The history of the rebellion and civil wars in England
Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of, 1609-1674
«< t€ (( if t.t *t *( « tt tt tf «4  tt tt tt ft ft tt tf tt tt tt tf t( " My lord, *' His majesty having, by his proclamation of the twenty-second of December, (upon the occasion of the invasion threatened, and in part begun, by some of his subjects of Scotland,) summoned all the members of both houses of parliament, to attend him here at Oxford, we whose names are underwritten are here met and assembled, in obedience to those his majesty's commands. His majesty was pleased to invite us, in the said proclamation, by these gracious expressions, that nis subjects should see, how willing he was to receive advice, for the preservation of the religion, laws, and safety of the kingdom, and, as rar as in him lay, to restore it to its former peace and security (his chief and only end) from those whom they had trusted ; though he could not receive it in the place where he appointed. This most gracious invitation hath not only been made good unto us, but seconded and heightened by such unquestionable demonstra- tions of the deep and princely sense, which possesses his royal heart, of the miseries and calamities of his poor subjects in this unnatural war, and of his most entire and passionate affec- tions to redeem them from that sad and deplor- able condition, by all ways possible, consistent either with his honour, or with the fhture safety of the kingdom, that as it were impiety to ques- tion the sincerity of them, so were it great want of duty and fEutnfulness in us, (his majesty hav- ing vouchsafed to declare, tiiat he did call us to be witnesses of his actions, and privy to his intentions,) should we not testify, and witness to all the world, the assurance we have of the piety and sincerity of both. We being most entirely satisfied of this truth, we cannot but confess, that amidst our highest afflictions, in the deep and piercing sense of the present mise- ries ana desolations of our country, and those farther dangers threatened from Scotland, we are at length erected to some cheeiful and comfortable thoughts, that possibly we may yet (by God's mercy, if his justice have not determined this nation, for its sins, to total ruin and desolation) hope to be happy instru- ments of our country's redemption, m>m the miseries of war, and restitution to the blessing of peace. " And we being desirous to believe your lord- ship, however engaged, a person litely to be sensibly touched with ^ese considerations, have tiiought fit to invite you to that part in this blessed work, which is only capable to repair all our misfortunes, and to buoy up the kmffdom from ruin ; that is, by conjuring you byidl the obligations that have power upon honour, con- science, or public piety, that laying to heart, as we do, the inward bleeding condition of your country, and the outward more menacing de- struction by a  by his highness the prince, the duke of York, and three and forty dukes, marquises, earls, viscounts, and barons of the house of peers, and one hundred and eighteen members of the house of commons ; there being such expedition used in the despatch, that it was not thought fit to be deferred for a greater sub- scription: albeit it was known that many lords and commoners were upon the way, who came within few days; and there were, at that time, near twenty peers absent with his majesty's leave, and employed in his affairs and armies, in the kingdom ; and ten at the same time in the parts beyond the seas. So that the numbers at London were very tlun; for there were not above two and twenty peers, who either sat in the parliament, or were engaged in their party ; that is to say, the earls of Korthumberland, Pembroke, Essex, Kent, Lincoln, Rutland, Salisbury, Suffolk, Warwick, Manchester, Mulgrave, Denbigh, Stamford, Bul- lingbrook; the lords Say, Dacres, Wharton, Grey of Warke, WiUoughby of Parham, Howard of Escrick, Rochfort, ana Robarts; who were pre- sent, or had proxies there. The trumpeter found the earl of Essex at his house in London; where he was detained three or four days ; during which time, the committee of both houses, that committee which they called the committee of safety for the two kingdoms, (the Scottish commissioners beiuj^^ a part of it,) resorted to him for his advice : and in the end, [the trum- peter] returned with this short letter to the earl of Forth, the king's general. " My lord, '* I received this day a letter, of the twenty- ninth of this instant, from your lordship, and a parchment subscribed by the prince, duke of York, and divers other lords and gentlemen; but it neither having address to the two houses of parliament, nor therein, there being any acknowledgment of them, I could not commu- nicate it to them. My lord, the maintenance ft ft <•■ ft ft ft tt 468 An extract of the declaration of the kingdom of Scotland. [book tii. cc « <c Sf «e « *i t( ft tt « (( « of the parliament of England, and of the privi- leges thereof, is that for which we are all resolved to spend our blood; as being the foundation whereupon all our laws and liberties are built. I send your lordship herewith a national cove- nant, solemnly entered into by both the king- doms of England and Scotland ; and a declara- tion passed bv them both together, with another declaration of the kingdom of Scotland. I rest " Your lordship's &c." What the covenant was, being the same par- ticularly set down before, I ne^ not mention; and the declarations are as public, and would be thought too large to be in tnis place inserted, to the interruption of the thread of this discourse ; yet it cannot be amiss to make a short extract of some particular heads or conclusions of them; that the world may see what kind of reasoning this time had introduced, and that they were as bold with God as with the king. That declaration of the kingdom of Scotland alone, was, to justify their present expedition into England ; in wnich they said, " It was most neces- " sary, that every one, a^^ainst all doubting, should " be nersuaded in his nund of the lawfulness of his undertaking, and of the goodness of the cause maintained by him; which they said was no other, than the good of rdiffion in England, and *' the deliverance of their brethren out of the depths of affliction; the preservation of their own religion, and of themselves from the ex- tremity of misery, and the safety of their native king, and his kingdoms, from destruction and desolation. Any one of which, (they said,) by " all law divine and human, was too just cause of " taking of arms ; how much more, when all of " them were joined in one ? And therefore, they " wished any man, who did withdraw, and hide " himself in such a debate and controversy, to '^ consider, whether he were not a hater of his " brethren, against Christian and common charitv ; an hater of himself and his posterity, against the law and light of nature ; an hater of the king, and his kingdoms, against loyalty, and common duty ; and a hater of God, against all religion, ** and peace." They said, ''the question was not, nor need they dispute, whether they might propagate their religion by arms; but whether, according to their power, they ought to assist their brethren in England, who were calling for their help, and " were shedding their blood in defence of that " power, without which religion could neither be " defended nor reformed; nor unity of religion " with them, and other reformed kirks, be attained. ** So that, they said, the question was no sooner " rightly stated, but it was as soon resolved ; and '' concluded, that the Lord vxnUd save them from " the curse of Meroz, who came not to help the Lord " against the mighty. They said, the question " could not be, as their enemies would make it, " whether they should enter into England, and " lift arms against their own king, who had pro- " mised and done as much, as might secure tnem in their own religion, and liberties : but whether against the popish, prelatical, and malignant party, their adherents prevailing in England and Ireland, they were not bound to provide for " their omoi preservation. That they might  especially after the two kingdoms were united under one head and monarch, and from the principles of thdr own declarations, in the time of their late troubles and dangers, that they could not long, like Goshen, enjoy their light, n " darkness shomd cover the face of other reformed " kirks : that Judah could not long continue in " liberty, if Israel were led away in captivity ; and " that tne condition of the one kirk and kingdom, " whether in religion or peace, must be common " to both. " They said, the question was not, whether they " shouldf presume to be arbitrators in the matter, "now deoated by fire and sword, betwixt his " majesty and the houses of parliament ; which " might seem to be foreign ana extrinsical to that nation, and wherein they might be concaved to have no interest ; but whether, their mediation and intercession being rejected by the one side, upon hope of victory, or suppose by both sides, upon confidence of their own strength and seve- ral successes, it were not their duty, it being in their power, to stop or prevent the effusion of Christian blood ; or whether they ought not to " endeavour to rescue their native long, his crown, and posterity, out of the midst of so many dan- gers, and to preserve his people and kingdom m>m ruin and destruction. If every private man were bound in duty to interpose hinuelf as a reconciler and sec^uestrator between his neigh- " hours, armed to their mutual destruction ; if the " son ought to hazard his own life for the preser- " vation of his father and brother, at variance one against the other, should a kingdom sit still, and suffer their king and neighbouring kingdom to perish in an unnatural war? In the time of animosity, and appetite of revenge, sueh an " interposing might oe an irritation ; but afrer- " waras, when the eyes of the mind, no more " blood-run with passion, did discern things right, " it would be no grief or offence of bout, out " matter of thanksgiving to God, and to the in- " struments which had kept from shedding blood, " and from revenge." With this kind of divinity, and this kind of logic, to shew that they had a clear prospect of wnatscever could be said against them, they re- solved to invade their neighbour nation, and to interpose themselves as reconcilers, by joining against their native and natural king, with his rebellious subjects, in all the acts of animosity and blood, which have been ever practised in the most raging and furious civil war. The other declaration, mentioned in the earl's letter, was a declaration passed, and published in the name of both kingdoms, England and Scot- land, after their marriage by thdr new league and covenant, and about the very time that this over- ture for peace came from Oadford. They were now both eqixedly inspired with the Scottish dialect and spirit ; talked, " how clearlv the light of the gospel " shined amongst them ; tnat they placed not their " confidence in their own counseLs and strength ; " but their confidence was in God Almighty, the " Lord of Hosts, who would not leave nor fonake " his people. It was his own truth and cause, whioi they maintained against the heresy, super- stition, and tyranny of Antichrist : the glory of Ids name, the exaltation of the kingdom of his " Son, and the  parliament under cover to the earl of Essex. 469 « t< St «( «€ »< « « «( « « '* their aim, and the end which thev had before " their eyes. It was his covenant, which they had ^ solemnly in both nations sworn, and subscribed; « which he would not have nut in their hearts to "do, if he had been minded to destroy them. " Upon these and the like grounds and considera- tions, being confident that this war, wherein both nations were so firmlv united, and deeply en- gaffed, was of God, tney resolve with courage and constancy to the end to do their part ; and " the Lord, who had stirred up their spirits, dis- " played his banner before them, and given the " alarum, do that which seemeth him good." They gave now "public warning to all men to " rest no longer upon their neutraditv, or to please " themselves with the naughty and slothful pretext " of indifferency; but that they address themselves " speedily to t^e the covenant, and join, with all '* their power, in the defence of this cause against ** the common enemy ; and by their zeal, and for- " wardness hereafter, to make up what had been " wanting through their lukewarmness ; this they *' would find to be their flrreatest wisdom and safety; otherwise they did declare them to be pubhc enemies to their religion and country; and that they were to be censured and punished, as professed adversaries, and malignants." Then they proclaimed " a pardon to all those " who would before such a day desert the kinff, *^ and adhere to them, and take the covenant^^ and concluded, " that tiiey made not that dedara- " tion from any presumption, or vain glorying in " the strength of their armies and forces, but from " the sense of their duty, which was required and " expected from the high places, and public rela- " tions, wherein thev stooa; and from the assur- '* ance they had of the assistance of God, by whose " providence, the trust and safety of those king- doms was put into their hanas at this time; having, after long and grave consultation, re- ** solved and decreed never to lay down arms, till " truth and peace, by the blessing of God, be ** settled in this idand, upon a firm foundation *' for the present and friture generations; which, *' they said, should be esteemed of them an abun- " dant reward of all that they could do, or suffer " in that cause." These were the declarations which the earl of Essex, together with the covenant, sent, as an answer to that letter from the prince of Wales, and those lords and gentlemen ; which might have been the foundation of an honest and honourable peace to all the king*8 dominions. And we the rather extracted these short dauses of those two dedarations, that posterity may ob- serve the divine hand of Almighty God upon the people of these miserable kingooms; ^at after they had broken loose from that excellent form ana practice of religion, which their ancestors and themselves had observed and enjoyed, with a greater measure of happiness, than almost any nation lived under, so long a time ; and after they bad cancelled and thrown off those admirable ana incomparable laws of government, which was compounded of so much exact reason, that all possible mischiefs were foreseen, and provided against; they should be now captivatea by a profane and presumptuous entitling themselves to God's favour, and using his holy name in that manner, that all sober Christians stand scandalized, and amazed at ; and [should] be dduded by such a kind of reasoning and delMte, as could only impose upon men un- nurtured, and unacquainted with any knowledge or sdence. There wanted not a just indignation at the re- turn of this trumpet ; and yet the answer being so much out of that popular road, of saying some- thing plausibly to the people, it was thought fit again to make an attempt, that at least the world might see, that they did, in plain English, refuse to admit of any peace. So tne earl of Forth was advised to write again to the other general, for a safe conduct for two gentlemen then named, against whom no imaginable exception could be taken, to and from Westminster, to be sent by his majesty concerning a treaty of peace. To this the earl of Essex returned answer, " that whensoever he *' should receive any directions to those who had " intrusted him, he should use his best endeavours; " and when a safe conduct should be desired for " those gentlemen, mentioned in his letter, from " his majesty to the houses of parliament, his lord- '^ ship woula, with all cheerfulness, shew his will- " ingness to farther any way that might produce " that happiness, whicti all honest men prayed for; wmch is a true understanding between his majesty, and his faithfril and only council, the parliament." This expression of his resolution of interposing, if he had a letter from Us majesty to the houses of parhament, (toffether with some intimation in let- ters frt)m London, which at these seasons never wanted,) persuaded many, that the earl wanted only an opportunity to possess the houses with the overture, and if it were once within the walls, there were so many well affected to peace, that the proposition would not be rejected ; though no par- ticular person, or combination of men, had the courage, of themsdves, to propose it. And there- fore at the same time, making all possible prepara- tions for the field, as the scene where the differences were like to be dedded, his majesty was prevailed with, though he concluded it woula be rejected, to send this ensuing message, which was enclosed to the earl of Essex, to be by him managed. " Out of our most tender and pious sense of the '* sad and bleedinf^ condition of tnis our kingdom, '* and our unwearied desires to apply all remedies, " which, by the blessing of Ahnignty God, may ** recover it from an utter ruin, by tne advice of the lords and commons of parliament, assembled at Oxford, we do propound, and desire, that a convenient number of fit persons may be ap- pointed, and authorized by you, to meet, with all convenient speed, at such place as you shall nominate, with an eqoBX numoer of fit persons whom we shall appoint, and authorize to treat of the ways and means to settle the present dis- €S (C (( CC « te ts « t< (t 470 His majesty's message to the two houses is answered. [B(X>K VTl. €( *€ *( «« (C l< c< ts €€ t€ €t SS tt <S 4€ tractiona of this our kingdom, and to procure a happy peace.: and particularly, how all the mem- bers of both houses may securely meet in a full and free convention of parliament, there to treat, consult, and agree upon such things, as may con- duce to the maintenance and defence of the true reformed protestant religion, with due considera- tion to all just and reasonable ease of tender consciences ; to the settling and maintaining of our just rights and privileges, of the riffhts and privileges of parliament, the laws of the land, the liberty and property of the subject, and all other expedients, that may conduce to that blessed end of a firm and lasting peace both in church and state, and a perfect understanding betwixt us and our people : wherein no endea- vours or concurrence of ours shall be wanting, and God direct your hearts in the way of peace. ** Given at our court at Oxford, ^d March 1643." This message being signed by his majesty, was superscribed to the lords and commons of parlia- ment assembled at Westminster; which, though it was a style they could not reasonably except against, was yet no other than the lords and com- mons at Oxford took upon themselves, as they well might. After two or three days' debate in the houses, and with the Scottish commissionerR, without whose concurrence nothing was transacted, this answer was returned to his maiest]^ ; which put a period to all men's hopes, who imagined that there might be any disposition in those coun- cils to any possible and honest accommodation. " May it please your majesty : '' We the lords and commons assembled in the parliament of England, taking into our con- sideration a letter sent from your majestv, dated the 3d of March instant, and directea to the lords and commons of parliament assembled at Westminster, (which, by the contents of a letter from the earl of Forth unto the lord general the earl of Essex, we conceive was intended to our- selves,) have resolved with the concurrent advice and consent of the commissioners of the king- dom of Scotland, to represent to your majesty, in all humility and plainness, as foUoweth : That as we have used all means for a just and safe peace, so wiU we never be wanting to do our utmost for the procuring thereof; but when we consider the expressions in that letter of your majesty's, we have more sad and despairing thoughts of attaining the same than ever, be- cause thereby, those persons now assembled at Oxford, who, contrary to their duty, have de- serted your parliament, are put into an equal condition with it. And this present parHament, convened according to the known and funda- mental laws of the kingdom, (the continuance whereof is established by a law consented unto by your majesty,) is in effect denied to be a par- liament ; the scope and intention of that letter being to make provision how all the mem- bers, as is pretended, of both houses may securely meet in a full and fi^ convention of parliament; whereof no other conclusion can be made, but that this present parliament is not a full, nor free convention ; and that to make it a full and free convention of parliament, the presence of those is necessarv, who, notwithstanding that they have desertea that great trust, and do levy « «e (C tt ((  be members of the two houses of parliament. '* And hereupon we think ourselves boond to kt yourmajesty know, that seeing the continiiance of this parliament is settled by a law, which (as " all other laws of your kingdom) your majesty *' hath sworn to maintain, as we are sworn to our " allegiance to your majesty, (these obligations " being reciprood,) we must in duty, and accord- '' ingly are resolved, with our hves and fortanes, to defend and preserve the just righto and full power of this parliament; and do beseech your majesty to be assured, that your majesty's royal ana hearty concurrence with us heron will be the most effectual and ready means of procuring a firm and lasting peace in all your majesty's dominions, and of begetting a perfect under- standing between your majesty and your people: " without which, your mijesty's most earnest pro- " fessions, and our most real intentions concerning the same, must necessarily be frustrated. Ana in case your majesty's three kingdoms should, by reason thereof, remain in this sad and bleed- ing condition, tending, by the continuance of this unnatural war, to their ruin, your nuyesty '' cannot be the least nor the last sufiferer. God in his goodness incline your royal breast, out of pity and compassion to those deep sufferings of your innocent people, to put a speedy and happy issue to these desperate evils, by the joint advice of both your kingdoms, now happily united in this cause by their late solenm league '< and covenant ; which as it will prove the surest remedy, so it is the earnest prayer of your ma- jesty's loyal subjects, the lords and conmions assembled in the parliament of England. " Grey of JVarke, " Speaker of the house of peers in parliament " pro tempore : '' WiUiam LenthaU, " Speaker of the house of commons in parliament. *' Westminster, the ^th of Mar. 1643." llie hope of peace, by this kind of interposition, did not in any degree make the counsels remiss for the providing of money to supply the army : upon which they had more hope tlian from a treatv. But the expedients for money were not easily thought upon; though there was a considerable part of the kingdom within the king's quarters, the inhabitanto were frequentlv robbed and plun- dered by the incursions of tne enemy, and not very well secured against the royal troops, who be^m to practise all the license of war. The no- bility ana gentry, who were not officers of the army, lived for the most part in Oxford ; and all that they could draw from their estates, was but enough for their own subsistence; they durst not enter upon charging the people in general, lest they should be thought to take upon uiem to be a parliament; and their care was, that the common people might be preserved from burdens; and they were as careful not to expose the king's ho- nour, or name, to affronts ana refusals ; but were willing that the envy and clamour, if there should be any, should fall upon themselves. They appointed aJl the members of the com- mons, '* to oring in the names of all the gentlemen of estate, and other person's who were rqmted to be rich, within their several precincts ; and what sum of money every body might be well able to tt tt ft  and commons at Oxford. 471 c« (( " supply the king with, in this exigent of the pub- " lie state." And then a form of a letter was conceived, which should be sent to every one of them, for such a sum ; " the letter to be subscribed by the two speakers of the houses, to the end that the people might know, that it was by the *' advice of the members of parliament assembled " there ; which was as much the advice of parlia- ^' ment, as could be delivered at that time in the '' kingdom." When the way and method of this was approved by the lords, and his majesty like- wise consented to it ; they began, the better to encourage others, with themselves; and caused letters to be signed and deUvered to the several members of both houses, " for such sums as they " were well disposed to furnish ;" which were to that proportion as gave good encouragement to others ; and the like letters to all persons of con- dition who were in the town. And by this means, there was a sum raised in ready money, and credit, that did supply many necessary occasions, near the sum of one hundred thousand pounds, where- of some came in every day, to enable the king to provide for the next campania ; which, the spring coming on, was to be expected early ; the parlia- ment having raised vast sums of money, and being like to bring many armies into the field. All, who were to furnish money upon these letters, had liberty to bring, or send it in plate, if that was for their convenience; the king having called the officers and workmen of his mint to Oxford, who coined such plate as was brought in ; his majesty likewise made a grant of some forests, parks, and other lands, to certain persons in trust, for the securing of such money as should be borrowed, or those persons who should be bound for the pay- ment of such money ; and by this means likewise many considerable sums of money were procured, and cloth, and shoes, and shirts, were provided for the army. The two houses at Westminster, who called themselves, and they are often called in this dis- course, the parliament, had at this time bv an ordinance, tKat is an order of both houses, laid an imposition, which they called an excise, upon wine, beer, ale, and many other commodities, to be paid in the manner very punctually and methodically set down by them, for the carrymg on the war. And this was the first time that ever the name of pay- ment of excise was heard of, or practised in Eng- land ; laid on by those who pretended to be most jealous of any exaction upon the people : and this pattern being then printed, and published at Lon- don, was thought by the members at Oxford, as a good expedient to be followed bv the king ; and thereupon it was settled, and to oe governed and regulated by commissioners, in the same method it was done at London. And in Oxford, Bristol, and other garrisons, it did yield a reasonable supply for the provision of arms and ammunition ; which, for the most part, it was assigned to ; both sides making ample declarations, with bitter reproaches upon the necessity that drew on this imposition, *' that it should be continued no longer than to " the end of the war, and then laid down, and '' utterlv abolished ;" which few wise men believed it woula ever be. The high and insolent proceedings at Westmin- ster made no impression at Oxford towards the shaking the all^iance and courage of those, whom his majesty had called to advise him. But when they found the temper of the other so much, above behef, averse to peace, and intending utter ruin to the king, the church, and all who should continue true Englishmen and subjects, they resolved as frankly to declare their resolutions, that the people might see the issue they were at ; and therefore they published a declaration of the grounds and motives which had forced them to leave the parlia- ment at Westminster; in which they mentioned all the indirect passages, and the acts of violence, by which they had been driven thence ; and the ooligations upon them in conscience, and law, to adhere to his majesty; and the misery which the other party had already brought upon the kingdom, and the desolation which must in- evitably follow those conclusions; and with a greater unanimity and consent, than wa& ever known in so great a council, where there were so many persons of honour, and judges, and others learned in the law, among whom there was scarce one dissenting voice, they declared, That all such subjects of Scotland, as had t( SI <€ f€ t( t( t< «  ration of the kingdom of Scotland concerning the present expedition into England, had thereby de- nounced war against the kingdom of England, and broke the act of pacification. 2. " That all his majesty's subjects of the king- '' dom of England and dominion of Wales are both by their aUegiance, and the act of pacification, bound to resist and repress all those of Scotland as had, or should enter upon any part of his ma- je8t3r'B realm and dominions, as traitors, and ene- mies to the state; and that whosoever should abet, aid, or assist the Scots in their invasion, should ** be deemed as traitors, and enemies to the state. 3. " That the lords and commons remaining at '* Westminster, that had given th^ votes, or con- sent, to the raising of forces under the command of the earl of Essex, or had been abetting, aid- ing, or assisting thereunto, had levied and raised war against the king, and were therein guilty of high treason. 4. *' That those lords and commons remaining " at Westminster, that had given their votes and consents for the making and using a new great seal, had thereby coimterfeited the king's great seal, and therein committed high treason. 5. *' That the lords and commons remaining at Westminster, who had given their consents to the present coming in of the Scots in a warlike manner, had therein committed high treason: and that in these three last crimes, they had broken the trust reposed in them by their coun- try, and ought to be proceeded against'as traitors to the king and kingdom." Over and above these sharp and high conclu- sions, in a diameter contrary to all the proceedings of parliament, they entered upon a way of raising a present sum of one himdred thousand pounds for the putting his majesty's armies into an equipage to take the field early in the spring; so that the engagemento eeemed fuller of animomty on both sides than ever ; and the king exceedingly strength- ened by the lords and commons having more posi- tively and concernedly wedded his cause, than they were before imderstood to have done; and in truth, in the civil counsels, nothing was left undone to give it all imaginable advancement. It had been very happy for the king, if the win- ter  Ireland to the king, [book vii. migfaft hare pitnided mooef, and facilitated the been med to httk ease in Inland, the king hanrioff msddng his annj ready to take the field in the giren the lord Byron leave to employ them in such spring; when he was sore to have occasion enough services as might secure that country, the season of to use it ; and to be in great distress, if it should the year made little impression on than ; they were not be then in a condition to march : but the inva- always ready, and desirous for action ; and in the sion, which the Scots made in the depth of winter, space of a month reduced, by assanlt and storm, and the courage the enemy took from thence, de* many places of notable importance, as Howarden- mved his majesty even of any rest in that season, castle, Beeston-castle, Crew-house, and other places Upon the Scots' unexpected march into England in of great strength; and encountering the whole January, in a most violent frost and snow, hoping body oi the rebels, at Middlewich m Cheshire, to reach Newcsutle before it could be fortified, and broke and defeated them with great slaiwfater; and persuading their common soldiers, that it would be drove all thatt survived, and were at liberty, into delivered to them as soon as required ; thither the Nantwich ; the siiigle garrison they had then left vigilant sir Thomas Glemham had been before sent in Cheshire : and into which the whole party was to attend their coming ; and the marquis of New- retired, and which had been fortified and garrisoned castle with his armv, upon the Cune of their inva- from the beginning of the troubles, as the only sion, marched thitner with a resolution to fight refuge for llie disaffected of that county, and the with them before thev should be able to join with counties adjacent. Newcastle. And sir Thomas Fairfu from Hull, • These consideraidons, and an opinion that the in the head of a strong party, bad fallen upon a town would yield as soon as summoned, brought Quarter not frr from \ ork, conmianded by colonel the army first thither ; and then a passionate fancy ohn Bellasis at Selby, and had totally defeated it, > of honour, contempt of the enemy within, and of taken the cannon, and many officers prisoners, , any other who could attempt their relief, engaged and amongst those the colonel himself. This was them to a feuther attempt ; and so they raised bat- the first action for which sir Thomas Fairfax was teries, and undertook a formal siege against the taken notice of; who in a short time grew the town. The seventeenth day of January they made supreme general under the parliament This de- i a general assault upon five several quarters of the feat, which was great in itself, was made much town, somewhat before day-break, out were with greater by the terrible apprehensions the city of equal courage opposed from within, and near three York had upon it ; insomuch that the marquis of. hundred men lost, and spoiled in the service; Newcastle, who till then had kept the Scots at a. which should have prevailed with them to have bay, found it necessary to draw his army, and with ,' quitted their design. But those repulses sharpen a part of it to make tiaste into York, to prevent ' rather than abate the edge and appetite to danger ; any farther mischief there ; by which means the ' and the assailants, no less than the besieged, dair- Scoto were at liberty to advance as they pleased ; ing an army would come for their relief, both with and Fairfax improved his reputation by a speedy eq|ual impatience longed for the same thing; the and unlooked for march into Cheshire. In this confidence, supply came too soon to the town, and confusion to tne king's forces : for sir spring to Oxford ; and were, in truth, the principal Thomas Fairfax, upon his victory at Selby, brought recniit, upon which he depended to enable him to take the field. The lord Byron then commanded Chester, and that county ; and was appointed to take care for the reception and accommodation of those troops ; which was a right good body of foot, and being excellent men, both officers and soldiers, carried great terror with them from the time of their lanoing ; and quickly freed North Wales from the enemy ; who at that time began to have great power there. It was towards the end of November n they landed, and being a people who had out of Yorkshire a good body of horse to Man- chester; and, out of that place, and the neighbour places, drew near three thousand foot, with which joining with sir WUliam Bruerton, and some other scattered forces from Staffordshire and Derby, who had been routed at Middlewich, he advanced near Nantwich, before he was looked for; the Irish being so over-confident that he would not presume to attack them, that, though they had aavertise- ment of his motion, they still believed that his utmost design was by alarums to force them to rise 1 644-] The earl of Mountrose informs the king of the state of Scotland, 475 from tbe town, and tlien to retire without fighting with them. There was another result of council at Oxford, in this winter season, which deserves to be men- tioned; and the rather, because all the induce- ments thereunto were not genersdly understood, nor known to many; and therefore grew after- wards to be the more censured. When the Scots were visibly armed, and upon their march into England, which the king wa^ the last man in be- lieving ; and when there was no way to stop or divert them, his majesty was the better inclined to hearken to some men of that nation, who had been long proposing a way to g^ve them so much trou- ble at home, that they should not be at leisure to infest or trouble their neighbours ; to which pro- positions less care had been given, out of too much confidence in persons, upon whose integrity or interest there had been too great a dependence. The earl of Mountrose, a ^oung man of a great spirit, and of the most ancient nobility, had been one of the most principal and active covenanters in the beginning of the troubles ; but soon after, upon his observation of the unwarrantable prose- cution of it, he gave over that party, and his com- mand in that army ; and at tne king's being in Scotland, after the pacification, had made fiill ten- der of his service to his majesty ; and was so much in the jealousy and detestation of the violent party, whereof the earl of Argyle was the head, that there was no cause or room left to doubt his sincerity to the king. Upon the beginning of the parliament at Edin- burgh, and the manifestation tnat duke Hamilton would give no opposition to the proceedings there- of, (as hath been mentioned before,) he privately withdrew out of Scotland, and came to the king few davs before the siege was raised from Glouces^- ter, ana gave his majesty the first clear information, of the carriage and behaviour of duke Hamilton, and of the posture that kingdom would speedily be in, and of the resolutions that would be there taken ; and made some smart propositions to the king for the remedy; which tnere was not then time to consult : but as soon as the king retired to Oxford, after th4 battle of Newbury, and had fuller intelligence, by the resort of others of that nobility who (^served to be trusted, how the affairs stood in Scotland; and heard that duke Hamilton, and his brother, the earl of Lanrick, were upon their way as far as York towards Oxford ; his majesty was very willing to hearken to the earl of Mount- rose, and the rest, what could be done to prevent that mischief that was like to ensue. But they all unanimously declared, " that they durst make no " propositions for the advancement of the king's '^ service, cbtcept they might be first assured, that '* no part of it should be communicated to duke " Hamilton ; nor he suffered to have any part or " share in any action that should depend upon it; for that they were most assured that he had always betrayed his majesty; and that it had been absolutely in his power to have prevented this new combmation, if he would resolutely have opposed it. But if they might be secure in that particular, they would make some attempt under his majesty's commission in their own country, as might possibly make some disturbance there." His majesty thought he had much less reason to be conndent of the duke than formerly ; for he had expressly failed of doing somewhat which he had promised to do ; yet he thought he had not ground enough to withdraw all kind of trust from him, except he did, at the same time, secure him from being able to do him farther mischief; towards whicn kind of severity, he did not think he had evidence enough. Upon their examination, there appeared too much cause to conclude, that the duke had not behaved himself with that loyalty as he ought to have done. The earl of Mountrose, whilst he had been of that party, had been privy to much of his correspondence and intelligence. But most of the 3P « sc u t€ €4 « if te 4*7 J« The duke of Hamilton and the earl of Lanrick are put under guard, [book vii. particulars related to tbe time when he commanded the fleet in tbe Frith, and when he had many con- ferences with his mother, (who was a woman most passionate in those contrivances,) and with others of that party ; and when he did nothing to hurt or incommodate the enemy; all which was ex- pressly pardoned by the act of oblivion, which had been passed with all formality and solemnity bv the king in the parliament of both kizif doms : ana, BO much as to question what was so lorgot, might raise a mater fire, than that which they desired to quencn ; though the knowing so many particu- lars might be a good and proper caution. In the late transactions of Scotland, it was manifest that the duke had absolutely opposed all overtures of force, and for seizing those persons who could only be able to raise new troubles; which had been very easy to have done ; and that he had betrayed the king, and all the lords, in consenting to the meeting of the parliament, called and summoned against the king's express pleasure and command, and without any pretence of law. And to this, the king's approbation and consent had been shewed to them; by the duke, under the king's own hand ; which they durst not disobey, though they foresaw this miscnief. 