Stories of later American history
Gordy, Wilbur Fisk, 1854-1929
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STORIES OF LATER AMERICAN HISTORY BY \* WILBUR F/ GORDY h FORMERLY SUPERINTENDENT OF SCHOOLS, SPRINGFIELD, MASS.; AUTHOR OF "a HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES FOR SCHOOLS," " ELEMENTARY HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES," " AMERICAN LEADERS AND HEROES," " AMERICAN BEGINNINGS IN EUROPE," " STORIES OF AMERICAN EXPLORERS," " COLONIAL DAYS," AND " STORIES OF EARLY AMERICAN HISTORY " WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS NEW YORK CHICAGO BOSTON '/qis Copyright, 1915, by CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS MAY --6 1915 ©CU397899 4* ~ PREFACE This book, like "Stories of Early American History," follows somewhat closely the course of study prepared by the Committee of Eight, the present volume covering the topics outlined for Grade V, while the earlier one includes the material suggested for Grade IV. It was the plan of that committee to take up in these grades, largely in a biographical way, a great part of the essential facts of American history; and with this plan the author, who was a member of that committee, was in hearty accord. This method, it is believed, serves a double purpose. In the first place, it is the best possible way of laying the foundation for the later and more detailed study of United States history in the higher grammar grades by those pupils who are to continue in school; and in the second, it gives to that large number of pupils who will leave school before the end of the sixth grade — which is at least half of all the boys and girls in the schools of the country — some acquaintance with the leading men and prominent events of American history. It is without doubt a great mistake to allow half of the pupils to go out from our public schools with almost no knowledge of the moral and material forces which have made this nation what it is to-day. It is an injustice to the young people themselves; it is also an injury to their country, the vigor of whose life will depend much upon their intelligent and patriotic support. vi PREFACE With this conviction, it has been the author's desire to make the story of the events concrete, dramatic, and lifelike by centring them about leaders, heroes, and other represen- tative men, in such a way as to appeal to the imagination and to influence the ideals of the child. In so doing, he has made no attempt to write organized history — tracing out its intricate relations of cause and effect. At the same time, however, he has aimed to select his facts and events so care- fully that the spirit of our national life and institutions, as well as many of the typical events of American history, may be presented. It is confidently hoped that the fine illustrations and the attractive typographical features of the book will help to bring vividly before the mind of the child the events narrated in the text. Another aid in making the stories vivid will, it is in- tended, be found in " Some Things to Think About." These and many similar questions, which the teacher can easily frame to fit the needs of her class, will help the pupil to make real the life of days gone by as well as to connect it with the present time and with his own life. In conclusion, I wish to acknowledge my deep obli- gations to Mr. Forrest Morgan, of the Watkinson Library, Hartford, and to Miss Elizabeth P. Peck, of the Hartford Public High School, both of whom have read the manu- script and have made many valuable criticisms and sug- gestions. Wilbur F. Gordy. Hartfokd, Conn., April 15, 1915. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. Patrick Henry 1 II. Samuel Adams 15 III. The War Begins near Boston 30 IV. George Washington in the Revolution 45 V. Nathanael Greene and Other Heroes in the South. 73 VI. John Paul Jones 87 VII. Daniel Boone 94 VIII. James Robertson 107 IX. John Sevier 122 X. George Rogers Clark 132 XI. The New Republic 151 XII. Increasing the Size of the New Republic 164 XIII. Internal Improvements 1S7 XIV. The Republic Grows Larger 20S XV. Three Great Statesmen 225 XVI. The Civil War 243 XVII. Four Great Industries 281 Index 293 ILLUSTRATIONS Pioneers on the Overland Route, Westward Frontispiece PAGE George III 2 Patrick Henry 5 Patrick Henry Delivering His Speech in the Virginia House of Burgesses 7 William Pitt 9 St. John's Church, Richmond 11 Samuel Adams 15 Patriots in New York Destroying Stamps Intended for Use in Con- necticut 17 Faneuil Hall, Boston 22 Old South Church, Boston 23 The "Boston Tea Party" 24 Carpenters' Hall, Philadelphia 27 John Hancock 30 John Hancock's Home, Boston 31 A Minuteman 32 Old North Church 33 Paul Revere's Ride 34 Monument on Lexington Common Marking the Line of the Minutemen 36 Concord Bridge 39 President Langdon, the President of Harvard College, Praying for the Bunker Hill Entrenching Party on Cambridge Common Just Before Their Departure 41 Prescott at Bunker Hill 42 ix x ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE Bunker Hill Monument 43 George Washington 45 Washington, Henry, and Pendleton on the Way to Congress at Phila- delphia 47 The Washington Elm at Cambridge, under which Washington took Command of the Army 48 Sir William Howe 51 Thomas Jefferson Looking Over the Rough Draught of the Declaration of Independence 52 The .Retreat from Long Island 54 Nathan Hale 57 British and Hessian Soldiers .... Gl Powder-Horn, Bullet-Flask, and Buckshot-Pouch Used in the Revolution G3 General Burgoyne Surrendering to General Gates G5 Marquis de Lafayette 67 Lafayette Offering His Services to Franklin 6S Winter at Valley Forge 70 Nathanael Greene 73 The Meeting of (Ireene and Gates upon Greene's Assuming Command. 77 Daniel Morgan 79 Francis Marion S2 Marion Surprising a British Wagon-Train 83 John Paul Jones S7 Battle Between the Ranger and the Drake 89 The Fight Between the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis .... 92 Daniel Boone 95 Boone's Escape from the Indians 97 Boonesborough 101 ILLUSTRATIONS xi PAGE Boone Throwing Tobacco into the Eyes of the Indians Who Had Come to Capture Him 105 James Robertson 107 Living-Room of the Early Settler Ill Grinding Indian Corn 112 A Kentucky Pioneer's Cabin 115 John Sevier 122 A Barbecue of 1780 127 Battle of King's Mountain 129 George Rogers Clark 132 Clark on the Way to Kaskaskia 137 Clark's Surprise at Kaskaskia 138 Wampum Peace Belt 142 Clark's Advance on Vincennes 140 George Washington 151 Washington's Home, Mount Vernon 152 Tribute Rendered to Washington at Trenton 153 Washington Taking the Oath of Office as First President, at Federal Hall, New York City 155 Washington's Inaugural Chair 150 Eli Whitney 158 Whitney's Cotton-Gin 159 A Colonial Planter 101 A Slave Settlement 102 Thomas Jefferson 104 "Monticello," the Home of Jefferson 105 A Rice-Field in Louisiana 108 xii ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE A Flatboat on the Ohio River 171 House in New Orleans Where Louis Philippe Stopped in 1798. 173 A Public Building in New Orleans Built in 1794 171 Meriwether Lewis 1 70 William Chirk 17(j Buffalo Hunted by Indians 177 The Lewis and Clark Expedition Working Its Way Westward. 179 Andrew Jackson 181 "The Hermitage," the Home of Andrew Jackson 183 Fighting the Seminole Indians, under Jackson 1S4 Robert Fulton 1SS Fulton's First Experiment with Paddle-Wheels 189 The "Clermont" in Duplicate at the Hudson-Fulton Celebration, 1909. 192 The Opening of the Erie Canal in 1825 194 The Ceremony Called "The Marriage of the Waters" 19.3 Erie Canal on the Right and Aqueduct over the Mohawk River, New York 197 "Tom Thumb," Peter Cooper's Locomotive Working Model. First Used near Baltimore in 1830 198 Railroad Poster of 1843 199 Comparison of "DeWitt Clinton" Locomotive and Train, the First Train Operated in New York, with a Modern Locomotive of the New York Central R. R 200 S. F. B. Morse 202 The First Telegraph Instrument 20."! Modern Telegraph Office 204 The Operation of the Modern Railroad is Dependent upon the Telegraph 205 Sam Houston 208 ILLUSTRATIONS xiii PAGE Flag of the Republic of Texas 211 David Crockett 212 The Fight at the Alamo 213 John C. Fremont 215 Fremont's Expedition Crossing the Rocky Mountains ...... 216 Kit Carson 217 Sutter's Mill .... 221 Placer-Mining in the Days of the California Gold Rush 223 John C. Calhoun. "As England must now send to America a standing army of at least ten thousand men to protect the colonies against the Indians and other enemies," the King, George III, reasoned, "it is only fair that the colonists should pay a part of the cost of supporting it." The English Parliament, being largely made up of the King's friends, was quite ready to carry out his wishes, and passed a law taxing the colonists. This law was called the Stamp Act. It provided that stamps — very much like our postage-stamps, but costing all the way from one cent to fifty dollars each — should be put upon all the newspapers and almanacs used by the colonies, and upon all such legal papers as wills, deeds, and the notes which men give promising to pay back borrowed money. When news of this act reached the colonists they were angry. "It is unjust," they said. "Parliament is trying 2 LATER AMERICAN HISTORY to make slaves of us by forcing us to pay money with- out our consent. The charters which the English King George III. granted to our forefathers when they came to America make us free men just as much as if we were living in England. "In England it is the law that no free man shall pay taxes unless they are levied by his representatives in Parlia- PATRICK HENRY 3 ment. We have no one to speak for us in Parliament, and so we will not pay any taxes which Parliament votes. The only taxes we will pay are those voted by our repre- sentatives in our own colonial assemblies." They were all the more ready to take this stand because for many years they had bitterly disliked other English laws which were unfair to them. One of these forbade selling their products to any country but England. And, of course, if they could sell to no one else, they would have to sell for what the English merchants chose to pay. Another law said that the colonists should buy the goods they needed from no other country than England, and that these goods should be brought over in English vessels. So in buying as well as in selling they were at the mercy of the English merchants and the English ship owners, who could set their own prices. But even more unjust seemed the law forbidding the manufacture in America of anything which was manufac- tured in England. For instance, iron from American mines had to be sent to England to be made into useful articles, and then brought back over the sea in English vessels and sold to the colonists by English merchants at their own price. Do you wonder that the colonists felt that England was taking an unfair advantage? You need not be told that these laws were strongly opposed. In fact, the col- onists, thinking them unjust, did not hesitate to break 4 LATER AMERICAN HISTORY them. Some, in spite of the laws, shipped their products to other countries and smuggled the goods they received in exchange ; and some dared make articles of iron, wool, or other raw material, both for their own use and to sell to others. "We will not be used as tools for England to make out of us all the profit she possibly can," they declared. "We are not slaves but free-born Englishmen, and we refuse to obey laws which shackle us and rob us of our rights." So when to these harsh trade laws the Stamp Act was added, great indignation was aroused. Among those most earnest in opposing the act was Patrick Henry. Let us take a look at the early life of this powerful man. He was born in 1736, in Hanover County, Virginia. His father was an able lawyer, and his mother belonged to a fine old Welsh family. But Patrick, as a boy, took little interest in anything that seemed to his older friends worth while. He did not like to study nor to work on his father's farm. His delight was to wander through the woods, gun in hand, hunting for game, or to sit on the bank of some stream fishing by the hour. When not enjoying himself out-of-doors he might be heard playing his violin. Of course the neighbors said, "A boy so idle and shift- less will never amount to anything," and his parents did not know what to do with him. They put him, when fif- PATRICK HENRY teen years old, as clerk into a little country store. Here he remained for a year, and then opened a store of his own. But he was still too lazy to attend to business, and soon failed. When he was only eighteen years old, he married. The parents of the young couple, anxious that they should do well, gave them a small farm and a few slaves. But it was the same old story. The young farmer would not take the trouble to look after his affairs, and let things drift. So before long the farm had to be sold to pay debts. Once more Patrick turned to storekeeping, but after a few years he failed again. He was now twenty-three years old, with no settled occupation, and with a wife and family to support. No doubt he seemed to his friends a ne'er- do-well. About this time he decided to become a lawyer. He borrowed some law-books, and after studying for six months, he applied for permission to practise law. Although he passed but a poor examination, he at last was started on the right road. He succeeded well in his law practice, and in a few years had so much business that people in his part of Virginia began to take notice of him. In 1765, soon after Patrick Henry. 6 LATER AMERICAN HISTORY the Stamp Act was passed by the British Parliament, he was elected a member of the Virginia House of Burgesses, a body not unlike our State Legislature. PATRICK HENRY'S FIERY SPEECH AGAINST THE STAMP ACT Histoiy gives us a vivid picture of the young lawyer at this time as he rides on horseback along the country road toward Williamsburg, then the capital of Virginia. He is wearing a faded coat, leather knee-breeches, and yarn stockings, and carries his law papers in his saddle-bag. Although but twenty-nine, his tall, thin figure stoops as if bent with age. He does not look the important man he is soon to become. When he reaches the little town of Williamsburg, he finds great excitement. Men gather in small groups on the street, talking in anxious tones. Serious questions are being discussed: "What shall we do about the Stamp Act?" they say. "Shall we submit and say nothing? Shall we send a petition to King George asking him for justice? Shall we beg Parliament to repeal the act, or shall we take a bold stand and declare that we will not obey it?" Not only on the street, but also in the House of Bur- gesses was great excitement. Most of the members were wealthy planters who lived on great estates. So much weight and dignity had they that the affairs of the colony PATRICK HENRY were largely under their control. Most of them were loyal to the "mother country," as they liked to call England, Patrick Henry Delivering His Speech in the Virginia House of Burgesses. and they wished to obey the English laws as long as these were just. So they counselled: "Let us move slowly. Let nothing be done in a passion. Let us petition the King to modify 8 LATER AMERICAN HISTORY the laws which appear to us unjust, and then, if he will not listen, it will be time to refuse to obey. We must not be rash." Patrick Henry, the new member, listened earnestly. But he could not see things as these older men of affairs saw them. To him delay seemed dangerous. He was eager for prompt, decisive action. Tearing a blank leaf from a law-book, he hastily wrote some resolutions, and, rising to his feet, he read them to the assembly. We can easily picture the scene. This plainly dressed rustic with his bent shoulders is in striking contrast to the prosperous plantation owners, with their powdered hair, ruffled shirts, knee-breeches, and silver shoe-buckles. They give but a listless attention as Henry begins in quiet tones to read his resolutions. "Who cares what this country fellow thinks?" is their attitude. "Who is he anyway? We never heard his voice before." It is but natural that these men, whose judgment has been looked up to for years, should regard as an upstart this young, unknown member, who presumes to think his opinion worth listening to in a time of great crisis like this. But while they sit in scornful wrath, the young orator's eyes begin to glow, his stooping figure becomes erect, and his voice rings out with fiery eloquence. "The General Assembly of Virginia, and only the General Assembly of Virginia/' he exclaims, "has the right and the power of laying taxes upon the people of this colony." PATRICK HENRY 0 These are stirring words, and they fall amid a hushed silence. Then the debate grows hot, as members rise to speak in opposition to his burning eloquence. But our hero is more than a match for all the distin- guished men who disagree with him. Like a torrent, his arguments pour forth and sweep all before them. The bold reso- lutions he presents are passed by the assembly. It was a great triumph for the young orator. On that day Patrick Henry made his name. "Stick to us, old fellow, or we're gone," said one of the plain people, giving him a slap on the shoulder as he passed out at the close of the stormy session. The unpromising youth had suddenly become a leader in the affairs of the colony. Not only in Virginia, but also in other colonies, his fiery words acted like magic in stirring up the people against the Stamp Act. He had proved himself a bold leader, will- ing to risk any danger for the cause of justice and freedom. You would expect that in the colonies there would be strong and deep feeling against the Stamp Act. But per- haps you will be surprised to learn that even in England many leading men opposed it. They thought that George III was making a great mistake in trying to tax the colo- William Pitt. 10 LATER AMERICAN HISTORY nies without their consent. William Pitt, a leader in the House of Commons, made a great speech, in which he said: "I rejoice that America has resisted." He went on to say that if the Americans had meekly submitted, they would have acted like slaves. Burke and Fox, other great statesmen, also befriended us. And the English merchants and ship owners, who were losing heavily because the Americans refused to buy any English goods as long as the Stamp Act was in force, joined in begging Parliament that the act be repealed. This was done the next year. Other unjust measures followed, but before we take them up, let us catch another glimpse of Patrick Henry, ten years after his great speech at Williamsburg. ANOTHER GREAT SPEECH BY PATRICK HENRY The people of Virginia are again greatly aroused. King George has caused Parliament to send English soldiers to Boston to force the unruly people of Massachusetts to obey some of his commands, against which they had re- belled. Virginia has stood by her sister colony, and now the royal governor of Virginia, to punish her, has prevented the House of Burgesses from meeting at Williamsburg. But the Virginians are not so easily kept from doing their duty. With a grim determination to defend their rights as free men, they elect some of their leaders to act for them at this trying time. PATRICK HENRY 11 These meet in Richmond at old St. John's Church, which is still standing. Great is the excitement, and thoughtful people are very serious, for the shadows of the war-cloud grow blacker hour by hour. The Virginians have already begun to make ready to fight if they must. But many still hope that all disagree- ments may yet be set- tled peaceably, and therefore advise acting with caution. Patrick Henry is not one of these. He believes that the time has come when talk- ing should give place to prompt, decisive action be avoided. St. John's Church, Richmond. The war is at hand. It cannot The colonists must fight or slavishly submit. So intense is his belief that he offers in this meeting a resolution that Virginia should at once prepare to defend herself. Many of the leading men stoutly oppose this reso- lution as rash and unwise. At length Patrick Henry rises to his feet, his face pale, and his voice trembling with deep emotion. Again we see the bent shoulders straighten and the eyes flash. His voice rings out like a trumpet. As he goes on with increas- ing power, men lean forward in breathless interest. Listen to his ringing words: 12 LATER AMERICAN HISTORY "We must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us! They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a Brit- ish guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction ? Shall we ac- quire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot ? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of the means which the God of nature hath placed in our hands. . .. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery ! Our chains are forged ! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston ! The war is inevitable — and let it come ! I repeat it, sir, let it come ! "... Gentlemen may cry peace, peace — but there is no peace. The war is actually begun ! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms ! Our brethren are already in the field ! Why stand we here idle ? What is it that gentlemen wish ? What would they have ? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God ! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death!" PATRICK HENRY 13 What wonder that the audience sways to his belief ! He was a true prophet, for in less than four weeks the first gun of the Revolution was fired in the quiet town of Lexington, Massachusetts. Undoubtedly Patrick Henry's fiery spirit had done much to kindle the flame which then burst forth. Not long after this, he was made commander-in-chief of the Virginia forces (1775), and the next year was elected governor of Virginia. When the war — in the declaring of which he had taken so active a part — was over, Patrick Henry retired at the age of fifty-eight (1794), to an estate in Charlotte County called "Red Hill," where he lived a simple and beautiful life. He died in 1799. Without doubt he was one of the most eloquent orators our country has ever produced, and we should be grateful to him because he used his great gift in helping to secure the freedom we now enjoy. Some Things to Think About 1. What was the Stamp Act? Why did Parliament pass it, and why did the colonists object to it? 2. What did Patrick Henry mean by saying that the General As- sembly of Virginia, and only the General Assembly of Virginia had the right and the power of laying taxes upon the people of that colony ? 3. Have you in your mind a picture of young Patrick Henry as he rode on horseback along the country road toward Williams- burg? Describe this picture as clearly as you can. 14 LATER AMERICAN HISTORY 4. What did William Pitt think of the Stamp Act ? Why did Parlia- ment repeal it ? 5. Can you explain Patrick Henry's power as an orator? When did he make a great speech in St. John's Church, Richmond? 6. What do you admire in Patrick Henry? 7. Do not fail to locate every event upon your map. CHAPTER II SAMUEL ADAMS While Patrick Henry was leading the people of Vir- ginia in their defiance of the Stamp Act, exciting events were taking place in Massachusetts under another colonial leader. This was Samuel Adams. Even before Virginia took any action, he had introduced in the Massachusetts Assembly resolutions opposing the Stamp Act, and they were passed. This man, who did more than any one else to arouse the love of liberty in his colony, was born in Boston in 1722. His boyhood was quite different from that of Patrick Henry. He liked to go to school and to learn from books, and he cared little for outdoor life or sport of any kind. As he grew up, his father wished him to become a clergyman, but Samuel preferred to study law. His mother opposing this, how- ever, he entered upon business life. This perhaps was a mistake, for he did not take to busi- ness, and, like Patrick Hem-}', he soon failed, even losing most of the property his father had left him. 15 Samuel Adams. 16 LATER AMERICAN HISTORY SAMUEL ADAMS AN INSPIRING LEADER But although not skilful in managing his own affairs, he was a most loyal and successful worker for the interests of the colony. In fact, before long, he gave up most of his private business and spent his time and strength for the public welfare. His whole income was the very small salary which he received as clerk of the Assembly of Massachusetts. This was hardly sufficient to pa}' for the food needed in his household. But his wife was so thrifty and cheerful, and his friends so glad to help him out because of the time he gave to public affairs, that his home life, though plain, was comfortable, and his children were well brought up. Poor as he was, no man could be more upright. The British, fearing his influence, tried at different times to bribe him with office under the King and to buy him with gold. But he scorned any such attempts to turn him aside from the path of duty. The great purpose of his life seemed to be to encourage the colonists to stand up for their rights as freemen, and to defeat the plans of King George and Parliament in trying to force the colonists to pay taxes. In this he was busy night and day. In the assembly and in the town meeting all looked to him as an able leader; and in the workshops, on the streets, or in the shipyards men listened eagerly while he made clear the aims of the English King, and urged them to defend their rights as free-born Englishmen. SAMUEL ADAMS 17 Even at the close of a busy day, this earnest, liberty- loving man gave himself little rest. Sometimes he was writing articles for the newspapers, and sometimes urgent letters to the various leaders in Massachusetts and in the other colonies. Long after midnight, those who passed his dimly lighted windows could see " Sam Adams hard at work writing against theTories." Had you seen him at this time, you would never have thought of him as a remark- able man. He was of medium size, with keen gray eyes, and hair already fast turning white. His head and hands trembled as if with age, though he was only forty-two years old and in good health. He was a great power in the colony. Not only did he Patriots in New York Destroying Stamps Intended for Use in Connecticut. 18 LATER AMERICAN HISTORY rouse the people against the Stamp Act, but he helped to organize, in opposition to it, societies of patriots called "Sons of Liberty," who refused to use the stamps and often destroyed them. In Massachusetts, as in Virginia and else- where, the people refused to buy any English goods until this hateful act was repealed. At the close of a year, before it had really been put into operation, the act was repealed, as we have already seen. But this did not happen until many resolutions had been passed, many appeals made to the King, and after much excitement. Then great was the rejoicing ! In every town in the country bonfires were lighted, and every colo- nial assembly sent thanks to the King. But the obstinate, power-loving George III was not happy about this repeal. In fact, he had given in very much against his will. He wanted to rule England in his own way, and how could he do so if he allowed his stub- born colonists in America thus to get the better of him? So he made up his mind to insist upon some sort of a tax. In 1767, therefore, only one year after the repeal of the Stamp Act, he asked Parliament to pass a law taxing glass, lead, paper, tea, and a few other articles imported into the colonies. This new tax was laid, but again the colonists said: "We had no part in levying it, and if we pay it, we shall be giving up our rights as freemen. But how can we help ourselves?" SAMUEL ADAMS 19 Samuel Adams and other leaders answered: "We can resist it just as we did the Stamp Act — by refusing to buy any goods whatever from England." To this the mer- chants agreed. While the unjust tax was in force, they promised to import no English goods, and the people promised not to ask for such goods. Then many wealthy people agreed to wear homespun instead of English cloths, and to stop eating mutton in order to have more sheep to produce wool for this home- spun, thus showing a willingness to give up for the cause some of the luxuries which they had learned to enjoy. Of course, this stand taken by the colonists angered the King. He called them rebels and sent soldiers to Boston to help enforce the laws (1768). From the first the people of Boston felt insulted at having these soldiers in their midst, and it was not long before trouble broke out. In a street fight at night the troops fired upon the crowd, killing and wounding a num- ber of men. This caused great excitement. The next day, under the leadership of Samuel Adams, the citizens of Boston demanded that all the soldiers should be removed. Fear- ing more serious trouble if the demand was disregarded, the officers withdrew the soldiers to an island in the harbor. Still the feeling did not die down. The new taxes were a constant irritation. "Only slaves would submit to such an injustice," said Samuel Adams, and his listeners agreed. 20 LATER AMERICAN HISTORY In Massachusetts and in other colonies the English goods were refused, and, as in the case of the Stamp Act, the Eng- lish merchants felt the pinch of heavy losses, and begged that the new tax laws be repealed. SAMUEL ADAMS AND THE " BOSTON TEA PARTY" Feeling grew stronger and matters grew worse until at length, after something like three years, Parliament took off all the new taxes except the one on tea. "They must pay one tax to know we keep the right to tax," said the King. It was as if the King's followers had winked slyly at one another and said: "We shall see — we shall see! Those colonists must have their tea to drink, and a little matter of threepence a pound they will overlook." It would have been much better for England if she had taken off all the taxes and made friends with the colonists. Many leaders in that country said so, but the stubborn King was bent upon having his own way. " I will be King," he said. "They shall do as I say." Then he and his followers worked up what seemed to them a clever scheme for hoodwinking the colonists. "We will make the tea cheaper in America than in England," they said. "Such a bargain! How can the simple colo- nists resist it?" Great faith was put in this foolish plan. But they were soon to find out that those simple colo- nists were only Englishmen across the sea, that they too had strong wills, and that they did not care half so much SAMUEL ADAMS 21 about buying cheap tea as they did about giving up a prin- ciple and paying a tax, however small, which they had no part in levying. King George went straight ahead to carry out his plan. It was arranged that the East India Company should ship cargoes of tea to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston. In due time the tea arrived. Then the King's eyes were opened. What did he find out about the spirit of these colonists ? That they simply would not use this tea. The people in New York and Philadelphia refused to let it land, and in Charleston they stored it in damp cellars, where it spoiled. But the most exciting time was in Boston, where the Tory governor, Hutchinson, was determined to carry out the King's wishes. Hence occurred the famous "Boston Tea Party," — a strange tea-party, where no cups were used, no guests invited, and no tea drunk! Did you ever hear of such a party? Let us see what really happened. It was on a quiet Sunday, the 28th of November, 1773, when the Dartmouth, the first of the three tea ships bound for Boston, sailed into the harbor. The people were attend- ing service in the various churches when the cry, "The Dartmouth is in!" spread like wild-fire. Soon the streets were alive with people. That was a strange Sunday in Puritan Boston. The leaders quickly sought out Benjamin Rotch, the 22 LATER AMERICAN HISTORY owner of the Dartmouth, and obtained his promise that the tea should not be landed before Tuesday. Then they called a mass meeting for Monday morning, in Fanueil Hall, afterward known as the "Cradle of Liberty." The crowd was so great that they adjourned to the Old South Church, and there they overflowed into the street. There were five thou- sand in all, some of them from near-by towns. Samuel Adams presided. In ad- dressing the meeting, he asked: "Is it the firm reso- lution of this body not only that the tea shall be sent back, but that no duty shall be paid thereon?" "Yes!" came the prompt and united answer from these brave men. So the patriots of Boston and the surrounding towns, with Samuel Adams at their head, were determined that the tea should not be landed. Governor Hutchinson was equally determined that it should be. A stubborn fight, therefore, was on hand. The Boston patriots appointed men, armed with muskets and bayonets, to watch the tea ships, some by day, others Fanueil Hall, Boston. SAMUEL ADAMS 23 by night. Six post-riders were appointed, who should keep their horses saddled and bridled, ready to speed into the country to give the alarm if a landing should be at- tempted. Sentinels were stationed in the church belfries to ring the bells, and beacon-fires were made ready for lighting on the surrounding hilltops. Tuesday, December 16, dawned. It was a critical day. If the tea should remain in the harbor until the morrow — the twentieth day after arrival — the revenue officer would be empowered by law to land it forcibly. Men, talking angrily and shak- ing their fists with excitement, were thronging into the streets of Boston from the surrounding towns. By ten o'clock over seven thousand had assembled in the Old South Church and in the streets outside. They were waiting for the coming of Benjamin Rotch, who had gone to see if the collector would give him a "clearance," or permission to sail out of the port of Boston with the tea. Rotch came in and told the angry crowd that the col- lector refused to give the clearance. The people told him that he must get a pass from the governor. Then the meeting adjourned for the morning. Old South Church, Boston. 24 LATER AMERICAN HISTORY At three o'clock in the afternoon a great throng of eager men again crowded the Old South Church and the streets outside to wait for the return of Rotch. It was an anxious moment. "If the governor refuses to give the pass, shall the revenue officer be allowed to seize the tea and land it to-morrow morn- ing?" Many anx- ious faces showed that men were ask- ing themselves this momentous question. But while, in deep suspense, the meeting waited for Rotch to come they discussed the situation, and suddenly John Rowe asked: "Who knows how tea will mingle with salt water?" At once a whirlwind of applause swept through the assembly and the masses outside. A plan was soon formed. The afternoon light of the short winter day faded, and darkness deepened; the lights of candles sprang up here and there in the windows. It was past six o'clock when Benjamin Rotch entered the church and, with pale face, said: "The governor refuses to give a pass." An angry murmur arose, but the crowd soon became The "Boston Tea Party." SAMUEL ADAMS 25 silent as Samuel Adams stood up. He said quietly: "This meeting can do nothing more to save the country." These words were plainly a signal. In an instant a war-whoop sounded outside, and forty or fifty "Mohawks," or men dressed as Indians, who had been waiting, dashed past the door and down Milk Street toward Griffin's Wharf, where the tea ships were lying at anchor. It was then bright moonlight, and everything could be plainly seen. Many men stood on shore and watched the "Mohawks" as they broke open three hundred and forty- two chests, and poured the tea into the harbor. There was no confusion. All was done in perfect order. But what a strange "tea party" it was! Certainly no other ever used so much tea or so much water. Soon waiting messengers were speeding to outlying towns with the news, and Paul Revere, "booted and spurred," mounted a swift horse and carried the glorious message through the colonies as far as Philadelphia. SOME RESULTS OF THE "BOSTON TEA PARTY " The Boston Tea Party was not a festivity which pleased the King. In fact, it made him very furious. He promptly decided to punish the rebellious colony. Parliament therefore passed the "Boston Port Bill," by which the port of Boston was to be closed to trade until the people paid for the tea. But this they had no mind to do. They stubbornly refused. Not Boston alone came under the displeasure of King 26 LATER AMERICAN HISTORY George and Parliament. They put Massachusetts under military rule, with General Gage as governor, and sent more soldiers. The new governor gave orders that the colonial assembly should hold no more meetings. He said that the people should no longer make their own laws, nor levy their own taxes. This punishment was indeed severe. With no vessels allowed to enter or leave the harbor and trade entirely cut off, the people of Boston soon began to suffer. But the brave men and women would not give in. They said: "We will not pay for the tea, nor will we tell the King we are sorry for what we have done." When the people of the other colonies heard of the suffering in Boston, they sent wheat, cows, sheep, fish, sugar, and other kinds of food to help out. The King thought that by punishing Boston he would frighten the other colonies. But he was mistaken, for they said: "We will help the people of our sister colony. Her cause is our cause. We must all pull together in our resistance to King George and the English Parliament." So his action really united the colonies. In order to work together to better advantage, the col- onies agreed that each should send to a great meeting some of their strongest men to talk over their troubles and work out some plan of united action. This meeting, which was called the First Continental Congress, was held at Car- penters' Hall, Philadelphia (1774). Samuel Adams and his cousin, John Adams, were two SAMUEL ADAMS 27 of the four men that Massachusetts sent. They began their journey from Boston in a coach drawn by four horses. In front rode two white servants, well mounted and bearing arms; while behind were four black serv- ants in livery, two on horseback and two as foot- men. Such was the manner of colonial gentle- men. As they jour- neyed through the country the people honored them in many ways. From some of the larger towns officials and citizens rode out on horse- back and in carriages to meet them and act as escort ; and on reaching a town they were feasted at banquets and greeted by gleaming bonfires, the ringing of bells, and the firing of cannon. These celebrations showed honor not to the men alone but to the cause. Carpenters' Hall, Philadelphia. 28 LATER AMERICAN HISTORY The First Continental Congress, to which these mes- sengers were travelling, urged the people to stand together in resisting the attempt of King George and Parliament to force them to pay taxes which they had had no share in laying. They added: "We have the right not only to tax ourselves, but also to govern ourselves." With all these movements Samuel Adams was in sym- pathy. He went even further, for at this time he was almost or quite alone in his desire for independence, and he has well been called the "Father of the Revolution." Perhaps we think of him especially in connection with the Boston Tea Party, but his influence for the good of his country lasted far beyond that time. Till the close of his life he was an earnest and sincere patriot. He died in 1S03, at the age of eighty-one years. Not an orator like Patrick Henry, but a man of action like Washington, he had great power in dealing with men. Truly his life was one of great and heroic service to his country. Some Things to Think About 1. In what respects were Samuel Adams and Patrick Henry unlike as boys ? 2. Tell why Samuel Adams had great power over men. 3. What kind of man was George III? Why did he so strongly desire that the colonists should be compelled to pay a tax to England ? 4. What was the tax law of 1767, and why did the colonists object to paying the new taxes? SAMUEL ADAMS 29 What led up to the "Boston Tea Party"? Imagine yourself one of the party, and tell what you did. In what way did George III and Parliament punish Boston for throwing the tea overboard? How did the colonies help the people of Boston at this time? What was the First Continental Congress, and what did it do ? What do you admire in Samuel Adams ? CHAPTER III THE WAR BEGINS NEAR BOSTON When Parliament passed the Boston Port Bill, the King believed that such severe punishment would not only put a stop to further rebellious acts, but would cause the colonists to feel sorry for what they had done and incline them once more to obey him. Im- agine his surprise and indignation at what followed! As soon as General Gage ordered that the Massachusetts Assembly should hold no more meetings, the colonists made up their minds they would not be put down in this man- ner. They said: "The King has broken up the assembly. Very well. We will form a new governing body and give it a new name, the Provincial Congress." And what do you suppose the chief business of this Congress was? To make ready for war! An army was called for, and provision made that a certain number of the men enlisted should be prepared to leave their homes at a minute's notice. These men were called "minute-men." 30 John Hancock. THE WAR BEGINS NEAR BOSTON 31 Even while the patriots, for so the rebellious subjects of King George called themselves, were making these prepa- rations, General Gage, who was in command of the British troops in Boston, had received orders from Eng- land to seize as traitors Samuel Adams and John Hancock, who were the most ac- tive leaders. Of Samuel Adams you al- ready know. John Hancock was president of the newly made Pro- vincial Congress. General Gage knew that Adams and Hancock were staying for a while with a friend in Lexington. He had learned also through spies that minutemen had collected some cannon and mili- tary stores in Concord, twenty miles from Boston, and only eight miles beyond Lexington. The British general planned, therefore, to send a body of troops to arrest the two leaders at Lexington, and John Hancock's Home, Boston. 32 LATER AMERICAN HISTORY then to push on and capture or destroy the stores at Concord. Although he acted with the greatest secrecy, he was un- able to keep his plans from the watchful minutemen. We shall see how one of these, Paul Revere, outwitted him. Perhaps you have read Longfellow's poem which tells the story of the famous "midnight ride" taken by this fearless young man. Paul Revere had taken an ac- tive part in the "Boston Tea Party," and the following year, with about thirty other young pa- triots, he had formed a society to spy out the British plans. I fancy that the daring and courage called for in this business appealed to the high spirits and love of adventure of these young men. Always on the watch, they were quick to notice any strange movement and report to such leaders as Samuel Adams, John Hancock, and Doctor Joseph Warren. On the evening of April IS, 1775, Paul Revere and his friends brought word to Doctor Warren that they believed General Gage was about to carry out his plan, already re- ported to the patriots, of capturing Adams and Hancock, and of taking or destroying the military stores at Concord. A Minutrmari. 