The risen sun
Suyematsu, Kencho, 1855-1920. [from old catalog]
i^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^m. r'^L^;^w#^^^ ■■■' . ''.■ i. '.J';rij.a<>^>i rr>t<;;i'.i«if.A-'. .. rA'^J ^V ^ Q^ ^/ '% .* -^ -.^^ ^^ ^' ^^0^ ^^^<^^ \,> \ * 0 ^ -^ ' ^^ <:^ '"^ 0. s' -0 ''-•.H<jj"tft"' •■>, . .r.V .v' ^ ^- C 0^ .^:, J^ ~<$jb CX' ^ <. o '^^ ^^ ^%^^ ^o^^.-o._-^^ ccorA. o ^. c^ C^ ... ^ . ' tt i! ^ ^^^ ^- * * (V • ^ ^ 0 V^^ r ^^0^ ■^/-o^ ^^" -^^^' y,:-f-^ ■N ^/^^..s _ 9x ''^^. .o ■ .V "Q, G^ ^^ <ci ^ '-. ^^0^ •**^ / * 'P 6o^ > ..NXW/h. . ^^^^ ■'^•<< d ^o '- c?^ ^^ '-o, <^ ^^ 4^ vG *, • ' ,-.- <. cp^- .% t<.^J •y , '^^d* THE RISEN SUN THE RISEN SUN BY (BARON' SUYEMATSU.ViScovjA,^ V(«lw.U NEW YORK E. P. BUTTON & CO 1905 K\ .St butler & tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, frome, and london. t ^ <y^ w I Contents Preface and Dedication S^ PAGE vii 93 CHAP. BOOK I ANTECEDENT TO THE WAR I An Anglo- Japanese View of the Far-Eastern Question  i 901- 1903 . . 64 V First Hostilities. Japan and the Commencement OF the War ....... 92 BOOK II A NATION IN TRAINING I The Introduction of Western Civilization into Japan ..... II Legal Status of Foreigners in Japan III Moral Teaching in Japan. IV The Japanese Character V The Making of a Soldier in Japan VI Woman's Education 105 112 119 130 144 15s CONTENTS CHAP. PAGE VII Hara-kiri: Its real Significance . . . 163 VIII The Police System of Japan .  .... 239 XIII His Majesty the Emperor, Ruler and Poet . 248 BOOK III EXTERNAL RELATIONS I Chinese Expansion Historically Reviewed. . 269 II Japan and France ...... 298 III Japan and a "War Indemnity . . . .312 IV  Japan for Europe on the loth of February, 1904, namely, less than two days after the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese war ; partly for recuperation of my health after a long ailment, and partly in order to do whatever I could in the West for promotion of good-will between the Western nations and my fatherland at this momentous hour of war. The day after my departure from Yokohama, on board the lyo-Maru, Nippon- Yushen-Kwaisha steamship, namely February the nth, happened to be one of our three national festive days, and it was celebrated on board the steamer. I made a speech in English on that occasion, which was followed by two more somewhat similar celebrations before we arrived at Victoria, on which I made corresponding speeches. While passing through America I gave my views on the situation to many American interviewers, and my observations were reported in the papers. Since my arrival in Europe I have continued to give my views to numerous interviewers and have made speeches. Most of these views and speeches, though necessarily in curtailed forms, have been reported widely in Continental as well as in English papers — indeed, all over the world. I have also contri- buted, sometimes by request and sometimes voluntarily, many articles and letters both to English and also to Continental Reviews. vii PREFACE AND DEDICATION The majority of these articles and letters, together with some of my speeches and addresses which have been written out, have been recently compiled by my secretaries in book form, and this volume is the result. This has been done because there are many friendly persons who take much interest in my writings and who have earnestly recom- mended me to collect them, on the ground that they may be of some use to many people who take interest in the war, and in things Japanese in general. I shall be most grateful if the prediction of these friends should prove to be well founded. I have divided the resulting papers roughly into three books. Those in Book I deal with the inception of the situation of crisis in the Far East and the commencement of the war. Those in Book II are more general in character, and endeavour to explain, among other things, that reserve of vital energy in resistance to aggression for which the Japanese nation has been indebted to its tempera- ment and its moral and intellectual training. The papers. in Book III are mainly concerned with ulterior views as to the relations of the Japanese Government with foreign Powers, the question of the indemnity, and other matters of speculation that have arisen in regard to the course which destiny has traced for Japan in the history of Asia. . For this arrangement, I am wholly indebted to the valu- able suggestion of Messrs. Archibald Constable. As to the title of the book, too, I have accepted the suggestion from the same source, though somewhat with diffidence. In completing the task of combining several articles, written separately at different times, in book form, some slight alter- ation and revision of the original was thought necessary. That part of the work has been entirely undertaken by viii PREFACE AND DEDICATION Messrs. Constable, with my complete approval and satis- faction. My sincere thanks for the permission to reprint these articles and addresses are due to the Society of Arts, the Ethological Society, the. Central Asian Society, and to the proprietors and editors of different periodicals, and of the book entitled " Japan by the Japanese," in which the originals appeared. I may mention, among others, the names of the Nineteenth Century and After, the Independent Review, the Fortnightly Review, the Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review, La Revue, and the Deutsche Revue. I take this opportunity to express my gratitude to six persons, amongst others, and I dedicate this book to them collectively. The first is my teacher in my boyhood, Murakami Bussan, a great poet and scholar well known in Japan, who has been gone from this world now already more than two decades. It was he who instructed me in Oriental learning, in classics and poetry, and gave the main founda- tion in the formation of my character. The second is Dr. Waraker, who took much pains during my stay at Cambridge in teaching me English and Roman laws, as well as the law of nations. It was mainly due to his exertions that I graduated with honours in the second class of the Law tripos. The third is Mr. Ernest Schuster, who taught me the German laws out of a sheer love of legal study. I remember how, day after day, we discussed together the German laws, taking Dernburg and Laband for our chief text books, the important parts of which I had translated into English under his direc- tion, and which we made our points of discussion. The other three are Marquis Ito, Marshal Marquis Yamagata, and Count Inouye, three of our elder statesmen. It was they who entrusted me from time to time with many important ix PREFACE AND DEDICATION tasks, political or otherwise, in one way or another, and my present visit to Europe is also mainly due to the suggestion of these eminent men, who, I believe, thought that my stay here at this important phase in the history of our nation could not fail to be productive of some good. K. S. Queen Anne's Mansions, London, August, 1905. POSTSCRIPT Before the printing of the following pages was quite finished, peace has been concluded at Portsmouth (America) between Russia and Japan. This will bring an end not only to the anxiety felt in many ways by the whole world, but also to certain strains and uneasiness caused to the commerce and peaceful relations of many nations. Whatever may be the views about the peace terms, one thing seems certain, that Japan has shown a great moral heroism in the cause of humanity and civilisation. Now that peace is assured, the time seems to have arrived for the world to reflect more calmly than ever upon the origin of one of the greatest wars ever recorded in history ; and upon the ideals and notions, as well as training and aspira- tions, of the Japanese, that one of the belligerent parties which had not, perhaps, been suflficiently known to the world before the war. And above all the time has come to observe how faithfully Japan has maintained her ambition of de- serving the name of a civilized nation, and to reflect how securely we may take her steady progress of the past, and especially during the last ten years, as a guarantee of her continued advance in the future. Time was when she was PREFACE AND DEDICATION looked down upon by many as a petty, infantile, imitative, shallow, bellicose, and aggressive nation. Our sincere hope is that misconceptions of that kind may now be totally dispelled, and that the world may look upon Japan as a country deserving friendship. For all such purposes I hope that this book of mine may be of some service. K.. S. Paris, September i, 1905. XI BOOK I Antecedent to the War B CHAPTER I AN ANGLO-JAPANESE VIEW OF THE FAR-EASTERN QUESTION ^ FOR many years to come the war now being waged between Russia and Japan will probably be regarded as pivotal in the history of Eastern Asia and the Pacific. The subject, even as we can envisage it at the present day, is a wide and far-reaching one, and there are already many ways of approaching it. But one of the surest keys to the situation, in my opinion, will ever be found in the Anglo- Japanese alliance ; and it will not be inexpedient, nor will it be thought unbecoming on my part, if I treat it as the keynote of the following attempt at a solution of the Far- Eastern Question. Japan is now in alliance with Great Britain ; she may not perhaps be worthy of that alliance, but you may be assured that she is doing and will always do her best to deserve it. Some people might regard the alliance as a mushroom affair and the outcome of mushroom growths. On the contrary, it marks the climax of a gradual process of evolution, the fruit of a tree with a deep-rooted trunk. For a long time English policy in the Far East, though subject in the normal course of things to the tidal influence of diplomacy, has had a trend in the direction of which we are speaking, and almost every act of Britain in this sphere has resulted eventually in benefit to Japan. It was in 1854, just fifty years ago, that Japan first opened her ports to America, which was soon followed by England, Russia, France, and other Occidental nations, one after the 1 The substance of a speech delivered at the Constitutional Club on May 5, 1904. 3 THE RISEN SUN other, in the course of a few years. It was in that year, 1854, that England, together with France, fought against Russia near home, in the Black Sea, and, as a consequence, the combined fleets of England and France in the Far East chased the Russian fleet and attacked the fortified port of Petropavlovsk on the coast of Kamchatka. In its course you lost your commodore by a most tragical ending of life ; in its course also you once met with a heavy repulse, sustain- ing a loss of two hundred men. At last, with reinforcements, the English captured and demolished the fort, but, taking advantage of fog, the Russian fleet had escaped a month be- fore. The Russian fleet which thus escaped met with grievous shipwreck ; the survivors sought the helping hand of Japan. We did not know what was passing between you and Russia, neither were we concerned in the matter, but from motives of compassion we received these survivors well. We gave them shelter at a secluded place called Hetta, in the province of Idzu ; there they wished to build some new ships, in order to return home. We gave materials, we lent them our ship-builders, our artisans, and they succeeded in building two schooners, on board of which they sailed away from Japan, their departure taking place, if I remember correctly, after the conclusion of peace. In 1861 the so-called Tsushima affair took place. Tsu- shima is, as you well know, an island (famous in history henceforth as the scene of Togo's victory over the Baltic fleet) situated in the straits of Korea — a most important strategic point for Japan. In the year in question the Russian fleet suddenly came to that island and landed marines, and occupied part of it, with the evident intention of seizing the island. This was done without any cause or reason whatever, without any prior notice or diplomatic nego- tiations, and in spite of the fact that Russia had entered into friendly intercourse with us by treaty several years previously, and in spite of our giving them a helping hand in their hour of calamity. Remonstrances were of course made by the island authorities, followed by those of the Central Government, but the Russian Foreign Oflice took no heed. It was then and there that the English fleet made its appearance on the scene, and demanded the instant retirement of the Russians, a demand which was obeyed ; and thus the Island of Tsushima was saved to Japan. 4 THE FAR EASTERN QUESTION In 1868 the new regime of the Imperial Government was inaugurated. For some years previous to that Japan was divided into two great parties, one for the Imperial cause, the other for the Shogunate cause. At that time England was represented in Japan by the energetic and sagacious Sir Harry Parkes ; there were also men like Glover, Lowther and Ernest Satow, now Sir Ernest, Britain's present worthy representative in China ; they all followed the lead of Sir Harry Parkes in espousing the Imperial cause in opposition to the strenuous support of the Shogunate cause by a certain foreign Power, headed by the equally energetic and adven- turous representative of that country. Most of these facts are contained in the unwritten pages of the Secret History of Diplomacy, so that they are not much known even in Japan, still less in Europe. But one thing is certain, that England has done much towards the consolidation of our empire. ■ In 1874 we had the so-called Formosa affair, arising from the Formosan aborigines murdering a number of Japanese subjects, which ultimately led to some complication between Japan and China. That complication was amicably settled at last through the good offices tendered by the then British representative in China. In 1885 the Port Lazareff — Port Hamilton, affair took place. The affair, as you know, was briefly this : Russia attempted to snatch Port Lazareff from Korea. You, England, entertaining a strong objection to this Russian action, instantaneously occupied Port Hamilton as a counter- check, and thus at last succeeded in compelling Russia to abandon her project. This object effected, which was all you wanted, you naturally gave up occupation of Port Hamilton soon after. This affair did not directly concern Japan herself, but she derived benefit from it all the same. In our war with China, during 1894 and 1895, Great Britain maintained her neutrality, and was, on the whole, friendly with Japan. Some say England might have gone a step further at the time of the intervention of the three Powers, but we do not complain of that ; your keeping aloof was sufficient for us. During that war was effected the revision of our old treaties with Occidental nations, which placed Japan on an equal footing with other countries, admitting her for the first time into the comity of civilized nations. In this affair 5 THE RISEN SUN it was you, Great Britain, that took the lead and initiative over other Powers. When Port Arthur was occupied by Russia, Great Britain occupied Wei-Hai-Wei. This was intended as nothing else but a counter-check to the Russian aggression, and the lease was expressly made co-existent with Russian occupation. This is itself a striking proof of the opposing interests of Russia and Great Britain. Then came the Boxer rising and the march on Peking by the allied forces to the rescue of their several Legations. The history of this is too fresh to reiterate here. It is enough to say that we, the Japanese, spoken of as the pagans, fought side by side with the troops of Western na- tions, especially keeping up the best relations with the British and Americans. It is not for me here to dwell in detail upon what passed in diplomacy in the Far East, or what was done by Russia after the rescue of the various Legations. It will be necessary for me to give you merely a brief resume. Russia gave repeatedly to other Powers the pledge that she would relinquish her occupation of Manchuria — an occupation which had been effected by her during the Boxer trouble as a part of the common action of the allied Powers which went to the rescue of Peking, and for which she directly afterwards had received from China, for the trouble she had taken, a compensation to an amount far exceeding its value. At the same time in another direction she had been trying to exact from China humiliating concessions, which were quite contrary to, and irreconcilable with, the pledges given by her to the other nations. From the beginning to the end the chief efforts of diplomacy in the Far East were directed to check the clandestine attempts of Russia, and make her keep her pledge. In this effort England, America, and Japan, stood fast together. Then came the Treaty of Alliance between England and Japan in 1902 — the Man- churian question had not then come to an end, and it was still the pending theme. England was perfectly aware of the fact. Looking back over the long history of more than forty years, looking at what England has done in the Far East in connexion with Japan, as I have related above, I cannot but hold that it has resulted in solid benefit to Japan, and it goes without saying that we feel deeply indebted for the aid thus rendered by the English. I do not doubt but that much of this has been done out 6 THE FAR EASTERN QUESTION of kindness, and from a sense of justice ; but was this all ? Was there not also something else behind ? Upon looking at the map you will easily see why England had adopted her policy in the direction described. You have great commer- cial interests in the Far East, no small political ones as well. It is necessary for you to protect those interests. Although only parts of the interests of your great empire lie in the Far East, you could not afford to lose those inter- ests, any more than a man could afford to lose a part of his buildings, which loss might prove detrimental to the whole construction. These interests which you have to protect are identical with those of Japan. Japan has to do exactly the same thing as England in guarding and protect- ing her interest and safety. Such being the case, I venture to say that the Treaty of Alliance between England and Japan is, as I said before, the climax of a long evolution, having for its basis the mutual interests of the two countries. So far, this is a matter of plain fact as concerns the political aspect. There are, however, insinuations abroad to discredit Japan in some quarters — fomented mischievously I fear. In the first place, they say that Japan's modern civiliza- tion is only outward, and that there is every possibility of a reaction setting in. Nothing can be farther from the truth than this assertion, I can assure you. We have strenuously striven to civilize our country by assimilating certain European methods and ideas, and we have, I believe, succeeded to some extent. It has cost us many lives and much money. We have eaten Western apples and found them delicious — they are not the apples of the Seladon, and we are not likely to give them up. No ; we are even going to make further improvements, and so keep pace with those nations with whom we have friendly intercourse. Of the material side of civilization which we have adopted I can at once convince you that we shall not be likely to give it up. We have electric light in Japan, as in this room ; you will not doubt when I tell you that we shall never return to oil or wax. We have railways ; do you think we can ever go back to pedestrianism ? Shall we cut the telegraph wire and again employ messengers ? With regard to the intellectual parts of civilization, it may not be so easy to convince you, but with us it is exactly the same. The introduction of Western civilization into THE RISEN SUN Japan is not limited to the material side only. In laws, in science, in art, and in all the other branches of human activity, we have striven to introduce your ideas — just in the same degree as we have done in material objects. All this we shall never give up : they have already taken deep root in the Japanese mind, and they have already become essential elements in the making of a compact nation. Sometimes people express amazement at the changes made in Japan in so comparatively short a period as thirty or forty years, as though doubting its genuineness. It is true that Japan has effected a great transformation ; but, without in the least entertaining any idea of self-glorifica- tion, I may say that Japan has always had some kind of unique national civilization and conditions of social organiza- tion which, together with a considerable precursory prepar- ation, gave her a special power of adaptability when she came to adopt this new phase of Western enlightenment, and it will be, I venture to say, a fallacy to think that any aborigines or tribes scattered in different parts of the globe could, emulating Japan, raise themselves, in the same way, as she has done at a moment's notice. Some comments have also been made about difference of race and religion. Well, the difference of race is a matter we cannot transform except perhaps by gradual inter- mixture. That difference, however, seems to me not very important — not certainly of a kind to preclude the maintenance of friendly relations, so long as other assimilation could be thoroughly effected. I may also say the same thing with regard to religion. Our moral precepts and ethical rules are exactly the same as yours, though some of their points might be more developed in Japan, while some points might be more developed in Western nations. Just let me illustrate this. Where any matters of charity or virtue are concerned, the Japanese entertain the same ideas, and act in the same way, as do their Western brethren. For instance, the organization of the Red Cross Society is working very well in Japan ; its members consist of about one million, and its annual subscriptions amount to about two millions. It is under the direct patronage of the Emperor and Empress ; and of course all this is done irrespective of any religion, Japan being a most tolerant country as regards religion. Perfect freedom of conscience is guaranteed by 8 THE FAR EASTERN QUESTION the Constitution, and not the sHghtest difference is made in the eyes of law on account of rehgion : and in social inter- course it is the same. Here perhaps I might relate an instance : Mr. Kataoka, who died last autumn, was a Protestant, and yet was one of the leaders of the largest political party. He was President of the House of Repre- sentatives for several terms, and he died while still holding that office. There was a hymn which he liked the best, and on his dying bed he asked his friends and relatives to sing it, and he passed away as he listened to it. Even the Salvation Army is parading our streets under the command of its English officers. Nay ! even the Mormons are allowed to preach, under conditions, bien entendu, which bind them not to attempt to proselytize as regards polygamy, which is contrary to our laws. With these facts in view, one might even say that we, as a nation, are almost too tolerant. At all events, I am of opinion that if Enghshmen continue to regard us as brothers, we shall get on very well. People speak of the Japanese being brave in war, and fighting well. Perhaps it is true ; but we should be sorry if we were considered only as a fighting nation. We aspire to be at least as energetic and as clever in other branches of human activity as in war ; in fact, our endeavour has always been directed to that end. Here I might add a few more words. The general tendency in Japan is that the more one is versed in the Western ideas, the more chance one has of becoming a prominent figure in all directions, more especially in politics and official occupa- tions, but also in our army and navy. It amounts to the same thing as saying that the brain, as it were, of Japan, which regulates the wheel and the motion of the empire, is, and will continue to be, animated by the Western modes of thought and reasoning. These Western proclivities will serve to protect Japan from the danger of acting upon some unconsidered impulse and will cause her as a nation to feel her international responsibilities the more. Some fear has been entertained that the Japanese soldiers might become restless and unruly after achiev- ing great success over their formidable foe. But of that there is no fear. Our army is founded upon the universal service system ; the soldiers are patriotic and fight gallantly when ordered to advance, but they are 9 THE RISEN SUN not bellicose by nature, rather preferring peace, and, more- over, perfect order and discipline prevail among them. It was just one day after the rupture of diplomatic relations with Russia that I met with General Count Katsura, the Premier of Japan, when he told me that during that long protracted negotiation with Russia not one of our military or naval officers or men had come to him to disturb him with their opinions on diplomacy or politics. This will perhaps give you some idea of what are the characteristics of our army. It appears also that some apprehensions have been entertained lest some kind of amalgamation might be effected between China and Japan which might cause danger to the Western Powers. But I am far from believing this ! China is a very nice country. The Chinese, however, are not a warlike or aggrandising nation. China is and has always been, and will be, a good market for all civilized nations so long as she is left undisturbed and her integrity is respected. The characteristics and notions in general in China and Japan represent such marked differences that it is a matter of impossibility to amalgamate these two nations ; nor does Japan ever entertain such ambitious ideas. All that Japan wishes is to maintain a peaceful, commercial intercourse with China, in common with other civilized nations ; and Japan's policy will always be worked on these lines. I am confident that this policy of Japan is in accord with English ideas, and I do not believe that the direction of English policy differs from ours in any way. This is again satisfactory evidence that British and Japanese interests are identical, and hence the necessity of maintaining a close and cordial relationship, which is the same thing as continuing the actual status of the present alliance. I said in the beginning of my discourse that the present state of things marked the climax of a long evolution ; I might almost say that it is an outcome of English policy in the East, which may be considered as already traditional. In its long course it was sometimes adopted by the Liberal Government and sometimes by the Conservative, which you can easily discover by peeping into the pages of history ; and, besides, I am happy to notice that it is backed by almost all the subjects of the great British Empire. Hence I may affirm that it is your national policy. An alliance of this kind does not involve the thwarting of other nations ; on 10 THE FAR EASTERN QUESTION the contrary, we wish also to keep up friendly relations with them, which I presume is also the intention of Great Britain, and hence the Japanese are not jealous of Great Britain making an entente cordiale with any of these nations. In fact, I do not doubt that among these nations too, even in France or Germany, there is many a heart which is beating in sympathy with Japan at this trying hour of hers. It must be understood, however, that in these friendships all round there must be some difference of degree. Amongst these other nations we desire the best friendship with the United States of America. Almost all the sentiments I have expressed relating to your country are also applicable to the United States, and, besides, there is no difference in the Far East in the interest and policy of England, the United States, and Japan. The Americans have shown their sympathy with Japan at this momentous hour in no less degree than Great Britain. I would fain that America would advance a step farther and enter upon a more concise relationship. I understand that it is the policy of both the English and American Governments that they should keep up a close and friendly relationship, and I also understand this aspiration to be that of the thinking parts of both nations, an aspiration towards which they have already succeeded in converting the vast bulk of their fellow-countrymen. There may, perchance, be some trifling difference of feeling now and then between some few particular individuals ; but if there be such, they are, after all, like little differences of opinion between brothers and sisters or cousins. You cannot permanently or irre- vocably cut the natural bonds of Anglo-Saxon blood. I am told, and I also know, that Britishers are difficult to make friends with, but we also know that when once they become friends their friendship is constant and enduring, and so it is with the British nation at large. The present Treaty II THE RISEN SUN of Alliance is terminable after five years ; but I would fain it were made perpetual. Nor is this merely for the interests of Japan. Suppose Japan were worsted in the war now waging, and Northern China fell into the hands of a certain other Power, what would be the result ? British interests in the Far East would soon, I fear, be an obsolete ex- pression. Japan has now embarked on a great task. She thoroughly recognizes its magnitude and gravity. She is, however, convinced that she is not fighting merely for personal political aims, but that she is fighting also in the interests of civilization and humanity. She is fighting for her own sake of course, but at the same time she is carrying on the contest at the mandate of England and America, as it were, in the cause of civilization and humanity. And, therefore, from the point of view of justice, humanity, interest and friendship, I earnestly ask you to continue your warm sympathy with Japan. 12 CHAPTER II JAPAN AND RUSSIA ^ IN the following pages an effort has been made to trace the course of events and negotiations precedent to the outbreak of hostilities in the Far East. The most trust- worthy sources of information have been drawn upon, viz., the Blue Book issued by the British Government, entitled " Correspondence regarding the Russian Occupation of Man- churia and Newchwang"^ and the White JBook concerning " The Negotiations between Japan and Russia, 1903-1904," presented by the Government of Tokio to the Imperial Diet this year. These official records have been supple- mented by references to acknowledged facts in the recent history of the Extreme East, and if the account now given is somewhat lengthy, though compressed as much as possible, the circumstance is to be ascribed to the wide area which, geographically and historically, it was needful that the statement should be made to embrace. The anxiety felt in Japan about Russian methods had its origin at least as far back as the eighteenth century, when the encroachments of Russian settlers began in the Kurile Islands, which are Japanese territory, and extend in a prolonged chain from Yeso (now ofhcially termed Hokkaido) to Cape Lopatka. There were frequent intru- sions by Russians early in the last century, moreover, upon Yeso and the neighbouring islands, and Russia seized the opportunity, when the opening of the Empire to foreign intercourse had caused internal dissensions in Japan itself, to take possession of the northern half of Saghalien, an island which up to that time had been regarded as wholly 1 The Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review, July, 1904. 2 China, No. 2, 1904. 13 THE RISEN SUN Japanese property. In the end, at a later date she suc- ceeded in depriving Japan of the southern half also, and thus acquired for herself possession of the entire island. In 1861 the Russians attempted the annexation of Tsushima, Japan's outpost in the Straits of Korea, having landed men surreptitiously from the cruiser Posadnik and quartered them ashore. This design was, however, frustrated by the vigilance of the British Admiral, Sir James Hope, who, on learning of the Russian descent upon the island, took, together with Mr. Oliphant, Secretary of the British Lega- tion in Japan, such strenuous action as left the intruders no option but to retire from the position which they had illegally taken up. The opportunity presented by China's difficulties with France and Great Britain over events in North China had at this time been seized by Russia to exact from the Peking Government the cession of the entire Eastern littoral of Manchuria down to the Korean frontier, with its bays and harbours, including the site of Vladivostock. In 1885 the Russians attempted to snatch Port Lazareff from Korea, and although that attempt was thwarted by the prompt action of England, Russia's ambitions in respect of her progress southward never ceased to be active. Thus in 1891 she began that gigantic undertaking, the Trans- Siberian Railway, and immediately on the conclusion of the Chino- Japanese war she wrested from China, by succes- sive machinations, concessions and subordinate privileges in connexion with the so-called Eastern Chinese Railway, which spread itself not only across the whole width of Manchuria to Vladivostock, but likewise through its entire length from Harbin to Port Arthur and Dalny. By degrees the Russian interest was made to predominate, and to all intents and purposes the railways in Manchuria were to become part and parcel of Russia's own railway system, administered by her officials. Korea, which had for centuries virtually acknowledged the suzerainty of Japan as well as of China, by periodically despatching a tribute-bearing mission to the Japanese capital in the same way that she had sent envoys from Seoul to Peking, began to omit this courtesy, and mistrust- ing the effects of the radical changes introduced into Japan under the new regime, chose to exhibit in other ways an indifference to the preservation of good relations with the 14 JAPAN AND RUSSIA Japanese Empire. The successive Envoys whom Japan sent to Korea were arrogantly treated, and finally, in 1875, a Japanese surveying vessel, the Unyokan, was fired upon. Japan demanded explanations, and eventually a treaty was signed between Japan and Korea in 1876, in which Korea was placed on the footing of an independent State, and certain of her ports were opened to Japanese commerce. Owing to the continued interference, however, of the Chinese in Korean politics, and conflicts having occurred between the soldiers guarding the Japanese Legation and the Koreans, China was remonstrated with, and finally a treaty was negotiated at Tientsin in 1884, whereby a pacific settle- ment was brought about for the time being. In effect, it was China's breaches of this treaty that led to the subse- quent Sino- Japanese war. China's unwillingness to re- linquish the hold upon the peninsular kingdom which she claimed to enjoy by virtue of suzerainty, and her antagonism to Japan's growing influence at Seoul, exerted solely in the interests of beneficial reform, culminated in her taking those hostile measures that brought about the war of 1894- 1895. In the negotiations for peace which were entered upon at Shimonoseki in the summer of 1895, China ceded the Liao- tung peninsula to Japan. But Russia had long before fixed her gaze upon the fortress of Port Arthur, and with the view of preventing its transfer, together with the terri- tory named, to Japan, she thought fit to address to the Government of Tokio the following remonstrance, with the consent and approval of France and Germany : — The Government of his Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias in examining the conditions of peace which Japan has imposed on China, finds that the possession of the peninsula of Liao-tung, claimed by Japan, would be a constant menace to the capital of China, would at the same time render illusory the independence of Korea, and would henceforth be a perpetual obstacle to the permanent peace of the Far East. Consequently, the Government of his Majesty the Emperor would give a new proof of their sincere friendship for the Government of his Majesty the Emperor of Japan by advising them to renounce the definitive possession of the peninsula of Liao-tung. Japan, as is well-known, was obliged to yield to the pressure thus exerted by the three Western Powers, and 15 THE RISEN SUN when, in 1897, Germany obtained from China a lease of Kiao-Chau in Shantung, Russia seized the moment to demand from the Peking Government the virtual cession of Port Arthur and Tahen Wan, thereby setting at nought all those objections to the occupancy of this part of the Chinese Empire by another Power to which she had attached such immense weight only a few years previously. Russia's next move was to obtain from the Koreans a lease of Masampho, in Korea, an important harbour directly facing Tsushima, Japan's westernmost outpost. To this the oppo- sition of Japan and Great Britain was successful. Korea merely granted facilities for the establishment of a Russian coaling depot. The Boxers' outbreak in China led to the almost universal expression of a desire that Japan should send troops to the rescue of the members of Foreign Legations in Peking, and Japan, ever mindful of the principles of humanity, and anxious to prove her entire sympathy with the sufferers by the Boxers' depredations, at once expressed her readiness to despatch an adequate army. The Peking Relief Expedi- tion was promptly organized, and the forces of Japan took their places in line with those of Occidental nations in a supreme effort to avert the peril which overshadowed all the subjects of foreign Powers then dwelling in the Chinese capital. In this expedition the Japanese troops greatly outnumbered those of any other country. Russia sent 4,000 men to Chihli to take part in the march to Peking, but she at the same time sent large bodies of troops into Manchuria on the pretext that there too a general rising was imminent, and threatened the existence of the railway, then in course of construction and nearing completion. Ostensibly the Russians continued to find employment for their troops in Manchuria in the suppression of brigandage, but meanwhile they demanded and received their share of the indemnity paid by China not upon the basis of the contingent which had been sent to join the Peking Relief Force, but upon that of the entire number of men which it was alleged it had been found needful to send into Manchuria as well. The numerical strength was, however, greatly exaggerated, for Russia's share in the indemnity was actually calculated upon the footing of her having provided 170,000 troops, whereas in reality the sum total could not at the very utmost 16 • JAPAN AND RUSSIA have exceeded 50,000. Even at that time Russia's behaviour in Manchuria had been such as to arouse suspicion, and had become matter for general comment. It is sufficient here to point out that Russia was more than amply repaid by China for such assistance as she could claim to have rendered. A passing reference must be made to the Anglo-German Agreement of October, 1900. It was expressly laid down in that document that should any other Power seek to make use of the complications in China to extort advantages calculated to impair the undiminished territorial condition of the Chinese Empire, Germany and Britain would reserve it to themselves to come to an understanding as to the steps to be taken to protect their own interests in China. To this agreement all the Powers adhered in respect of its principles, and Japan actually accepted the position of a signatory. Thus there was a substantial basis for action in the event of China's territorial integrity being assailed ; but, strangely enough, when the Manchurian question reached an acute stage, Germany alone (besides Russia, of course) somewhat abruptly showed a reluctance to admit its application to Manchuria, yet at the same time continued to give a general adhesion to the policy of the other Great Powers in regard to the Chinese Empire. Japan and Great Britain found in this policy a basis, later on, as we shall see, for a formal declaration of alliance in respect of Chinese and Korean affairs. 