Rev. Dr. Jenks, " to entertain a marked respect for the scriptures. I well recollect his once telhng me that a friend once said to him, 20 You can find nothing in the Bible so beautiful as that of Shakspeare, " How sweet the moonlight sleeps upon the bank," &c. Yes, said the Major, 1 can, and referred to Deut. xxviii. 56." Much as he admired the high gifted poets of modern ages, he turned with deeper — with the deepest devotion to those glorious prophet poets, whose lays are not only glowing with the fires of human genius, but burning with the fires of heaven and echoing the voice of God, It now becomes expedient to trace the political career of Major Russell, when he was acting accord- ing to his own convictions, free from all party obliga- tions. In February, 1781, Congress recommended to the several States to impose a duty of five per cent, ad valorem on all foreign articles of merchandize, (with a few exceptions,) imported into the United States, to be apphed to the payment of the interest of the debt contracted on the faith of the United States, and to the extinguishment of the principal. To render this recommendation valid, the assent of all the States was necessary. Rhode Island refused, and the pro- ject failed. Intelligent men, both in public and private life, then began to perceive that the power given to Con- gress by the articles of Confederation, was insuffi- cient to provide even for minor evils, and that for the great purposes of sustaining the public credit, inspi- ring confidence, providing the means of defence, and discharging the public debt, those articles were wholly inefficient As early as May, 1781, one Pelatiah Webster, an 21 obscure citizen of Philadelphia, but, according to JMr. Madison, an able man, pubhshed a pamphlet, in which, after setting forth the wretched condition of the country, he proposed remedies ; one of which was, the estabhshment of a National Bank; and another, the assembling of a National Convention, to devise a National Constitution. Congress had the power to declare war, but not the power to carry it on. A single State might defeat a scheme of taxation to which all the others assent- ed ; and a single State might stain the honor and violate the obligations of the other twelve. The sword, without the purse, was but a barren emblem of authority. In war and in negotiation, Congress were equally powerless. With great apparent pow- ers, thev really had none. Yet the faults of the sys- tem of government were charged upon them. The public evils sprung unquestionably from the feeble legislation of the States ; but the people laid them at the door of Congress, and instead of strengthening then- hands, they appeared determined to tie them. Under these circumstances, the public debt had accumulated. No loans could be effected at home or abroad ; the interest of the foreign debt was un- paid ; the claims of the army were unsatisfied, and the soldiers and officers were clamoring for arrears. For the service of the year 1783, $3,200,000 were absolutely required, and on the motion of Col. Ham- ilton, a mission was sent to Rhode Island, to enforce upon the government of that State, the necessity of coming into the general system. This mission failed. Virginia retracted her assent, and Congress were left helpless and pennyless. 22 The low and significant murmurs in which the army had whispered their discontents, were swelhng into loud tones of remonstrance, and threats were heard in the corners and secret places of the camp. Early in 1783, Congress issued an earnest and solemn address to the States, entreatins: them to make some provision to sustain the public credit. " The obligations of common justice, good faith, and moral principles," they said, " required it." Under these circumstances, after the most urgent solicitations. General Washington, who had always abstained from interfering in any measure uncon- nected Avitli his command, was induced, on the 8th day of June, 1783, to issue his celebrated circular letter addressed to the Governors of the several States. He deemed the perils of the times so alarm- ing that he overcame his scruples, and pressed upon the States the absolute necessity of an indissoluble union under one Federal head — a sacred regard to public justice — a competent peace establishment — a conciliatory spirit amongst the States, and an aban- donment of local politics. He said every thing was tending to anarchy, and "that it was indispensible to the happiness of individual States, that there should be lodged somewhere a supreme power to regulate and govern the general concerns of the Confederated Republics, without which the union could be of no long duration." The address of Washington failed to bring about the changes which he recommended, but it prepared the minds of many to receive them with favor afterwards. Such was the situation of public affairs, when 23 Benjamin Russell established the Columbian Centi- nel. All were convinced that the Confederation was wholly insufficient for the purposes for which it was created. All acknoAvledged the necessity of a change, yet, with the exception of Pelatiah Webster and General Washington, none seemed ready for it. The country was at peace, but overwhelmed with debt. The public credit was at an end. The sol- diers had returned to their homes, with a sense of "wi'ong, discontented and sulky, and the national resources seemed wholly unavailable for want of the means to bring them forth. Strictly spedking, there were no parties. John Hancock was the Governor of Massachusetts, and it is believed that during the years 1784 and 1785, the Centinel supported his ad- ministration. A question, however, was growing up which threatened at one time to assume some importance. Before the army was disbanded, a charitable society was formed by the officers, which took the name of Cincinnati, and the shape of a mihtary Order, with a badge. The jealousies of several leading statesmen were roused, and they saw in this Order the germs of an aristocracy which might overthrow the liberties of the people, ^danus Burke, of South Carolina, wrote a pamphlet against the Order. Even Count Mirabeau, that immaculate Frenchman, who was de- termined by his talents and daring to force his way back to society, from which his vices had excluded him, and who, after throwing France into an anar- chy, sold himself to the court ; — he too was afraid that the liberties of the American people would fall a sacrifice to the domineering: ambition of the Cin- 24 cinnati, and lie wrote a pamphlet against them. The people, however, were not alarmed. They had no suspicion that those who had built up their liberties would pull them down, and they never withdrew their confidence from their defenders, whether they belonged to the Order of Cincinnati or not. The denunciations against the Cincinnati were probably intended to excite popular jealousy against Wash- ington, whose popularity had become so unbounded as to occasion envy, and there were some relics of the old factious spirit of 1778, remaining. All the politicians who then endeavored to effect the remo- val of AVashington, were now clamoring against the Cincinnati. In this controversy, Major Russell, a soldier himself, lent a zealous and efficient aid to his former companions in arms. In the winter of 1784-85, a new advocate for a stronger government appeared. Noah Webster, the Lexicographer, in a publication which appeared at that time, held out the first idea of a government which should operate directly on the people, without the intervention of the States, and should vest in Congress full power to carry its laws into effect. During this period, the Centinel was the steady advocate for the inviolability of the public faith, and of a government with strength enough to maintain it. A committee of Congress, in February, 17S6, asserted in a report, that " a crisis had arrived when the people of the United States, by whose will, and for whose benefit, the Federal Government ^vas insti- tuted, must determine whether they would support their rank as a nation, by maintaining the public faith at home and abroad," or by refusmg, would haz- ard it. 25 Such was the urgency of the circumstances of the nation in 1786, that even Virginia and Rhode Island assented to the five per cent impost. Antl then New York fell back, and the whole scheme was again frustrated. Irritating and vexatious disputes sprung up be- tween the States. All were endeavoring to fill their empty Treasuries by imposts. The trade of some of the States, carried on through the ports of others, was taxed. Connecticut taxed the imports from Massa- chusetts. By the navigation laws of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Maryland, the citizens of other States were accounted aliens. Treaties with foreign nations were violated by the States. Georgia made treaties and carried on wars with the Indians. Massachusetts raised and kept up troops without the consent of Congress. Pennsylvania and New Jersey had separate compacts, as if they were independent nations. In some of the States, paper money and tender laws had made inroads as deep on morals as on property. Creditors and debtors were in equal distress. The one could recover no debts, — the other could obtain no credit. Even the paper money was driven by its utter worthlessness, out of circulation, and there was scarcely any specie. There Avere nei- ther naturalization or bankrupt laws. Wrongs were remediless and rights unprotected. If the moral sense of the people was not destroyed, it was put to sleep. Even the barter trade was carried on as amongst savages — at arms-length. The distresses of the public and of individuals were ahke. The pressure was equal. The foreign creditors pressed the American importers for their 4 26 debts; the importers pressed the country traders; they pressed their customers, and the customers com- prised the great body of the people. The supphes were from the shops, for there were no domestic manufactures. The British witheld the western posts. Their ships and manufactures came into the American ports in many places free of duty, while heavy duties were imposed on the Americans in British ports ; and there was no power in Congress to regulate trade, or to contravene these impositions. A dismemberment of the States, and the formation of separate confederacies, were subjects openly and familiarly discussed. The most friendly of the for- eign nations entertained but faint hopes of the reno- vation of American prosperity. The others were exulting in the anticipated downfal of a Republic. To complete this train of evils, a formidable rebel- lion broke out in Massachusetts, which is generally known by the name of Shays's Insurrection. Massachusetts was determined to clear herself of the general wreck, and, by a vigorous effort, to' restore her individual credit and to fulfil her obligations. To do this, she looked an insurrection in the face, and imposed taxes to such an enormous amount, that there was unquestionably great and general distress, and most ruinous sacrifices of property ; but those who imposed the taxes suffered equally with those who opposed them. They had the sagacity to perceive that the disorder of the body politic was too dangerous to be dallied with. It had got beyond the reach of palhatives, and they had the firmness to apply the caustic. It was at this period, that the services of Benjamin 27 Eussell were invaluable to th(^ State of Massachusetts. He occasionally passed between the Governor and the Camp, making his reports for the information of each ; but his greatest services were in another capacity. 