title: The men of '05;
text: C- /X '"•»!• ^""^ ■•-^- /% '^^' .•'^'^ 0^ >-_^J^% ^<^o ^-i.^ V ^ %^ • ^^<^ f: .:b'^'^^.> ^""-^^ v^^' % ^>v^^^ -^^^ ^^^IK^ ^^ "^y'i^^.* '^^ ^ ^% ^ • -J' ^^o'^ •<"^ O. '* ., o' .0-' \,^^^ ;^r-. X/ .*^f/>^^o ^^..^^ Z^^^'- THE MEN OF '05 SOME PEN PICTURES, AND A FEW OTHER THINGS. CONCERNING ONE HUNDRED OR MORE GENTLEMEN CONNECTED WITH THE FIRST ALL-REPUBLICAN GOVERN^IENT OF MICHIGAN HARRY M. NIMMO Legislative correspondent for The Detroit Tribune in the sessions of 1(503 and 1905 Coi'VRiGHT, 1905, BY Harry M. Ximmo -Detroit, Mich. LIBRARY of CONGRESS Two Copies Received DEC 3 !906 Ceoyright Entry - / 0. 'fo^ 'C4ASS A X)&., No COPY B. •w „ «4 GOV. FRED M. WARNER INDEX. Page Adams, R. N 1 1 Alward, D. E 12 Ashley, N 13 Atwood, T. W 14 Baillie, T. G 15 Baird, J 16 Beal, J. E 17 Benton, C. R 18 Bird, A. C 19 Bird, J. E 20 Bland, J. E 21 Bradley, J. B 22 Brockway, J. E 23 Brown, W. E 24 Bunting, A. F 26 Bvrns, C. J 27 Canfield, I. S 28 Chapman, C. H 29 Chase, H. E 30 Chilson, E. V 31 Cook, A. B 32 Cropsev, T- R 33 Curtis, W. L 34 Decker, F. L 35 Dickinson, L. D 36 Diekema, G. J 37 Dohertv, A. T 3^ Double; T. E 39 Duncan, G. W 4° Earle, H. S 41 Eichhorn, P 42 Ellis, G. E 43 Ely, T. A 44 Farr, A. W 45 Fvfe, A 46 Galbraith, W.J 47 Gardner, E. N 48 Glasgow, C. L : 4') Gordon, J. R 5° Greusel, J 52 Hanlon, M 53 Harris, M 54 Havden, J. G 55 Heald, H. T 56 Heine, A. 5 7 Herkimer, H. H 5^ Higgins, T. T 59 Holmes, J- W 60 Hudson, G. M 61 Ivory, W. E 62 Jerome, J- D 63 Kane, H.J 64 Page Kelley, P. H ' ^c Kellev, L. L A Kelley, S.H 67 Knignt, J. B : : ; ; ; ;■;;;; \ ^^ Knight, W. A ■ 60 LiUie, C. C '..'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'..'.'. 70 Loomis, A. P , j Lord, G ' Lovell, N. V L Maitland, A ..................'. 74 Manzelniann, C yr Martindale, F. C ,5 Master, S. F 'g Mills, W. N ,Q Ming, F. R ;.:::;::::::::::':■:■;■; so Moffatt, O. C ; ; 81 Monroe, J. S ' ' ' 82 Moore, G. W 8^ Moore, J. B 84 Moriarty, M. H 85 Morrice, J. L 86 McCarthy, J.J 8-7 McKay, "^W. . . .' 88 McLeod, M. J So Nank, W. F 00 Neal, F. S '..'..'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. 91 Nottingham, D. M 02 Oviatt, D. B g. Peek, A. J ;;:;;::;:;:;:';':':::: li Pettit, A. D 55 Pierce, C. S q6 Prosser, H. H gj Read, J. H g8 Rumer, J. F g^ Russell, H 100 vSayre, I. T loi Scidmore, A. W 102 Scott, G. G 104 Seeley, T. D 105 Sheldon, S. A iot> Shook, A. N 107 Shumway, F. W 108 Simpson, N. F 109 Smith, C 110 Snell, L. W '..'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. m Stannard, W. L 112 Stockdale, D uj Stone, A. G 114 Traver, S. C 115 Turner, J. E 116 Van Akin, S 117 Van Keuren, C 118 Ward, C. E iig Warner, F. M 120 Waters, A.J 121 Watt, T- c :;;;;;;; 122 Whelan, N. T 12? Whitbeck, W. H '..'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. 124 Woodman, J 121; Adams, F. J ' 126 Illustrations bj- Nash 2s, qi, 77, 105 ©1|^ a^p0rt^r*0 Point of Vum ^/T was with fear and trembling that the scribe of this vol- mI ume undertook its pubHcation. A pohtical reporter ^iJ for a completely independent journal is not usually the auspicious person to compile a souvenir for any po- litical party. Indeed, had it not been for the suggestion of Mr. George E. Miller, until recently editor-in-chief of The De- troit Tribune, and his sympathetic encouragement, such a pub- lication would not have been conceived nor hazarded. The kindly reception of a few "First Impressions of Michigan's Lawmakers" published in The Tribune during the sessions of 1903 and 1905 first inspired the idea that our readers might appreciate them enough to assist in their compilation. A cas- ual canvass among some of the more prominent men in the capitol assured me that the idea was warranted. No attempt has been made to bring together a complete rec- ord of all the members of both houses, or of all departments of the state government. It was originally intended to com- pose only one hundred pen pictures of republican statesmen and officers in the public eye. The number has exceeded that limit — there are 112 in all — and it is only the late date at which the work was undertaken that prevented the sketching of all men holding important places in this year of grace. Here a word may be said of the relation of the reporter to the man of affairs and the reading public. It is a regrettable fact that there is a general impression regarding the personalitv and work of the reporter most uncomplimentary to the pro- fession of journalism. And it all arises from this— that a higher degree of excellence is demanded from the men operating the public press than is demanded from the men of any other voca- tion. The banker, the doctor, the statesman, the'lawyer, even the preacher, are allowed the human privilege of making mis- takes in the daily practice of their respective profession's with wide moral impunity. The very nature of their work protects them from much of the censure that follows like the Furies in the wake of a "break" in a big daily newspaper. Let but the pencil of the overwrought reporter or writer slip on the initials of one hitherto unknown individual, and that journal has in- curred the ill will of an irate citizen who may or may not be molHfied. The reporter who is paid to gather the news as fast as it is ripe, and perhaps to help it ripen, hurries a dispatch to his paper, essentially correct, but unintentionally twisted in one minor detail. The weeping victim assails him with charges ranging from unfairness to lying, partisanship and even corrup- tion. In nine cases in every ten that same victim was offered the opportunity in abundant time of corroborating or correct- ing or amending the dispatch before it was filed, and probably replied with an injured air, "I have nothing to say." A re- porter can't hit the bull's eye with his hands tied. Neither is the average newspaper man a liar. Nothing he loves more than to get all the facts; not the theories, but the facts. That's what the public want; what he's hired to get. He has no ax to grind. He is meddlesome and wants to know. When he knows he is satisfied; not until then. If a reporter for an independent journal runs across a fact that is apt to prove detrimental to the republican party, or the democratic party, or any other party, he gloats with the same joy that would course through him if it were otherwise. As the railroad attor- ney will spend days and nights to win his client's case, as the republican politician will spend days and nights to secure his party's victory, the loyal reporter will spend days and nights to support his paper and its policy. To say that the fall of one re- porter is the corruption of the whole press is to say that one grafter makes a whole government criminal. To ask a re- porter to allow friendship to come between him and his paper is corruption. To sa}^ that a reporter or a journal shall make no mistakes is to remove the making and editing of newspapers from the sphere of humanity to elysium and look to the angels for circulation. Facts! Facts! Let us have the facts! More than once during the session just closed have prominent republican leaders warned the all republican government against themselves and offered secret thanks for the existence of a vigorous independent press. In addressing the represent- atives both Congressman Townsend and Thomas E. Bark- worth, formerly chairman of the democratic state central com- mittee, bluntly declared that it was not well to have no oppo- sition on the floor. It seems there is to be but little opposition to republican policies and enterprises on the floor of the house for the next few years at least. The republican party will be in the balance. Party government ceases to be party govern- ment when it becomes an unchallenged monopoly. The wel- fare of the state as well as the welfare of the party itself de- mands criticism — bold, unhesitating, fair criticism. Top-heavi- ness and internal dissension are as potent enemies as external hostility and organized warfare. The government of Michigan in 1905 ranks quite as high as those that have gone before with some of the old inherent weak- nesses and with some marked improvements. And yet the leaders of the legislature itself did not assume as large propor- tions as lasting combat in debate would have given them. Fighters can train only with fighters. The legislature should be the cradle of national statesmen. Of the more important achievements of the administration of 1905 the enactment of a general primary election law ranks first. This government will also be remembered for the creation of a state highway department, for the initial step toward the treat- ment of tuberculosis in a state institution, for the calling of an election for the submission of the question of calling a consti- tutional convention, for granting the right of eminent domain to electric railways and for another experiment in Michigan's pioneer movement in the taxation of corporate property. Railroad legislation moves slowly and conservatively in all states. The taxation of sleeping cars and the failure of the railroad lobbyists to prevent the enactment of other legislation may be taken as a salutary sign in the evolution of Michigan's laws. The aggression of private wealth is not a new thing nor should it frighten Americans. Gov. Warner has also succeeded in holding down the amount of money to be raised by taxation for the next two years — a task that looks easier than it really is, both because of the generosity of former legislatures with state institutions and the deep rooted feeling that these institutions are to be well cared for. The leaders of the party themselves are satisfied that a clean, enviable record has been made by the present gov- ernment that will clear the way for another sweeping victory in 1906. When it comes to the personnel of the government in all its branches a triumph of democracy is revealed. A glance at the facts in the lives of the men who preside over the highest tri- bunal in the state and who make and execute our laws, shows that they are not hereditary statesmen, nor men of wealth and exceptional education and equipment. A very large percent- age have worked in the fields, in the woods, and in the primary schools of the state in their early days. They are the direct representatives of the average intelligence and worth of their people. They bring to the legislature a knowledge of human nature and the state's needs and condition gleaned from hard work in the everv dav world of bread winning. In some cases they have risen to the seats of the mighty. In all cases they know the seats of the mighty are open to those who will strive and who have the capacity to attain. The reader will observe, before entertaining himself very much with the following pages, that dyspeptic severity and seriousness has frequently given way to levity and mirth in the presentment of a history, a trait of character, an incident, achievement or the appearance of any subject. Trusting to the spirit of good fellowship that marked the life of the legislators under the dome of the capitol, and aware of the keen apprecia- tion of the sublime and the ridiculous on the part of legislative newspaper readers, the writer has presumed to be intimate for the sake of truth and fun. In some instances, possibly, it may appear that he has presumed too much on good nature or on tolerance of party criticism. But "truth is mighty and will prevail." Nothing has been omitted that would throw any light on the career of the legislature of 1905 through the me- dium of the personality and activity of the members herein por- trayed. Nothing has been included that would achieve other results. The writer has attempted to speak boldly, honestly, sympathetically, "with charity toward all," and with the hope that on some far off evening when prosperity has cheered, or even adversity cast down, the subscriber to this souvenir, he may sit apart for a moment and refresh the pleasant memories or enjoy the nonsense, of his old associates in the government of 1905. If the writer succeeds in that he succeeds in all he hopes to do. "I have written the tale of our life For' a sheltered people's mirth, In jesting guise — but ye are wise, And ye know what the jest is worth." — Rudyard Kipling. 10 ROBERT N, ADAMS (representative.) His shaggy hair and blunt speech would alarm you if you didn't know the man. For he looks as fierce as they make 'em. After due acquaintance you find he is just like the rest of us, — another phase and shade of human na- ture. To those native Yankees who are fond of thinking there is a real type of American apart from all other breeds of the English speaking race he is a distinct disappointment. This Adam's son was born in Ontario, right in a hotbed of United Empire Loyal- ists who thought as truly that kings should govern as that they themselves should live. But it is a quarter of a century since the gentle- man from Chippewa left them. He has been an ardent republi- can in politics and government ever since. As an upper peninsvila man Adams has distinguished himself by his hankering for primary reform and his desire to prevent the promiscuous spread of booze among men who love it with an unfaltering love. But the glowing attributes of the gentle- man from Chippewa as a legislator are self reliance and inde- pendence. He will join the majority any time the republican administration wants his vote very badly, provided alwavs he is satisfied that nothing of paramount importance as a principle to which he is opposed is at stake. He made but little noise the last two sessions of the legislature but whenever a pet measure was before the house — and somebody has a pet measure about every hour, — he had to be reckoned with; not "seen" as we understand it in the craft, but simply reckoned with. The difficulty in getting Adams's vote is the fact that he does not look at law and life through the glasses that fit the vision of the majority of the grand dukes from the upper peninsula. The corporation is no more natural a companion for him than for Eugene V. Debs or Theodore Roosevelt or for Fred A. Hunt of Detroit. Adams has the air of a man who would give not an inch nor a dollar more to him who had than to him who had not. Sometimes he appears even as quixotic on the floor of the house as some of his fellow-countrvmen whom I have named. From a farm in Chippewa county he has sent two sons to fight the eagle's battles in Cuba and has been one of the thousand myriad forces in the development of the real estate, mines and finances of his community. Confidentially, he is well-heeled. What more do vou ask? DENNIS E, ALWARD (secretary of the state central committee.) Reading clerk in the national house of representatives by reason of the same faithful attention to dutv and honest loyalty to friends and party that started him in political work in Michi- gan and demands his labors for the party at home. He was secretary of' the state central committee from 1894 to "1898 and has held the same position since he was re-elected in 1900. Like his col- league, Chairman Diekema, he is sin- cerity and integrity in the first in- stance, and responsible to the same extent for the all republican govern- ment of 1905. A glance at Alward's career shows he is one of the numerous substantial citizens of Michigan who started to climb from the lowest rung. He was born in Niles in 1859. When a student at the state university he stopped his course to teach school. In 1878 he founded the Battle Creek Moon and set it on its way to prosperity. In 1880 he bought the Clare Press and then drifted into politics. He was clerk of the senate railroad committee in 1887, assistant secretary of the senate in 1SS9, and secretary of the senate in 1893 and 1895. Alward is somewhat of a speaker himself. In a rough and tumble go-as-you-please row in convention or on the stump he is vigorous and convincing, and in splendid control of his grey matter. As a man among men, he is a graceful "mixer" and an affable companion. His even temper is one of his great assets. Nobody ever catches him with the fur flying. It was not many weeks ago that Alward and the scribe sat chatting in a Lansing hotel when a sober stranger who knew neither scribe nor secre- tarv "butted in" on the conversation and asked for the iden- tification of a prominent republican leader. Shown the man Mr. Stranger immediately launched forth on a philippic of profanity and abuse that would have done credit to a 320 degree drunk, sparing neither the party nor any of the officers thereof. Alward flushed once or twice. Then smiled; and as the stranger retired remarked with the utmost composure, "I wonder if the gentle- man enjoyed himself." There has been no intimation from any quarter that he is to be superseded as either reading clerk or secretary. NOBLE ASHLEY (senator.) Such are the chances of war! If Gov. Warner had not vetoed the Detroit civil service bill Senator Ashley would have been THE Detroit legis- lator of 1905. Now his enemies will wink an eye and the spoilsmen will endeavor to prevent his appearance in the senate chamber again. The passage of the bill through both houses was the culmination of a careful, quiet, arduous campaign against the opposition of Moriarty, who finally gave way; and of Doherty, who declared the enactment of the bill as against "good republican politics." In the session of 1903 Ashley, as representative, with the aid of Senator Simons, was successful in the passage of a law placing the sheriff of Wayne on an $8, 000 salarv and cutting off his fees. He is an adept in the still hunt. His quiet work as an organizer of the Modern Maccabees has been generally endorsed by that order and all his legislative achievements have been executed in the same style. He is a native of Lincolnshire and learned the printing trade in Sarnia, Ontario. He has been a Detroiter since 1S80. Senator Ashley has been vigorously criticised for his apparent indifference as to the progress of the Scott bill attaching a referendum to all franchises granted by municipal councils in Wayne county outside of Detroit. The bill passed the house and went to Ashley's committee in the senate. There were several objections to the measure both from corporations and from farmers wdio feared it would interfere with electric railway construction. The committee itself was hostile. If Ashley did sacrifice it, he did so to secure votes for the passage of another measure that would please his constituents quite as much, and now the governor has sent that measure to limbo. How ephemeral are the glories of today and the defeats of yesterday! How small the plans of mice and men! Ashley gave and the governor has taken away, blessed be the name of, — which? The people of Detroit want civil service. The people of Detroit will have civil service. The veto of the Ashley measure but fires the desire of the voter for something he wants and has not got. The veto of 1905 will be a little thing in 1907 and the big thing wall be the passage of a sound bill. It is the little things that make up government as well as life. "Little drops of w^ater, little grains of sand, ]\Iake the mighty ocean, and the beauteous land." Sing, brethren, sing! 13 THERON W. ATWOOD (RAILROAD COMMISSIONER.) And what of Theron W. Atwood, railroad commissioner, strategist, boss, affectionately known among "the boys" of the republican machine as "Tip;" — "affectionately" known, first, because his ingenious brain has helped them out of many dilemmas; second, because he never reminds them that he is the boss ? Mr. Atwood is modest. Nothing he shuns more than publicity, unless it be the breaking of a political promise. When Atwoodism became a burning issue in the last campaign Atwood quietly left the state. Until the smoke had cleared away he was visible to none except the moose of north Ontario. By Atwoodism is meant the spirit of the present epoch of boss rule in Michigan: which boss rule the people of Michigan have declared they liked even as the people of New York have liked it under Piatt, and under other bosses in other states where bosses make the party win. Like Piatt, Atwood hails from a little country burg — Caro, Tuscola county. Atwood's political methods belong to a profession that is altogether par- tisan. Yet those methods win — methods righteously condemned by men who quickly use them when the battle grows hot. Apart from his friendliness for railroads and corporate in- terests Atwood has suffered much from the blind hate of the people that has fallen on amassed wealth in these latter days. He is not a megalomaniac. Power he exercises for what it accomplishes; not for the love of wielding it. That power lies largely in his ability to read human nature. "You've got to give the other fellow his own way just as far as possible" was a chance remark of his recently. Speaking of a prominent legislator with aspirations to be a leader, he said: "A man must have a good balance wheel. When he gets warm under the collar he's gone." Shorn of his royal halo, with the air of mvstery that surrounds a silent, quiet man dispelled, Atwood is for all the world like other bipeds that use clothes. And he does not wear horns. He is generally smiling, always has a good cigar, is credited among politicians and reporters with telling the truth when he tells anything. He is charged with distributing large quan- tities of campaign funds, but even his enemies do not call him a grafter. He is still adviser-in-chief to the state senate, though not always victor there. In short, he believes in a strong party machine, with a judi- cious distribution of patronage, and if his friends insist on his being the chief engineer — well, he supposes he ought to consent to be the victim. 14 THOMAS G. BAILLIE (RR PRESENT ATI VE.) "Tarn" Baillie likes pig. Some of us watched "Tarn" discussing a dead, young pig one night, — it was late, d'ye mind, — until we couldn't tell which was "Tam" and which was the pig except for the grunt; and we knew the pig was dead. Next to devouring dead pig "Tam" likes to laugh — and play a little game. It's none of an^^body's business how much game or what. "Tam" will stand for it anyhow. Besides "Tain's" the babe of the legislature — 24 years old — and has some rights. But to be serious, an apologia must be written for "Tam." He was one of the "immortal thirteen" of the house who voted for a certain railroad bill when a lot of folks were shouting "wolf." Please remember, ye critics, that "Tam" came from a district that furnishes to the state of Michigan an indescribable mixture of governors and railroad presi- dents, not to speak of a state-known senator who doesn't "Care-a-d — " for any governor, nor who made him. Take note, too, that it was the Pere Marquette who gave "Tam" a little lift along the highway of progress when he got a job in the general traffic manager's department not many years ago and then ask him to bite the hand that fed him. If your dog did it, heaven help the dog. Remember, too, that "Tam" has the nerve to tell 'em to hike to the place of perpetual thirst if he sees fit. It must be admitted that Rep. Baillie, for a graduate of the University of Michigan, showed rather a strong disposition to follow the leader. But Baillie graduated in law. And if the law wasn't made to show there are two sides to any question and that the gazabo with the longest head gets the justice, then let's eliminate the faculty of law from these expensive institutions of learning. You might just as well ask a full house to turn over the pot to a pair of deuces. If the victim of this sketch does not understand the difference between a full house and a pair of deuces, it's time he joined the Y. M. C. A. "Haa-a-a" "Haa-a" "Ha-a." That's Baillie again. Except when "Tam" was addressing the house we never saw anything but a smile on his face and a chuckle behind it. As a speech maker he looks literally fierce. The day he was hornswoggled into backing a bill for an open Sunday he looked fiercer. But that's a tale out of school. " Tam " wont be hornswoggled again. He squared himself for that and resumed his smile. "Tam" Baillie is voung, vigorous, appetizing, clean, and moderately clever. 15 JOHN BAIRD (senator.) Too modest, notwithstanding all the fame he has earned, to wear a middle name! Just plain John, or familiarly "Johnny," or legislatively "Don't-Care- a-D ," because he doesn't. The whole story in brief is this, — he pla3'S politics like a professional game in which the amateur exists to be fleeced, and does with religious severity and enthusiasm what he says he will do. His accurate knowledge of parliamentary procedure makes his legislative game a tough problem for unsuspecting hrst-termers. Born amid the frowning guns of old Quebec barracks where his father was paid to fire shot and shell for her majestv. Queen Victoria; a pupil in the public schools of Seaforth, Ontario, a star long distance runner who was doped in a matched race in which he staked his last penny and lost, a laborer in eastern Michigan whither he had come to hide his disappointment, a salt packer in the Saginaw valley since that time, — that is the life of John Baird. His Falstaff figure does not betray the runner now, but the senator moves quite fast enough in other directions to show he has some speed left. Baird has been senator for three terms and representative for one. He conceived the notion last fall that he could not be reelected and forthwith notified his friends that he would not accept a renomination. The}' insisted that he make another fight. He did and won. Some more of his friends came down to Lansing during the session to tell John just how they wanted the new Saginaw charter fixed. The}' wanted a large police commission. John decided Saginaw was to have a smaller police commission. "But" urged his friends "but — ." John placidly replied "Well, we're going to have it this way or we ain't giong to have it at all." It was passed John's way. "I'm against executive sessions" said John one day. "The reporter always gets the news anyway. I'm going to vote against executive sessions all the time now." He did. A senator one day was complaining that his views had been misrepresented in one of the papers. He was in a huff. Baird laughed as usual. Baird always laughs no matter what happens. "I don't care a d — what the papers say about me" he gurgled. "They can say anything they like and have a good time. It doesn't phase me." His sentiment on the passage of his own primary election bill will live, It is not worth a damn. jrUNIUS E, BEAL (representative.) Not many of our three dollar a dav legislators have seen the old world and the best of the new. Even the prover- bial pass won't take them far from their own sod. But this man Beal from Washtenaw will see all there is worth seeing as long as the money holds out. He has seen the Russia we are all watch- ing. He is living for all he is worth, — not in the way of Micawber, a little overdue all the time, but for all there is in life. Perhaps it is Beabs early training as an editor in Ann Arbor, perhaps it is his natural newspaper instinct to know what is going forward in the world and know it intimately ; but whatever it is he likes to be on the spot when anything is doing. He was just as enthusiastic this session in fighting for the repeal of the low water alarm law as he was to go to Madison, Wis., and hear the stars of that state's university and the students of the U. of M. fight the battle of primary elections in open debate. Where two or three are gathered together there is Beal in the midst of them. (This refers to the boys onlv.) His sense of humor should have kept him in newspaper work for what is more amusing, as well as inspiring, as a close range studv of human nature? This breadth of interest is sure to make a man valuable as a lawmaker and statesman. Half the discrediting criticism that is heaped on the pate of the legislator is due to the re- quirement that he shall overcome by patient investigation his inevitable lack of intimacy with the thousand and one matters he is called upon to regulate, and his failure to meet the require- ment. Men of the Beal type have the natural bent for such investigation. Their conclusions may be onesided, but their activity at least begets activity on the other side; and out of all of this some good must come. Mr. Beal is at a ripe age for service, — 45. He performed no greater service this session than by his assistance to place on the stattite books a law re- stricting the promiscuous sale to their thousands of victims of crushing, damning, demoralizing drugs. As a convivial Mr. Beal can be recommended; he knows the limit. As a humorist he helps us all to live. As a politican he knows nothing better than republicanism. ^ 17 CASSIUS R. BENTON (representative.) "Said the ant to the elephant, 'who are you pushing?' There's one more river to cross." When the state tax commission put its sinuous trunk around the howhng member from Northville and ducked him in the legislative swamp, Cass re- minded them his day was coming. It came. The heart of old Cass Benton is too full of "the milk o' human kind- ness" to harbor one dram of animosity against one wayworn soul on the much bedraggled tax commission. But Cass was convinced that the tax commission was not right. Then the elephant came up behind hhn and Cass had to move on hurriedly. In the final collision the ant had all the honors and, waving a spare leg on high, spat on the elephant's trunk and marched off to North- ville triumphant. Cass will leave a soft fried egg, a charcoal tablet, or even a sermon any time you want to sic him on the tax commission. Put Cass and a dog-eating Filipino on scratch; put Amariah and a new pup at the finish line; and Cass will beat that Filipino to it for monev. Benton and the Filipino have still something to learn about taxation. But Benton has his advantage, — the folks believe his mistakes are honest mistakes and they're willing to leave it all to him. And his name is not Gas. The records show that he was the only working legislator who didn't introduce a single bill. Rep. Benton is a fair type of the wholesome lawmaker, — a man who has risen from the ranks, who has made himself with the assistance of a limited academic education, who has shown himself a thorough citizen, who is a property owner, who has served his neighbors privately and politically in humble and preferred positions alike well, who represents honestly and fearlessly the average intelligence of his constituents. Whether or not his experience as a supervisor has warped or enlarged his view of state taxation remains to be seen in the experiments that are now to be tried. But with his openness to unbiassed advice from recognized and unprejudiced leaders the state would be safe in the hands of such representatives as he. It is all summed up in this, — Cass Benton is no man's man. 10 18 ARTHUR C. BIRD (state dairy and food commissioner.) A long time ago Commissioner Bird had established his reputation as an or- ganizer — long before he had loomed up strong in politics. All his life he has been interested in the development of Michigan's farming lands and has rep- resented several rich eastern coinpanies in the promotion of agriculture in Mich- igan. It was his genius for organiza- tion that conceived and brought into existence the State Association of Farm- ers' Clubs. His talent and his enthusi- asm in the study of scientific agriculture were recognized by the Michigan Agri- cultural College, which bestowed on him the exceptional degree of Master of Agriculture. Since his advent into active state politics he has again demon- strated his ability as an organizer. He was in charge of the state census of 1904 and was appointed to his present position shortly after Gov. Warner took office. There are various ways of performing the duties of dairy and food commissioner as there are various ways of performing the duties of any office. In this instance one method is to go about the state with a brass band notifying the general public — firstly, that you have a state job; secondly, that you want to hold that job ; and thirdly, that if you don't hold it you are going to make enough noise to assure the people you are a hustler and should hold it. There is another and more effective way — and that is to quietlv and thoroughlv inspect all the marketed foods as far as possible, to the end that the bad product may be taken off the market without injuring any innocent producer, and with the support of the manufacturers of wholesome goods in the prosecution of the fakir and the mountabank. Mr. Bird has chosen the latter method. Several large shipments of coffee and other foods have been withdrawn from the Michigan market, without any publicity, on the personal assurance of the seller that a mistake had been made, and that it wouldn't occur again. In politics Mr. Bird has shown proportions that have been the envy of many of the men who like to be close to the throne. He has generallv been regarded as one of Gov. Warner's closest counselors. He is just 41 years of age and never loses a minute. j& 19 JOHN E, BIRD (attorney general.) When Charles A. Blair withdrew his name from the ticket for attorney gen- eral in 1904 and was elevated to the su- preme court bench several corporation attaches enjoyed a deep feeling of relief. When the state central committee placed the name of John E. Bird of Adrian on the ticket for attorney general the at- taches smugly rubbed their hands and said Mr. Bird was "a new man; hardly as bitter as Mr. Blair and more consid- erate." But the first time the attaches tried to back Mr. Bird into a corner he showed his war paint and has been on the warpath ever since. The railroad lobby, which is usually found manoeuvering on the outskirts of a legislature, is directly responsible for the bloodthirstiness of the attorney general. On two or three occasions the attorney general found himself handi- capped by the manipulations and influence of these gentlemen. Then he camped on their trail. Most notable was his victory in the passage of the bill allowing him to examine the books of the Michigan Central, in order to determine whether the state has a good case in the suit brought against that road for the re- covery of $4,400,000 in back taxes alleged to have been fraud- ulently withheld in years long gone by. Behind the closed door of the attorney general's office in the presence of a stenographer and a witness the state lawyer "interviewed" several wavering members of the house as to their views on the value of the bill. They didn't like the stenographer. The bill passed. There was a struggle, of course; but it speaks highly to the credit of the leg- islature of 1905 that no influence could swerve it from the cause of the attorney general in this memorable instance. Mr. Bird will be found in war paint any time the whistle blows. The attorney general is a placid individual, with bloodless lips, pallid face, steel-cold eye, calloused nerve, and a taste for the grimmest humor. Occasionally he laughs a laugh that startles you and shocks 3^ou for a loud, muscular smile is not compatible with that motionless visage. Occasionally some- body tries to bluff him with political bluffs or contradictions of his idea of the law. Then the bluff is called, — as some well- known capitalistic gentlemen not a thousand miles from the heart of the metropolis can testify. Bluffing is all right if the other fellow doesn't hold the cards. j& J. EDWARD BLAND (representative.) When Rep. Bland of Detroit was selected as chariman of the house committee on gaming interests some sportsmen smiled. The enactments of the session proved that it is not neces- sary for sportsmen to make the best laws for sportsmen, nor for railroad men to make the best laws for railroads, — that is, speaking in the broad sense of the greatest good for the greatest number. Acting on his own statement — "I am not an expert on game but I take the pleasure of the average man in seeing the game and knowing that it exists," Bland has assisted in giving Michigan what has been characterized as the best protective game law written by any legislature in this state. Being a lawyer, Bland can see both sides of a case. Born in Canada and educated in the United States he can indulge in broad views of government. Having hiked through Arizona and California, having seen the direful da}" of being dead broke, having served as a volunteer marine in the Spanish American war, he can almost feel himself a citizen of the world. Having been enthusiastically spanked by the two heavy weights of the house on the last day of the session he has shown he can take what is coming to him and take it gracefully, — if a 200- pounder slid bottom end up on a thirty foot rail and belabored can be graceful. In the ever-going war between wealth and government, there are men who establish themselves as popular idols by the practice of railroad-baiting, by demagoguery, by jingoistic fighting in the name of the people. Bland is not one of these. He has refused more than one substantial favor rather than allow a corporation to put him under obligations. Persistent, not loud- mouthed, he has been found on the side of the commons where the commons needed him. Without flinching before hostile committees and a hostile majority he has pressed his demand for the regulation of electric railway fares, conscious that the fight must begin now to terminate a decade hence. Bland's great fault is his bachelorhood. Never has the humble scribe of this unassuming volume been honored with the story of a lost love or a broken heart. Mayhap there are shattered hopes that lie deep in the heart of this British American. But we have generally believed his singleness was the concomi- tant of pure cussedness and would recommend that Detroit keep him at home until he subscribes to true Rooseveltian doctrine, — and gets busy. 21 JAMES B. BRADLEY (auditor general.) The auditor general is a new figure in state politics but a very lively one. He is one of the men who have been mentioned early and often for the gov- ernorship in 1908, — a long wav off but #iM|^^^^H not so long in politics. His only public . ^^^BRsl^'^I life prior to 1904 was lived in the mayoralty of Eaton Rapids and as a Mystic Shriner, Pythian and Maccabee. His best chance for the governorship would seem to lie in direct nominations for he has incurred the lasting wrath of many of the prominent organizers by quietly advising the passage of a direct nomination bill. To date he is not reckoned among the eligibles by the men who have in times past been closely in touch with the list. The recount of the votes cast for circuit judge in Wayne county served to bring Bradley into state prominence during the session. Some of the recount committee, it will be re- membered, wanted an unitemized per diem allowance for their work in Detroit. The proposed allowance was rather high. Bradley promptly refused to O. K. the bills and itemized bills were rendered. Some of them contained some remarkable expense claims but were legitimate and the auditor general at least allowed the whole matter to have a good airing and lowered the temperature and the wants of some of the com- mittee to normal. "Are you going to vote for direct nominations for state officers?" a well-known senator on the committee was asked during the wrangle. "Yes, I believe in direct nominations for candidates for auditor general" was the reply. Bradley is an active, nervous man, powerfully built, and of swarthy complexion. He was born on a farm in Shiawassee county in '58 and graduated from Rush Medical College, Chicago in '86. He has practised his profession in Eaton Rapids since then, besides operating a farm and attending to other business interests. He is a student of world history and of modern affairs in the broad sense, with some gift of diplomacy and manipulative ability, and a strong taste for cigars and good company. JAMES E. BROCKWAY (representative.) It is so common as to 1 e almost tiresome, — this story of the greybeard and his struggle for existence and for the upward move, that we can always lend a keen ear to the man of tenderer years who has a story to tell. Here is a man slightly past 30 who has tal- lied lumber in the summer and trudged off to school in the winter until he was al)le to pay his way through college. 