Belgium neutral and loyal; the war of 1914
Waxweiler, Emile, 1867-1916
uW F<v L This book is D niped below -* 1 1926. 1 STATE NOTIMAL SCHOOL L-9-2). yfp' Belgium Neutral and Loyal The War of 1914 By Emile Waxweiler Director of the Solway Institute of Sociology at Brussels Member of the Royal Asademy of Belgium 2-77^3 G. P. Putnam's Sons New York and London Sbe Imicfterbocher press 1915 Copyright, 1915 BY G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS Ub« Ikntcherbocher flJresa, mew Hoxk GiS PUBLISHERS' NOTE This book, which is now issued in an Enghsh translation, appeared originally some months ago in Switzerland, where the author had undertaken to vindicate his fatherland before the public opinion of that neutral country whose sympathy Belgium so highly appreciates. The book was published simultaneously in French at Lausanne, and in German at Zurich. Both editions met with an astonishing success and were repeatedly reprinted. The book penetrated extensively into Germany where it made so deep an impression that the socialist paper Vorwdrts, notwithstanding the Imperial censorship, published an article comment- ing on the book and advising all German socialists to read it. Only recently a prominent lawyer in Germany wrote to the Zurich Editor, Orell Fussli, to express his sympathy with the book which he said had been unjustly attacked in his country. In all the leading Swiss papers, German as well as French, important articles have expressed the sincerest approval. iv Publishers' Note The author is well known by his numerous publications on social problems, and the Solvay Institute of Sociology in Brussels, of which he is the organizer and leader, has won a well deserved fame. It is due to Professor Waxweiler's scientific attitude of mind and his special training that the work possesses the calm objective character which has so impressed neutral countries. The book is based on the most authoritative Belgian sources, and the latest information has been taken into account in the preparation of the English edition. PREFACE " Truth must constantly be re- stated, for falsehood never ceases to whisper in our ears, and works notthroughindividuuls but through masses." Goethe : " Conversations with Eckermann." When unjust accusations are made against the honour of any one who is dear to us, when doubts are thrown on his honesty and his loyalty is questioned^ we are carried away by an irrepressible feeling of sorrow and anger. And if he undergoes moral suffering at the same time that he is overwhelmed by other misfortunes, our soids are wrung with such anguish that it seems worth any effort to hasten the work of reparation. These are the feelings of every Belgian to-day on the subject of his country. That country has been given up to the devastation and outrages of war. The confidence which she placed in solemn promises has been betrayed. There is no torture to which she has not been subjected. Now charges are made against her loyalty and she VI Preface becomes at once hateful to her enemies and an object of suspicion even to some of her friends. What task could be sweeter than to undertake her full defence? Not to write for her an apologia or even a plea; but to state simply and frankly what she is and what she has dojie. Germany seeks to throw discredit upon the manner in which Belgium in- terpreted her duties as a neutral before the war; accusations are heaped upon her; she is spoken of only in accents of hostility; Germany is appar- ently making a deliberate attempt to prevent others from entertaining for her feelings of affection and respect. In the universal turmoil of the present moment public opinion is slow in forming; it is fostered mainly by impressions. Perliaps the moment has come to lay facts before it. To clear up every doubt and furnish the material for a considered judgment, it will not be superfluous to meet every accusation, even those whose mere recital violates common sense, and to bestow upon them more atten- tion than might at first sight be considered appropriate. Belgium has nothing with which to reproach herself; it is due to her that this should be proved by evidence; that no piece of testimony should be omitted and that every mistake and every slander should be exposed firmly but dispassionately. Preface vU Other nations besides my own have an equal interest in this. To represent Belgium as having failed to keep her promises strikes a blow at the cause of little nations and at the theory of perpetual neutrality. The history of the future will without doubt be that of the free development of nations, jealous of their independence and impatient to escape from the play of intrigue and the hegemony of foreign influence. The nations which have grown great under the shelter of the sanction of law, as well as those who may perhaps dream of attaining that benefit in the future, ought to have full knowledge of the lessons of the experience of Belgium. These lines are dated from Switzerland. In this country, which bears so strong a resemblance to my own, I have found not only the moral support of sympathy but also that moderate and critical attitude of mind which is necessary for one who undertakes a work in which so much restraint is necessarily placed upon the feelings of the writer. With a view to making this little work as valuable as possible I have deliberately submitted all my statements to the most searching criticism, for the scientific mind is among the most scrupulous. I thank very sincerely all those who, whether abroad or in what remains of my country, have enabled we VIU Preface to collect the truth, even when hy its very nature, or owing to the position of those from whom I learned it, it was necessarily to he kept secret. It is not without a certain regret that I bring to an end this hook. I found in writing it the pleasure of one who dwells lingeringly on a misfortune hy way of consolation. I commit it to all those who have preserved their minds from malice and prejudice. Emile Waxweiler. Geneva, December, 1914. CONTENTS I. Up to 7 P.M. ON August 2, 1914 . . i Public opinion in Belgium in regard to Germany — The policy of the Government— The confidence of Belgium in her neighbours — Effect of European policy on those responsible for the Government of Belgium — Reorganization of the Belgian Army — Cordial relations of Belgium with Germany, Eng- land, and France — The Austro-Serbian conflict: The steps taken by Belgium— Public confidence. II. To Be or Not To Be . . -39 The "very confidential" note of the German Govern- ment to the Belgian Government — Had Belgium the power to accede to the demand? The notion of permanent neutraUty— The bargain offered by the "very confidential" note — The attempt of the "very confidential" note to justify the terms of the bargain — The true reason for the violation of Belgian neutrality— The violation of Belgian neutrality was premeditated — The reply of the Belgian Government to the "very confidential" note— The attitude of France— The German Government's announcement that the German Army intended to cross Belgium by force — The appeal of Belgium to the Powers guaranteeing her neutrality. III. Belgian Neutrality before Europe . 83 The raison d'itre of the permanent neutrality of Bel- gium— Declaration of neutrality in 1870 — Great X Contents PAGE Britain as the guardian of Belgian neutrality — The action of the British Government in 1914 — The German plot against Belgium — IVIain features in the attitude of Germany, Great Britain, and  evade the question of Belgium — Belgium had not merited confidence in carrying out her international obliga- tions: The administration of the Congo — The suggested inadequacy of the Belgian military organi- zation— Alleged subservience to France on the military side; on the economic side — Alleged sub- servience to Great Britain : Belgium would not have resisted Germany except at the instigation of Great Britain — Conversations on military matters be- tween the Belgian and British Chiefs of General Stafifs. V. German Rules of War and their Appli- cation TO Belgium ..... 209 The peculiar situation of Belgium in the conflict en- titled her to expect that Germany would exercise ^ certain moderation in military operations — The war has, on the contrary, been conducted by Ger- many with a cruel vigour — Germany's attempt to throw the responsibility on Belgium — Arguments put forward by Germany to this end: (i). The par- ticipation of the civil population in the hostilities (francs-tireurs); (2). The treatment of the wounded — The treatment of foreigners — The German code of war — The "laws of war on land" — The German contemporary doctrine — The arbi- trary power of the command — The application of this system in Belgium — Collective repression — The taking of hostages — Conclusion. Contents xi PAGE Appendix: Report of the Belgian Chief of General Staff Respecting the Confiden- tial Interviews with the  2, I9t4 The War of 1914 2 77>j>3 UP TO 7 P.M. ON AUGUST 2, I914 During the last twenty-five years there had been a great change in the attitude of Belgian public opinion toward matters German. That kind of half-mystical admiration inspired by a power which one does not understand was on the wane; people had becomxC anxious to get a nearer view of this power and were curious to understand it. Belgians had seen Germans in many fields of activity. In the first place, they had noticed the arrival in their own country, in ever-increasing numbers, of industrious and persevering young men who sought for employment, often poorly paid, in banks, manufactories, and shops. Side by side with them there came men of technical knowledge who had gone through a highly special- ized professional education and were thus assured 2 The War of 191 4 of the most coveted posts in factories and labora- tories. Then came the great financial or commer- cial firms in which a German staff managed German capital, or representatives of German houses who travelled through town and country to establish their business and strengthen their relations with their customers. Even in the case of certain enterprises which remained Belgian, either nomi- nally or actually, the participation of German financial groups introduced influences whose eflect was often very far-reaching. This invasion, it is true, gave rise to a certain amount of doubt and reserve among those who were injured in their private interests by the competition of the foreigner, but these formed only a very small minority; the public at large set a high value on the zeal and the exact and deep knowledge of the young Germans, and these foreigners were often held up as an example to the young men of the country who were too apt to take no trouble to keep the places which the invaders took from them. Every year, in the summer, more than 20,000 German families visited the watering places on the Belgian coast; Blankenberghe, Heyst, Knocke, and even the more modern resorts of Westende and Duinbergen were considered almost as German August 2, 1 91 4 3 watering places. "You cannot imagine," wrote a German lady in a letter published two years ago in the weekly review, Die Woche, "the charm of life on the Belgian coast ; it is of the simple and homely type to which we Germans attach so much importance." The welcome given to these visitors by the inhabitants was warm and cordial. The latter enjoyed hearing in front of the hotels the jolly or serious songs which the summer visitors sung in chorus on the evenings of Liederabend. When children's parties were organized on the beach or among the dunes it was quite common to see as many German as Belgian little flags. A great number of German experts in different subjects as well as ordinary tourists were attracted also by Exhibitions and Congresses. Brussels was the natural place for international gatherings and associations, which found there obvious political and geographical advantages. In particu- lar, in 1910, the German participations in the Universal Exhibition and in the Congresses held at that time greatly increased the intercourse between Belgians and Germans, and the latter did not fail to take every opportunity of expressing their pleasure at being received with so much sympathy. German schools were established at Antwerp 4 The War of 191 4 and Brussels. They benefited by the prestige of German educational methods; they were directed by men of ability and conducted with obvious care for good education and did not fail to attract a large number of Belgian children. At the same time German publishing firms brought be- fore the Belgian public extensive library facili- ties in a thousand small ways and thus secured a large trade in books and magazines. Other circumstances also tended to bring the two countries together. Industrially, Belgium lives by its export trade; in several markets of the world she was en- countering more and more the competition of German production. In self-defence she set her- self to study, no longer superficially but deliber- ately and carefully, the causes of the enormous economic progress of Germany. Young people who were intended for business were forced by the imperative need of knowing the language of their formidable competitor to learn to speak and write German. Books on the training of German merchants, manufacturers, and bankers were read greedily. "Give us young men educated like the Germans," said King Leopold II. the last time that he received the staff of the University of Brussels at the Roval Palace on New August 2, 1 91 4 5 Year's Day. Committees to study conditions in Germany were sent to that country; close per- sonal ties were formed. The true reason for the economic activity of the present day became obvi- ous. In Germany, just as in the United States, it was through "Organization" that capital as well as labour produced an unexpectedly pro- ductive return. German Organization and Co-ordination were found in the powerful groups of manufacturers which lined both frontiers, and were the cause of the periodical meetings of representatives of metal, glass, and chemical works as well as textile manufactories from Belgium, Germany, and other countries. They were found also in those modern cities, like Dusseldorf or Frankfort, in which the pressure of modern needs has produced a form of municipal government whose successful results cannot fail to be recognized. In all these matters there was a free interchange of ideas between the two countries. The Ger- mans, somewhat surprised to find the Belgians so receptive of the views of their neighboiirs, threw open to them their reviews and daily papers. They even came themselves with a view to studying the conditions of the country and to seeing at close quarters the little nation which 6 The War of 1914 was growing up by their side, and they took pleasure in discovering at the same time its great quahties and extensive resources. For several years the great German papers of BerHn, Frank- fort, and Cologne had accredited correspondents in Belgium who followed the vicissitudes of the political and economic life of the country with skill and interest. But it was in the realm of science that the mutual currents of influence and thought became most frequent and most regular. For several years it has been true to say that a young Belgian man of science was hardly en- titled to serious consideration if he had not attended a German University. Each of these students in the course of his stay in Germany established an outpost of scientific good-fellowship, whither he often retiu"ned and whence emanated mutual help and exchanges of correspondence. In psychology, physiology, chemistry, medi- cine, and the natural sciences those engaged in research were grouped together by the periodical publications, the Jahresberichte and regular meet- ings of Congresses, or were divided into groups in accordance with their various lines of study. Vacation courses, particularly in the science of education, attracted more and more the August 2, 1 91 4 7 minds of those who were curious to study new methods. In the social sciences it was German science which produced in Belgium the great thaw of which the French economist, Charles Gide, spoke in his memorable lecture. The famous manifesto of Eisenach which gave a new direction to social politics awakened a late but loud echo among the generation in Belgium which was receiving its education about 1890. In the more general realm of sociology an agreement between my German colleagues and myself had resulted quite recently in the issuance of a periodical published conjointly. Close ties united on the one hand the leaders of Belgian socialism with those of German social democracy, and on the other hand the chiefs of the Catholic democracy in the two countries. None of these things was in any way surprising, for it was inevitable that Belgium should be im- pressed by the strong influence of Germany; but they were novel. It was strange to all those who had known Belgians at an earlier stage of their development to see them now so well-informed on all aspects of German life. There were some who were annoyed at the de- velopments which we have just described. Was 8 The War of 1914 there not a risk lest this attitude of welcome should lend itself to an unfortunate subservience? Was not this policy of the open door preparing the way for an overwhelming influence of Germany upon Belgium? In certain quarters, for example, attempts were made to collect together evidence of German predominance at Antwerp, the metro- polis of sea-borne trade and the indispensable centre for Belgian imports and exports. But it was easy to allay this mistrust. After all a great part of the hinterland of the Port of Antwerp was geographically German; it was natural and inevitable that German firms should have installed branches in the city, and it was also natural and inevitable that these branches should have acquired considerable interests there. The municipal and even the national authorities did not hesitate to pay well-earned homage to the activity and enterprising spirit of the Germans of Antwerp ; a few years ago one of the most powerful personalities in the business world, Herr von Bary, had organized a banquet in honour of the burgomasters of the principal, German towns along the Rhine; Prince Albert, now the King of Belgium, was present on that occasion. Still more recently the anniversary of the foundation of the Norddeutscher-Lloyd was made the occa- August 2, 1 91 4 9 sion of a demonstration in Antwerp which was attended by several members of the present Cabinet. Besides, it is in order to state that Germans who had settled in Belgium were adapting them- selves rapidly to the customs of the country ; they did not interpose any obstacle to the spontaneous development of national resources; they even did not hide the satisfaction that they felt at living in Belgium. It is worth remarking that the hospitable attitude of the Belgians towards the Germans did not seem to diminish in any way the general sympathy for the French; one had not grown at the expense of the other. Belgium, which was already swayed in two directions by the impulses of the two races composing her population, had arrived at a kind of equilibrium of tendencies; perhaps the recent teaching of her historians had led her to this compromise, by showing her the double influence of the past on her national per- sonality ; perhaps she was impelled to it by an in- tuitive sense of the necessity of self-preservation. But even among those few who had latterly been taking an active part in a movement which was directed to drawing closer the bonds of friendship with France, there existed no real resentment 10 The War of 191 4 against German}''; they were concerned for the most part only with the pro-Flemish movement, and the pro-Flemish movement, in spite of appear- ances to the contrary, was in no way helped by Germans in Belgium. Such was the state of mind that had gradually grown up among the Belgian population during the course of the last twenty-five years. What had been the attitude of Government policy during this period? King Leopold II. died at the end ot 1909. King Albert succeeded him. It is an open secret that during the latter part of the reign of Leopold II. there was no particular cordiality between the Belgian and the German Courts. The King's colo- nial policy and various other circumstances had un- favourably affected official circles in Berlin. With the commencement of the new reign there was a change. The personal relations between the royal couple and the Crown Prince were well known ; it is common knowledge that the Emperor was very favourably disposed to the marriage of Prince Albert with the Duchess Elizabeth in Bavaria, and that he had a great affection for the young Belgian King. A few months after their accession in June, 1910 , the King and Queen August 2, 1914 II paid a visit to Berlin ; toasts inspired by sentiments of sincere mutual regard were exchanged. The Crown Prince, after having offered to the King and Queen of Belgium a cordial welcome in the name of the Emperor, who was prevented from attending, assured them "of the feelings of sincere respect which the German Government and people entertained for their Majesties"; then he added: Historical memories bind our people together. Our families are related by blood. Your Majesty has found in the princely German House a Consort with whom your Majesty offers a brilliant example of happy family life. Your Majesty must be convinced that «very- thing which contributes to strengthen the friend- ship of our Houses finds a lively echo in the German heart. In the name of my father I wish to your Majesty the enjoyment of a long and prosperous reign, by the side of the Queen for the good of gentle Belgitun. King Albert replied by a toast, of which the following are the important passages: Your Highness' s words will find sympathetic echo in Belgium, for the Belgians feel a true friend- ship for the German people, a friendship which has developed without interruption ever since Belgium obtained her independence. 12 The War of 1914 To our esteem and friendship for the German nation itself there must be added our admiration for the fine spirit which animates the Emperor in the accomplishment of his duties as Sovereign. The Emperor offers us a noble example of a life dedicated wholly to the well-being of his subjects, to the power of expansion and production of Ger- many, to its brilliant representation in foreign lands, and to universal peace. I am convinced that the relations between the two countries and the two ruling Houses will become still closer and more cordial as the result of our visit. A little time afterwards, in October, 1910, the Emperor and Empress, accompanied by Princess Victoria Louise, came to Brussels to return the visit which the Belgian sovereigns had paid to them. The Emperor did not conceal his pleasure at the welcome given to him by the population of Brussels. At the dinner at the Royal Palace cordial speeches were once more exchanged: Sire [said the King], the Belgian people will value highly the friendly interest which your Majesty takes in them. They see and they salute in the Emperor a monarch who is as far-sighted as he is enlightened, and who has known so well how to further the brilliant career of his country in every realm of human activity. They desire no less sincerely than I do that the relations existing between the two reigning houses, August 2, 1914 13 which are those of confident trust, should fortify the friendship between the two nations. As for me, while I am connected with your Imperial Majesty by blood as well as by affection, as your Majesty was good enough to recall at Potsdam, I know how valuable are the feelings which your Majesty entertains towards the Queen and myself. The Emperor replied : The brilliant reception which has been prepared for us by your Majesties and the Belgian people in this splendid capital has touched us deeply, and has awakened sentiments of gratitude which are «,11 the more lively because we see in that welcome a pledge of the close union which exists not only between our families, but also between our peoples. Filled with friendly sympathy I know and I observe, like all Germany, the surprising success of the Belgian people, with their untiring activity in every department of commerce and industry, whose climax we have been able to welcome at the universal exhibition of this year, which was so brilliant and so successful. . . . May the relations between us of confident trust and of neighbourly friendship, of which the negotiations between our Governments have re- cently given so friendly an example, bind us still closer together ! This allusion in the Emperor's speech was to the Treaty of August 11, 1910, delimiting the frontier 14 The War of 191 4 of the German territory and Belgian Congo in the neighbourhood of Lake Kivu. It may be noted that sentiments similar to those expressed in these speeches were shown also at the time of the visits exchanged between the King and the President of the French Republic. At Paris, in July, 1910, King Albert, speaking of the two neighbouring peoples said : The closest relations have never ceased to exist between them, and every day seems to create new ones. Side by side with the commercial intercourse between the countries, whose constant progress is proved by statistics, they enjoy a continual inter- change of ideas. Side by side with the trade be- - tween the two countries they are bound together by relations of a less material kind. The literary and artistic influence of France, and her passionate devotion to progress in every branch of human activity, have played a part even more powerful than that of economic interests in drawing our two countries together and a true intellectual commerce draws us to that generous nation whose fertile influence has made itself felt for cen- turies on the whole of humanity. Our thinkers, our artists, our writers in the French tongue, attached though they be to the characteristics of their race, know well what they owe to France, to the lucidity of her genius, to the perfection of her taste, to that sense of the artistic which adorns everything which she produces. August 2, 1 91 4 15 At Brussels In May, 191 1, President Fallieres laid stress on the idea to which the King had given expression, and said in his turn: My visit is not only the fulfilment of a pleasant duty of politeness; it is also the expression of the high value which my country places upon the friendship of yours. France watches with equal interest and admiration the rapid and brilliant career of your young nationality. She has seen its birth and its growth in strength midst the greatest difficulties. In every branch of human activity — industry, commerce, politics, letters, the sciences, and the arts, Belgium has made for herself a high place among the nations; no one greets those suc- cesses with greater warmth than ourselves, and we unite with your Majesty in expressing the wish that, through our common desires, both our countries should advance towards an even closer concord of all their economic interests. Thus Belgium's attitude in ofBcial as well as un- official matters was the same towards both her great neighbours. Belgium's confidence in both was so great that many politicians were of the opinion that the country would never have to fear an invasion. At one session of the commission set up in 1900 to investigate the question of the reorganization of the army, some ministers of state and party leaders of great influence left the room i6 The War of 191 4 in which the Commission was held, thinking that it was inopportune to make any change in the ex- isting miHtary arrangements which were then still based on the system of conscription by lot. " Such a change, " said one of them, "would be to weaken the force of the treaties which guarantee the inviolability of Belgium, and to throw doubt upon them." Further, at this very time Germany had shown that she was anxious that Belgian policy should be kept within the strict limits of absolute neu- trality. A proposal was set on foot by the burgo- masters of the four great towns of Belgium for the constitution of a body of volunteers intended to defend Belgian interests in China which were then threatened by the Boxer rising. Germany repre- sented energetically that such a step was forbid- den to Belgium by reason of her situation as a neutral state. Belgium gave way, in spite of the danger to which her political representatives and her subjects w^re exposed. She believed, on the other hand, that she had obtained decisive evi- dence of the determined attitude which her power- ful neighbour intended to take up as guarantor of her neutrality. At a later date this evidence was reinforced with still greater strength. In 191 1, during the contro- August 2, 1 914 17 versy which was aroused by the announcement of the Dutch plans for the fortification of Flushing, certain papers had announced that in case of a Franco-German war, Belgian neutrality would be violated by Germany. The Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs suggested that a declaration made in the German Parliament during the debate on foreign policy would have the effect of quieting public opinion and setting at rest the suspicions which were regrettable from the point of view of the relations between the two countries. Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg replied that he highly appreciated the feelings which had inspired the request made by Belgium. He declared that Germany had no intention of violating the neu- trality of Belgium, but he thought that if a public declaration to that effect were made, Germany would weaken her military position vis-d-vis of France who, reassured on her northern frontier, would transfer all her troops to the eastern side.'' This reply by the Imperial Chancellor was communicated orally, in accordance with his instructions, to the Belgian Government, which gave way to the objections which the Chancellor had raised on the subject of the public declaration for which they had asked. ^ ' See Grey Book, No. 12. » Ibid. i8 The War of 191 4 In 1 91 3 still more precise declarations were made during the sitting of the Reichstag Com- mittee on the Budget on April 29th. The Nord- deutscJie Allgemeine Zeitung, whose semi-official character is well known, reported it in the following terms :^ A member of the Social Democrat Party said: " The approach of a war between Germany and France is viewed with apprehension in Belgium, for it is feared that Germany will not respect the neutrality of Belgium." Herr von Jagow, Secretary of State, replied: " Belgian neutrality is provided for by Inter- national Conventions and Germany is determined to respect those Conventions." This declaration did not satisfy another member of the Social Democrat Party. Herr von Jagow said that he had nothing to add to the clear state- ment he had made respecting the relations between Germany and Belgium. In answer to fresh enquiries by a member of the Social Democrat Party, Herr von Heeringen, the Minister of War, replied: " Belgium plays no part in the causes which justify the proposed reor- ganization of the German militar}^ system. That proposal is based on the situation in the East. Germany will not lose sight of the fact that the neutrality of Belgium is guaranteed by interna- tional treaty." A member of the Progressive Party having once * See Grey Book, No. 12. August 2, 1 91 4 19 again spoken of Belgium, Herr von Jagow repeated that this declaration in regard to Belgium was sufficiently clear. All these declarations summed up and amplified a statement made by the German Minister in Belgium, Baron von Wallwitz, at a banquet at Antwerp in 1905, the year of the seventy-fifth anniversary of Belgian independence. "Respect for Belgian neutrality," he said, "is a political axiom for Germany and it could never be dis- regarded without incurring the most serious consequences." In spite of these assurances, the course of European politics made a deep impression on those responsible for the Government of Belgium. The long drawn-out Morocco crisis made a sensation in the country. At the same time the formation of the two diplomatic groups of Great Powers had brought together France and England who, up to then, had reserved complete liberty of action. There was a growing impression in the chancelleries and military circles of certain capitals that a European war was imminent. To complete her uneasiness, in 1912 Belgium received from a Sovereign who belonged neither to the Triple Entente nor to the Triple Alliance, and whose great wisdom and long experience of 20 The War of 1914 European politics was well-known in diplomatic circles, King Charles of Roumania, the friendly advice to keep a careful watch on the defence of all her frontiers: "The miracle of 1870," he said, "will not be repeated: Belgium runs a great danger of seeing her neutrality violated by one of her three neighbours." At the same time other warnings reached Belgium; plans for a surprise invasion of Belgian territory by German troops were discovered, and the military arrangements made by France on her northern frontier took a definite form. Moreover, these fears received disturbing con- firmation from German military writers. For instance. General von Bernhardi, who was widely read in Germany, published, at the end of 191 1, under the title of Deutschland und der ndchste Krieg, a book which was full of statements which were very alarming for Belgium. I repeat here some of the most characteristic of them : The conception of permanent neutrality is en- tirely opposed to the essential nature of the State; the State can only attain her high moral ends by competition with other States.' No natural obstacle or powerful barriers there [in Belgium and Holland] stand in the way of ' Chapter V., page 120. August 2, 1 91 4 21 hostile invasion, and neutrality is only a paper bulwark. To the south also the Rhine barrier could easily be turned by going through Switzerland, •r although on this side there are serious geographical natural obstacles.'' King Albert from the moment of his accession laid stress on the necessity for Belgium to bring her military organization into line with modern progress. On many occasions he chose this as the subject of his public speeches, and he took pleasure in recalling the eloquent appeals which King Leopold II. had himself addressed to the nation, to arouse in it the consciousness of the obligations of patriotism. Speaking to the Grena- dier regiment, for example. King Albert said: It is my earnest hope that the nation should understand more and more with a clear view into the future, the supreme and imperative obligation which the very fact of neutrality lays upon her — a continuous duty of sacrifice on a level comparable to the duty which the army would have to fulfil if, on some future date, international complications, which are always possible, should force Belgium to defend the inviolabilit}' of her territory. At last, in 19 13, Parliament passed a measure for a far-reaching reorganization of the army. ' Chapter VII., page 169. 22 The War of 191 4 Before the public discussion of the question, the Minister for War, Monsieur de Broqueville, was careful to furnish to Parliament the confiden- tial communications which, as stated above, the Government had received. This was done during a secret sitting, and these statements exercised a decisive influence on the vote which was taken. While these events were proceeding, the political relations between Belgium and her three great neighbours, Germany, Great Britain, and France, developed on lines of very sincere sympathy. King Albert, taking advantage of his passing through Paris on his return from a holiday, stayed there to pay his respects to the President of the Republic in the same spirit of courtesy which in the course of that year also took him to Berne during one of his stays in Switzerland; in fact it was always the King's personal opinion that it is his duty to be acquainted with the highest au- thorities in the countries in which he frequently travels. At Paris the King received from Presi- dent Poincare a formal assurance that France was resolved upon a peaceful policy and had no thought of violating Belgian neutrality. Great Britain little by little had realized the firm determination of Belgium to carry out the August 2, 1 91 4 23 reforms in the Congo which the new King had solemnly promised on the day of his coronation. [ Finally, in Germany, the King was present in November, 19 13, at the anniversary celebrations of the regiment of which he was Honorary-Colonel. He sent his portrait to the regiment and the Emperor in return forwarded his own to the Belgian regiment of Grenadiers. In the course of this stay in Germany the King had been invited to Potsdam where the Emperor talked over with him the general political situation in Europe, and did not hide from him its gravity. He thought that it would become difficult to avoid war with France, who made no response to the conciliatory overtures of the Emperor, and whose press openly showed growing hostility. If it were inevitable that war should come, he added, the triumph of the German armies could not be doubted. This conversation, which made a profound impression on the King, was a proof of the confidence which the Emperor continued to repose in him. This confidence was manifested once again in this very year of 1914. The Emperor had invited the King to be present at the manoeuvres which were to take place in the neighbourhood of Cologne, on the 17th of September, last. At the beginning of July the King informed him that he would attend. 24 The War of 191 4 In Belgium there was a growing desire that Belgian policy should observe the strictest neu- trality. For example, the leader of the Liberal Party, M. Hymans, has recounted in the Outlook (September 30th, page 255) how he had been requested by the members of the majority to recommend to the newspapers of his party reserve and prudence in discussing German affairs. To be frank, there was a portion of the Belgian public which disliked these evidences of friendship between the Courts of Berlin and Brussels, to which a sensitive patriotism might attach a significance which was certainly not in accordance with the facts. The perfectly correct attitude of the King and Queen furnished an answer to these fanciful rumours, and they are only men- tioned here so as to make the picture of public opinion in Belgium exact in every essential. On July 24, 1914, the Belgian Minister at Vienna forwarded to the Minister for Foreign Af- fairs at Brussels the text of the ultimatum which Austria-Hungary had just addressed to Servia. This communication took place at the same time as all those sent by the Ambassadors at Vienna to their respective countries. The sensation which this document caused in all August 2, 1914 25 the Chancelleries is well known. Very naturally a profound impression was produced at Brussels also. On the same day, July 24th, the Belgian Government sent to its principal Ministers abroad the following letter ' : The Belgian Government have had under their consideration whether, in present circumstances, it would not be advisable to address to the Powers who guaranteed Belgian independence and neutrality a communication assuring them of Belgium's determi- nation to fulfil the international obligations imposed upon her by treaty in the event of a war breaking out on her frontiers. The Government have come to conclusion that such a communication would be premature at present, but that events might move rapidly and not leave sufficient time to forward suitable instruc- tions at the desired moment to the Belgian repre- sentatives abroad. In these circumstances I have proposed [wrote the Minister for Foreign Affairs] to the King and to my colleagues in the Cabinet, who have con- curred, to give you now exact instructions as to the steps to be taken by you if the prospect of a Franco-German war became more threatening. I enclose herewith a note, signed but not dated, which you should read to the Minister for Foreign Affairs and of which you should give him a copy, if circumstances render such a communication necessary. ' Grey Book, No. 27. 26 The War of 1914 I will inform you by telegram when you are to act on these instructions. This telegram will be despatched when the order is given for the mobilization of the Belgian army if, contrary to our earnest hope and to the apparent prospect of a peaceful settlement, our information leads us to take this extreme measure of precaution. The terms of this document are perfectly clear; it was a question of guarding against the possibility of being taken by surprise by the developments of the situation. Since the arrangements which Belgiiim might perhaps be forced to take ought to be measures of defence, it was necessary at any cost that she should be prepared for every contingency. During the following days diplomatic activity in the Chancelleries became more and more hurried; the British Blue Book, for example, gives eighty documents between the 25th and 29th July. The Belgian Government were kept in- formed by their diplomatic agents of the course of events. In particular, on Monday the 27th, the Government received from the Belgian Min- ister at Berlin alarming information on the course which the Austro-Servian dispute was taking: "War, " says Baron Bey ens in his message, "seems inevitable, and we can only expect the worst con- August 2, 1 91 4 27 sequences. Belgium must from now on take thought for all the precautions required by the situation." Next day, a telegram from the Bel- gian Minister at Vienna announced that Austria- Hungary had declared war on Servia. At this moment the Belgian Government did not hesitate. On Wednesday, the 29th July, they decided to place the army on a strengthened peace footing — a measure of simple precaution, as they hastened to explain to the Belgian Ministers abroad, in the following letter': The Belgian Government have decided to place the army upon a strengthened peace footing. This step should in no way be confused with mobilization. Owing to the small extent of her territory, all Belgium is, in some degree, a frontier zone. Her army on the ordinary peace footing consists of only one class of armed militia; on the strength- ened peace footing, owing to the recall of three classes, her army divisions and her cavalry division comprise effective units of the same strength as those of the corps permanently maintained in the frontier zones of the neighbouring Powers. This information will enable you to reply to any questions which may be addressed to you. 