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"X" V'XL I. 'fil *s" ■ ■ _,■/..... x, ■....,, •».;•> • - «fc A •'* X • v«»..'- ■ -: ■-''’ ' ' ■J 1 vi-’:•" •’<£» - S3b "T V” ■ - r 133 '; -7-*,•' ■• ••:■ / ■ r itiO& :" /; > ' <.■•■ ’H • *-x£iV' JMH** r*t«CrL^E«»3k.rV-x• 5 —__ - ——^^ — ~~ L_ > r gJ~ >l . V~V/ \// ■ f -- ~TrrG KASciSTI - - HE recent abortive attempt at a general strike in Italy has resulted In what now appears to be a colossal disaster for the Italian socialist government, writes Louis D. Kornfield from Rome to the New York Times Proletariat organizations which had been dragged into the strike against their will, for no other object than to assist a political maneuver which the socialist deputies in the chamber endeavored, without success, to effect, are now suffering for their indiscretion in the dismissal and suspension from employment of thousands of their members. Distrustful of the leadership which provoked lids calamity, they are withdrawing from the Italian Labor alliance and are passing into new syndicalist combinations which The socialist party for the purpose of future proletariat action, will find difficult to control. The situation points clearly to a dissolution of the Italian socialist structure and a movement toward new foundations. Even more important than the actual fact of the socialist rout is the manner in which it was brought about. A resort to armed force by the bourgeoisie produced the debacle; not the armed force of the government, but the force which the bourgeoisie created of itself and for itself in the Fascist. In short, “armed bourgeoisie,” a phenomenon novel to modern democracy, is Italy's most recent and special contribution to the science of class war. It is a method of action which cannot fail to stop strikes and crush any move of the proletariat toward bolshevism. An armed bourgeoisie takes Marxian socialism at its word, accepts class war as a reality and at every opportune moment actually takes the offensive. It rushes in where the hesitant angels of democracy fear to tread, and by swift organized strokes drives the enemy to cover—or into the hospitals—and thus restores order, discipline and industry. An armed bourgeoisie presupposes, of course, complete neutrality and noninterference on the part of the government, that is to say, unlimited freedom of action during the period of the crisis. In fact, it temporarily supplants government. In Italy the government, conveniently took a vacation until the classes in opposition had settled their dispute. For disinterested observers, the Italian experiment of August 1 to August 5 could not fail to produce the conviction that, given an army of its own, independent of government authority, such as the Italian middle and upper classes have developed in the Fascist, the bourgeoisie of any country need never fear the success of general strikes or Bolshevist agitations. By reason of superior intelligence, superior leadership, superior freedom of action and resources. An armed bourgeoisie can always win. Consider, to begin with, the Fascistist movement: A Fascistist leader thus defined it to the writer: “The Fascistist movement is the awakening of Italy to a full sense of its own greatness and destiny as a nation. Its appeal is essentially and always to the patriotism of the Italian people as an Italian people and it proposes at any cost, even at the cost of democratic conventions, to crush any tendency that may threaten to drag the Italian people into the morass of socialism, bolshevism and internationalism.” Except for the fact that it specifically names socialism in its indictment, this program is as old as Italy itself. One naturally marvels that so old an idea could have aroused so great a realm in a people so recently emerged from the sophistating flames of a European war. The answer is to be found in the new generation of Italian youth; the youth that had just missed the war and yet had sniffed the fumes; the youth that found itself upon the declaration of peace hunting for an organizing, animating ideal, such as wars or revolutions produce; such as youth always hungers for; something for which to shout, tight and die. If necessary. But the cause of proletariat revolution in Italy had not then and has not yet developed a spokesman sufficiently eloquent and dramatic to capture the imagination of the Italian youth. Upon its vision at Flume four years ago there was burst a skyrocket of great brilliancy, but it pointed in another direction: Gabriele D'Annunzio! D'Annunzio had no new ideal to offer. He had an old ideal Viva Italia! —which he made seem new through the force of his own imagination, fervor, and magnetism. And the youth of Italy responded. This fresh outburst of patriotism found an objective in bolshevism, and from the contact of the two hostile forces, bourgeois nationalism and proletariat Internationalism, Fusciamo was born. Pascismo in every stage of its development naturally encountered the bitter opposition of the socialists. This opposition reached a critical stage in July last when the liberal democratic elements joined forces with the socialists in demanding suppressive measures against Fascism, on the ground that Fascism, however patriotic in its intentions, had adopted a program of action openly defiant of law, productive of internal disorder, and in direct contradiction to all the principles and ideals of democratic government. WRAP by the forum-free by the government Not to compromise itself in either direction, the first facts government there did nothing but utter feeble admonitions against subversions of law and make vague, incoherent threats of disciplining offenders whoever they might be. But by no such safe middle course, however, could the government solve the “problem of pacification.” The government announced late in July a deficit in the national budget of six billion lire. It was desperately trying to draw the attention of the chamber to a financial program that was to be based largely on faith, hope, and charity when a bundle of irresponsible youngsters, wearing black shirts and calling themselves Fascisti, amused themselves in Cremona one afternoon by setting fire to the homes of two socialist deputies. An uproar ensued in the chamber, led by socialists and supported by the democratic factions in the center. The burning of the abodes of the two socialist deputies was a veritable outrage. What was the government going to do about it? The government decided the time had come to act. It therefore announced that it would investigate the Cremona scandal and punish the culprits as soon as they could be apprehended. Then the popular party, from the center of the chamber, unexpectedly and without warning, out of whom. Practical in motive and totally unrelated to the issue of the hour, swept to the support of the socialists on an order of the day and left the Facta ministry without a majority in the chamber. The ministry collapsed automatically. For about nine days, Italy had to get along without a ministry. It got along surprisingly well. The king called upon Orlando to form a new cabinet. He failed. De Nava and Bonoini and Meda in succession endeavored to procure a more or less similar solution, but they in turn had no better success than Orlando. The bankruptcy of Italian statesmanship assumed the character of a national scandal. The king recalled Orlando and again he failed. The king finally called into consultation, for an exchange of views, the socialist leader, Turati. The conference of July 29 was acclaimed by the Italian press as "historic." It lasted forty minutes. Turati, however, merely utilized his interview with the king as an exceptionally dramatic moment in which to hurl the socialist ultimatum. Either immediate steps should be taken to form a government that would crush Fascism or the socialists would call the general strike. The king declined to budge. On the following day, August 1, the Labor alliance at Genoa issued the call to a general strike. In the face of this national danger, the parliamentary factions were frightened into consolidation; the popular party deserted the social lists and facts were required to power. Before the day was over, Facta had formed a second military, with a few changes in personnel, but with no change whatever in political complexion. It was the same government that had been overthrown with the same "puntarellu" to the right. Turati had played his trump card and had lost. The arena of conflict now punned from parliament to the country. Fascismo received the order to march. The marvelous potency of an armed bourgeoisie revealed itself at once. Fascists, armed, organized and led, encamped in the squares and principal streets of the big cities. For such an organized demonstration of hostility, the Italian proletariat was utterly unprepared. The call to strike itself had taken the proletariat by surprise. The response of the working classes on the first day was sporadic, disorganized and lacking in leadership. Without losing time, the Fascists launched an offensive with three specific objectives. The first was to keep the railroads and other instruments of public service in operation, by taking up with elements of their own the work abandoned by strikers; the second was to crush the proletariat press, the socialist municipal administrations wherever they existed, the cooperative unions and other working-class organizations from which the strike might derive moral or material energy; the third was to terrify the strikers into submission by the application of armed force and execution of drastic reprisals against any attempt to revolt. The centers of strike activity were Genoa, Milan, Parma, Livorno, Ancona and Ravenna. Forty-eight hours after the strike was called, Turati realized he was licked. To save as much as he could from the ruins, Turati rushed to Facta and offered to call the strike off if Facta would promise that the government would take the strikers back. Facta gave the socialists The required assurance. On the following day—August 3—the Labor Federation called upon the strikers to return to their posts, announcing that the proletariat had achieved its object. But if the socialists were through the Fascist, they were not. They had a definite program to complete, and they proceeded to complete it. In Milan they drove the socialist administration out of power and took possession of the Palazzo Marino. On the following day they attacked the Avnnti, the leading socialist newspaper in Italy, put the editors to flight and set fire to the plant. In Genoa they suppressed the publication of the Lavoro and marched in force upon the Palace of San Giorgio, where the socialist consortium of the port was located. The Fascist demanded the surrender of the consortium, and when surrender was refused they seized it by force. In Ravenna they seized and suppressed the elaborate co-operative organization which has served as a model of socialist co-operative development for students from all parts of the world. In Ancona they destroyed the printing plant of the socialist organ La Díesa and set fire to the headquarters of all the principal labor organizations, including the Federation of Railway Workers, the Society of Soviets, and the Chamber of Labor. They marched into Parma 0,090 strong and took possession of the city. They destroyed the printing plant of the Piccolo and disrupted the co-operative unions. Considering the violent nature of the reprisals that occurred against the working classes, there was surprisingly little bloodshed during the course of the strike. On August 5, when it was all over, the government came to life and conferred to military control the cities of Genoa, Milan, Ancona, Parma, and Livorno. In the special terms by which the Fascist and the socialists subsequent The defined "wirty" the claims of both were justified by the facts. Whether the victory of either faction meant victory for the Italian people and for the nation as a whole was a question which seemed to concern neither of the opposing forces. When, indeed, facts, in his second inaugural, declared that Italy could be ruined by such a “victory," Lupi, the Fascist leader in the chamber, responded with a challenge which clearly indicated that if civil war was not yet an actual fact in Italy, it could any day become one. Rev. B. M. Bridges Gives Facts in His Case It is doubtful if there has ever been a medicine endorsed by so many ministers of the Gospel as has Taniac. In deed, there is scarcely a faith, creed, or denomination in all the land in which one, or more, of the clergymen has not publicly expressed their indebtedness to the Premier Preparation for the benefits they have derived from its use. One of the latest to speak out in this connection is Rev. B. M. Bridges, a widely known and beloved Baptist preacher, residing at Mooresboro, N.C., whose statement follows: “Taniac has given me a good appetite, toned up my system and recovered my strength in such a gratifying way that I am glad to recommend it to anyone who is in a run-down condition. For ten years past I have had such a severe case of indigestion that I could not find anything to eat that agreed with me. Finally, I became very nervous and could get but very little sleep or rest.” “It seems that I took nearly everything trying to get myself right, but nothing helped me until I ran across Taniac. My nerves are so much better now that my sleep is sound and refreshing. I enjoy my meals and have also gained weight. I can say from experience that Taniac is a splendid medicine and tonic, for it has built me up wonderfully.” Taniac is sold by all good druggists. —Advertisement. Bit by Bit. “The regimental riding school isn’t proving much of a success.” “Not horses enough?” “Oh, yes, but the pupils are falling off every day.”—American Legion Weekly. Aspirin Say “Bayer” and Insist! Unless you see the name “Bayer” on package or on tablets you are not getting the genuine Bayer product prescribed by physicians over twenty-two years and proved safe by millions for Colds, Headache, Toothache, Lumbago, Earache, Rheumatism, Neuralgia, Pain, Pain. Accept “Bayer Tablets of Aspirin” only. Each unbroken package contains proper directions. Handy boxes of twelve tablets cost few cents. Drugists also sell bottles of 24 and 100. Aspirin is the trade mark of Bayer, Manufacturer of Monoaceticacidester of Sallcyllcacid.—Advertisement. Energetic Reform. “Are you a reformer?” “Of course I am,” answered Senator Sorghum. “What are you trying to reform?” “The opposition. I’m doing my best to give them the benefit of a long term of retirement and meditation.” DYED HER SKIRT, DRESS, SWEATER AND DRAPERIES WITH “DIAMOND DYES” Each package of “Diamond Dyes” contains directions no simple any woman can dye or tint her worn, shabby dress, skirts, waists, coats, stockings, sweaters, coverings, draperies, hangings, everything, even if she has never dyed before. Buy “Diamond Dyes” - no other kind—then perfect home dyeing is sure because Diamond Dyes are guaranteed not to spot, fade, streak, or run. Tell your druggist whether the material you wish to dye is wool or silk, or whether it is linen, cotton or mixed goods. —Advertisement. Now Book Ends Endowed. Because book ends relying on their weight have a tendency to slide apart on smooth tables, an inventor has patented a pair mounted on rollers and held together with a spring to keep them against books between them. 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We Dye Good — It Pays Clothing, Curtains, Carpets The Model Cleaners and Dyers 1317 BROADWAY, DENVER, COLO. Inquiries answered and information gladly furnished without cost. Address any firm above. BUSINESS TIDE ON RISE. Monthly Review Shows People Are Now Buying. Cleveland, Ohio. —The business tide is rising; the receding tide has carried out most of the wrecks of business and the incoming tide is raising the tide line of business, according to the monthly business review of the Fourth Federal Reserve bank, issued recently. “Were it possible to sum up in four words the expressions of our many correspondents in the district they would be ‘We are buying now,’ ” the review says. An analysis of seventy-six basic materials shows that forty-eight are higher now than they were a year ago, according to the review. There are many instances which justify the belief of a rising tide of business, the review says. The head of one of the largest textile mills in the country, with general offices in the Cleveland district, says orders now on their books are sufficient to carry them at full capacity until February 1. The purchase by the railroads Of rails for 1923 delivery, immediately preceding the advance in prices on October 1, are estimated to have totaled 1,500,000 tons, the largest buying movement in a given time in the history of the steel industry. Harding “Porch Quilt” Sold. Marion, Ohio.—The Harding “front porch” quilt, which was made by the Whiting Circle of King's Daughters at Marion, with the assistance of Mrs. Harding, was sold to a cabinet member, whose name was withheld, for $150. The money will be used to establish a bed in the city hospital, it was announced. The quilt contains the autographs of fifty-four prominent people who visited Marion during the 1920 presidential campaign and others whose autographs were sent to the ladies. Among the signatures are those of President and Mrs. Harding and former Presidents William Howard Taft and Woodrow Wilson. No Change in Tourist Rates. Chicago.—The executive committee of the Western Passenger Association, meeting in Chicago, adopted a resolution to continue the same railroad tourist rates next year as were in effect this year from Chicago to Colorado, the Rockies, and Glacier National parks, and all points through to Spokane, Seattle, Portland, and the Northwest and Pacific coast regions generally. Will Not Maintain Free Bureau. Denver.—Due to the decrease of unemployment in Denver and with all indications pointing toward a normal and prosperous winter season, Mayor Bailey issued the statement that Denver will not maintain a free employment bureau this year as has been the custom for the last three years. Municipal Jobs such as the $1,009,000 Park Hill storm sewer, and the Broadway and Sixteenth street viaducts, will afford employment to all men in Denver who are jobless. Permits Show City's Growth. Denver.—Denver is catching up with itself in a mercantile way while advancing creditably as a distribution and manufacturing center — at least that is the story told by an analysis of The building permits of a business nature issued during the first nine months of the year. Jail Closed Three Years, Reopened. Dover, N.H.—The Strafford county jail, closed three years for lack of prisoners, reopened with sixteen inmates. The superintendent said his institution had become necessary once more because of the widespread manufacture of illicit booze.” Transportation Eats Up Profit. Birchwood, Wis.—Joseph Schutrap of Washburn shipped a bushel of apples to Minneapolis with the intention of shipping his crop there if he considered that a reasonable profit could be made. He received a letter later that the apples were satisfactory and that he would be paid 75 cents a bushel. Transportation costs were 72 cents on the bushel and postage paid to make the deal was 2 cents, a total of 74 cents. 