Christianity and politics
Cunningham, W. (William), 1849-1919
'S ""PI or ^ mntti /A//m^^^W^riir\-^ l^fW^\ -,-.-;o 1 ;<\ OU ti-l/m^^ - " i isvi "^ I 1 li. // fc;:;; ^" - -v^)tr^?\ r" I I oYjmi^. w^^^jIpIi ^^^^^ ^^^£2^12?^ THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2008 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/christianitypoliOOcunn CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICS CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICS BY WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM, D.D., F.B.A. AKCHDEACON OF ELY BOSTON AND NEW YORK HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY (Cftc RitoerjSitie prcjSjf Cambtili0e 1915 COPYRIGHT, 1915, BY WILLIAM CUNNINGHAM ALL RIGHTS RESERVED Published November jqis lit. T7CS PREFACE The bearing of Christian teaching on the life of the community is a matter of great interest from many points of view. In lectures at the London School of Economics in 1913 I endeav- oured to deal with the relations of Christianity and Economic Science, reserving for the time the practical questions as to political duty: this was the subject of the course of Lowell Lectures which I had the honour of delivering in the autumn of 1914. There has been the greatest difference of opinion between different bodies of Christians as to the mode of bringing Christianity to bear on po- litical life, and the differences are so fundamental that it is worth while to examine them in turn, and see how far each opinion has justified itself as a matter of practical experience. The more we are aware of the danger of giving exaggerated importance to any half truth, the better prospect there will be of finding common ground, on which all can work together without any sacrifice of principle. The Lowell Lectures, as originally written, were chiefly concerned with the internal government of a community; but the war has given importance to all questions of international 883300 PREFACE I relations; and in revising the lectures for publica- tion I have endeavoured to take account of national life in all its aspects. The appendix, on the Attitude of the Church towards War, is part of a memorandum written at the request of a Committee of the Lower House of Convocation of the Province of Canterbury, which had been appointed to consider the subject of the Church and War. W. C. Teinity College, Cambridge, 30 July, 1915. CONTENTS Introduction 1 War as an Anachronism. Appeal to Christianity. Disappointed Expectations. Maxims for Society. Personal Sense of Duty. I. Christendom and the Reformation . . 8 s. I. The Papacy. Spiritual and Civil Authority. The Secularising of Papal Power. The Counter-Reformation. n. External Spiritual Authority. Bishop Ketteler and Social Questions. Papal Claims. Diminishing Influence. Failure to give Definite Guidance. in. The Aloofness op Anglo-Saxon Peo- ples. Papal Enunciation of Truisms. Suspicion of Clerical Interference. Loss to Christian Studies. II. Church and State in England ... SO I. National Lite. The Church as National. The Appeal to the Bible. Loyalty to the Crown. Sense of Mission. The Gentry and the Council. vii CONTENTS II. The Administration of a Christian Realm. Ecclesiastical and Civil Authorities. The Relief of the Poor. The Enforcement of Fish Diet. Objection to Usury. Attacks on the Stuart Administration. III. The Right to Coerce. Coercing People for the Common Good. A Common Order in Worship. Economic Progress. The Art of Leadership. III. Presbyterianism and the Supremacy of Scripture 63 I. The Scriptural Model for a Polity. Reaction from the Synagogue of Satan. A Godly Nation. The Magistrates and Force. Freedom for Capital. The Spiritual Independence of Ministers. n. Presbyterian Theocracy. A Christian Community. Education and Poor-Relief. Industrial Requirements and Prudential Virtues. Capital and the New Slavery. HI. The Danger of Misusing Scripture. The Bible and Principles for a Polity. Economic Laws. Society and Individuals. IV. Independents and the Supremacy of Conscience 92 I. Personal Conviction and Gathered Churches. Gathered Churches. The Duties of the Community. Attack upon the Parochial System. viii CONTENTS n. Administrative Duties and the Society OF Friends. Official Duty. Civil Rights. Public Responsibilities. in. Christian Associations. Withdrawal to the New World. External Relations and Internal Regulation. The Two Spheres. rV. Unassimilated Elements in English So- ciety. The Clarendon Code. The Assertion of Personal Rights. The Elimination of Religion from Politics. V. The Grounds op Civil Obedience. The Duty of Civil Obedience. Refraining from Active Obedience. The Appeal to Force. Duty to the Conununity and to God. V. Religion and Public Spirit . . . .127 I. Self-Discipline and Growth. Personal Religious Life. Services and Societies. John Wesley and Methodism. II. The Duties of the Community. Pulpit Exhortations. National Mission and National Duty. Self-interest and Public Spirit. Trading Companies, and Planters. Duty to the Poor and to Dependents. Hospitals and the Humane Society. The Anti-Slavery Movement. in. The Prosperity of the Community. Improving Landlords and Enterprising Capi- talists. Individual Loss and the Progress of the Com- mimity ix CONTENTS VI. HUMANITARIANISM AND COERCION . . 167 I. The Abandonment of Laissez-faire. Adam Smith. State Support of Philanthropic Efforts. Public Health. The Corn Laws. n. Coercion and Duties of Other People. Public Opinion. Public Benefits and Ideal Justice. in. Reuance on State Interference. Desire for Political Power. Decline of Personal Responsibihty. Coercion of Other Nations. Humanitarianism and War. rV. Political Christianity. The Church as the Handmaid of Politicians. Fanaticism. The Special Work of Christianity. VII. Class Interests and National Inter- ests 200 I. Substitutes for the Sense of Duty. Co-operative Societies, and Copartnership. Friendly Societies and Trade Unions. n. Inadequacy of Class Interests. Beneficial Effects. Possibilities of Conflict. III. National Interests. The Evils of War. The Insecurity of Peace. Sordid Polities. VIII. Christian Duty in a Democracy . . 219 I. Modern Perplexities. Indifference to Religion. Social Unrest. Spiritual Influence. Personal Responsibility to God. CONTENTS II. Duties as a Citizen. Party Government. Disparaging Politics. Motive Force for doing Duties to the Commu- nity. Duty as to Investments. in. Duties of Private Life. The Employer of Labour. Public Companies. IV. Christian Organisation. Personal Sense of Duty. Intellectual Error. Inspiring Examples. Local Organisation. Appendix 247 The Attitude of the Church towards War. I. The Acceptance of War as Inevitable IN an Evil World. The Sub-Apostolic Age. Christians and Military Discipline. St. Augustine and Just Wars. n. The Christian Polity and the Conse- cration OF War. The Extension of Christendom by Force. The Military Orders. Private War and the Peace of God. Wars of Religion. The Protest of Anabaptists and Friends. Sanctified Common Sense. Index . " 265 CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICS INTRODUCTION The European War has caused an extraordi- nary strain on the resources of the nations en- gaged in it. Each combatant is trying to put out its full strength and to organise the energies of labour and the wealth of capitalists with a view to military operations; each is striving to the utmost to obtain success. Such a trial of strength must have far-reaching results; war is an ordeal which not only strains material resources, but tests the habits of thought and accepted axioms of political life. Till July of last year there was a general be- lief in England and America that war had become an anachronism; that, though it might survive among half-civilised and decadent peoples, it could no longer occur amongst the most highly developed nations. It seemed impossible that there should be such an outrage on civilisation. On the one side, humanitarian sentiment was likely to prevent an outbreak of war, with all the misery it entails ; on the other, the interests of the nations of the world were so interdependent that it seemed unlikely that any could gain by means of war. But events have proved that the hopes 1 CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICS which were so generally entertained were base- less; a nation, distinguished for scientific culture and for effective organisation, has forced on a war, and horrors which were looked upon as a thing of the past have been let loose on a larger scale than ever before. Pacificism, which professed to be the last result of scientific sociology, has been dis- credited as impracticable in Europe, since events have proved the ineffectiveness of humanitarian sentiment and prudential calculation, to prevent an appeal to arms. During the last year there has also been fresh recognition of religion as a force in political life; for a century and more there had been a tendency to wave it aside and discard it as no longer a matter of public concern. The persistence of the philanthropists was not indeed wholly forgotten, and Christianity was expected to interfere with the internal affairs of the nation, and to rouse the national conscience on such questions as the sweating of labour and the improvement of hous- ing. Apart, however, from social reform, religion seemed to many men to be a matter of private concern, and no one regarded it as entering di- rectly into the field of international politics. With the stress and anxiety of war all this is changed, and Christianity has taken its rightful INTRODUCTION place. The depth and fervour of religion in Russia has been a revelation to the Western world. The Kaiser has appealed to the faith of his people that God will give victory to the Germans, and render Teutonic ideas triumphant throughout the world; while English statesmen call on the Church to use her influence and support them in a sacred cause. The present war has forced men to realise, as they were ceasing to do, that Christianity has an im- portant part to play in shaping the destinies and maintaining the influence of a nation. Christianity, when thus appealed to, speaks with an uncertain sound ; different ideals are cher- ished and different opinions are put forth as to the attitude which is right for the Christian man in regard to war. Religion may be the strongest in- centive to courage in battle, as it was in Old Tes- tament times, and in the tide of conquest by which Mohammedanism was spread in the East and West. Their religion was the inspiration for the struggle of the Huguenots in France, and the Ironsides in England; but it seems to have in- creased the bitterness of parties and to have added fuel to the flames of political passion. Their common Christianity did not prevent the out- break of war between European nations; yet this is inconsistent with the conception of Christianity as first preached and as now accepted. 3 CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICS Many who feel little need of a religion in their own lives approve of the ideal of society which Christianity sets forth. It promises the advent of a Prince of Peace, and holds out the hope of a time when war shall be no more. Those who are enamoured of this prospect for the world at large are disappointed that the expectations which Christianity has raised have not been fulfilled. Its failure to maintain peace at the present time seems to them to discredit religion as unpractical, and its teaching as unfitted for the present world. But this raises the question whether the failure is due to Christianity itself, or to mistaken methods of pursuing the Christian aim. An inquiry as to the method by which Christianity is likely to work most effectively, as a power for regenerating human society, is not only interesting but fruitful. Forgotten controversies come to have a new meaning, when it is remembered that the men who took part in them were making different ex- periments as to the method of realising the Chris- tian aim in this world. In the seventeenth century and subsequently one experiment was tried after another; and various bodies attempted to found a Christian polity that should be in complete ac- cordance with the will of God. We can examine these polities in turn, and see how far the basis on which each rested was really sound. Some relied 4 INTRODUCTION on the positive guidance of a living authority; * some treated the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament as an ultimate standard;^ while others insisted that the individual conscience must be supreme.^ We can note how the structures, which were built on one or other of these foundations, have been arraigned at the bar of history, and how defects or exaggerations have been exposed. This enquiry is not idle, if we are prepared to learn by the experience of the past. Beacons, which warn us what to avoid, may give us important guidance as to the course we ought to pursue. Christianity still maintains a claim to mould personal life and national life; but religion would do well to abandon the pretension to lay down principles in a form in which they are directly applicable to the circumstances of any commu- nity, at the precise stage of development which it has reached. In the modern world there is prog- ress and growth; and no maxims can be formu- lated which apply to every age alike. The laws of Political Economy are ultimately based on experi- ence, and hold good for long periods; there is need to take them into full account, but none of them is to be treated as valid for all time. One sys- tem of Political Economy after another has been superseded, and none has attained finality. Our 1 Chapter I. « Chapter III. » Chapter IV. 5 CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICS religion fails to live up to its true character if it attempts to enunciate maxims which give direct guidance to political communities. For "Chris- "tianity is the Eternal Religion which can never "become obsolete. If it sets itself to determine "the temporary and the local, the justice of this "tax, or the exact wrongs of that conventional "maxim it would soon become obsolete, — it "would be the religion of one century, not of all."^ It is to the personal heart and conscience that the teaching of Christ makes its primary appeal; the Christian man is taught to aim at so passing through things temporal that he shall not lose the things eternal. The problems of modern life are complex, and the misery of human beings in the most ad- vanced communities is appalling. It is therefore right that we should try to learn from past experi- ence. Christian effort is wasted when it is frit- tered away in every direction, instead of being concentrated on the field in which it can work most effectively. Christianity has a unique power for dealing with the heart and conscience of the individual man, and it will do well to exercise this power to the full, as the best means of bringing its influence to bear, indirectly but not the less really, * F. W. Robertson, Sermons (2d Series), ii, 7. 6 INTRODUCTION on Society as a whole. There is hope that the part which rehgion has to play in poHtical life may be more effective than ever, if Christian men can learn from their own past failures, and not only awaken to a keener sense of personal duty, but also keep an open mind to the actual conditions in which they live. Humanitarian sentiment is a power for good, though it cannot create a new earth. ^ Class Interest and National Interest are notable forces, though they are mischievous if they are allowed to operate blindly.^ No exclusive Christian principle of action in social affairs is to be advocated as a substitute for the play of hu- man activities. Divine power can so master them as to give each its place, and bring them all to co- operate for the common weal. If the good and the evil elements in the social forces of the day are recognised, Christians need no longer treat them as antagonists, but welcome them as possible allies. "He that is not against us is on our part." 1 Chapter VI. 2 Chapter VII. I CHRISTENDOM AND THE REFORMATION I. THE PAPACY Throughout the whole of Western Christen- dom there had been a general agreement, during the Middle Ages, that the Papacy was the chan- nel by which the Divine Will for all conditions of human life was authoritatively made known ; and also that it was the organ by which Christian duty could be enforced, either by the spiritual censures or through the co-operation of Christian princes. Generations of men grew up in a society which was permeated by these views and accepted them without serious question. Hildebrand succeeded in maintaining the supremacy of the spiritual power, while its independence of secular authori- ties appears to be guaranteed by the possession of the States of the Church; and this view has never been abandoned. It is still claimed that the tem- poral power "was conferred many centuries ago "by Divine Providence on the Bishop of Rome "that he might without let or hindrance use the "authority conferred by Christ for the eternal 8 CHRISTENDOM AND THE REFORMATION "welfare of the Nations." ^ However imperfectly this might be realised in actual life, there was at least a general recognition of one harmonious system throughout Christendom so long as one common authority on moral and social duty was generally accepted. "This Apostolic Chair it *'was that gathered and held together the crum- "bling remains of the old order of things; this was "the kindly light by whose help the culture of "Christian times shone far and wide; this was an "anchor of safety in the fierce storms by which "the human race has been convulsed; this was **the sacred bond of union that linked together "nations distant in region and differing in char- "acter; in short, this was a common centre from "which was sought instruction in faith and re- "ligion, no less than guidance and advice for the "maintenance of peace and the functions of "practical life." ^ Hence it is maintained that the improvements in social life, during the Middle Ages, were accom- plished by the influence exercised on secular au- thority by the central spiritual power. "The "Almighty therefore has appointed the charge of "the human race between two powers, the Ecclesi- 1 Pope Leo XIII, The Pope and the People. Select Letters and Addresses on Social Questions, 17. 2 Ibid.. 19. 9 CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICS "astical and the Civil; the one being set over Di- "vine, and the other over human things. Each in "its kind is supreme, each has fixed limits within "which it is contained, limits which are defined by "the nature and special object of the province of "each; * . . . one of the two has for its proximate " and chief object the well being of this mortal life; "the other the everlasting joys of heaven. What- "ever, therefore, in things human is of a sacred "character, whatever belongs either of its own na- "ture or by reason of the end to which it is re- "f erred, to the salvation of souls, or to the worship "of God, is subject to the power of the judgment "of the Church. Whatever is to be ranged under "the civil and political order is rightly subject to " the Civil authority." ^ But as there is no equiva- lence between these two aspects of human life, there can be no hard and fast line drawn between the two powers, "Just as the end at which the "Church aims is by far the noblest of ends, so is its "authority the most exalted of all authority, nor "can it be looked upon as inferior to the Civil "power, or in any manner dependent upon it." ^ "God has willed that one should be the head of "all, and the chief and unerring teacher of truth." * 1 Pope Leo XIII, The Pope and the People, 79. 2 IhuL, 80. 8 Ibid., 77. * IMd., 77. 10 CHRISTENDOM AND THE REFORMATION This was the conviction which governed society during the Middle Ages; and it is easy to show that, so long as it held sway, the national jeal- ousies and the social diflSculties, which have arisen in the modern era, were less chaotic, since there was a spiritual authority, to which appeal might be made, and which had a recognised posi- tion for dealing with them. During the later Middle Ages there had been a widespread complaint that the Church was be- coming secularised. The temporal power was not merely a guarantee for spiritual independence but a basis for frequent interference in European politics and for rivalry in magnificence with other courts. The life of St. Francis and the foundation of his Order is a monument of disapproval of the secu- lar elements in ecclesiastical institutions, even among those who fully acknowledged the author- ity of the Pope; and this alienation was strength- ened in many quarters by the Renaissance and the progress of humanism. The secular aspect of the Papacy became more pronounced than before, and the critics were furnished with new weapons to attack the old order. All this paved the way for the rejection of the claims of the Papacy to exercise authority 11 CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICS over civil powers. The severance of Christen- dom, and the revolt of the Lutherans and the English from Rome, were far less due to the theological questions about the Sacraments, which came into the forefront in the contro- versies of the day, than to the fact that the claim of a secularised Church to exercise spiritual au- thority over the civil power no longer found the acceptance which had been generally accorded to it for centuries. It is clear that in various parts of England, at all events, strong antagonism was felt to the disuse of the old ritual and to the changes introduced by Henry VIII. Indeed it is commonly admitted that the English Reforma- tion was political, rather than religious, but it is a mistake to ascribe it to a personal whim which was carried through in a high-handed fashion by Henry VIII. The King was only able to give effect to his views, because the traditional respect for the spiritual authority of a secularised Papacy had been already undermined. There was one particular exercise of the Papal authority, as an international arbiter, which gave rise to widespread resentment among people in England, especially English mariners; they had been keenly interested in the voyages which led to the discovery of the New World ; and they bitterly resented the decision of the Papacy, which 12 CHRISTENDOM AND THE REFORMATION handed over these new lands either to Spain or to Portugal, and left no scope for the northern peoples to have a share in this great develop- ment. The English pioneers in trade and colonization were not to be held back by a decision of this sort. They refused to admit the authority of the Poten- tate who had pronounced it; and, as time went on, popular feeling became more and more bitter; not only were the English prohibited from direct ac- cess to the new lands, but trade with Spanish and Portuguese dominions was hampered by increas- ing diflSculties. The Inquisition looked askance at English merchants who temporarily settled in Spanish ports or at the Canaries.^ The story of cruelties which were undertaken in the name of religion, and which were exemplified in England during the reign of Queen Mary, had a great effect in awakening a widespread repugnance. A wave of horror spread over England at the massacre on St. Bartholomew's Day. Many men who did not aspire to form their own opinions on theological questions had difficulty in believing that an au- thority which could only be maintained by such measures was really and truly Christian, and the respect for the Papacy as a spiritual authority was dissipated. * Royal Hist. Soc, Trans, in, (Series in,), 257. 13 CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICS The disorders which arose in connection with the Reformation movement were so various and so embittered that there seemed to be good ground for beHeving that the restoration of the authority of the Pope was a necessary prehminary to any reconstruction of social and pohtical Ufe. This view was enthusiastically maintained by Ignatius Loyola and the Jesuits, who became the devout adherents of the Papal See : under their leadership the Counter-Reformation had no little success in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. It seemed for a time that if the Traditional Eccle- siastical authority were exercised on modern lines it might be completely reinstated in Western Christendom. The Jesuits have been the object of frequent suspicion as a political danger, but they have kept their ground and continue to be the backbone of Ultramontanism; and the principles they promulgated in regard to political and social life have greatly influenced the position which is taken by Roman Catholics in the present day. Devout Roman Catholics appear to hold that Christianity can only be brought to bear on social and political life through the agency of a Divinely appointed spiritual authority, and that the recog- nition of this authority is a necessary preliminary to any efforts for the amelioration of society which can hope to be fruitful and lasting. In democratic 14 CHRISTENDOM AND THE REFORIVIATION countries Roman Catholics are reactionary politi- cally, even when they have been specially active in advocating particular social reforms. II. EXTERNAL SPIRITUAL AUTHORITY A very remarkable work for dealing from a Christian standpoint with all the acknowledged social evils of the day — the miseries of the poor, the responsibilities of the rich, the greed and ruth- lessness of capital, and the disintegration of soci- ety — was initiated by Bishop Ketteler of Mainz. He made a striking pronouncement at a Catholic Congress, in 1848, as to the importance of the task of bringing religion to bear upon social con- ditions,^ and eventually he had an extraordinary success in organising a body of earnest Christians who devoted themselves to social reform. The history of the German Catholic Congress shows how rapidly this work has developed. It has brought devout Christians into close contact with the aspirations and efforts of the democracy for material improvement. ^ It has done much to smooth away the influence of class prejudices, and it has brought various societies for the promotion of human welfare into closer and conscious co- operation.^ It has also exercised a considerable 1 Plater, Catholic Social Work in Germany, 8. 2 Dawson, Evolution oj Modem Germany, 112. " Plater, op. dt., 99. 15 CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICS political influence through the Centre Party in Parliament, and the activity of its newspaper press. The principles and the methods on which Ketteler acted have received the sanction of Papal authority, and have inspired in no small degree the remarkable series of Encyclicals which Pope Leo XIII gave to the world. But the effort to undertake and carry on this social work of reorganisation was intimately connected, in Ket- teler's own mind, with the recognition and main- tenance of Papal authority. His own determina- tion to throw his personal activities into the cause of the Church seems to have been due to his in- tense feeling at the indignities put on the Arch- bishop of Cologne, when he was imprisoned at Minden in 1837.^ Towards the close of his life, when, in May, 1873, the laws which interfered with the liberties of the Church, in teaching and preaching, were passed, Ketteler took a leading part in the fight for spiritual independence which was known as the Kultur Kampf; it was only when the State had withdrawn from a position that was proving untenable that the Christian social activi- ties which he had initiated could be effectively resumed. His attitude on this matter has also been endorsed by the Pope, who writes, "Seeing, "therefore, that all the hopes of Italy and of the * Plater, Catholic Social Work in Germany, 5. 16 CHRISTENDOM AND THE REFORMATION " whole world lie in the power so beneficent to the *' common good and profit, wherewith the author- "ity of the Apostolic See is endowed, and in the "close union which binds all the faithful of Christ "to the Roman Pontiff, We recognise that nothing "should be nearer Our heart than how to preserve "safe and sound the dignity of the Roman See, "and to strengthen ever more and more the union "of members with the Head, of the children with "their Father."! The claim, which was put forward by Leo XIII in regard to Christian action in the time of peace, is renewed by Benedict XV as essential for the effective action of the Church in the present war: "For a long time past the Church has not enjoyed "that full freedom which it needs, never since the "Sovereign Pontiff, its Head, was deprived of "that protection which by Divine Providence had "in the course of ages been set up to defend that "freedom. . . . All from far and near who profess "themselves sons of the Roman Pontiff, rightly "demand a guarantee that the common Father of "all should be, and should be seen to be, perfectly "free from all human power in the administration "of his apostolic office. And so while earnestly "desiring that peace should soon be concluded * The Pope and the People, 21. 17 CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICS "amongst the nations, it is also Our desire that "there should be an end to the abnormal position "of the Head of the Church, a position in many "ways very harmful to the very peace of nations. "We hereby renew, and for the same reasons, the "many protests Our Predecessors have made " against such a state of things, moved thereto not "by human interest, but by the sacredness of our "office, in order to defend the rights and dignity "of the Apostolic See." ^ The assertion of this claim, to maintain or rein- troduce the recognition of an external spiritual authority, has been the cause of political difficul- ties and divisions in not a few countries; and this may be noted, not with the view of coming to any decision as to the right or wrong of the claim, but simply in order to gauge whether there is any im- mediate prospect that it will become effective. If Christian Social Reform is dependent on the recognition of an outside spiritual authority, it is to be feared that this reform will be indefinitely delayed. The controversy in regard to the Kultur Kampf arose out of the desire of Prussia to assimi- late the population of recently acquired provinces on the Rhine and in Poland, so that the whole realm might become more homogeneous. The re- sult of the struggle has been to accentuate these ' Encyclical, 1 November, 1914. Tablet, 12December,1914,p. 170. 18 CHRISTENDOM AND THE REFORMATION differences, to lower the respect for civil authority, and to diminish the sentiment of loyalty.^ At the same time, it may be doubted whether the Chris- tian influence, as thus organised, in regard to so- cial matters is really increasing. There is at least some reason to believe that the Roman Catholic element in the north of Germany is becoming of less importance relatively in the life of the State, and is not growing so as to hold its own in existing circum stances . ^ In Belgium the Catholic Social Movement had been wonderfully successful in exercising a very real political influence by securing a majority in the Belgian Chambers; since 1883 a large number of valuable measures for the limiting of the hours of labour and the improvement of the conditions of work ^ have been passed. With these the cleri- cal party are in fullest sympathy, and may fairly claim credit for them, though it is not clear that they have initiated them or could have carried them through unaided. There was also much un- certainty as to the power of the clerical party to retain their position and to continue to exercise a dominating influence. Further, while this movement does not appear ^ G. Bazin, Windhorst, 250. A. L. Lowell, Governments and Par- ties, II, 12. 2 Rost, Die vnrth. und kult. Lage der deutscken Katholiker, 184. ' Max Turmann, Le dSveloppement du Catholicisme social, 96, 272. 19 CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICS to be growing in the country in which the first impulse was felt, it shows few signs of spreading; it has not been successfully initiated either in Italy or France. In France there is indeed such a division of opinion, between those who are in sympathy with socialism and those who are in sympathy with individualism, that there is little hope of such effective organisation for social pur- poses as has been created in Germany.^ During the last generation, an immense amount of labour legislation, in regard to Workmen's Compensation and Insurance, and the regulation of factories, has been passed in France, but the Roman Catholic influence in support of it has been so slight as to be almost negligible. The Encyclicals of Leo XIII are exceedingly in- teresting as showing the sympathetic attitude which had been adopted by the Pope and very many clergy of the Roman Church towards the aims of the democracy. But they are not after all very successful in giving us authoritative guid- ance in regard to the social difficulties of the day. They are indeed valuable as a statement of a care- fully formed opinion; but the very form, which they necessarily take, prevents them from meet- ing the actual requirements of the day. The dicta ^ Day, Catholic Democracy, 282. 20 CHRISTENDOM AND THE REFORMATION of an external authority must necessarily be stated in general terms, and by the laying down of broad principles. In international disputes the Papal pronouncements have been ineffec- tive because they are merely the announcement of humanitarian sentiments ^ or the statements of truisms about natural justice; they show no signs of insight and power of discrimination. There never has been a war when it was impossi- ble to put forward some grievance as a pretext for appealing to arms or to maintain that justice re- quired that a wrong should be avenged. For the Sovereign Pontiff, " as supreme interpreter of the " eternal law," to "proclaim that for no reason is it "allowable to injure justice," is a waste of words, so long as he thinks it improper to "entangle the "pontifical authority in the disputes between "belligerents." ^ Similarly, the difficulties of life 1 Benedict XV, "Letter to the Catholic World," The Tablet, September 26, 1914, p. 436. "Those who rule the affairs of peoples "We urgently implore and conjure that they now turn their minds "to forget all their own discords for the sake of the salvation of "human society; that they consider that already there is enough " misery and trouble in the life of men that it should not be rendered "for a long time more miserable and troubled; that they be satisfied "with the ruin wrought, the human blood already shed; that they "initiate councils of peace and reconcile themselves; for thus will " they truly deserve well of God and of their own peoples, and will be " benefactors of the civil society of the nations. And for Us, who at "this, the very beginning of Our Apostolic Office, see grave troubles " in the terrible disorganization of all things — let them know that " they will be doing a thing most pleasing to Us and one which from "all Our heart We desire." * The Tablet, January 30, 1915, p. 156. 21 CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICS in a progressive state of society are primarily those of applying the principles. The conditions of life, and the possibilities of individual improve- ment and of collective production, are changing from day to day and hour to hour. New forms of social organisation are being evolved ; traditional principles seem to be mere statements of truisms or of pious aspirations, and an external spiritual authority can do little in bringing these principles into effect. The Roman Church is compelled to abstain from direct political action; she cannot identify herself with any political party in the State nor with Socialism in so far as it asserts the predominant importance of materialistic aims; and as she cannot coalesce with the extreme Col- lectivism of the Socialist school, she is also de- barred from allying herself with the extreme Indi- vidualism of the opposite Liberal school.^ But party government is the most effective agent for political action in democratic communities, and of this weapon the Church, through its acceptance of an external spiritual authority, cannot make use. Even in giving advice to private individuals the scope of the action of the Roman Church is limited. There are many particular questions of right and justice on which her members are divided, and from which the Church holds aloof. ' Day, Catholic Democracy, 233. 22 CHRISTENDOM AND THE REFORIVIATION Types of these questions are — the exact fixing of the hmits of State intervention, the arrangements of just wages as between masters and servants, the determination of the relative value of different kinds of labour, and the precise apportioning of the rewards of industry to the various agents who conjointly produce it. In regard to such questions the Church has no immediate message, and she refuses to arbitrate.^ Nor has the Pope ever suc- ceeded in reconciling the conflicting claims of different principles which are urged by various parties in the present day. Much is said of the principle of justice, but it is not always easy to see in what way this principle is interpreted. In the early Middle Ages the principle of justice as an economic guide was chiefly concerned with the consumption of goods, and was interpreted as meaning that every member of a community should share according to his needs. In modern times it had been more generally interpreted with reference to production, and as implying that each member of a community should share according to his contribution to the resources of the com- munity. ^ But neither of these interpretations will serve in great modern democracies by itself and alone; from the principle that each should share ^ Day, Catholic Democracy, 234. * Cuuningham, Christianity and Economic Science, 29. 23 CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICS according to need the conclusion may be deduced that any or all have a right to live in idleness. On the other hand the principle, that each should receive in strict accordance to the contribution he makes to the resources of society, is very hard upon the helpless and inefficient. Neither state- ment can be applied generally to society, with- out serious mischief; while it seems impossible to reconcile these formulae when stated in general terms. The problems presented to the Christian man by life in modern society solvuntur amhulando. The difficulty about Christian principles van- ishes if they are regarded not as principles for the organisation of society, but as the basis of personal duty in society; they may furnish us, each and all, with conceptions of what our per- sonal conduct ought to be. The principle of dis- tribution according to need is the basis of the personal Christian duty of alms-giving, and it is for each one of us to interpret his ability con- scientiously for himself. The principle of remu- neration according to contribution is the basis of the social duty of work. It is incumbent upon each man to see that his work is so diligent and thorough that he is making an adequate contribu- tion for the share he receives from society, and this applies as much to those who are engaged in 24 CHRISTENDOM AND THE REFORMATION organising business or in the pursuit of knowledge as it does to manual labourers. In actual life and personal conduct, there is little difficulty in recon- ciling the two principles, and it is possible to be strenuous in giving effect to both. What is chiefly needed from the Christian point of view in the present day is the exercise of a spiritual power to awaken individuals to a sense of duty and to in- spire them to do it. The Salvation Army has had an extraordinary influence in convincing men of the reality of the spiritual as a factor in human life, because it has dealt with individuals per- sonally; while the laying down of external prin- ciples in general terms would be of comparatively little help in the special circumstances of the present day. From the religious point of view the social doctrine of the Encyclicals is excellent ethically, but it is unconvincing and uninspir- ing; it has not the marks of spiritual authority to which the individual conscience is drawn to respond. III. THE ALOOFNESS OF ANGLO-SAXON PEOPLES While the Roman Church as an effective guide in the solution of political and social diflSculties seems to have made little progress during the last decade on the Continent, there is no indication 25 CHRISTIANITY AND POLITICS that the Anglo-Saxon peoples are prepared to re- verse the decision which was taken at the Refor- mation and to accept guidance from Papal au- thority.^ There are no signs in the political world of a readiness to submit to an external spiritual authority; but this does not mean that these peo- ples are altogether indifferent about bringing a religious influence to bear on political life; it means that they hold that spiritual influence may be most effectively exercised on the individual personally, — that the appeal to the individual conscience is the most direct which can be made, that it is least encumbered by secular forms, and that it bears fruit immediately in action on a larger or smaller scale. Hence it appears probable that whatever progress the Roman Church may make in recovering lost ground, as regards the spread of theological doctrine and habits of wor- ship, there is no weakening in the opposition to accepting the guidance of an external authority in political and social life. The English Reformation was based on this principle, and the deep-seated repugnance to national submission to Rome still rests on the same foundation. There is a very general tendency to regard the Roman Catholic community with suspicion, and ^ There is a widespread feeling, put by M. Latapie indefinite form, that the Papal See may be so far concerned in protecting its own in- terests as to fail to be an impartial arbiter. Times, 23 June, 1915. 