Cash book of Timothy Prout
Prout, Timothy, -1768 | Prout, Joseph | C.F. Libbie & Co., former owner
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A —% - 7- - — - -£%£/« - J— ^ AtATh ac j a, A /■ r & -y i/ic c/y A* t > ^ hy.p- enuj A ^ <-/ 19~* (j/rrrL- v L Mcdtk \ (PiSAih 9 t^riA / ce t T C i_V -  Arr Ct ffcry/ c^ /4? A?cl/ c/t/fyAC- ~ ~ ~ ^ UPi~cry AxxP y £^f~' 2? iCd/wooL a) /2/. For the Living Age. For the Living Age. For the Seven Days of the Year. In the seventeenth century, the tract of country, called then by the French Acadia, by the English Nova Scotia, was a debatable land. By right of discovery, it belonged, beyond doubt, to the English; but the French made the earliest and most successful settlements on the coast. Without any very deep-seated faith or fixed principles of action, the French people easily accommodate themselves to different modes of life; and their religious worship, the Catholic, which, in its devotion to outward forms and symbols, had become a kind of idolatry, found ready acceptance with the rude aborigines of North America. Little images of the Saviour, the Virgin Mary, the saints — these, and the simple cross, were of better workmanship, and altogether prettier than the rest. The rude things of the same kind with which the savages had long been familiar; and had moreover the same kind of virtues. Roman Catholic priests, especially Jesuits, went among the Indians, abode with them, and, inculcating few if any self-denying virtues, asked only that the new idols should replace the old ones; or, indeed, only that the new should be placed beside the old. And so the French, as we said, made successful settlements along the coast, had little trouble with the natives, carried on a profitable trade with them, and found them ready allies in struggles with the English; but always, in every war between the two nations, English ships pounced on these settlements, captured the forts, and got possession of the country, or of parts of it. At each treaty of peace, however, in 1632, in 1667, and in 1696, the English ceded this Acadia or Nova Scotia to France again; until, finally, in 1713, at the treaty of Utrecht, France, in her turn, conveyed it to Great Britain. In these conveyances, and in grants made by the two governments to different individuals, no very definite boundaries or limits were set forth; and often the grant of lands to one adventurer lapped over, or were inclusive of, those granted to another. About the year 1630, there was a French settlement as far west as the Kennebec river; and thence, easterly, Grants of land by France to differ ent individuals, at different times, covered a part of Maine, and the whole of the present provinces of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. So confused and intricate had this business become, that at last certain commissioners were appointed to investigate, and report on the matter: the result of their labors now stands printed in a large volume, entitled “Memorials of the English and French Commissaries concerning the Limits of Nova Scotia or Acadia. London, 1755;” and furnishes some authentic materials for our historiette. Of all these grants we need mention in this chapter only two: namely, the one made to Sir William Alexander (afterward Earl of Sterling) by James the First, in 1621, confirmed by Charles the First in 1625; in which grant he was empowered to institute an order of Knights, under the title of Baronets of Nova Scotia; and that one by the French government to the Company of New France, in 1627. This company, founded by Cardinal Richelieu, had great powers and privileges; and on its part agreed to colonize the new country rapidly, and on a large scale; to establish and maintain the Roman Catholic religion there, and to exclude Huguenots and all foreigners. The two parties, proceeding to take possession of the country under these grants, soon came in collision. In the year 1627-8, an English fleet, under command of Sir David Kirk, (or Kertch,) fitted out by himself, in conjunction with Sir William Alexander, arrived at the mouth of the St. Lawrence river. In Canada, and captured there eighteen French transport ships, commanded by “M de Lockeian and M de la Tour.” These ships, Sir David made prize of; but failing this time in his attempt on Quebec, he returned to England, carrying thither “M de la Tour” — Claude de la Tour — father of that other La Tour whose quarrels and troubles there in Acadia vexed and perplexed the fathers of New England. CHAPTER II. - THE RIVAL CHIEFS. Two Frenchmen, having each some title to this indefinite Acadian country, or to parts of it, struggled long for the mastery there with alternating success. One of them, Charles de Menou, Chevalier, Sieur-D'Aulney Charnizay, appeared in Acadia about the year 1632. He had a fort at Pentagoet, (Penobscot,) and another at Port Royal (Annapolis.) The other, Sir Charles St. Etienne, Sieur de la Tour, of France, Baronet of Nova Scotia, as his French and English titles seem to run, had his stronghold and most abiding place at the mouth of the river St. John, opposite Port Royal — the Bay of Fundy flowing between. A shuffling, intriguing, faithless kind of man this; Protestant with the English, Catholic with the French, careless what master he served in heaven or in earth, provided he could maintain himself there in Acadia, and trade with the natives. Without a courageous heart, or high purpose of any kind, he was in himself no match for His rival, D’Aulney; but La Tour had a wife — Frances Mary Jaquelins is the name of her — who, under all the disadvantages of petticoats for the kind of work she had to do, was worth a dozen common men. Of this La Tour no biographical Dictionary gives any note; and the historical fog through which we first discern him, is as dense as any natural one that ever shrouded the coasts of his own Acadia. His father, Claude de la Tour, said that he was himself in Acadia as early as 1609 — or some one said it of him; but his first distinct appearance in history occurs eighteen years later, when, as I said, he was taken prisoner by Sir David Kirk in the river St. Lawrence. This Claude de la Tour, carried to England, was there busy enough; promising, intriguing, in all ways serving himself. Monsieur Denys says that Claude married in England one of the queen’s maids of honor; it may be so or not; but it is quite certain that he got into favor there with Sir William Alexander. When Sir David Kirk sailed again, in 1629, with ships, to make another attempt on Quebec, La Tour went with him, promising to place the whole Acadian country in the hands of the English. And now, straining our eyes and looking through the fog in the direction pointed out by Monsieur Denys, we see, or seem to see, at Cape Sable, Charles St. Etienne de la Tour himself, seated in his fort there, and his father and his mother-in-law, who was once a maid of honor, living very quietly in a little lodge outside the fort and at some distance from it, with four household servants, “deux hommes et deux filles-de-chambre.” Monsieur Denys, who gives us this glimpse through the fog, tells also a little story; that La Tour senior and his wife came, some years ago, with two English ships, for the purpose of fulfilling that promise made to Sir William Alexander; that he had at first a peaceful interview with his son; showed him certain papers, commissions, in the name of the King of England, with the “Order of the Garter;” entreated him to submit to the said king; promised that he should be continued in Command; and, in short, used “all the fine words in the world.” These failing of effect, La Tour senior returned on board ship. Then English sailors and soldiers landed, to try what they could do with another kind of argument; there was sharp-shooting on both sides, but the English got the worst of it, and withdrew to their ships foiled. And now La Tour senior and his wife, ashamed and afraid to return to England, asked of the son permission to remain with him. This boon the son granted, on condition that they should never enter his fort. The English ships departed, and La Tour junior built a little lodge outside his fort, and supported there his father and his mother-in-law, who was once a maid of honor. These La Tour Monsieur Denys saw at Cape Sable, when “he passed that way about the year 1635, and they told him this story. In such dim light La Tour senior appears, and now altogether disappears and is buried, he and His wife, in the fog of Cape Sable. This little story one can hope is true, for it is more honorable to our La Tour than any other that we have to tell of him. True in part it certainly is, for papers, commissions, somewhat like those above mentioned, did then exist. Sir William Alexander, by letters patent dated Nov. 30, 1629, did grant to Claude de la Tour certain lands in Nova Scotia; and soon after, to wit, on the 12th of the next May, he did the same thing for the son, Charles St. Etienne de la Tour. By these letters patent, Sir William did also make these La Tours knights baronet of Nova Scotia; the same being, as he said, in consideration of their “great merit, and of services rendered to the English crown.” La Tour, who, as the above story runs, defended his fort so bravely at Cape Sable, was then, It appears, acting under a French commission, dated in 1627, and had a grant of land at St. John's river and elsewhere — he or his father; for, in the confused accounts of these adventurers, it is often difficult to say which is which. We, however, leaving the father in the fog at Cape Sable, will stick close to the son, who grows more and more authentic as we proceed, till at last we can put our hand on him and say, this is he. Charles St. Etienne, whom we saw there at Cape Sable, seems to have extended his possessions in Acadia undisturbed for some years. Le Comandeur de Razillai, who appeared, in 1632 or 3, with a commission from the Company of New France, as commander in chief of the country which had just been ceded by Charles I., did not disturb the French settlers whom he found there, but was, as Monsieur Denys says, a good and just man. La Tour went to France in 1634—5, (or his wife did,) and told a story of his doings in Acadia. The Company of New France then, “having knowledge of the zeal of said La Tour for the Catholic religion,” made to him a certain “concession,” extensive grants of land at Cape Sable, Le Havre, Port Royal, and Minas; and he lived there in peace, driving a profitable trade with the natives, having his headquarters and stronghold at St. John’s. At this time La Tour, strong in arms and authority, attacked, captured, and plundered an English trading house at Machias; and to Mr. Allerton, of Plymouth, who came to claim the prisoners and goods, he said, “I have taken them as lawful prize; my authority is from the King of France, who claims the coast from Cape Sable to Cape Cod.” Asked to show his commission, this Frenchman replied: “My sword is commission sufficient where I have strength to overcome; where that fails I will show my commission.” High words these, of which Monsieur may repent by and by. Of La Tour’s rival, Charles de Metiou, Chevalier, Sieur D’Aulney Charrizi, there is little to be said. He appears first in Acadia with Le Commandeur de Razillai, and probably came out from France with him as lieutenant, in the year 1632. After the death of Razillai, about the year 1636, D’Aulney claimed to be his successor in command, and seems to have been recognized as such by the government in France. Monsieur Denys, who has his own grievances to complain of, does not say anything good of D’Aulney; but we must bear in mind, that, in the grant made to the Company of New France, all prior grants were recalled and cancelled; and also that one condition of this grant was, that Huguenots and foreign Protestants should be excluded from the country, D’Aulney then, the successor of Razillai, acting under the said company, and being himself a zealous Catholic, had perhaps good grounds for his do. In Acadia, or at least some excuse for them. Be that as it may, he, a bold aspiring man, built him a fort at Penobscot and carried matters with a high hand in Acadia, or attempted to do so. At once the quarrel between him and La Tour began; on what ground does not appear. The truth may be that these men, having fishing stations along the coast, and trading with the natives for furs, hindered each other's gain, and came many ways in collision. Accounts of their dissensions reaching France, royal letter was sent to D’Aulney, dated February, 1638, restricting the boundaries of his government, and marking out lines between himself and La Tour; but with little effect, for the quarrel continued, and grew more and more bitter. In these years, probably soon after the death of Razillai, D’Aulney got possession of Port Royal, and held it so long as he lived. And now both parties sought aid in France; personally or by agents making accusations against each other. D’Aulney, a decided Catholic, found most favor there, and accused La Tour of disloyalty, of harboring Huguenots and foreign Protestants; with some reason; for, indeed, it does appear that La Tour had all along some connection with these Huguenots, many of whom, after the siege and fall of Rochelle, were abroad; but always he kept Roman Catholic priests there at St. Johns, and, so far as he was anything, was himself a Catholic. In these his days of trouble, La Tour cast a wistful eye toward the English settlement at Massachusetts, and, turning up the Protestant side of him, sent messengers to Boston seeking aid. In Winthrop’s journal are the following entries: “1641, mo. 9. 8, (Nov. 8th.) Monsieur Rochett, a Rocheller, and a Protestant, came from Monsieur La Tour, planted on St. John’s.” The river, up the great bay on this side Cape Sable. He brought no letters with him, but only letters from Mr. Shurt, of Penobscot, where he left his men and boat. He propounded to us; 1. Liberty of free commerce. This was granted. 2. Assistance against D’Aulney, of Penobscot, whom he had war with. 3. That he might make return of goods out of England by our merchants. In these two we excused any treaty with him, as having no letters or commission from La Tour. He was courteously entertained here, and, after a few days, departed. 